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TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 July December 2011 0 Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto English Research Journal Issue No. 6 Volume No. 3 TAKATOO July- December 2011 Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta ISSN: 2075-5929

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Page 1: د حنان قلم · 8. Dr.Khushal Rohee, Germany . TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 July

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 July – December 2011

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Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto English Research Journal

Issue No. 6 Volume No. 3

TAKATOO

July- December 2011

Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta

ISSN: 2075-5929

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TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 July – December 2011

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Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto/ English Research Journal

Issue No. 6 Volume No. 3

TAKATOO

July- December 2011

Chief Editor: Dr. Naseebullah Seemab

Editor: Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Department of Pashto University of Balochistan, Quetta

ISSN: 2075-5929

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TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 July – December 2011

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Department of Pashto University of Balochistan, Quetta.

ISSN: 2075-5929

Chief Editor: Dr. Naseebullah Seemab

Editor: Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Co-Editors:

Faizullah Panezai

Qari Abdul Rehman

Barkat Shah Kakar

Composer: Hafiz Rehmat Niazi

Editorial Board

1. Abdul Karim Baryalai, Writer and Intellectual, Barwary

Road, Faisal Town Street No.6, Quetta

2. Prof. Dr.Pervaiz Mahjoor Kheshkay, Department of

Pashto University of Peshawar.

3. Dr. Abdul Raziq Palwal, Kandahar, Afghanistan

4. Dr. Dawood Azami, Program Manager, British

Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), London

5. Dr.Nasrullah Wazir, Assistant Professor Department of

Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta

6. Abdul Ghafoor Lewal, President Regional Study Centre

Kabul, Afghanistan

7. Dr. Feroz Qaiser, Director, English Language Centre,

University of Balochistan, Quetta

8. Dr.Khushal Rohee, Germany

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Dear authors, co-authors and readers it is to share with great

pleasure that the Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan,

Quetta is publishing the Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto/English

Research Journal "TAKATOO" since January, 2009. The

Department has regularly published four issues within due time,

and has fulfilled all the pre-requisites, on the basis of which the

Higher Education Commission of Pakistan (HEC) has recognized

the Research Journal "TAKATOO" vide letter No. DD/SS&H

/JOOR/ 2011/ 112 dated 24th

August, 2011.

No part of the material published in this journal be copied,

reproduced or printed with out the prior permission of the Editor.

Disclaimer:

Authors of the published material have their independent

perspective, agreement of the journal is not necessary to be the

same.

Subscription Rate:

Domestic Rs. 150/-

Outside Pakistan US $ 07

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Guidelines for Contributors

The prime objective of the Research Journal "TAKATOO" is to

provide a forum for the scholars engaged in the research of Pashto

language and literature. The scholars and researchers are invited to

send their research papers both in English and Pashto on Pashto

language, literature, history, art and culture. The research paper

must be typed on A-4 size paper having Abstract in English

comprising not more than 150 words. Manuscript should be

between 3000- 7000 words (including end notes and references).

Quotations from foreign texts must be translated in the body of the

paper, and accompanied by the original in the endnotes. The

author‟s name, e-mail and mailing addresses and institutional

affiliation should appear on a separate title page. Two hard coppies

and a soft copy, of the research paper may please be sent to the

Editor.

Paper in English must be in accordance with the MLA / APA style.

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List of contributors:

1. Dr. Nasrullah Wazir Assistant Professor, Department of

Pashto, UoB, Quetta

Dr. Usman Tobawal Assistant Professor, Pakistan

Studies Centre, UoB, Quetta

2. Dr. Zubair Hasrat Associate Professor, Government

Post Graduate College, Mardan

3. Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar Assistant Professor, Islamia College

University Peshawar

Javed Iqbal Iqbal Lecturer, Department of Pashto

UoB, Quetta

4. Dr. Hanif Khalil Assistant Professor, (NIPS) Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad

5. Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid Head, Department of Pakistani

Languages, Allama Iqbal Open

University, Islamabad

Muhammad Sheeraz Ph.D. scholar, Department of English,

International Islamic University,

Islamabad

6. Dr. Naseebullah Seemab Assistant Professor, Department of

Pashto, UoB, Quetta.

Dr. Javed Khalil Assistant Professor, Pashto

Academy, University of Peshawar

7. Dr. Ali Khell Daryab Chairman, Department of Pashto

University of Malakand

8. Wazir Shadan Assistant Professor, Govt. Post

Graduate College Kohat

9. Dr. Abdul Ali Achakzai Chairperson, Department of Islamic

Studies, UoB, Quetta

Hafiz Rehmat Niazi M.Phil Scholar, Department of

Pashto, UoB, Quetta

10. Muhib Wazir, Lecturer, Government Degree

College Miransha North Waziristan

11. Barkat Shah Kakar Lecturer, Department of Pashto,

UoB, Quetta

12. Noor-ul-Habib Nisar Ph.D. Scholar, Department of

Pashto, University of Peshawar

3. Karim Amir, Lecturer, Government Degree

College, Loralai

14. Dr. Aneeta Azam University Model School, University of Peshawar

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Contents

S..No. Researcher Title Page

1 Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar

Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Literary and lingual relations of Urdu

and Pashto language

8

2 Dr. Hanif Khalil

Tribal Life of the Pashtoons as depicted

in Pashto Tappa

Dr. Hanif Khalil

14

3 Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid,

Muhammad Sheeraz

Pashto Polite Expressions for Face-

saving on Face book

25

4 Barkat Shah Kakar The pursuit of Pashtoon image in the

Orientalists Discourse

34

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Literary and lingual relations of Urdu and Pashto language

Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar

Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Abstract: The authors of this paper investigates the correlation of Pashto and

Urdu existing in the same region. Although researchers believe that both belong

to diverse families yet their impact on one another can not be denied.

This paper traces not only the primordial signs of Pashto in the writings of Urdu

scholars but also the primitive indications of Urdu in the classic literature of

Pashto, such as in the poetry of Khushal Khan Khattak and Rehman Baba. They

quote Khair ul Bayan too which had been composed in four languages, one of

which was Urdu.

They believe that writers of Khyber Pashtoonkhwa played pivotal role in

promoting Urdu in Pashto dominant region besides penetrating it into Pashto

language. They are of the view that establishment of new states in India such as

Rohilkhand, odh, Rajput and Maloh , by Pashtoon warriors also provided a

chance to infiltrate Pashto expressions in Urdu language.

Language is an effective means of communicating and expressing human

experiences, feelings and emotions. That‟s why it travels along the social

changes in the world. The distances and gaps shortens very rapidly, the

languages also come closer with the same ratio. As a result they leave

prosodic, cultural and psychological influences on one another. Various

languages that are spoken in different areas some times come closer for

some peculiar purposes and show relaxation for comprehensiveness and

understanding. The reason is that various languages spoken in one region

cannot exist without accepting co-influence. It can be said in the context of

lingual relation of Urdu and Pashto that both the languages are the preserver

of common civilization and culture. In the flash back of their development

there seems a single belief and an idea. As both the languages are of one

region so there is perfect harmony in their words, pronunciation and style.

Dr. Javed Badshah explains this conception in a wider sense and says

“If the languages of the world are divided into various branches with their

proper names but still after research and minute study one can reach at a

point at which their he will find phonological or meaningful harmony. Sir

William Johns claims that Sanskrit, Latin and Greek are branches of one

Assistant Professor, Islamia College University, Peshawar

Lecturer, Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan

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language. Mr. Wans Kennedy has listed some 900 words from Sanskrit

language in his book (Asia and the European Languages). He says that these

words are now in the Greek language. Although this book is written in 1868

but still the formation and changes of words takes centuries. So Urdu and

Pashto are not free from this criterion”. (1)

Keeping in view the relative importance of civilization and language the

importance of the given extract cannot be ignored. Pashto is not only

language but it also introduces a civilization, that is the reason that

whenever and where ever Pashto language intermixes with any other

language than it also leaves its civilization and cultural impacts on the

language. Thus we can say that when Pashto intermixes with local language

as the topic under discussion is the lingual relations of Pashto and Urdu so

irrelevant details are avoided here.

Although Farigh Bukhari in his book “Adbiyat-e-Sarhad” says that Urdu has

taken its origin from Pashto language. He gives the example of Hindhko

language that is spoken in Peshawar and in its outskirts. Further he says that

Hindhko is the original form of Urdu language but the recent research on

languages does not accept such claims and needs authentic source for such

claims and it is also fact that the story of the origin of the Urdu language is

in the real sense the story of its development stages. However it cannot be

ignored that the literary asset of the Pashto language was used in the

structure of urdu language as a result urdu language strengthened and

developed.

In this context the following extract is important “the foreigners when

entered in Pakistan through southern and northern passes, then the Pashto

speakers took their side in the conquest of Hindustan. In this struggle some

of them died while other settled in the conquered areas and some came back.

This continued for centuries so the tribe of Pashtoons spread in Hindustan.

As a result of give and take policy it influenced other languages and vice

versa. And wherever they established their own states and governments such

as Dakhan, UP, Rohil Khand, Odh, Rajput, Maloh and Tahyawor of Gujrat

and it was possible for these various cultures and languages not to be

influenced by other”(2)

However the influence of Urdu and Pashto was not only through wars but

also through creative literature. The Pashtoons scholars and poets not only

wrote Urdu poetry and prose but the verbosity was also making the

influence possible. Further the Urdu translation of Pashto poetry was also

strengthening the interlingual influences. Semilarly strong and constant

communication between Pashtoon tribes and Urdu speaking community

have diversified linguistic canvas of both languages. As the speakers of

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both languages were Muslims so the religious harmony was also bringing

them together which further strengthed the interlingual influences . Farigh

Raza writes:-

“Pashtoon is an old nation and its language and literature is also old. Its

history is also centuries old”(3)

Up till now, the oldest Urdu script in Pashto land is “Tafseer-e-hindi” it is

present in the Central Record Office Peshawar. It is missing first pages so

we cannot say about the author and the first edition. According to the

experts the age of paper, calligraphy and the style of writing clearly

indicates that this manuscript is about 600 years old. Owing to this it is the

first Tafseer of the Holy Quran and the ever first written book in Urdu

language. The written material testifies that it is written by a Pashtoon

religious scholar. The style and wording also gives proofs of Pashtunisim.

Another important reference is of Khair-ul-Bayan of Pir Roshan the author

has written the book in Arabic, Persian, Pashto and Hindi(Urdu) languages.

These four scripts are in British Library London. He has written it in 1521.

We can find the relative overlap of urdu and Pashto in the poetry of Rahman

Baba and Khushal Khan Khattak.

3

(There is no need of using knife as that work has been done by your

eyebrow)

4

.The creative works of Khushal khan and Rehman Baba are important in this

respect. Although it is their primary experience in Urdu but here the relative

development of Urdu and Pashto remain stagnant when Urdu language is

passing through cultural changes. We also find the Pashto Urdu relationship

in this era emerges in the research field. It is also found that two languages

not only help each other but also naturally absorb each other. Urdu language

some times becomes the national language of Pakistan but in the united

Hindustan both languages provide enough proofs of harmony and unity. In

this connection the research material is in abundance in Khyber

Pakhtoonkhwa. Sometimes we see lapses in the Urdu Pashto inter

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relationship but Raza Hamdani and Farigh Bulhari have kept this struggle

alive.

There are some books like “Pashtoono kay Roman, Pashto Shaeri,

Pashtoono kay Rasmo Rivaj, Pashto Adab, Razmiy Dastanay, Char Baita,

Pashto Afsanay and Adbiyat Sarhad through which they have traced the

relative overlapping of Urdu and Pashto. They have also translated these

Pashto literary works into Urdu without damaging the flavor and essence of

Pashto language.

This not only shows the interrelationship of both the languages through

various ages but also shows their mutual influence on each other.

There is list of words provided by Raza Hamdani that show the

phonological resemblance of Urdu and Pashto.

Persian Awesta Sinskrit Pashto Urdu

ہ

ڑ

)5ں

There are various examples of words resembling each other through which

we can guess the lingual relation of Urdu and Pashto. In reality these

resemblance occurred due to cultural and civilizational harmony that is the

reason a speaker of two languages can easily grasp the words and meaning

of both languages.

But the mutual translations of book of both the languages are really

remarkable. Through this source a large number of literary people of Urdu

and Pashto have shown excellence. The following extract will provide some

clues. ”the land of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa is not only the land of brave

people but it is also a place of art where one can find imperishable imprints

of art and culture”(7).

It is not an emotional approach but this extract indicates that it has been

written in Urdu about the topic of Pashto literature and the psychology of

Pashtoons. Second example in this regard is that

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“In Pashto language Char Baita is an old genre in its vast range we can find

nearly all aspects of life. If this genre is complied then we can find cultural,

religious, political, social and historical information about Khyber

Pakhtoonkhwa.(8) Now to deal with the question that how Urdu spread in

Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa and the effect of Urdu on Pashtoon writers? In this

connection Raza Hamdani writes.

“In NWFP(KPK) the journey of Urdu language is not short but it is based on

centuries and is traced back to Dakkan age and Qutab Shah age”(9).

Although the inter relation between Urdu and Pashto is very much old yet

the above extract was given only to emphasize it so that one may not refute

it.

Urdu language is getting strength and energy from Pashtoon writers and on

the other hand the transformation of Pashto literature into urdu literature

provides life and zest to Urdu language.

In this way the development of Urdu language and literature left its

influence directly on Pashto literature. For solid proof we need comparative

study of both literatures.

The poem “Will” of Khushal Khan Khattak translated by Allama Iqbal and

particularly the poem “Mihrab Gul Afghan Kay Afkar” that has also been

written by Allam Iqbal testify that Urdu and Pashto have traveled the same

track.

From the very beginning there has always been rise and fall in this

interrelation of both languages. On one side it has become the source of

increasing vocabulary for both Urdu and Pashto and on the other it provides

proof of perfect harmony. Today this pace of unity and harmony of both the

languages has become very much fast. Now we shall see that in future that

kind of new development occur in this connection.

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References:

1. Javed Bad Shah, Dr., Urdu kay faroogh may Deeney Madaris ka hisaa, (unpublished)

Seminar library Islamia college University Peshawar P-17

2. Ibid P-19

3. Raza Hamdani, Faregh Bukhari, Pashto Shaeri, Injamn Taraqi Urdu Pakistan, 1966 P-119

4. Ibid P-221

5. Ibid P-227

6. Raza Hamdani, Adbeyate Sarhad (Pashto Adab), Nayaa Maktaba Mahala Khudad Peshawar

1953, P-16

7. Raza Hamdani, Razmeya Dastanay, Qumee Adara Lok Versa Islamabad 1981 P-5

8. Raza Hamdani, char Biata, Lok Versay kaa Qumee Adaraa Islamabad, June 1978 P-7

9. Mah Nama Aahang Karachi 1-15 March 1986, P-20

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Tribal Life of the Pashtoons as depicted in Pashto Tappa

Dr. Hanif Khalil

Abstract: Pashto Tappa is the most fluent and popular genre of Pashto folk

poetry that reflects several stages of the Pashtoon tribal life. The shortest genre

of only two lines of short meter Tappa has reflected the whole life structure of the

Pashtoon in very expressive and communicated way. In this paper the author has

tried to search out the different dimensions of the Pashtoon tribal life is depicted

in Pashto Tappa. He quoted a few Tappas to throw light on the socio cultural

aspects of the Pashtoons. He also discussed some regional versions of the Pashto

Tappa and its regional identity. As a whole the paper deals with Pashtoon tribal

life and its peculiarity.

Tappa is a literary genre. Literature generally depicts the social life of a

nation. Literature depicts psychology, religion, politics, economic and

other important aspects of a nation. Literature is a manifestation of culture

of a particular nation or generation. Tappa is a literary genre of Pashto

language. Before discussing this genre of Pashto language we have to take

into consideration different theories of literature. Then it will be observed

that how much this genre is related to the culture of Pashtoon people and

under what literary theory it may be discussed. It is also important that the

word “literature” is a theory and a number of critics have discussed it.

These critics generally before discussing any genre of literature have put

the question that what literature is? Renowned intellectual Sheldon Pulock

answer to this question as:

“What should be problematic, however, at least from the vantage point of

contemporary theory, is claiming to know and define “literary.” There are

good reasons for arguing – many have argued this for the past two decades

or more – that anything can be literature; that the term needs to be

understood pragmatically rather than ontologically, as pointing to ways

certain texts are used rather than defining what those texts inherently and

essentially are." (1)

It is evident that literature is a theory and different intellectual, have given

different definitions and explanations to this theory. Literally any written

thing is literature. However literature includes and means those written

material in which imagination has focal position. However there are

certain intellectuals who are of the view that literature is a theory which

Assistant Professor NIPS, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad

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cannot be explained completely. However in literature different literary

theories are explained and text is examined. We can say about different

theories related to literature as,

“One of the fundamental questions for literary theory is “what is

literature?”, though many contemporary theorists and literary scholars

believe either that “literature” cannot be defined or that it can refer to any

use of language. Specific theories are distinguished not only by their

methods and conclusions, but even by how they define a “text.” For some

scholars of literature, “texts” comprises little more than “books belonging

to the Western literary canon/” But the principles and methods of literary

theory have been applied to non-fiction, popular fiction, film, historical

documents, law, advertising, etc, in the related field of cultural studies. In

fact, some scholars within cultural studies treat cultural events, like

fashion or football riots, as “texts” to be interpreted. By this measure,

literary theory can be thought of as the general theory of interpretation.

Since theorists of literature often draw on a very heterogeneous tradition

of Continental philosophy and the philosophy of language, any

classification of their approaches is only an approximation. There are

many “schools” or types of literary theory, which take different

approaches to understanding texts. Most theorists, even among those listed

below, combine methods from more than one of these approaches (for

instance, the deconstructive approach of Paul de Man drew on a long

tradition of close reading pioneered by the New Critics, and de Man was

trained in the European hermeneutic tradition). Broad schools of theory

that have historically been important include the New Criticism,

formalism, Russian formalism, and structuralism, post-structuralism,

Marxism, feminism and French feminism, religious critics, post-

colonialism, new historicism, reader-response criticism, and

psychoanalytic criticism.' (2)

"Listed below are some of the most commonly identified schools of

literary theory, along with their major authors. In many cases, such as

those of the historian and philosopher Michel Foucault and the

anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, the authors were not primarily literary

critics, but their work has been broadly influential in literary theory.

Aestheticism – often associated with Romanticism a philosophy

defining aesthetic value as the primary goal in understanding literature.

This includes both literary critics who have tried to understand and/or

identify aesthetic values and those like Oscar Wilde who have stressed art for

art‟s sake.

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o Oscar Wilde, Walter Pater, Harold Bloom

American pragmatism and other American approaches

o Harold Bloom, Stanley Fish, Richard Rorty Cultural studies - emphasizes the role of literature in everyday life

o Raymond Williams, Dick Hebdinge, and Stuart Hall

(British Cultural Studies); Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno; Michel

de Certeau; also Paul Gilroy, John Guillory

Comparative Literature - confronts literatures from different

languages, nations, cultures and disciplines to each other” (3)

If we want to examine Pashto Tappa under the above theories we

conclude that Pashto Tappa can be discussed under theory of Cultural

Studies. However other related theories for instance Comparative

Literature, Gender Studies and Historical Studies may also be given due

consideration. Because where Pashto Tappa has affinity to Punjabi

Maheya on one hand so it may be viewed in the light of Comparative

Literature Theory and on other hand generally Tappa sang from women

side therefore we may also need recourse to Theory of Gender Studies.

Similarly Pashto Tappa has its own historical background and Historical

Studies Theory has to be given consideration while discussing Pashto

Tappa. But generally Tappa, and cultural may be discussed in the light of

cultural studies theory. Because Tappa is a folk literature and folk

literature is the representation of culture. Pashto folk poetry comprises of

Tappa Charbitha, Nimkai, Loba, Ghagoona Ghaarey and songs. These

are different genres of folk poetry.

Pashto folk poetry is true representative of Pashtoon Culture. Among all

the folk genres “Tappa” is the most fluent natural and effective in

reflecting the norms and traditions of Pashtoon society. Tappa is the

shortest, most comprehensive and most attractive form of folk poetry.

Pashto language is proud of it because this genre is rare to be found in

world literature anywhere in any language especially in oriental languages.

However, the Maheya in Punjabi language is very similar to that of

“Tappa” and a lot of verses also exist on the name of Tappa in Punjabi

language which is the true copy of Pashto Tappa. This peculiar genre has

a format of two lines, the first one of nine syllables and the second one is

of thirteen syllables.

In historical perspective Tappa is the oldest and most popular genre of

Pashto folk poetry. According to prominent orientalist Jens Enevoldson,

the theme and structure of Pashto Tappa has very closed resemblance to

the Aryan virtues and code of life. He narrates,

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“The tribal code is the old Aryan code of honour, which one

may find in force in the early stages of all Indo European

peoples. Take the old Scandinavian sages and change

geographical and personal names and you have an epic tribal

history of Pakhtoons, particularly in the Tappas, which are

mostly composed by women. We find descriptions of ideal

manhood and the virtues, honour, bravery, justice, which the

young girls would look for in her beloved or the old Aryan

virtues”. (4)

Pashto Tappa is closely related to Pashtoon Women. We can say that:

"There is a peculiarity that most of Tappas had been sung by

women, which reflects the women Psychology in very natural

and original shape, but a number of Tappas had been composed

and sung by men too. Actually Tappa is the genre of Pashto

folk poetry which every Pashtoon not only compose but also

sings. Very often in his own personal tune adjusted to

circumstances, without fear of ridicule but the greater part of

thousands of Tappas in current use are made by the women.

Being essentially emotional expressions the dealing with most

common and the most celebrated of human relationships, that

between lover and beloved. A related favorite theme of Tappa

is that of separation not only the lover from the beloved but

also of a friend from his friends, of a man from his country and

his family.” (5)

Tappa is the real folk genre which represents the Pashtoon Culture and in

true form. In the New Encyclopedia Brittanica, it is mentioned that:

“It is the only form of folk poetry which is very impressive and

effective in highlighting the culture of Pashtoons. It is the song,

sung in the time of grief and on the occasion of marriage. In

music it is sung with the traditional Pashto musical instruments

“Rabab” and “Mangay” (6)

In short we can say that Tappa is a reflective mirror of the romances,

patriotism, freedom loving nature, kinship relations and other norms and

traditions of Pashtoons. We can see the real picture of social life, religious

rituals, economical development, trade and journeys, hospitality, wars and

resistance, jewelry, dress, music, foods and so many other things which

are the elements of culture and civilization of Pakhtoon society.

Tribal Life and Regional Tappas

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Pakhtoons, for a length of time, remained in tribal area. They lived in hilly

and isolated regions from the beginning. However, due to invasions and

economics reasons they went down to urban area. Most of them left their

original area for economic reason and trade. But their collective structure

of life has been generally tribal and rural. And they observe their customs

in their urban life. By the way the oldest and greatest civilization of the

world social life structure remained unchanged. Ali Gohar, a Pakhtoon

writer, describes the tribal life and fundamental customs of Pakhtoon from

historical point of view. He writes,

"Among such nations are the Pukhtoon communities that live

across the Durand Line (International frontier) in Pakistan and

Afghanistan. They have many tribes, sub tribes, clans and areas

where they live. They are the inhabitants of high mountains, plain

areas and even the deserts. The customs and traditions of each

tribe, at a thirty-mile distance from another tribe, are slightly

different from each other but the basic themes of codes remain the

same. They have a verbal code of life called Pukhtoonwali.

Pukhtoonwali consists of a number of different concepts and

among the most famous are Badal (revenge) Milmastya

(hospitality), Jirga (elders committees), Nanawati (Sancturary)

Nang (Honour), Peghoor (challenging someone with shame),

Lakhkar (volunteer force), Chagha (announce and taking abrupt

action in case of emergency), Ashar Gobal (community

participation), Hujra (community center), Tega (a ceasefire

symbol), Toor (Shame), Tarboorwali (first cousin rivalry).These

people have preserved their traditions throughout the years through

verbal teaching where the young learn from he elders in the Hujra

or at home. They learn not only verbally but also by doing. It was

not only important for the youngsters to learn the practices but also

to adopt them in their daily lives. Any deviation from these

practices is not only an act of shame for an individual but also for

the whole tribe. The tribe then must commit to everlasting enmities

or pays the price through other means like Swara (giving away a

female child for reconciliation), khunbaha (blood money) or other

traditional practices of restitution. The common azizwali (the

Pukhtoon code of life) is a method to prevent an individual from

acting against the social rules as it is considered an act of

humiliation not only for the individual but also for the clan, tribe

ad nation. Those who call themselves Pukhtoon use Pukhto as a

language, a code of life and an identity for themselves. During

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their discussions they haunt each that the other has no Pukhto,

which means that they are not following the Pukhtoon code of life.

It is an insult against a member of another nation if they challenge

that you have no English French etc. With other nations who are

not part of the Pukhtoon community there is a different type of

identity for themselves. If other nations believe in “we vs. them”

here in the Pukhtoon community they resolve their issues by

identifying “I Vs. you.” A tribal chief, an elder, a religious leader,

a father will also start with the issue that “I told you this but you

violated it. If I am not here, then you are nothing.” This means that

the privileges that you have are because of me and if I am no more

then you will also lose. "(7)

Alongwith this historical background of Pakhtoon tribal life their cultural

background is also much cleared. These cultural values are particular to

Pakhtoon society, which are prevalent in this society for centuries. These

cultural values of Pakhtoon can also be termed as tribal values. Musharaf

Khan gives account of the major point of these tribal values in the

following words,

"No society can survive without having its own code of conduct.

The tribal society is having its own code of conduct, covering all

the aspects of the social behavior. These codes are not meant for

sending the guilty to jail or gallows but are meant for a

compromise among the disputing parties. In most serious cases the

major punishment which could be awarded would be burning the

house, confiscating the property and sending the person or persons

to exile to the area of some other tribe on permanent basis. The

punishment of killing is strictly forbidden except in very rare cases

where the sub tribe as a whole is demanding the shooting of the

killer who is available in the close vicinity. The theft, dacoit or

adultery are very rare for, in such cases shoot at site is allowed.

The executive and judicial powers are exercised by the Jirga on

case to case basis. For any conflict a fresh Jirga is constituted with

equal number of members nominated by each disputing part.All

these codes are unwritten, coming down generation and are

acceptable to all. The only crime, which carries no punishment, is

killing of a father by a son or a son by a father or a father or an

unmarried brother by a brother. This is so because there would be

no one to take revenge except the killer himself. Such crime is very

rare in practice as the killer would become weak, armless and up-

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protected, would be looked down upon by people. As such he

would be passing very miserable days for the rest of his life. In the

tribal society family is not confined to father, wife and children. It

is spread over all the relatives of the hill an on the paternal side

like uncle, brothers, sons, nephews, nephew sons, and so on, for as

long as they accept the enmity jointly and share their firing at the

common enemy, who could be any member of another family

whose any member has killed a person of this family. There is no

distinction between the killer and the innocent, in so for as taking

the Badal (revenge) is concerned but the victim must belong to the

same joint family. The larger the family, the stronger it would be

and would stay stronger while dealing with other. The profit and

loss has to be shared equally by such family."(8)

Pakhto Tappa on one hand presents the sketch of those customs and tribal

life and on the other hand certain particular regions their culture and

geography has also been mentioned in it, which we can call as the sketch

of Pakhtoon Tribal Life. Besides this Pakhto Tappa of certain tribal area

has (the dialect) the effects of their particular accent. For instance the

accent of people of Peshawar valley is called Peshawari accent. Mostly

Tappas of Pakhto language are in this accent. But there are certain Tappas

which have the effect of its particular area. For instance Kakar and

Achakzai, Bolochistan, sing Tappa in their particular accent. Similarly

region in Pakhtoonkhwa tribes like dialect, Khattak, Bannuchy, Afridi and

Shinwaris etc sing these Tappas in their particular dialect. Here few

Tappas will be presented which has reference to particular area and tribal

areas and their speciality. In a Tappa a girl mentions nose ring (Pezwan)

for her decoration and says that jeweler of Peshawar are not expert in nose

ring (pezwan) making and that best nose ring are made in Kurram Agency.

She says,

9

Translation:

Original pezwaan has been prepared in Kurram Agency. O jeweler of

Peshawar your hands mey be broken so that you can not prepare an

original pezwaan.

This Tappa is very famous in Bannu district of N.W.F.P. (Khyber

Pakhtoonkhwa) and I have taken it from the people of Bannu orally.

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Swat and Bunir tribal area of Pakhtoon have their own traditional life style

and customs. In a Tappa reference has been made towards the beauty and

charm of Swat.

01

Translation:

Swat is like beautiful garden to which princess from far-flung area come

for enjoyment.

This Tappa is familiar in Peshawar too but I have received it from the

people of Malakand Agency.

Bunair is known for the tomb of renowned spiritual person “Peer Baba” to

which people go and pray for their relief. To reach there, one has to pass

through a hilly area of Malindary. In a Tappa reference has been made to

this regional effect.

00

Translation:

Your face is like pilgrim of Peer Baba tomb and I climbed the peak of

Malindary exhausted.

This Tappa is also received from the people of Malakand Agency.

In a Tappa reference has been made to the seasons, environment and

beauty of Peshawar and Kabul as;

01

Translation:

Peshawar and Kabul both are like paradise but I have to leave Kabul.

Although this Tappa is related to the people of Kabul but I have quoted it

from the people of Peshawar orally.

Similarly there was a Godar in District Mardan known as Jalala the signs

are still there. This Godar is mentioned in a lot of Pakhto Tappa. The

Godar was famous for the fable that its water was sweet and delicious and

girls from the surrounding areas used to take water to their house in

pitchers. The godar has been mentioned in the following words:

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02

Translation:

Jalala’s water is sweet and girls are filling their pitchers of this water.

This Tappa is mostly sung by the people of Peshawar some other areas of

N.W.F. P (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa).

Indus River is known as Abbaseen in Pakhtoon region. Besides this

Jalala, Abbaseen has also been mentioned in Pakhto Tappa and with this

reference has been made to Pakhto values in same Tappa. A Tappa is here

for reference:

03

Translation:

I don‟t need your education and your books may drown in Abbaseen.

This is a famous Tappa of Peshawar valley.

Pakhto Tappa not only displays or demonstrates the social and cultural

values of certain areas but also their accent and dialect. They sing these

Tappas in their own local dialect with their particular accent. Pakhto

language has two main dialects one is Qandhari and the other is Peshawari

or Yousafzai dialect. Qandhari is mostly used in Afghanistan and

Balochistan and Peshawari or Yousafzai dialect is mostly used in

Peshawar valley and its surrounding. People of Peshawar speak the

standard Pakhto language and most of the Tappas are in this dialect. But

people from Afghanistan and Balochistan sing Tappas in their typical

Qandhari dialect. Few Tappas are mentioned here for instance:

04

Translation:

It is good to happen that you have been injured for which I will walk with

pride with chin up.

I have received this Tappa from my friend Javed Iqbal a lecturer of Pashto

in Balochistan University.

In this Tappa “sha swa” and “zakhmee swey” are words from Qandhari

dialect which will be pronounce as “kha shwa” and “zakhmee shwey” in

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Yousafzai dialect and both pronunciation represent their particular tribes

and folk.

05

The Tappa has been narrated by Javed Iqbal in Quetta.

In This Tappa also, “yaad say”, nor see” and “aor see” words represent

Qandhari dialect. They will be “yaad shay”, “nor shee” and “aor shee” in

Peshawari dialect.

Similarly people from Peshawar valley sing Tappa in Peshawari dialect.

However people of certain Southern region, e.g. Marwat, Bunuchi, and

Khattak also demonstrate Qandhari accent and sing Tappa in their

regional dialects. Besides these the people of Pakistan at Afghanistan

boarder, e.g. Shinwari, Afridi and Mohmand generally present Qandhari

dialect and sing Tappa in this dialect. However occasionally Afridis and

Mohmands talk in Peshawari dialect and sing Tappa in this dialect. On

this pretext we can conclude that Pakhto Tappa not only demonstrates

different cultural, life and regional customs of all Pakhtoon regions but

also their regional and particular dialects and accents. That is why Pakhto

Tappa has a beautiful varieties due to its demonstration of cultural,

customs and usages and other aspects of Pakhtoon life.

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References

1. Polock, Sheldon, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men,

The University of California press Berkeley, 2007, P-2

2. http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/literary theory – theory, Retrieved on

March, 5 2010

3. Ibid

4. Enoveldson, Jens, Sound the bells, O Moon, Arise and Shine,

Univesity Book Agency Peshawar, (N.D), P-9

5. Pashto Tappa, worldpress.com

6. The New Encyclopaedia Britanica (Macropaeedia) 15th

ed. S.V.

The Concept and Components of Culture by Richard G. Fox, vol: 16c,

1997, P-874

7. Gohar, Ali, Pukhtoon Tradition in Modern Perspective, Just Peace

International, (ND), PP-2, 3

8. Khan, Musharaf, The Role Tribal Pathans in the First Indo-Pak

War After Partition, Pashto Academy University of Peshawar and Lok

virsa Islamabad, 2008, PP-52, 53

9. Tair, Mohammad Nawaz, Tappa Au Zwand (Pashto), (Tappa and

Life), PP-117, 118

10. Ibid, P-120

11. Ibid, P-89

12. Ibid, P-78

13. Ibid, P-113

14. Ibid, P-178

15. Ibid, P-93

16. Ibid, P-99

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Pashto Polite Expressions for Face-saving on Face book Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid

Muhammad Sheeraz*

Abstract: Drawing upon the traditional and postmodern views regarding

politeness studies, the present paper investigates the frequency of the use of

various polite expressions by Pashto speaking face book users. The study

takes into account the various contexts of the choice as well as the age

variation. Two hundred status updates and comments open for public were

selected for the analysis. The data shows that relatively younger Pashto

speaking face book users make a less frequent use of polite expressions while

interacting with their age-fellows. However, the frequency of the polite

expressions is high when the interaction happens between seniors (in terms of

age) and juniors or even between two seniors. The expression of respect

„grana‟ was found to have the highest frequency with 22% of all

occurrences of the politeness expressions, and was followed by

„dera manana‟ with 19% of them. Key Terms: Pashto, Politeness, Face book

1.Theoretical Background

The research in the area of linguistics has helped expand the area, and caused

the development of many related fields such as pragmatics, anthropological

linguistics, sociolinguistics, conversational analysis, etc. These fields, like

many others, have developed certain theories which can be considered as

being traditional due to their faith in the classics of the area. However, during

the recent decades, the influence of the critical theories such as

postmodernism and deconstruction has brought a seismic change that took the

focus away from authority to the lay people‟s perception. But this does not

mean that the traditionalist studies have been totally divorced: they exist, and

have also contributed towards the creation of a theoretical bipolarity in these

fields.

This polarity can also be found in the politeness studies in pragmatics in which

traditional view and postmodern view regarding politeness have led various

Head Department of Pakistani Languages Allama Iqbal Open University

Islamabad * Ph.D. scholar, Department of English International Islamic University

Islamabad

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research ventures into the field (see Terkourafi 2005). The former view also

termed as politeness to acknowledge the existence of Model Persons and their

face as perceived by the theorists such as Grice (1989 [1967]), and reflected and

further developed in the works of Lakoff 1973, Brown and Levinson 1987

[1978], Leech 1983, etc. This view has retained its theoretical appeal and

terminological currency for long and exists even today, though shaken by certain

severe criticisms (Terkourafi 2005). The latter view (also termed as politeness 1),

emphasizes the role of lay people‟s face and perception in the conceptualization

of politeness as studied by Eelen 2001, Mills 2003, Watts 2003, etc. This

postmodern politeness view considers the rapport management to be at the heart

of politeness practices (Terkourafi 2005: 241).

Both the views regarding politeness studies have their potential strengths, some of

which coincide as well (see Terkourafi 2005). These strengths may strategically

be combined and applied for the better results of the future researches in the area.

For instance, both have a common standing that politeness should be analyzed

“on the pragmatic level as a particularized implicature” (Terkourafi 2005: 246).

Secondly, one of the assumptions of the traditional view is that certain norms

exist a priori whereas the postmodern view stresses the lay man‟s perceptions and

choices. This contradiction, if negotiated, may lead to a reconciliation that would

allow a point of departure to be determined for many new politeness studies as

this. If looked closely, it is true that certain politeness norms exist a priori, and

those used in verbal interaction are called as polite expressions. However, their

appropriateness is decided by the common interlocutors‟ perception and choice.

Drawing upon this theoretical negotiation, the present study gives a discussion on

the polite expressions existing a priori in Pashto language, and works out the

frequency with which the Pashto speakers choose them for their verbal

interaction in the form of statuses and comments on face book.

2. Introduction

The present paper investigates the polite behavior in verbal interaction done on

face book. The aim of the paper is to explore the frequency of the various

politeness expressions used by the face book users. Within verbal interaction we

have focused only on isolated utterances considered to be the politeness

expressions rather than on the bigger chunks of cooperative and harmonious

interaction. While studying these isolated expressions, Eelen‟s (2001) concerns

regarding the early researches in politeness were considered and the „hearer‟ was

also taken into account along with the „speaker‟. According to Elen, "(im)politeness

occurs not so much when the speaker produces behaviour but rather when the

hearer evaluates that behaviour [...] the very essence of (im)politeness lies in this

evaluative moment" (Eelen 2001: 109). Some researchers even believe that

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“…politeness is not behavior per se but an evaluation of behavior” (Sifianou &

Tzanne, 2010). Spencer-Oatey (2005) and Locher (2006) also have the similar

opinion. However, “evaluation is itself a complex concept that can be seen as an

umbrella term that refers to the expression of the speaker's viewpoint, attitude, or

stance toward or feelings about what somebody else has said or done” (Sifianou &

Tzanne, 2010), and also suggests that non-linguistic behavior is also important to

be considered while researching politeness, which, due to the limited scope of the

present paper, has not been taken into account here.

Although the overwhelming majority of the respondents involved in some of the

recent research works have conceptualized “polite behavior as being strictly

nonverbal” (Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010), yet the importance of the verbal polite

expressions, particularly on social networking sites as face book, cannot be

neglected as because of the geographical distancing the non-linguistic behaviors

cannot be expressed properly there. It is also relevant to state here that: “In most of

the studies, the politeness has been conceptualized especially as strategic conflict-

avoidance or as strategic construction of cooperative social interaction (Vilkki, n.d:

323)”, and as the chances of misunderstanding and conflict increase on written

public comments and statuses, therefore the speakers need be more careful with

their verbal politeness strategies.

2.1 Two Key Terms

Pashto: Pashto is an ancient language of Iranian family (see Grierson n.d.; Abid

2006, etc) spoken by a large population especially those living in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan provinces of Pakistan and eastern and southern

regions of Afghanistan.

Face book: The face book is a social networking site which “provides a convenient

environment for the development of discourse communities with its varied

participatory mechanisms. On face book, users create their personal profile page

allowing them to list interests and activities they share with others. They also

belong to a „Network‟ defined primarily by the educational institution with which

they are, or have been, affiliated. Communication with others within face book

takes place via a range of tools including email, discussion boards, uploaded videos

and picture galleries that include a space for comments and a „wall‟ in which users

can exchange messages with nominated friends. Other popular features include

status updates, „poking‟ friends (an ambiguous tool but one of the many phatic uses

of face book) and gift giving (fish, flowers etc.)” (McNeill 2008: 3). The privacy

settings of the site allow the users to decide whether the comment, status or post

they make is meant for a group of friends, all those entered in the friend list, friends

as well as their friends or public i.e. anyone who uses face book.

3. Methodology

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The first order politeness termed as politeness 1 or postmodern view on

politeness studies (Terkourafi 2005) has been stressed to have the lay man‟s

perceptions and selections of the various ways of politeness (see Watts 2003;

Mills 2003; Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010 etc). The traditional politeness theories

have asserted the existence of certain politeness norms a priori. The present study,

as stated above, negotiates the two views extended by these contending

theoretical groups to supply a comprehensive theoretical framework.

Acknowledging the existence of verbal politeness expressions, the study focuses

how frequently Pashto speaking lay face book users opt for any of these

expressions.

The data for the present study was collected from face book. Two hundred public

statuses and comments of various Pashto speakers were studied for the present

paper. The data consisted of 5230 words. The frequency of the use of these

expressions was worked out. Addresser/addressee‟s age group was particularly

considered as one of the variables. The demographic information given on the

profiles of the users was believed true. All the two hundred comments/statuses

were posted by male face book users from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of

Pakistan with the exception of five comments which were made by female users

from the same province.

4. Results and Discussion

The data shows both the types of politeness expressions i.e. non-linguistic and

linguistic. Among non-linguistic politeness behaviors, accepting various types of

requests such as friend requests, etc, commenting on the statuses in response to

others‟ comments, complimenting pictures, food, etc, clicking “like” as an

acknowledgment/alignment token, etc are conceptualized as politeness in the

comments made by various Pashto speaking face book users. This is in line with

the assertion of Pashto Cultural orientations (2010) which says, “It is polite

to compliment the quality of the food”. However, as the focus of the

present study is the isolated verbal polite expressions, we will discuss them at

length.

Following politeness expressions were used in the comments/statuses

made/updated by Pashto speaking face book users: To pay thanks / gratitude: „Dera manana‟ / „dera dera manana‟ / „yow jehan

manana‟, etc were used as strong polite expressions whereas „manana‟ was used

as a weak or ordinary expressions to show gratefulness. Expressions borrowed

and adapted from Urdu language such as „Dera mehrubani‟ and „mehrubani‟

were also used for politeness in Pashto.

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To apologize: „Dera bakhana‟ was used as a strong expression of apology in

Pashto whereas in some instances „bakhana‟ was used alone which may be

interpreted as weak.

To make requests: When an addresser intended to make a request, s/he used the

Urdu expression „mehrubani‟. As the data belonged to the face book discourse of

the Pashto speaking Pakistanis, therefore it seemed influenced by Urdu – the

national language of the country.

To show respectfulness: The expressions of respect for elders were used very

frequently in the face book discourse under study. These expressions are given

below:

Grana (singular) / grano (plural)

Qadar mana (singular) / qadar mano (plural)

khaghle (singular) / khaghlo (plural)

drund (singular) / drano (plural)

To pray: Praying to God for addressee‟s long life, prosperity and happiness also

seems to be an expression of politeness in Pashto. Following expressions were

used in the discourse under study:

Khad ose (Stay happy)

Jawande ose (Stay alive/ Live long)

Abad ose (Stay prosperous)

Gul ose (Live like flowers)

To show intimacy: In Pashto, „lala‟ is an expression for the elder brother. In the

face book discourse under study, this expression was used by some addressees

even though the addressers were not their elder brothers. Hence, this has been

used as one of the politeness expressions in order to show intimacy and affection.

Table 1 given below shows the frequency of the use of various politeness

expressions by Pashto speaking face book users in different contexts. The total

number of occurrences of polite expressions was 108. This means that about 2%

of the total selected Pashto discourse consisted of these polite expressions.

Table: 1

S. no. Politeness Expression Total Number of

Occurrences

Frequency (out of 108)

1 Manana 15 14%

2 Dera manana 20 19%

3 dera dera manana 3 0.27%

4 yow jehan manana 2 0.18%

5 Mehrubani 3 0.27%

6 Dera Mehrubani 5 0.46%

7 Bakhana 5 0.46%

8 Dera bakhana 2 0.18%

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9 Grana 24 22%

10 Qadar mana 4 0.37%

11 Khaghle 2 0.18%

12 Drund 2 0.18%

13 Khad ose 5 0.46%

14 Jawande ose 3 0.27%

15 Abad ose 2 0.18%

16 Gul ose 1 0.09%

17 Lala 10 9%

The table shows that the expression of respect for elders i.e. „grana‟ was used with

highest frequency (22%) of all the isolated polite expression in the data under

study. It is followed in frequency by „dera manana‟ (19%), „manana‟ (14%), and

„lala‟ (9%). Category wise, the most frequently used type of polite expressions are

those of gratefulness with a total percentage of about 35%. The least frequently

used expressions are: „gul ose‟ (0.09%), „abad ose‟ (0.18%), „khaghle‟ (0.18%),

„drund‟ (0.18%), „dera bakhana‟ (0.18%), „yow jehan manana‟ and (0.18%).

In some instances, politeness effect has been enlarged by non-verbal ways like

using similes and, at times, lengthening, upper-casing, or highlighting the verbal

expressions to emphasize them e.g. “Deraaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa Manana,

Hasham Baber”.

Politeness expressions are used with higher frequency on the walls of the senior

(age-wise) people than that on the young ones which also shows that using formal

politeness expressions in frank atmosphere may be considered impolite by many

speakers. However, while interacting on the walls of the seniors, the young users

were found using these politeness expressions even for their age fellows perhaps

because here their indirect „hearers‟ were the seniors as well. On the walls of the

senior and respectable members even the seniors themselves are using the

politeness expressions which helps maintain distance and probably provide a model

to their younger generation. Most of the polite expressions used by seniors were

prayers and words of affection, etc. The pragmatic function of these expressions

here seems formality and distancing.

The three out of the total five comments made by the female users used the

expression of „lala‟ and one used a praying expression.

5.Conclusion

Pashto speaking educated class has been found as the regular face book using

people. They make extended comments on various issues. An average use of

the isolated verbal politeness expressions can be noticed on their face book

walls i.e. about 2% of the interaction.

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No visible conflict was found in the discourse consisting of the two hundred

comments/ statuses (5230 words) which shows that the users made an

appropriate use of the politeness expressions for face-saving. It was found that

the the frequency of the use of these expressions varies with the age group of

the „hearer‟. If there is a generation-gap difference of age, then not only the

addresser expresses his/her respectfulness through polite expressions but the

addressee also makes use of these expressions.

It can be safely asserted that Pashto speaking face book users make

appropriate choices of politeness expressions as a strategy of face-saving on

the social networking site.

Finally, it is duly acknowledged that the present study is an introductory

exploration into Pashto politeness, and optimistically hoped that it would

prove a prelude to many scholarly works in the area in future.

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References

1. Abid, Abdullah Jan. (2006). Pashto Zuban-o-Adab ki Mukhtasar Tareekh.

Peshawar: University Publishers.

Brown, Penelope and Stephen Levinson. (1987 [1978]). Politeness: Some Universals

in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Eelen, Gino. (2001). Critique of politeness theories. Manchester: St Jerome Press.

2. Grierson, G. A. (n.d.). Linguistic Survey of Pakistan (II). Lahore: Accurate

Printers.

3. Grice, Herbert Paul. (1989 [1967]). Logic and conversation. In Studies in the

Way of Words, 22_40. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Lakoff, Robin. (1973). The logic of politeness; or minding your p‟s and q‟s. In

Papers from the Ninth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 292_305.

Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.

4. Leech, Geoffrey. (1983). Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman.

Locher, Miriam, A. (2006). Polite behaviour within relational work: The discursive

approach to politeness. Multilingua 25(3). 249-267.

5. McNeill, Tony. (2008). Face work in Face book: An analysis of an online

discourse community. Language, culture and communication in online learning.

http://www.education.ed.ac.uk/e-6.

6. .learning/gallery/mcneill_face book.pdf

7. Mills, Sara. (2003). Gender and politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

8. Pashto Cultural orientations. (2010). Defense Language Institute Foreign

Language Center.

9. http://famdliflc.lingnet.org/products/pashto/pu_co/pashto.pdf

Sifianou, Maria, and Angeliki Tzanne. (2010). Conceptualizations of politeness and

impoliteness in Greek. (Report). Retrieved on March 30, 2011 from

10. http://find.galegroup.com/gps/infomark.do?&contentSet=IAC-

Documents&type=retrieve&tabID=T002&prodId=IPS&docId=A24186

1923&source=gale&srcprod=AONE&userGroupName=wash59545&ve

rsion=1.0

11. Spencer-Oatey, Helen. (2005). (Im)politeness, face and perceptions of

rapport: Unpackaging their bases and interrelationships. Journal of Politeness

Research 1(1). 95-119.

12. Terkourafi, Marina, (2005). Beyond the micro-level in politeness research.

Journal of Politeness Research. 1: 237-262.

http://faculty.las.illinois.edu/mt217/Terkourafi_JoPR1%282%29.pdf

13. Vilkki, Liisa. (n.d.). Politeness, Face and Facework: Current Issues. A Man of

Measure: Festschrift in Honour of Fred Karlsson. 322-332.

http://www.linguistics.fi/julkaisut/SKY2006_1/1.4.7.%20VILKKI.pdf

14. Watts, Richard J. (2003). Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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The pursuit of Pashtoon image in the Orientalists Discourse:

Barkat Shah Kakar*

Abstract: The leading educational and research disciplines are considered as an

outgrowth of European colonialism. The learning brigades along with European

colonizers also known as Orientalists have constructed a knowledge base that has

thrived theories and notions regarding the Near Eastern and Far Eastern societies

, cultures, languages, peoples, history and civilizations in general. After the Second

World War (1945), Orientalism was emerged as career that presented contents and

notions written and interpreted by the colonial masters. This paper is going to

* Lecturer Pashto Department University of Balochistan

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discuss the construction of Pashtoon‟s identity in the context of European

colonialism. The paper probes the different cadres of Orientalists that, presented

biased sketches of the indigenous Pashtoon and Afghan people they countered in

three wars during the colonial era. It is interesting to note that, even today most of

the notions wrapped in the modern orientalists narratives are backed by evidences

provided the so-called learning brigades of the colonial era. Triangulation of

different narratives indicates that, the Pashtoon image constructed through

colonial/orientalist archives has a connection with the British Empire‟s agendas of

hegemony and domination. Different cohorts of orientalists have presented varied

perspective that evidently reflect the legitimacy if the colonial tools for

subjugation.

The Great Game; Afghans between the Devil and the Deep Sea

The first trade expedition of East India Company was carried in 1604

(Maddani, Husain Ahmedi)[1] that gradually subdued the Indian subcontinent

in the following two centuries. In the first decade of the nineteenth century the

defeat of Napoleonic France rendered an imbalance amongst the colonial rivals.

The Russia was supposed to be the potential power to generate its influence in

the Afghan territory that would cause a threat to the interests of the Britain.

Hence a pull and push scene of Great Game was started in 1809 [2]. The Britain

and other European colonizers strive to divert the foreign policy of Afghanistan

for protecting their interests in the Indian subcontinent and the other areas

adjacent to the Afghan boarders. Britain East India Company for its ambitious

plans launched a confronting policy called Closed Boarder Policy in 1830s that

resulted in the first Anglo-Afghan war (1839-1842)"[3]. In the wake of the

1857 War of Independence (also referred as Mutiny in the colonial chronicles)

East India Company was replaced by Great Britain crown and Indian

subcontinent was directly governed under the British crown.

“Hence the closed border policy which rendered two devastating Anglo-Afghan

wars was gradually replaced by the Forward Policy in the decade of 1876

(Caroe, 1958)”[4]. The forward policy was aimed to treat the tribal Pashtoon in

accordance to their own customs and manners so that a room of a likeness and

respect for their ways could be portrayed for generating trust in the Pashtoons.

The series of wars amongst the invading expansionist Britain's and native

Pashtoons have been continued even after the last Anglo Afghan war fought in

1919. The attacks of the Pashtoon freedom fighters have a long account to be

explored and narrated.

As a most influential and powerful colonizer, the Britain empire cater trained

anthropologists, ethnographers, narrators and reporters labeled as "the learned

brigades" by Edward Said in his famous book "Orientalism".

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The image of Pashtoons is presented by the British colony officers,

administrators, visitors and spy through their various accounts on their advents

on the land of Pashtoons. The bitter memories of the devastating wars with

Pashtoons are conserved in the form of books, memoirs, diaries, sketches,

reports and journals.

The of Distortion of Pashtoon's self-image;

Pashtoon live on crossroads that has been passed by invaders from the different

corners of the world in the different historical eras. The Persians, Mongols and

British empires are of greater importance to our subject. Though the former two

had less practices of systemic domination and its legitimacy through academic,

cultural and social apparatus but the oral tradition preserves contents that can be

analyzed for unpacking the peculiar stereotyping of the particular ethnicity.

Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel in his valuable work on the history of Pashtoons

has disclosed that, in the wake of retaking the throne from the Pasthoons Suri

dynasty(1557), the Mughal-Persian alliance fabricated a fake image of

Pashtoons and labeled them as “Dew Zaad1”. It was an effective psychological

tactic that tend to create skepticism and degenerated the self-esteem of

Pashtoons that had the potential to pose challenges to the Mughal dynasty. The

oral tradition and folk stories also mix stuff that, underestimate the language

and culture of Pashtoons. The origin of the very irrational notion that, “Pashto

is the language of Hell” need to be traced back, that definitely is extended and

replicated in the colonial-oriental chronicles. The colonial period Report on the

Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar reinforces this myth, “the Language of hell

is certainly Pashto, owing to number of Pathans there [5]”. This evidence may

create a theory to draw a nexus to the three empires who confronted Pashtoons

on their land.

Legitimizing the colonial oppression:-

Historical analysis shows that, indigenous people in all over the world have

always posed resistance to the Eurocentric racism and Imperialism based on

economic exploitation, slavery, violence and domination. There have been

countless accounts of rejecting and challenging the notion of “the white man's

burden” in all over the world. Besides the oppressive colonial armies, the

cadres of narrators and reporters have always been presenting the natives of

colonies synonymous to savages or the races that are not evolved to their full

human potentials. The cadres of reporters and political agents from the western

hemisphere gradually became authorities on the rest of the world's cultures,

languages, histories, races, faiths and all that can represent and interpret their

1 Dew Zaad mean the race originated from the Savages rather than human.

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identities. Edward .W. Said the reckoned dissent and public intellectual has

unpacked this situation in his famous account 'Orientalism'. “As discussed and

analyzed as the corporate institution for dealing with orient dealing with it by

making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it be teaching it,

settling it, ruling over it... .”[6]

A talk delivered in the Library of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs on the

evening of 10th November 2005, Bijan Omrani declare the diverse forms of

chronicles produced by the Europeans, he writes, “ It is quite a daunting task to

pick out just a couple of the books about Afghanistan in the Society‟s library.

There is a paralyzing embarrassment of riches. The country has always

attracted the most brilliant and raffish sort of adventurers and deserters, spies

and eccentrics, many of whom have left us their memoirs. The library contains

not only ordinary travel books, but also journals, autobiographies and

biographies, formal histories, official accounts, and journalistic reports”.[7]

Analysis of the various accounts as produced by the initial colonial envoys,

officers, administrative staff and ethnographers clearly indicates they have

always identified the native populations with scarcity and weaknesses. The

intent behind the study of the orient was to construct a moral legitimacy of the

occident's oppression and prove it as a natural phenomenon.

The way they see and define others:

In the subcontinent and mainly Pashtoon territory 'Orientalism' in its initial

forms seems informal which takes roots gradually when the responsibility of

studying and defining the orient is shifted from the army officers and political

administrators to the learned brigades of ethnographers, anthropologist and

historians in the early decade of twentieth century.

Through the eyes of Traders and Spies:

In the wake of the Great Game (1812) the very first cadres sent to study the

Afghan land pretended as tourists and traders. Contents analysis of their works

indicates a sense of surprise and revelations. Elphinstone who visited the

territory as a tourist and later on proved as political diplomat has a content of

much inspiration with diction dominated by revelations and friendship. His

relationship with the common Pashtoon was much different as that of the other

political officers and narrators of the later days.

Analysis of the narrations depicted by the several ethnographers and political

officers of later days indicates that a cross cutting influence of orientalists of the

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earlier days could be seen. Like the Elphinstone's approach has been practiced

and the realities are contextualized with an angled vision and fragmented frame

of reference. As predecessors, he is still believed relevant and quoted by most

of the western and eastern careerists. Stephen Tanner, in his recent works on the

military history of Afghanistan has phrased, “At one point Elephanstine argued

with an old tribesman, stressing the benefits of social stability under firm

government rule. “We are content with discord, we are content with alarms, we

are content with blood, “the old man told him but” we will never be content

with a master” [8].

This is a specific connotation which affirms a sheer generalization on the

average person living in that part of the world. Similarly he has reported about

the specific tenets of Pashtoonwali like J. W. Spain has raised the point. “About

the tenets of Pakhtoonwali, Elphinstone, as most writers after him, is specific

about Badal (revenge) traveling in the grand manner of the seventeenth

century, he hardly notices Nanawate the right of sanctuary” [9]. These

tendencies in his approach are common as Stephen Tanner has also pointed out,

“On this first mission, Elphinstone perceived flaws in the Afghan character,

such as tendencies towards envy, avarice, discord and revenge” [10] '. Such

tendencies are also seen in the works followed by his account which is mainly

perceived as a bible for the coming slot. As Charles Masson in his three volume

narrative of various journeys in Blochistan, Afghanistan and Punjab (1842) and

English captain john Wood's “A journey to the source of river Oxus'(1837).

Both accounts are full of examples of badal2, melmestia3 and Nanawati4, but

these are never named, the authors preferring to comment on the nature of

Pathans rather than on their beliefs” [11].

Seeing Pathans through the Guns:

The huge amount of Orientalists stuff is produced through the memories,

reports, travelogue and general accounts of the persons who were physically

engaged in the conflict for imposing their forward policy or closed border

policy. One can also see interesting accounts as narrated by the women as Lady

Sale who was along with her husband during the first Anglo-Afghan war. She

has recorded her observations in diary, which opens revealing accounts of the

days they trapped amongst the strong Pashtoon warriors. The account that has

republished several times has become a significant source of information and

analysis.

2 Badal a Pashto word which means 'revenge'

3 Hospitality, especially to the persons from the far flung areas.

4 'Nanawate' a Pashtoon cultural practice of the submission of the offender

and his/her family and tribe to the victim and his/her family and tribe which often

end the conflict with non-violence.

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There is visible divergence in the diction of the writers who were pursuing the

close border policy with that of the others materializing the forward policy.

About these two policies Sir Olaf Caroe in his famous account 'The Pathan' has

shared, “The fifty -odd years from the British Annexation up to 1901 are best

seen in two periods, the first from 1849 to the outbreak of the second Afghan

war in 1878 ...the first thirty years are represent the testing time of the so-

called closed border policy”[12] '.The closed border policy as pursued in the

first thirty years resulted two Anglo-Afghan wars. While the forward policy

which was adopted by the newly elected government of Prime Minister Disraeli

was aimed to “build a strategic line of defense against Russian pressure in

Central Asia” [13].

W.L. Churchill(1874-1965) the renowned British political figure of the

twentieth century has shared an experience filled with cynicism. His diction and

general connotation comprises the sheer racist version. In his account

'Malakand Field force (1892)' he observes an overwhelming barbarism and

wickedness. He has shared his experience in these words, “Every influence,

every motive, that provokes the spirit of murder among men, impels these

mountaineers to deeds of treachery and violence. The strong aboriginal

propensity to kill, inherit in all human beings, has in these valleys been

preserved in unexampled strength and vigor. That religion, which above all

others was founded and propagated by the sword--the tenets and principles of

which are instinct with incentives to slaughter and which in three continents

has produced fighting breeds of men--stimulates a wild and merciless

fanaticism [14]”.

During his confrontation to the very tough Pashtoon tribesman, Churchill was

supposed to cast an inferior glance at their culture and religion. He could not

supersede them in the battle field but he was successful to label them as fanatics

and merciless through his account. He assumes that, the very primary characteristic

in the blood of Pashtoon is bloodshed. He has oversimplified the notion in the

following manner. “Every tribesman has a blood feud with his neighbor. Every

man's hand is against the other and all against the stranger” [15].

Making mock of the natives and casting at them an inferior bird eye view, is the

very common characteristic of the colonial reporters. Howard Zinn the reckoned

historian and public intellectual have unearthed the letters of Christopher Columbus

to the Queen Azabella written in 1493. As a mouthpiece of modern European

Civilization, the mocking at the ways of natives has been extended from Columbus

to Winston Churchill. Chirchill further elaborates, ''We see them in their squalid,

loophole hovels, amid dirt and ignorance, as degraded a race as any on the fringe

of humanity: fierce as the tiger, but less cleanly; as dangerous, not so graceful.

Those simple family virtues, which idealists usually ascribe to primitive peoples,

are conspicuously absent. Their wives and their women-kind generally, have no

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position but that of animals. They are freely bought and sold, and are not

infrequently bartered for rifles. Truth is unknown among them. A single typical

incident displays the standpoint from which they regard an oath. In any dispute

about a field boundary, it is customary for both claimants to walk round the

boundary he claims, with a Koran in his hand, swearing that all the time he is

walking on his own land” [16].

Similarly Lady Sale (1790-1853) who was accompanied by her husband to

install a pipit regime in Afghanistan that led to the first Anglo-Afghan war, also

presented the Pathan tribesman with a sheer subjective manner. “Afghan of the

capital(Kabul) are a little more civilized, but the country gentlemen and their

retainers are much the same kind of people those Alexander encountered[17] '.

The image of the Pathans as narrated denotes that, Pathans are anti-protagonist

and as a martial race they are the strongest enemies ever faced by the British.

Rodenbough in his account display the war capability of the nineteenth century

Pathans, “As a trait of Afghan character, I must mention that whenever the

Jezailchis5 could snatch five minutes to refresh themselves with a pipe, one of

them would twang a sort of a rude guitar as an accompaniment to some martial

song, which, mingling with the notes of war, sounded very strangely.[18] "

Archibald Forbes (1838-1900) as observer of the first Anglo-Afghan war has

coined the word 'savage' and 'bloody' . The scene is that, the independent

territory of Afghans was ravaged for securing the interest of Britain empires

and constraining the political influences of Russia through its closed border

policy through a puppet pensioner prince Shah Shuja(1785-1842). In this

reaction the Afghan tribes took a serious charged and ruined almost all the army

in Kabul. In the wake of the very degenerated self esteem, the Archibald

Forbes has portrayed situation as following. Who presents the Pashtoon how is

an interesting analysis of the constructed knowledge base about history, culture

and civilization. While going peacefully to Afghanistan for installing the Shah

Shuja's regime the British army was posed almost a negligible resistance.

Alexander Burns (1805-1841) in his voyage along with Shah Shuja has written

his feeling in a letter to his sister. “They have no prejudices against a

Christian, and none against our nation. When they ask me if I eat pork, I of

course shudder and say it is only outcasts who commit such outrages. God

forgive me! For I am very fond of bacon, and my mouth waters as I write the

word”.[19]

It is certainly a spontaneous version of the cultural interaction that has been

gradually converted into harsh memories of bloodshed and massacre of the

Bruisers in the first Anglo-Afghan war.

5 The persons who operates the 'Jazile' the 18

th century long powder gun

traditionally used by Pathans.

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“The patriotism of a savage race is marked by features repulsive to civilized

communities, but through the ruthless cruelty of the indiscriminate massacre,

the treachery of the stealthy stab, and the lightly broken pledges, there may

shine out the noblest virtue that a virile people can possess. A semi-barbarian

nation whose manhood pours out its blood like water in stubborn resistance

against an alien yoke, may be pardoned for many acts shocking to civilized

communities which have not known the

Bitterness of stern and masterful subjugation”[20].

The last British political agent and Orientalists Sir Olaf Caroe (1892-1981), is

perceived as the most respected and valued authority on the subject of Pathan

ethnography and the tradition of Pashtoonwali. Content analysis of his famous

volume “The Pathan” discloses that, he has demonstrated contrasting image

which glamorizes the martial spirit of Pathan and identify Pathan as a good

enemy but having an unpredictable attitude as friend. At one place he has

concluded that the lives of the average Pashthan follow a meaningless trajectory

and they portray their gestures synonymous to the animals. “They are not much

better than the animals, for save the eating and drinking, moving about their

hills seeking their prey on the highways, and dying, they know ought

besides[21]

Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir also presents a very subjective

image of the Pathans. In his co-authored account with Lieutenant A. D. G.

Gramsay, he has used prominent racist approach to de-legitimize the social and

cultural realities of the Pathans of that part of the world. About Pathan's

morality and belief it is recorded, “A Pathan admits, one half of the (holly)

Koran, , but not the other ; one foot of the Pathan is in Paradise, the other in

Hell; the Language of hell is certainly Pashtu, owing to number of Pathans

there ; the sacred law is good but not suited for healthy young man[22].

Richard Issac Bruce who sailed for India in 1862 and was appointed as Extra

Assistant Commissioner in Punjab later becomes a right hand man of Robert

Sandamen for the implementation of his “Forward Policy”. Collecting the

memories regarding the implementation of the forward Policy in his narrative

“The Forward policy” he has taken a sketch of frontier Pashtoon tribes (later on

misnomer them as part of British Balochsitan) from 1862-1898. In the opening

chapter he mentioned account he has clearly narrated that their intervention

through forward policy approach was a panacea for the Pashtoon tribes living

on 54000 Sq Km around today's Durand line. “If I can, by a plain unvarnished

tale of what has come under my own observation and the conclusion, I have

drawn, succeed in these objects, and enlisting the sympathies of my readers in

the noble and worthy cause of the civilization of the frontier tribes”[23].

This account carries a peculiar colonial connotation. The writer has particularly

mourn over the deaths of his colleagues and quite contrary has danced over the

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ruins of the Pashtoon tribes. He portrays a romantic sketch when the castle of

the reckoned freedom fighter 'Shahjehan jogezai' was blown with explosive

mater.

Bruce as defender of the forward policy approach has molded the history in its

own direction. He along with Maclover and Robert Sandeman have concluded

that Pathans having its egalitarian temptations are not easily manageable as

compare to the Baloch and Brahvi tribes. Bruce describes Pathans as fanatics,

Badmashees and culprits while on the other hand it is narrated that, the

Pashtoon tribes like Kakars, Barozais and Tarins have invited them to protect

them from their immediate Marri and Bugti neighbor's. In this account 'The

foreword Policy' he has narrated, “I also, under major Sandamen's directions,

opened up relations with Dummars , Panizais and Sarangzais(Kakars), the

Tarin of Harnai valley and thall Choteali and the Barozais and Pannis of

Sangan. They constantly reiterated cry of the Tarins, Barozais and Pannis was

that we should come in and occupy their country and secure their protection for

their lives and property from their implacable enemies the Marries and

Bugties[24].

The above mentioned statement indicates Bruce's fake attempt of legitimizing

their invasion. It also cater a contradiction that, at one point they declared

Pashtoon as egalitarian and uneasy to be managed and on the other hand the

same Pashtoon tribes invite them to be protected from their very immediate

neighbors they have been living with for centuries.

The mocking aspect of the accounts and memoirs generated by the political

administrators and military officers admires the individuals and tribes who

show obedience and submit their services for the empire. To the contrary the

freedom fighters and resistant tribes are always mentioned as fanatics, savage,

uncivilized and culprits etc. Like Major Maclover, political agent of the Thal

Chaotically, has coined the term “Badmashes” for the freedom fighters in his

letter to Richard Issac Bruce, “you know of course, that after you made over

charge several cases of Ghaza occurred in Bori and Duki, and Badmashes

invariably took refuge in Mina Bazar with Umar Khan”.[25]

Theo. F. Rodenbough has explored an unprecedented possibility of the war and

violence in the characters of Pathan. His narration concludes that, the meaning

of life in the view of an ordinary Pathan is to kill or to be killed by an enemy.

He has put forward his judgment, “The love of war is felt much more among

Afghans than by other Eastern peoples, although but little effort has been made

by them to augment the means of resistance and aggression”.[26]

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Some of the 0reintaists like Redenbough see an engineered default in the

character of Pashtoon. They perceived and propagated a linear and monotonic

identity of Pashtoon that has no organic substance and will remain the same

forever. He has further elaborated .further elaborates this points, “There is no

shade of difference between the character of the nomad and the citizen; a town

life does not soften their habits; they live there as they live in a tent, armed to

the teeth and ready for the onslaught[27].

The leading stereotype of sketching the Pathan as a warrior is the cross cutting.

It is evident somewhere while in most of the cases the orientalists have pointed

it between the lines. Similarly the rhetoric and over simplification of the reality

could be studied as a cross cutting phenomenon. About Afghans and

Afghanistan history an Orientalist of the later days have written. “Afghanistan

has nothing but stones and men: the stones made good Sungars6, which

thousands of men were always ready to defend[28] .

The stereotyping of Pashtoon as warriors is common in the colonial and post-

colonial discourse. The external invaders and rulers are either inspired or

strategically want to develop a self image that can contain them reacting in a

specific martial pattern. Hensman Howard in his account “Afghan War of

1879-80”illustrates that, “Afghanistan is a nation of soldiers, every adult being

(apart from any military training he may receive) a ready swordsman[29]

Rodenbough also comes with subjective interpretation of the ways of

Pashtoons. In his mentioned account, he has presented an over simplified

version of the ways of Pashtoon. He has observed the ways of Pashtoon through

a tunnel vision.

“These feuds are a system of petty warfare, carried on by long shots, stealing

cattle, and burning crops.

Samson, burning his neighbor's corn, acted just like an Afghan. When the

harvest is nearly ripe, neither party dare sleep. The remedy is sometimes for

both to fight until an equal number are killed on each side, when the neighbors

step in and effect a reconciliation; another method is to pay forfeit of a feast

and some sheep or cloth; in exceptional cases, a few Afghan virgins are

substituted for the sheep, but they are given in marriage, and are well

treated”[30]

Conclusion: Analysis of the memoirs, reports, diaries and other accounts produced by the

Orientalists in the colonial period on the Pashtoon's history, culture and

6 A bunkar

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ethnography indicates that, the connotation and diction of the colonial and post-

colonial writers has clear distinctions. Based on the peculiar political situation,

the image of Pashtoon has been constructed and reflected in the works of the

orientalists. In the result of study we can distribute these foreigners in four

categories.

The initial category covers the orientalists who visited Afghan land as visitors,

their work contain relatively much attributing characteristics. The second tier is

an outcome of the closed cored policy that is mixed with sheer bitter memories

of the two Anglo-Afghan wars. The third tier of forward Policy writers and

reporters cater another version of reconciliation and civilization. The fourth

stock consists of the administrative officers and ethnographers who came back

to Pakistan after the partition of Indian subcontinent and wrote their works like

Oalf Caroe and J. W. Spain.

The works of all these cadres was driven by the peculiar colonial policies and

its connection to the Pashtoons specially and Afghans generally.

The orientalist‟s narratives of colonial period still echoes in the accent of

political scientists, ethnographers, anthropologists and academicians. The

stereotyping of an ethnic entity as cruel, rigid, uncivilized and mischievous in

the colonial era has almost reproduced in that needs proper investigation and

articulation for rationalizing the discourse.

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References:

1) Maddani, Hussain Ahmed, "Angrez Samraj nay Hammai Kaisay Loota"

2) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford University

Press,1958,p.395

3) L.W. Adamec/J.A. Norris, Anglo-Afghan Wars, in Encycloædia Iranica, online ed. 2010

4) Caroe, Sir Olaf, “The Pathans” Oxford University Press, 1958, P. 370,

5) Report on the Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar Together with the

Uthmankhel and Ranizai, by Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir,

Swat and Chitral and Lieutenant A. D. G. Gramsay, second edition, Saeed

Book Bank Peshawar, 1981, p.19

6) Said, Edward W. Orientalism, Western Conceptions of the Orient, a Penguin Book, Non-

Fiction India, 1

st

edition 1978, 1995, p.34

7) www.bijanomrani.com -> Articles -> “Will We Make It To Jalalabad?” 19th century Book

Travels In Afghanistan

8) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to

the fall of Taliban Oxford University Press P.134

9) W .Spain, James Pathans of the latter day, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1995 page-41

10) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to the fall of

Taliban Oxford University Press P.134

11) W .Spain, James Pathans of the latter day, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1995 page-41

12) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford University Press,1958,

p.370

13) Ibib, p.370

14) Ibid., -p.7

15) Churchill. W.L Spencer, Malakan Field Force, 1897, Longman Colonial Library, p.8

16) Churchill. W.L Spencer, Malakan Field Force, 1897, Longman Colonial Library, p.8

17) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to the fall of

Taliban Oxford University Press P.168

18) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan and the Anglo-Russian Dispute'The Project Gutenberg

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Ebook p.15

19) Richards , D.S.'The Savage Frontier, a history of the Anglo-afghan wars ' Macmillan

London Ltd, 1990, p.6

20) Forbes , Archibald 'The Afghan Wars 1839-42 and 1878-80' Produced by Eric Eldred,

Thomas Berger, and the On line Distributed Proofreading Team, P. 34

21) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford

University Press,1958, p.395

22) Report on the Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar Together with the Uthmankhel and Ranizai,

by Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir, Swat and Chitral and Lieutenant A. D. G.

Gramsay, second edition, Saeed Book Bank Peshawar, 1981, P.19

23) Issac, Bruce Richard, 'The Forward Policy' 2

nd

edition Nisa Traders 7-Jinah Cloth Market

Quetta (Pakistan) 1977, P.1

24) Ibid P.93

25) Ibid P.177

26) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan and the Anglo-Russian Dispute'The Project Gutenberg

Ebook -p.14

27) Ibid p.14

28) Hensman, Howard, Afghan War of 1879-80, Second Afghan War, First Edition, London: H.

Allen & Co.,13, Waterloo Place S.W Publishers to the India Office 1881, Second Edition

Sang-E-Meel Publications -25 Sharah-e-Pakistan (Lower mall) Lahore,1999 p.320

29) Ibid p.320

30) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan.

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