מרכז מידע בין-מכללתיlibrary.macam.ac.il/study/pdf_files/d12324.pdf · 2017. 2....
TRANSCRIPT
December 11,2015
,& Otto
Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab
desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano., & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary
parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-123). New York and London: Routledge.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay Close to
-emotional Development among Bedouins in the
Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP),
1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231
3 Marey-Sarwan, I., Roer-Strier, D., & Otto, H. (Submitted). Ecology of Risk and Protection:
Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
I
Attachment and Risk from a Context -Informed
Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the Unrecognized
Villages in the Naqab
Thesis submitted for the degree of "Doctor of Philosophy"
By Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan
Submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
December 2015
II
Attachment and Risk from a Context -Informed
Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the Unrecognized
Villages in the Naqab
Thesis submitted for the degree of "Doctor of Philosophy"
By Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan
Submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
December 2015
III
This work was carried out under the supervision of Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier
IV
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation is dedicated to the Bedouin study participants: mothers, fathers, and infants who
were the core of my research project. They opened their homes and their brave hearts and shared
their experiences with me. I hope that I managed to express your voices and experiences
faithfully. You taught me a valuable lesson about coping and being optimistic despite numerous
difficulties and I would like to thank you for that!
I deeply acknowledge my supervisor Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier for her professional guidance,
insights, encouragement and challenging comments. Dorit supported me with dedication and
professionalism, academically and personally, for the past years even in times of crisis. She gave
me the opportunity to increase my knowledge and to access the academic world. Thank you
Dorit for making this dissertation possible!
To Prof. Heidi Keller for her wisdom, guidance, and crucial comments on the articles. I am
honored and grateful for your support!
To the accompanying committee members: Asher Ben-Arieh, Prof. Mona Khoury-Kassabri, and
Prof. Ismael Abu-Saad!
Thanks to my colleagues in Nevet- Greenhouse of Context-Informed Research and Training for
Children in Need for their motivation and constant support, precious discussions, and
suggestions throughout the years of the study!
Words cannot express my gratitude to three grants for providing me with scholarships. Their
support, generosity, and their faith in me, is of outmost importance: The committee of the Ariane
de Rothschild fund (Women Doctoral Program); Anita Morawetz Fund for Research on Children
Thanks to Erica Shaps for her linguistic editing!
V
To my mum, my role model, for hard work, which is my most important source of inspiration. I
hope I was able to fulfill your dream!
To my brother Sohail Marey for reading and commenting on parts of this PhD in advance despite
the pressure of his life and work!
Last but not least, to my family who encouraged and supported my PhD project and were always
there for me!
VI
Abstract
Introduction: Most of our knowledge about attachment theory comes from WEIRD society
Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic people who constitute a minority in this
world. However, researchers and professionals increasingly highlight the need to understand
child development and risk in the non-Western majority world This call characterizes a major
shift in perspectives and approaches towards the role of the environment in child development
according to an ecological cultural approach.
The current study utilizes a context informed perspective that goes beyond the Ecological
Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner 1994, 2005) and adds Critical Theories (Mass, 2004;
Shalhoub-Kevorkian & Roer-Strier, 2015) to the Ecological Perspective. In doing so, it considers
structural factors, power relations, and understanding of the political context. This study
examines perceptions of the Bedouin population from the unrecognized villages (UVs) in the
Naqab in Southern Israel. It provides an analysis of the effect of socio-cultural-political context
-emotional development, maternal belief systems, attachment, perceptions of
risk, and coping with risks.
The Bedouins in the UVs represent a traditional and collective society that promotes
values of hierarchical relatedness. Nowadays, Bedouins in the Naqab face rapid and dramatic
cultural changes due to the transition from a semi-nomadic to a sedentary life and urbanization.
These changes pose unique challenges for Bedouin societies. The transition changed the shape of
their everyday life, affecting their socialization goals and parenting practices. Various studies
exist on the Bedouin society in the Naqab. However, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin
mother
socio-emotional development, perceptions of risk for children, and coping mechanisms.
Objectives: -emotional
development and risk perceptions in a socio-political context; 2) To document the socialization
systems in the Bedouin child's first year; 3) To learn from minority parents by involving them in
defining domains of risk. Moreover, we sought to document their ideas regarding prevention and
VII
learn about their coping mechanisms as a basis for designing future prevention and intervention
programs.
Method: The longitudinal study presents the attitudes and practices of Bedouin parents over the
course of one year. Utilizing a mixed method approach, researchers collected data between 2011
and 2013. The research is based on a mixed method approach, which included in-depth
interviews with 33 mothers; 4 focus groups with women and 1 with men; socio -demographic and
socialization goals questionnaires; as well as structured observations of the mothers daily
interactions with their children at two points of time.
Main Findings and Discussion: First, the data yielded perceptions of parenting that varied
between traditional, androcentric perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of
Bedouin society) to a more Westernized perception of parenting. These findings are tightly
linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of the tribes; they reveal that the rapid and
forced transition to permanent settlement poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society,
including challenges to their parenting (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015)1.
Second, the findings in the second paper proved surprising and unexpected for Bedouin society,
which exhibits high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving
arrangements. The findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants with respect to the display of
stranger anxiety: More than half the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not.
These findings may reflect that the Bedouins in the unrecognized villages have to combine
traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous socio-political
situation (Marey-Sarwan, Keller, & Otto, 2015)2. The findings in the third paper display
Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in
the Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano., & D. L. Lee (Eds.),
Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-123). New York and London: Routledge.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay
-emotional Development
among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231
VIII
numerous risk conditions that hindering societal and individual development and children's well -
being. At the same time, the findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in very
harsh conditions, coping with their plight and distress (Marey-Sarwan, Roer-Strier, & Otto,
submitted)3.
Overall, our findings emphasize the relevance of context and the importance of a context
informed perspective, including an awareness of historical and political effects in relation to
theories of child development and parenting. Additionally, the findings highlight the need to
include parental voices in discourses on parenting, risk, and protection. These findings have
major implications for professionals working with marginalized and oppressed populations.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Roer-Strier, D., & Otto, H. (Submitted). Ecology of Risk and Protection:
Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab.
Letter of contribution
The PhD student, Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, completed the three articles attached in the
research project without equal contributors or any other contributors, with the exception of the
analysis, writing and editing the manuscripts, and full participation in the publication process
(i.e., submission to scientific journals, serving as the corresponding author, amendments and
revisions as recommended by the editors and reviewers, re-submissions of the revised
manuscripts).
Since the supervisor Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier is a qualitative researcher, Prof. Keller and
Dr. Otto were invited to supervise the quantitative analysis of the data. The accompanying
committee members were asked to approve their supervision. The request was approved and
therefore the names of Prof. Keller and Dr. Otto on the papers are in the capacity of supervisors.
Table of contents
Chapter 1: Conceptual Framework................................................................................ .......1-20
.
Ecological Systems perspe 2
Attachment ...
Culturally infor
Context informed perspective of children's ......
Context of the present research: Bedoui
Research q .
Outline of the dissertation
Refer
Chapter 2: Research Methods . ... 21-30
Par .
The re ..
Data collection Procedures and instruments ..
1. Semi-structured interviews
2.
3. A socio-demographic
4. Sociali
5.
Data analysis .
Research rigor .
Ethical considerations .
28
Chapter 3: Children are a Gift from God: Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab
Desert in Israel ..31-49
Chapter 4: Stay C
Socio-Emotional Development among Bedouins in the Unrecognized
Villages in the Naqab 50-64
Chapter 5: Ecology of Risk and Protection: Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized
Villages in the Naqab ......... ...........................................65-96
Supplementary Material . ... . ..... 97-101
Chapter 6: Conclusions, Limitations and Contribution . . 102-118
Resilience and . 6
The journey: way for change: Knowledge is p .. ...107
The journey: 111
Study limitations and recommendations for future researches 112
Practical 113
Contribut 114
116
Appendices . ..119-135
Appendix 1: Interview guideline- Interview with the mother when the child is
2.5- 119-124
Appendix 2: Interview guideline- Interview with the mother when the child is one
year of a .. . 125
Appendix 3: Socio-demographic questionnaire .. .126
Appendix 4: Socialization goals questionnaire ....127-128
- Designing context-informed
interventions ....129
Appendix 6: A women's focus group at the end of the data
130
Appendix group- stranger .. ..131
132
Appendix 9: Coding scheme for mother- infant spontaneous interaction ....133-135
1 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Chapter 1:
Conceptual Framework
Attachment and Risk from a Context- Informed Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the
Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
Preface
The Bowbly Ainsworth attachment theory (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Bowlby,
1969, 1973, 1982) is one of the most popular theories in developmental psychology with a
significant impact on the applied field. Attachment is considered as a universal necessity for
infants to develop and strive. The quality of attachment is considered to develop over the first
year of life as a consequence of social experiences. However, attachment theory has a blind spot
concerning the role of culture in general social regulations and the definition of child caregiver
relationships more specifically (Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013). The present study
therefore aimed to increase awareness of the cultural embodiment of attachment relationships
and its assessment. It particularly challenged the Strange Situation procedure, which is the
major assessment tool of attachment security (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It argued that attachment
and its qualities cannot be assessed without examining it from the socio-cultural-political
perspective.
2005), which
accounts for the historical, social, and cultural context of child development. It expands the
Ecological Theory toward a context informed perspective of children's risks and methods for
coping with risks according to minority Bedouin parents from unrecognized villages (UVs) in
the Naqab desert in Southern Israel.
The study made unique contributions to a range of intersecting contexts and concepts:
a) Attachment theory, which examines children's socioemotional development, specifically the
display of stranger anxiety and the relationship between the infant and his/her caregivers;
2 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
b) The socio-cultural-political context, which suggests different definitions for risk and gives the
concept different meanings and interpretations;
c) An examination of parenting and perceptions of risk for children in light of the unique family
structure and cultural pattern in the Bedouin society.
Ecological Systems Perspective of Children Development
The Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 2005) focuses on the impact that
environment plays on individual growth and development. This theory enables a broad view that
takes into account historical, social, and cultural contexts of child development (Bronfenbrenner
2005). The Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) is particularly suitable for the
investigation of developmental risk and prevention. It enumerates five interrelated systems, each
of them represents a particular environmental framework in the child's world: the microsystem
includes the interactions between the child and the immediate environment such as
interpersonal relations in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic
features. The mesosystem relates to interactions between microsystems, such as the effect of a
large number of children on the relationship between parents, relationships with the community,
and relationships within the extended family. The exosystem refers to interactions with the
surrounding community in which the child is not directly involved but exerts influence indirectly
conditions on the child and family life. The macrosystem consists of the overarching
microsystem pattern, mesosystem, and exosystems characteristics in a given culture or subculture.
It includes traditions, beliefs, habits,
aspirations shared by people in a particular (sub) culture. The chronosystem refers to the
historical effects on development during the lifespan.
developmental risk and prevention in Bedouins families. Furthermore, the current study suggests
that a context-informed per
(Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 2005); in doing so, it adds Critical Theories, thus considering structural
factors, power relations, and an understanding of the political context (Mass, 2004; Shalhoub-
3 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Kevorkian & Roer-Strier, 2015). The context-informed perspective is particularly relevant to the
study of Bedouin because it considers both the effects of cultural transition and political conflict,
lfare and rights (Hamber et al. 2015;
Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan, 2007), before planning any prevention or intervention
program.
Attachment Theory
One of the main theories in child development is attachment theory, formulated by
Bowlby and Ainsworth (Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1974; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall,
1978; Bowlby, 1969, 1982). Strong developmental risk definitions have been attributed to
world and informing intervention programs for family support (e.g. STEEP: for steps toward
effective, enjoyable parenting) (Erickson & Egeland, 2004). Foster care placement and programs
for coping with delinquency in adolescence utilize risk definitions based on attachment theory.
(Johnson & Whiffen, 2003). Additionally, recently early educational programs rely increasingly
on the conception of attachment (e.g., Kennedy & Kennedy, 2004).
emotional well-being (Ainsworth et al., 1974; Baer & Martinez, 2006). Attachment styles differ
depending on the experiences with a primary caregiver during the first year of life (Bacon
& Richardson, 2001).
Researchers developed the so-called Strange Situation a laboratory based sequence of
separations of mother and infant, confrontations with a stranger and reunions in order to assess
attachment quality (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It especially assessed the behavioral responses of
infants to separation and reunion with their mothers to indicate different attachment styles:
Secure, insecure-avoidant, and insecure-ambivalent attachment. Later, Main and Solomon (1990)
added a fourth pattern called disorganized attachment.
4 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Ainsworth et al., (1978) assumed that infants show a secure attachment style when they
experienced sensitive parenting over the first year of life. They defined sensitive parenting as
(Ainsworth et al., 1978, p. 142). Secure attachment style characterizes infants, whose mothers
explore his environment and return to her for support if he feels distressed (Frey, Cushing,
Freundlich, & Brenner, 2008).
Contrastingly, early experiences of insensitive caregiving lead to insecure or disorganized
attachment styles: Children who experience constant rejection from a parent tend to exhibit an
avoidant pattern; children who experience inconsistent treatment, tend to exhibit an ambivalent
pattern; and children who experience maltreatment, neglect, trauma, and abuse (Hesse & Main,
1999) tend to exhibit disorganized pattern (Schofield, 2003).
Culturally Informed Attachment Research.
LeVine & Norman (2001) claimed that attachment theory is the predominant example of
. Attachment theory
(Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth et al., 1978) claimed universal validity, both in terms of its theory as
well as in its methods. However, cross cultural studies (e.g. Harwood, Miller, & Irizarry, 1995;
Keller & Kärtner, 2013; Otto & Keller, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000)
reveal that attachment theory is open to cultural influences and biases, starting from the
experimental procedure the Stranger Situation itself, and ending with the assumption that
maternal sensitivity exclusively leads to secure attachment. Studies indicate that these
assumptions may be adaptive for Western middle-class families, which account for only a
& Taylor, 1984; Grossmann, Grossmann,
Spangler, Suess, & Unzner,
many non-Western and mainly rural eco-social environments (Keller & Kärtner, 2013). A
context-informed perspective of attachment requires an approach that accounts for historical -
socio- political and ecological conditions, in addition to social customs and cultural values.
5 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
In Western countries and in developmental theories it is assumed that mothers are essential to
ar of life (Barlow, 2004). Meanwhile, studies in non-
Western cultures (see also Different Faces of Attachment, that edited by Otto & Keller, 2014)
tried to answer the essential question regarding cultural variations and influences. These studies
provided various examples where infants receive care from a variety of caregivers in non-
Western cultures (Cole & Cole, 1989; Seymour, 2004). Such multiple care arrangements are
Gottlieb, 2004); Aka foragers in the Central
African Republic (Meehan, 2009); Efe of Zaire (Ivey, 2000); Baatombu of Benin (Alber, 2004),
and Cameroonian Nso farmers (Otto, 2008). Consequently, in these non-Western cultures the
responsibility for childcare lies with a larger community and not only with a particular adult
(Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Weisner & Gallimore, 2008).
f a next
child (Cervera & Mendez, 2006; LeVine et al., 1994; LeVine & LeVine, 1988). In social-cultural
l socialization goals (Super &
Harkness, 1986). At the same time, mothers who have a lot of social support exhibit better
parenting skills and are more likely to have infants with good emotion regulation skills (Green,
Furrer, &, McAllister, 2007). Moreover, multiple caregiving arrangements also foster infant
integration into the cultural community, since the children interact with many different
individuals from an early stage (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015).
Attachment theory and maternal sensitivity, which are central to Western culture, are
perceived as leading to individual psychological autonomy by developing abilities such as self-
expression and assertiveness. By contrast, the aim in traditional societies is hierarchical
relatedness. It is desirable for children to obey parents and maintain social harmony, values that
attachment theory does not emphasize (Otto & Keller, 2014).
The Ainsworth et al, (1978) research on attachment theory examined expressions of
emotional regulation and stranger anxiety. Ainsworth et al, (1978) assumed
attachment level becomes apparent and observable in a distress situation, mainly because of the
6 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
ppearance
of a stranger in a strange environment, which increases stress levels, is crucial. However, it is
emotional expressivity (Matsumoto, Olide, & Willingham, 2009).
Bowlby (1969) claimed that infants start to prefer familiar people and respond fearfully
to unfamiliar persons for being different at around eight months old (Ainsworth et al., 1974,
1978). Stranger anxiety is generally regarded as part of a universal behavioral system. It is
supposed to protect the infant, ensure survival, and keep the child away from unfamiliar and
potentially dangerous - conspecifics (Bowlby, 1973, 1982; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1977). It is assumed
that stranger anxiety emerges when infants start to crawl and explore the environment, which
may expose them to potential dangers, including strangers (Marks & Nesse, 1994). However,
cross-
beliefs and attitudes surrounding it, vary across cultures (Gottlieb, 2004; Otto, 2008). These
studies displayed that in some societies children are encouraged to be friendly towards strangers,
approach them, and be comfortable with them. Accordingly, stranger anxiety is hardly
observable in these environments.
Context Informed Perspective of Children's Risk and Coping with Risks
The current study also examines the parental perspectives of risks and coping with risks.
Definitions of developmental risk are rooted primarily in universal developmental theories,
such as attachment theory (Bowlby, 1986; Zeanah & Smyke, 2009). Yet in most cases, they are
applied in non-Western societies. Researchers Levitt and Merry conceived vernacularization,
which includes examples of attachment (2009). Vernacularization describes a process of
adopting global ideas from the field of human rights and translating them around the world to the
local level. For example, when professionals label children as at risk and take them out of their
homes based on the assessment of the Western insecure attachment ignoring the local context.
Cultural norms, child rearing practices, and parental contextual demands influence behavior that
may be defined as risk in one culture and as normative in another, e.g. corporal punishment
(Korbin, 1991; Korbin & Spilsbury, 1999).
7 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Agathonos- Georgopoulou (1992) proposed that cultures not only shape the ideas and behavior
of parents and children, but also professionals. Professionals who assess child risk factors,
inform court procedures, or plan interventions are unaware or have little knowledge of cultural
differences. Therefore, cross-cultural understanding of children at risk will benefit the
development of proper solutions on different levels such as protection, treatment, and prevention.
In Israel, a society characterized by multiculturalism (Shemer, 2009), the Schmid
Committee (2006) formulated the definition of children at risk. This definition is based on the
United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989), which Israel adopted in
1991. According to the report, children and youth at risk are defined as:
Children and youth who live in situations that endanger them within their family and their
environment. As a result of those conditions it hurts their ability to implement their rights
under the CRC in the following areas: physical existence, health and development; family
belonging; learning and life skills; social and emotional health; belonging and social
participation and protection from others and from their own dangerous behavior. (Schmid
Report 2006, p. 67)
In the same report, Schmid (2006) listed a number of factors that may create or increase
risk: financial problems, family crises, transitions, immigration, belonging to minority groups,
disabilities, and learning disabilities. The report defined about 330,000 children and youths in
Israel as at risk, and pointed to a large scale of risk factors among Arabs, particularly the Arab-
Bedouin society (Schmid, 2006).
Literature discusses the significant contribution of cultural transition to risk. Korbin
(2008). Spilsbury, Korbin, & Coulton (2012) argued that the contextual demands parents face in
cultural transition, such as economical, political, and other stressors, create scenarios that may be
defined as risk. For example, cultural changes may cause the loss of community networks, which
serve as support systems and minimize the risk for children in times of crisis. Socio-cultural,
sociopolitical, and socioeconomic changes may result in poverty, loss of social status, social
isolation, unemployment, and low self-esteem that impact the parent-child relationships and
increase the risk for children (Korbin & Spilsbury, 1999; Ritchie & Ritchie, 1981). The
8 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
- nomadic
life to a sedentary life in the context of political and territorial conflict. Greenfield (1994) and
Roer-Strier & Rosental (2001) showed that the cultural differences are a source of
misunderstanding, tensions, and conflict between the parents, who are in cultural transition and
the cultural professional agents. This leads professionals to plan interventions that are not
sensitive to cultural contexts.
Furthermore, Roer-Strier (2007) argued that in the case of families in cultural transition,
special attention should be given to how family members define and prevent risk in order to help
professionals to develop context appropriate intervention and prevention programs. Shemer
(2009) argued that professionals experience dilemmas in cultural topics. These culturally
dependent topics include the relationships within the family, the education of children using
, and approaches for
early childhood. Professionals find addressing these dilemmas to be particularly complex and
express conflicting perceptions and attitudes.
Green (1999), for example, emphasized that social workers tend to regard ethnic
differences, which they encounter in their work, as a problem to be overcome rather than a
learning opportunity. The current study aims to challenge this tendency and to provide cultural
knowledge that will arouse the desire to see these differences as learning opportunities.
Culturally competent professionals must be able to estimate the risk for children in general and
children specifically in cultural transition. Literature referring to assessment, prevention, and
intervention for children at risk (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1981; Roer-Strier, 2007) sought to learn
about raising children of the target population and document the existing risk definitions in these
groups. In this case, the researcher asked parents from the Arab-Bedouin society about risk
definitions and how they suggest handling and avoiding risk in their society.
Context of the Present Research: Bedouin from the UVs in the Naqab
The case of Bedouin parents from UVs is of special interest to both topics of attachment and risk.
Today, about 100 that are denied building
9 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
permits and lack basic services such as running water, electricity, access roads, and sewage
systems (Abu-Saad, 2010; Human Rights Watch, 2008). Most of these localities are fifty miles
away from Be'er Sheva.
The Arab Bedouin communities in the Naqab represent the most disadvantaged sector of
Israeli society in all spheres: economic, social and educational (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008).
(An expanded description of the Bedouin in the UVs is included in the three articles in the
following chapters of this dissertation). Therefore, when examining transition cultures, it is
important to take into account the cultural uniqueness of the Bedouin in the UVs and the socio
political context that they must navigate.
Researchers have conducted various studies on the Arab-Bedouin society in the Naqab.
Most of the studies were related to family composition and focused on
elementary-school aged children, and youth (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000; Al-
Krenawi, 1999). Others focused on health and nutrition among Bedouin infants (Ben Rabbi,
Amiel, Nijam, & Dolev, 2009). However, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin parenting
The current study addresses this gap. It aims first, to contribute to professional
-emotional development and risk perceptions in a socio-
political context. Secondly, it seeks to document the socialization systems in the child's first year
in the unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab. Finally, the study enables people to learn
from minority parents in marginalized and oppressed societies by involving them in defining
domains of risk and documenting their ideas regarding prevention and coping mechanisms as a
basis for designing future programs.
Research questions
The current longitudinal study was designed to address the following questions:
10 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
1.
the Naqab, and how these socialization goals and definitions are reflected in the practices
and behaviors of the child primary caregivers in the first year of his li fe??
2. childcare?
3. How do Bedouin children from UVs in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female
stranger?
4. socio-
emotional development?
5. What are the connections between family size and children's display of stranger anxiety?
6. How do Bedouin mothers perceive risk for their children?
7. How do mothers cope with these risks?
Outline of the dissertation
This dissertation includes three chapters, which are based on a book chapter and papers.
The three chapters emphasize different aspects of parenting and child development in the
Bedouin community. An outline of the chapters and how they addressed the research questions
are presented below.
Chapter 3, entitled
Contemporary parenting: A global
perspective (pp. 105-123), edited by G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), New York and
London: Routledge.
The chapter addresses the first two research questions: 1) What are the socialization goals
, and how these
socialization goals and definitions are reflected in the practices and behaviors of the child
define child proper care?
11 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
This chapter examines parental perceptions, socialization goals, and practices in the
Bedouin- communities in the Naqab from a contextual-historical perspective and focuses on
perceptions, goals, and practices are tightly linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of
the tribes. They reveal that the rapid and forced transition from being semi - nomads to inhabiting
permanent settlements poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society, including
challenges to their parenting. Although Bedouin parents preserve traditional family values and
to the outside world. Tribal traditional values and norms slowly blur as a result of the Bedouins'
adjustments to permanent settlements and their exposure to the Western lifestyle in the
neighboring cities. Thus, perceptions of parenting fluctuate between traditional, ethnocentric
perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of Bedouin society), and a more
Westernized perception of parenting. This chapter clearly indicates that parenting notions should
be viewed and explained within the socio-political context where parenting is practiced.
Chapter 4 is entitled
Socio-emo
This chapter is published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015 in the Journal of Cross-
Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231
This paper addresses the third, fourth, and fifth questions: 3) How do Bedouin children
from UVs in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female stranger? 4) What are Bedouin
-emotional development? 5)
What are the interrelations between family size and children's display of stranger anxiety?
The paper aims to investigate one-year-
otion
regulation. The findings were surprising and unexpected for Bedouin society, which exhibits
high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving arrangements. The
findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants in regards to stranger anxiety: More than half
the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not. These findings might indicate a
paradox: raising social, but wary children. The findings demonstrate that the Bedouins in the
12 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
UVs have to combine traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous
socio-political situation. These findings indicate that mothers actively trained their children to be
friendly around familiar people, yet to be careful around unfamiliar people that could potenti ally
harm them such as police, military, and Jews. The findings in this paper challenge the ethological
Chapter 5, entitled Ecology of Risk and Protection: Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from
Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. addresses the sixth and seventh research questions: 6)
How do Bedouin mothers perceive risk for their children? 7) How do mothers cope with these
risks?
This paper underscoring both the importance of learning from minority parents about risk
for children by giving voice to and the contribution of using a context-informed
lenses when doing so. The theoretical frame proposed by this paper was the context informed
perspective that builds on the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) and on Critical
Theory, which accounts for power relations, oppression, and discrimination.
The findings demonstrate a wide range of perceived risks, including physical in the home
and in the surroundings; family; tradition and political discrimination; and governmental
policies. Despite these numerous risk factors, Bedouin families report coping and trying to
prevent risk through mothers investment in their children, social cohesion and tribal support,
spirituality and religion, as well as their collective history.
13 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Chapter 1- References
Abu-Saad, I. (2010). Arabs of the Naqab: Past, present and future challenges. Negev Center for
Regional Development. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Arabic).
Agathonos- Georgopoulou, H. (1992). Cross-cultural perspectives in child abuse and neglect.
Child Abuse Review, 1(2), 80 88.
Ainsworth, M. D. S., Bell, S. M., & Stayton, D. J. (1974). Infant-mother attachment and social
M. Richards (Ed.), The integration of a child into a social world (pp. 99-135).
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Ainsworth, M. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A
psychological study of the strange situation. Oxford, England: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Baatombu in Northern Benin. In F. Bowie (Ed.), Cross-cultural approaches to adoption
(pp. 33 47). London: Routledge.
Al- Krenawi, A. (1999). Women of polygamous marriages in primary health care centers.
Contemporary Family Therapy: An International Journal, 21(3), 417-430.
Auerbach, J. G., Goldstein, E., & Elbedour, S. (2000). Behavior problems in Bedouin elementary
schoolchildren. Transcultural Psychiatry, 37(2), 229-241.
Bacon, H., & Richardson, S. (2001). Attachment theory and child abuse: An overview of the
literature for practitioners. Child Abuse Review, 10(6), 377-397.
Baer, J.C., & Martinez, C.D. (2006). Child maltreatment and insecure attachment. Journal of
Reproductive and Infant Psychology, 24(3), 187-197.
14 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Murik of
Papua New Guinea. Ethos (Special Issue: Contributions to a feminist psychological
anthropology), 32(4), 514 37.
Belsky, J., Rovine, M., & Taylor, G, D. (1984). The Pennsylvania infant and family development
project, III: The origins of individual differences in infant-mother attachment: Maternal
and infant contributions. Child Development, 55(3), 718-728.
Ben Rabbi, D., Amiel, S., Nijam, F., & Dolev, T. (2009). Children in the Bedouin population in
the Negev: Characteristics, needs and patterns of using the services. Jerusalem: Myers-
JDC-Brookdale Institute (Hebrew).
Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment. New York: Basic Books
Bowlby, J. (1973). Separation: Anxiety and anger. New York: Basic Books.
Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss. New York: Basic Books.
Bowlby, J. (1986). . New York, NY, US: New York
University Press.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1994). Ecological models of human development. In T. Husen & T. N.
Postlethwaite (Eds.), International encyclopedia of education (2nd ed., Vol. 3, pp. 1643
1647). Oxford, England: Pergamon Press/ Elsevier Science.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005). The bioecological theory of human development. In U.
Bronfenbrenner (Ed.), Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on
human development (pp. 3-15). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Cervera, M.D., & Mendez, R.M. (2006).Temperament and ecological context among Yucatec
Mayan children. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 30(4), 326-337.
Cole, M., & Cole, S. R. (1989). The development of children. New York, NY, England:
Scientific American Library.
15 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Convention on the Rights of the Child. (1989). Articles 24 & 27. Accessed on June 2, 2015 from
https://www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/540?OpenDocument.
Eibl-Eibesfeldt, I. (1977). Evolution of destructive aggression. Aggressive Behavior, 3, 127-144.
Erickson, M. F., & Egeland, B. (2004). Linking theory and research to practice: The Minnesota
longitudinal study of parents and children and the STEEP program. Clinical
Psychologist, 8(1), 5-9.
Frey, L., Cushing, G., Freundlich, M., & Brenner, E. (2008). Achieving permanency for youth in
foster care: Assessing and strengthening emotional security. Child and Family Social
Work, 13(2), 218 226.
Gottlieb, A. (2004). The afterlife is where we come from: The culture of infancy in West Africa.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Green, J. W. (1999). Cultural awareness in the human services: A multi-ethnic approach (3rd
ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Green, B.L., Furrer, C., & McAllister, C. (2007). How do relationships support parenting?
Effects of attachment style and social support on parenting behavior in an at -risk
population. American Journal of Community Psychology, 40(1), 96-108.
Greenfield, P. M. (1994). Independence and interdependence as developmental scripts:
Implications for theory, research, and practice. In P. M. Greenfield, & R. Cocking
(Eds.), Cross-cultural roots of minority child development (pp. 1 37). Hillsdale, NJ:
Lawrence and Erlbaum Associates.
Grossmann, K., Grossmann, K. E., Spangler, G., Suess, G., and Unzner, L. (1985). Maternal
related to quality of attachment in
northern Germany. In I. Bretherton and E. Waters (Eds.), Growing points of attachment:
theory and research. Monographs of the Society for Research on Child Development,
50(1 2), 233 65. University of Chicago Press.
16 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Hamber, B., Gallagher, E., Weine, S. M., Agger, I., Bava, S., Gaborit, M., Murthy, S ., & Saul, J.
(2015). Exploring how context matters in addressing the impact of armed conflict.
In Psychosocial Perspectives on Peacebuilding (pp. 1-31). Springer International
Publishing.
Harwood, R. L., Miller, J. G., and Irizarry, N. L. (1995). Culture and attachment: Perceptions of
the child in context. New York: Guilford Press.
Hesse, E., & Main, M. (1999). Second generation effects of unresolved trauma in nonmaltreating
parents: Dissociated, frightened, and threatening parental behavior. Psychoanalytic
Inquiry, 19 (4), 481-540.
Human Rights Watch. (2008). Off the map: Land and housing rights violations
unrecognized Bedouin villages. New York, NY: Author.
Ivey, P. K. (2000). Cooperative reproduction in Ituri Forest hunter -gatherers: Who cares for Efe
infants? Current Anthropology, 41(5), 856-866.
Johnson, S., & Whiffen, V. (Eds.) (2003). Attachment processes in couple and family therapy.
Edited New York: Guilford Press.
Family, self, and human development across cultures: Theory and
applications. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Keller, H., & Kärtner, J. (2013). Development The culture-specific solution of universal
developmental tasks. In M. L. Gelfand, C. Y. Chiu., & Y. Y. Hong (Eds.), Advances in
culture and psychology (Vol. 3, pp. 63-116). New York: Oxford University Press.
Kennedy, J. H., & Kennedy, C. E. (2004). Attachment theory: Implications for school
psychology. Psychology in Schools, 41, 247-259.
Korbin, J. E. (1991). Cross-cultural perspectives and research directions for the 21st
century. Child Abuse & Neglect, 15, 67-77.
17 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Korbin, J. (2008). Child neglect and abuse across cultures. In G. Robinson, U. Eickelkamp, J.
Goodnow, & I. Katz (Eds.), Contexts of child development: Culture, policy and
intervention (pp. 122-129). Wilmore, KY: Asbury Seminary.
Korbin, J., & Spilsbury, J. (1999). Cultural competence and child neglect. In H. Dubowitz (Ed.),
Neglected children (pp. 69 88). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
LeVine, R.A., & LeVine, S.E. (1988). Parental strategies among the Gusii of Kenya. In R.A.
LeVine, P.M. Miller, & M.M. West (Eds.), Parental behavior in diverse societies (pp.
27-35). San Francisco, CA, US: Jossey-Bass.
LeVine, R.A., LeVine, S., Dixon, S., Richman, A., Leiderman, P.H., Keefer, C.H., & Brazelton,
T.B. (1994). Child care and culture: Lessons from Africa. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
reexamined in anthropological perspective. In C. C. Moore & H. F. Methews (Eds.), The
psychology of cultural experience (pp. 83 104). Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.
Levitt, P..
rights in Peru, China, India and the United States. Global Networks, 9(4), 441 461.
Lykes, M. B., Beristain, C. M. and Pérez-Armiñan, M. L. C. (2007). Political violence, impunity,
and emotional climate in Maya communities. Journal of Social Issues, 63(2), 369 385.
Main, M., & Solomon, J. (1990). Procedures for identifying infants as disorganized/disoriented
during the Ainsworth Strange Situation. In M. T. Greenberg, D. Cicchetti & E. M.
Cummings (Eds.), Attachment in the preschool years (pp. 121 160). Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab
Bedouins in the Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A.
18 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-
124). New York and London: Routledge.
Marks, I. M., & Nesse, R. M. (1994). Fear and fitness: An evolutionary analysis of anxiety
disorders. Ethology & Sociobiology, 15, 247-261.
Mass, M. (2004). Their borders-our obligation: on authority and responsibility of social workers
in the area of parent-child relationship. Megamot, 43 (3), 566-576 (Hebrew).
Matsumoto, D., Olide, A., & Willingham, B. (2009). Is there an ingroup advantage in
recognizing spontaneously expressed emotions? Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 33,
181 91.
Meehan, C.L. (2009). Maternal time allocation in two cooperative childrearing societies. Human
Nature, 20 (4), 375-393.
state and insurgent planning: Globalization, localization or
globalization Cities, 22(3), 201-215.
Nsamenang, A. B., & Lamb, M. E. (1994). Socialization of Nso children in the Bamenda
Grassfields of Northwest Cameroon. In P. M. Greenfield & R. R. Cocking (Eds.), Cross-
cultural roots of minority child development (pp. 133-146). Erlbaum.
Otto, H. (2008). Culture-specific attachment strategies in the Cameroonian Nso: Cultural
solutions to a universal developmental task. Unpublished Dissertation, University of
Osnabrueck, Osnabrueck.
Otto, H., & Keller, H. ( ). Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal
human need. UK: Cambridge University Press. The University of Cambridge.
Quinn, N., & Mageo, J. (Eds.) (2013). Attachment reconsidered. New York: Palgrave.
Ritchie, J., & Ritchie, J. (1981). Child rearing and child abuse: The Polynesian context. In J.
Korbin (Ed.), Child abuse and neglect: Cross-cultural perspectives (pp. 186 204).
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
19 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Roer-Strier, D. (2007). Reducing the risk for children in changing cultural contexts:
Recommendations for intervention and training. The act under the guidance of parents .
Family and Knowledge, 3, 15-31.
Roer-Strier, D., & Rosental, M. K. (2001). Socialization in changing cultural contexts: A search
adult Social Work, 46(3), 215-228.
Rothbaum, F., Weisz, J., Pott, M., Miyke, K., Morelli, G. (2000). Attachment and culture:
security in the United States and Japan. American Psychologist, 55(10), 1093 1104.
Schmid, H. (2006). Accountability public commission to examine the situation of at risk children
and youth. Report served to Israeli prime minister and the minister of social welfare.
Israel (Hebrew).
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N., & Roer-Strier, D. (October 20, 2015). Context-informed, counter-
hegemonic qualitative research: Israeli/Palestinian research team studying
loss. Qualitative Social Work, (1-18). DOI:10.1177/1473325015595545
Schofield, G. (2003). Part of the family: Pathways through foster care. London: British
Agencies for Adoption Fostering.
Seymour, S. (2004). Multiple caretaking of infants and young children: An area in critical need
of a feminist psychological anthropology. Ethos, 32(4), 538-556.
Shemer, A. (2009). From plurality of cultures to multiculturalism: Professional challenges
in a culture sensitive work with children and their parents. Ets Hasadah (Writings
from the Field), 3, 4-11 (Hebrew).
Spilsbury. J., Korbin, J., & Coulton, C. (2012). views of
neighborhood danger and well-Being: The importance of multiple perspectives and
mixed methods. Child Indicators Research, 5, 469 482.
20 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork
Super, C.M., & Harkness, S. (1986). The developmental niche: A conceptualization at the
interface of child and culture. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 9(4),
545-569.
Weisner, T.S., & Gallimore, R. (2008). Child and sibling caregiving. In R.S. New (Ed.),
Anthropology and child development: A cross-cultural reader (pp. 264-269). Malden:
Blackwell Publishing.
Yiftachel, O. (2008). Epilogue: Studying Naqab/Negev Bedouins- toward a colonial paradigm.
HAGAR: Studies in Culture, Policy and Identities, 8(2), 83 108.
Zeanah, C.H., & Smyke, A.T. (2009). Disorders of attachment. In C.H. Zeanah (Ed.) , Handbook
of infant mental health (3rd edn.). (pp. 421-434). New York, Guilford Press.
21 Chapter 2: Research Methods
Chapter 2:
Research Methods
The current longitudinal study presents the attitudes and practices of Bedouin mothers and
fathers during the first year of the child's life. It is based on a mixed method approach (Creswell,
2005, 2009; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004) with quantitative and qualitative assessments.
Participants
Data were collected between 2011 and 2013 from 59 Arab-Bedouin parents who live in
-4
months and 12 months postpartum. The moth -43 years, and family
size ranged from between 1-15 members, with an average of 3.7 persons per family. The average
woman married at 17.5 and obtained 11 years of formal education. The researcher recruited
mothers through the snowball method (Patton, 2002); 2). Four focus groups of 7-12 Bedouin
mothers and one focus group with eight fathers met (for further information see: Data collection
Procedures and Instruments).
Participants were not paid for their participation in the research; however, each of them
received a CD that included all the child's photos and videos taken by the researcher in addition
to a magnet photo of the baby with his/her family with a thank-you note written on it at the end
of the study. They also received a modest gift for the mother.
The Researcher
The researcher is an Arab Palestinian mother and professional from Haifa in the North of
Israel. She familiarized herself with Bedouin culture by spending three years collecting data,
visiting the villages, and reading extensively about Bedouin in general and Bedouin in the Naqab
specifically. The researcher formed trusting relationships with the Bedouin participants and
informants, such as educators and social workers who work with the community. She had access
to participants and shared a common religion and language, thus managing to create rapport and
; Shlasky & Alpert,
22 Chapter 2: Research Methods
2007). Even today, she is in constant contact with the study participants (more details in chapter
6). Simultaneously, she maintained enough distance to allow reflective and critical scrutiny of
the researched reality (Shkedi, 2011).
Data Collection Procedures and Instruments
Utilizing a mixed method approach, the researcher used several methods of data
collection at different points of time. Each method described below employed different research
tools that fit the research method. An interweaving of analysis results from various research tools
allowed for a more thorough analysis and context informed relationship. The methods used were:
1. Semi-structured interviews with mothers at two point of time. The first interview took
place -4 months and aimed to collect information on beliefs
about attachment relationships, socialization goals, as well as risk perceptions and
definitions regarding the development of early childhood. Mothers also were asked to offer
ideas for culturally appropriate prevention and intervention (The guideline for the maternal
interview is found in Appendix 1). The second interview occurred when the baby was one
year old. It focused on the mother-child relationship, as well as the ch
strangers and relationships with others (for details see Appendix 2). The interviews lasted
one to two hours each and were audio taped.
2. Behavioral observation on the baby's daily activities via video. The observation allows
participants to behave according to their cultural rules and show typical behaviors of the
surrounding culture (Shkedi, 200 ). The researcher observed mother child interactions
twice during -4 months postpartum,
the researcher asked mothers to interact with their infants as usual. Then they were filmed in
a 5 minutes face-to-face free play interaction. The last videotaped observation took place at
the family home when the infant was about one year old. It is unusual for a child in Bedouin
society to be left alone. Instead of using Ainsworth' Strange Situation Procedure the
researcher used a culturally sensitive quasi-
(2008) study in Cameroon. The researcher created a mild stressor in order to observe the
-regulation reaction with respect to the greetings from female strangers
23 Chapter 2: Research Methods
(Keller & Otto, 2009; Keller &
Otto, 2014). The visits were videotaped using a video camera that was set up in the room in
front of the mother and child. The researcher greeted the family and o ther people present and
After the greeting, she approached the mother and child, tried to pick up the child, and
interacted with the child up to five minutes. She was free to move around with the infant and
leave the room; she handed the child back to the mother immediately when she/he showed
signs of distress.
3. A socio-demographic questionnaire: The data provided basic information about the
date of
the family, paternal and maternal number of siblings, parental employment, subsistence
patterns, number of rooms, and home electrical appliances (Appendix 3).
4. Socialization goals questionnaires (Kärtner, Keller, & Chaudhary, 2010; Keller, 2007;
Keller et al., 2006). A list of 22 statements asks mothers to express agreement or
disagreement on a Likert scale from 0 (not at all) to 5 (completely); the statements relate to
the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the first three years of their
ed Hierarchical Relatedness (12 items
), and
Psychological Autonomy -
confidence, and assertiveness), (Appendix 4).
5. Focus groups discussions were conducted based on a group interview with the researcher
and a group of study participants (Vaughn, Schumm, & Sinagub, 1996). The researcher
moderated focus group discussions centered on a specific topic to generate qualitative data
based on the interactions occurring in the group (Sim & Snell, 1996). The current study,
includes four focus groups with mothers and one with fathers. Mothers, who did not take
part in the individual interviews and met the relevant socio demographic characteristics,
attended the first and the fourth focus group.
24 Chapter 2: Research Methods
The first focus group was held with nine mothers aged 18-56 with an average of seven children
and a mean of eight years of formal education at the beginning of the study. It aimed to
acknowledge the Bedouin society and to learn from the mothers about issues such as parenting,
child attachment, developmental risks, and customs among the Bedouin.
A second focus group, consisting of previously interviewed mothers, took place in the
middle of the study. These 12 mothers, aged 18-43 with an average of 4.7 children and a mean of
eight years of formal education, shared perceptions regarding developmental risk and prevention
(Appendix 5).
After the researcher completed the data analysis, a third focus group was held with the
previously interviewed mothers. This allowed the researcher to ask for their interpretations of the
study's findings, member checking (Koelsch, 2013), and about their feelings about the
researcher and the research process (Appendix 6). This group included seven mothers aged 24-40
with an average of 3.4 children and a mean of 11 years of formal education.
The last focus group was conducted with Bedouin mothers from a different village. It
included nine mothers, aged - , with an average of 6.2 children and a mean of seven years of
formal education
-emotional development in the Bedouin context
(Appendix 7).
eld with
eight Bedouin fathers, aged between 22-47, with an average of 12 years of formal education
(Appendix 8). This focus group aimed to understand the male parenting perspective in order to
deepen the understanding of the mothers' perceptions.
Data Analysis
As part of qualitative of analysis, the researcher audiotaped and transcribed all the
interviews and the focus groups
that all the mothers to one question could easily be considered at the same time (Denzin
& Lincoln, 2011; Elliot, 2005). The texts were read and re-read several times. Then, they were
25 Chapter 2: Research Methods
coded according to recurrent themes; the themes were mapped according to interconnections
(Shimoni, 201 ). Narralizer, a qualitative analysis software, was utilized to analyze the
qualitative data. This allowed for a systematic thematic analysis of the data and the establishment
of information units that consist of groups of words or phrases (Giannantonio, 2010; Shkedi
2011) and groups of categories identifying emerging patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel,
2013).
Simultaneously, the researcher quantitatively analyzed the demographic data, the
socialization goals questionnaire, and the videos using SPSS.
1) For the socialization goals questionnaire, the researcher translated the statements into
Arabic and compared the means of the assigned scores of the two subscales of psychological
autonomy and hierarchical relatedness.
2) The video data that was collected during the first visit was coded into mutually exclusive
micro-categories, each including six classes of events. These represent the parenting systems
described in the component model of parenting (Keller, 2007): Facial Behaviors, Vocal
Behaviors, Body Contact, Body Stimulation, Object Stimulation, and Primary Care. The
researcher utilized INTERACT9, a software for coding and analyzing behavioral data (Keller,
Voelker, & Yovsi, 2005; Keller, 2007), to code the results. The minimum duration required for
coding was one second. Additionally, a coding scheme helped to analyze the videos for mother-
infant spontaneous interaction (Appendix 9, Carra, Lavelli, Keller, & Kärtner, 2013). The coded
data was transferred to a spreadsheet for the purpose of statistical analysis.
3) The video data
willingness of the child to go to the stranger and interact with the researcher: a) Children
displayed stranger anxiety and refused to be picked up by the stranger. These children cried or
screamed, looked for proximity and contact with their mothers, and diverted their visual attention
from the stranger. Their facial expressions and gestures showed fear throughout. Most of those
children showed total reluctance to be physically fully separated from their mothers; therefore,
the researcher could not pick th
26 Chapter 2: Research Methods
with the researcher for several minutes and were curious and joyful when being picked up and
held in close body contact.
Research rigor
a) The study used multiple methods of data collection (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). The
combination of data gathered from various research tools increased the reliability of the
findings.
b) A trained second Arabic speaking coder coded a third of the interviews independently and
then compared the coding with the researcher (Creswell, 2005). In addition, the researcher
and another researcher coded the digitized videos of the child's emotional reaction in
response to the stranger. In cases of disagreement in the analysis, the coders discussed the
data until they reached consensus with the help of a third researcher involved in the study
(Guion, Diehl, & McDonald, 2011).
c) The researcher kept a field diary to enable recollection and processing occurrences from data
collection.
d) Upon completion of the analysis phase, a focus group was held with seven Bedouin mothers.
The researcher conducted Member checking or discussion of the findings with a group of
the participants. During the discussion, there was broad agreement among the mothers on
the issues discussed during the interviews. After completing all study stages, the researcher
took the participants on a trip to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem as a token of gratitude.
Participants had the opportunity to present the data collected regarding risk for children to
the staff and students of the School of Social Work and Social Welfare. Member checking
procedures promoted rigor of the analysis (Koelsch, 2013).
27 Chapter 2: Research Methods
e) All the study data and the different stages of analysis were kept in order to allow
examination and assessment of the researcher's conclusions and reliability of the collected
data (Shkedi, 2005; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).
Ethical considerations
The Ethics Committee of the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the
be recorded. They were guaranteed confidentiality and anonymity and they all signed informed
in order to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).
28 Chapter 2: Research Methods
Chapter 2- References
Carra, C., Lavelli, M., Keller, K., & Kärtner, J. (2013). Parenting infants: Socialization goals and
behaviors of Italian mothers and immigrant mothers from West Africa. Journal of Cross-
Cultural Psychology, 44(8), 1304 1320.
Creswell, J. (2005). Educational research: Planning conducting and evaluating quantitative and
qualitative research. New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc.
Creswell, J. W. (200 ). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods
approaches. Thousand Oaks, Calif.
Denzin, N.K., & Lincoln, Y.S. (2011). The Sage handbook of qualitative research (4th
Ed.). Los Angeles: Sage Publications.
Elliot, J. (2005). Using narrative in social research: Qualitative and quantitative approaches .
London: Sage Ltd.
Giannantonio, C.M. (2010). Review of content analysis: An introduction to its methodology (2nd
ed.). Organizational Research Methods, 13(2), 392-394.
Glaser, J., & Laudel, G. (2013). Life with and without coding: Two methods for early-stage data
analysis in qualitative research aiming at causal explanations. Qualitative Social Research,
14(2). ISSN 1438-5627. Accessed on June 4, 2015 from http://www.qualitative-
research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/1886.
Guion, L., Diehl, D., & McDonald, D. (2011). Triangulation: Establishing the validity of
qualitative studies. Florida: University of Florida.
Johnson, R. B., & Onwuegbuzie, A. J. (2004). Mixed methods research: A research paradigm
whose time has come. Educational Researcher, 33(7), 14-26.
29 Chapter 2: Research Methods
Kärtner, J., Keller, H., & Chaudhary, N. (2010). Cognitive and social influences on early
prosocial behavior in two socio-cultural contexts. Developmental Psychology, 46, 905-
914.
Keller, H. (2007). Cultures of infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Keller, H., Lamm, B., Abels, M., Yovsi, R. D., Borke, J., & Jensen, H. (2006). Cultural models,
socialization goals, and parenting ethnotheories: A multicultural analysis. Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 37(2), 155 172.
Keller, H., & Otto, H. (2009). The cultural socialization of emotion regulation during infancy.
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 40, 996 1011.
Keller, H., & Otto, H. (2014). Epilogue: the future of attachment. In H. Otto, & H. Keller (Eds .),
Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal human need (pp. 307-
313). UK: Cambridge University Press. The University of Cambridge.
Keller, H., Voelker, S., & Yovsi, R. D. (2005). Conceptions of parenting in different cultural
communities: the case of West African Nso and northern German women. Social
Development, 14(1), 158 80.
Koelsch, L. E. (2013). Reconceptualizing the member check interview. International Journal of
Qualitative Method, 12, 168-179.
Lee, R. (1993). Doing research on sensitive topics. London: Sage.
Maykut, P. S., & Morehouse, R. E. (1994). Beginning qualitative research: A philosophic and
practical guide (Vol. 6). Psychology Press.
Otto, H. (2008). Culture-specific attachment strategies in the Cameroonian Nso: Cultural
solutions to a universal developmental task. Unpublished Dissertation, University of
Osnabrueck, Osnabrueck.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
30 Chapter 2: Research Methods
Shimoni, S. (2010). Discourse analysis approach to Grounded Theory. In A. Kopiperbg (Ed.),
Text and discourse analysis: Rashomon of research methods (pp. 25-46). Beer Sheva: Ben
Gurion University (Hebrew).
Shkedi, A. (2005). Multiple case narrative: A qualitative approach to studying multiple
populations (Vol. 7). John Benjamins Publishing.
Shkedi, A. (2011). The meaning behind the words: Methodologies of qualitative research:
Theory and practice. Tel Aviv: Ramot Tel Aviv University (Hebrew).
Shlasky, S., & Alpert, B. (2007). Ways of writing qualitative research: From dismantling the
reality to structuring the text. Tel-Avev: Mofet Institute (Hebrew).
Sim, J., & Snell, J. (1996). Focus groups in physiotherapy evaluation and research.
Physiotherapy, 82(3), 189-198.
Vaughn, S., Schumm, J.S., & Sinagub, J. (1996). Focus groups interviews in education and
Psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
31 Chapter 3: Children are a Gift from God
Chapter 3: 31-49
"Children are a Gift from God"
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab Desert in Israel
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Hiltrud Otto1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Heidi Keller2)
1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel; 2) The University of Osnabrueck, Germany
Status: Published.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab
Bedouins in the Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A.
Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-124).
New York and London: Routledge.
10 PARENTING AMONG THE ARAB BEDOUINS IN THE NAQAB DESERT IN ISRAEL
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan , Hiltrud Otto , Dorit Roer-Strier , and Heidi Keller
“Children are a gift from God.”
It is a cold winter day during a school vacation. I had taken the bus from a city in the south of Israel to the entrance of one of the “unrecognized” Bedouin villages. The bus dropped me off at the intersection in front of a bridge that leads to the village. To get to the bridge, a person fi rst needs to cross three lanes of traffi c going in one direction, and then three more lanes with traffi c going in the other direction. After several dangerous attempts, I managed to cross the highway and get to the other side of the road. Only a week before, two girls, who were relatives, had been hit by a car while returning from a school trip and crossing the same road. At the time of writing this chapter, the girls are still in the hospital – one had sustained fractures, but the other is in a very serious condition.
At the entrance to the village, I met four children aged 8–10. They were play-ing in the mud and asked where I was going and whom I was visiting. I asked them in return to take me to Fatma’s residence. The trail from the entrance of the village to Fatma’s house is a dirt road that turned into an elongated pool of mud, the result of heavy rains that had fallen a few days before. When I arrived, my boots were completely covered with mud. Bedouins usually take off their shoes at the entrance to any residence. I did, too, despite Fatma’s request to keep my boots on.
Fatma welcomed me and insisted that I eat breakfast, which she had prepared for me. Fatma, 26, is a young mother of fi ve. At the age of 15, she had been married to Emad, who now works in northern Israel and returns home every weekend. The interview began with Fatma telling the story of her pregnancy and childbirth, and she seemed thrilled about the recent birth of her fi fth child.
106 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
She informed me that the pregnancy was not planned, but she didn’t mind: “God wants me to have this baby, children are gifts from God to every woman.”
While chatting, Muhammad, the baby, cried, and Fatma started to breastfeed him:
I breastfeed him on a regular basis, but if he is still hungry, I immediately give him Materna [baby milk replacement]; this is the only solution for me [laughs]. I breast-feed my children only for eight months, until I fi nd out that I am pregnant again, and then I stop. I feel that a baby who breastfeeds loves his mother more .
Like most women that I have met in the village, Fatma has a fairly regular daily routine. She wakes up early in the morning, feeds and bathes the baby, and then wakes up the rest of the children to bathe, feed, and send the older kids to school. There is no kindergarten for the young ones who wander around the village. When the older children are gone, she will do the rest of the household chores. If she has any free time, she goes to visit her mother and her sisters-in-law until the kids come home. She gives them lunch, and takes care of them until bedtime.
Mohammed the baby stayed in his mother’s lap during the interview. She did not stop hugging and kissing him. “ He’s a good boy; look, he’s like an angel,” she said. In response to my question, “what are the most important traits that you expect your baby to have?” Fatma replied: “I want my children to learn that if I tell them something, they need to be obedient and also respect others.” A short time before the end of the interview with Fatma, her neighbor Aminah, my fi rst interviewee in that village, entered the room to greet me and take me to interview Ekhlas, who recently had a newborn baby. Ekhlas, a 32-year-old woman, is a school teacher. She is the second wife of a man who works at the same school, and they have four children together. Ekhlas’ house is large, well-furnished and well-kept, when compared to other houses in the village.
During the interview that lasted for about two hours, Ekhlas shared with me her diffi culties of being a working mother. She also shared the challenges resulting from her husband staying with her for half of the week, and the rest of the week with his other wife, thus fi nding herself raising the children like a single mother. Ekhlas hopes that formal education may lead to social mobility for her children. She said: “My dream for him . . . to be a doctor, to be someone important, to have an education.” At the end of the interview, Ekhlas shared with me some of her family pictures using her iPhone. She also allowed me to visit her Facebook page and even asked my permission to add me as a “friend” on Facebook for the purpose of staying in contact.
By the end of the day, Farouk, the husband of one of the interviewees, off ered to take me to the train station in Beersheba. During the drive, he explained to me that he would not repeat his father’s mistake of having three wives and 25 children. Farouk, 26, had decided to marry only one more woman in the future
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 107
and have only eight children with both women, because of the diffi cult economic conditions (Marey-Sarwan’s fi eld diary, January 2012).
Introduction
This chapter aims to examine parental socialization goals and practices in the Bedouin-Arab communities in the Naqab (the Arab term for the Negev desert area in the southern part of Israel) from a contextual-historical perspective. The Bedouins are a former tribal nomadic group who lived together as unions of extended families. In recent decades, they have been forced to undergo a rapid change from nomadic life to permanent settlements. This transition restricted their life as pastorals and brought high unemployment rates and poverty. It changed the shape of their everyday life, and aff ected their socialization goals and parenting practices. Villages in the Naqab area, which are unrecognized by the Israeli gov-ernment, demonstrate traditional collective social norms that promote values of relatedness and interdependence. More than a third of the families are polygam-ous and live as extended families. As the Bedouins consider children a status sym-bol, they have a high birth rate (6.5 children per woman) and rely on collective infant care and supportive family networks.
There are many studies that deal with the transition from rural to urbanized life and its eff ects on women’s status, socialization goals, and parental practices; how-ever, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin motherhood during their infants’ fi rst year of life. This chapter will provide data from an exploratory study that aims to fi ll this gap. In our study, we followed 33 Bedouin mothers for one year, using a mixed methods research approach, including interviews and closed-ended “socialization goals” questionnaires to inquire about their parenting practices, as well as observing and videotaping them in their daily interactions with their children. The study aimed at understanding how those mothers adapted their parenting ideas and practices to the challenges of their new living conditions.
Historical and Political Factors and Parenting Practices
The Bedouin-Arab community in the Naqab is an indigenous population within the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel, with a unique lifestyle and historical, social, and political background. For centuries, Bedouin-Arabs inhabited an enor-mous area, including the Naqab and neighboring areas such as the West Bank, Gaza, and Jordan (Abu-saad, Lithwick & Abu-saad, 2004 ). Today, Bedouins are considered among the most marginalized groups in Israel (Meir, 2005 ), where Bedouin-Arabs constitute about 200,000 residents (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Human Rights Watch, 2008 ).
After the Israeli conquest of the Naqab during the Arab–Israeli war of 1948, referred to as “ Nakbe ” in Arabic meaning “the disaster,” 80–85 percent of the
108 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
Bedouin population was uprooted and became refugees in neighboring areas (Gaza Strip, West Bank, Jordan). Most of the remaining Bedouins concentrated their livelihood in the “border area,” also called “ Siyeg ,” which makes up about 10 percent of the territory controlled by them before 1948 (Meir, 2005 ; Yiftachel, 2003 ). These relocated Bedouins joined the tribes that used to live in the “ Siyeg ” before the establishment of the State of Israel and formed the basis of the so-called “unrecognized villages” (The Arab Association for Human Rights, 2004 ). This situation forced the Bedouins to signifi cantly reduce the size of their herds (Marx, 1974 ).
The Bedouins were traditionally nomads; they were famous for moving around in the desert while being engaged in herding as their profession (Abu-Saad, 2010 ); however, since the events of the Nakbe, the State of Israel has taken over most of the land in the Naqab. As a result, the Bedouins lost their freedom to move around with their fl ocks and cultivate their lands (Masalha, 1997 ). The Israeli authorities attempted to urbanize the Bedouins in small towns to ensure that they would not hinder the expansion of Jewish settlements (Abu-Saad, 2006 ; Shamir, 1996 ). These policies resulted in systematic mass transfers of Bedouin tribes to seven urban localities through policies such as the Prawer/Begin plan, which registers their land as state land (Abu Rass & Yiftachel, 2012 ).
Today, 80,000 out of the 200,000 Bedouins who refused to be relocated are liv-ing in the Naqab, residing in 36 so-called unrecognized villages (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Almi, 2008 ; Noach, 2009 ). Those villages do not appear on any offi cial Israeli map or any governmental planning document (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Yiftahel, 2008 ). The villages do not have road signs indicating their existence; they do not have paved roads connecting them to the public transportation network (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Abu-Saad, Horowitz, & Abu-Saad, 2007 ). They are not included in any state ser-vices, legislations, budgets, etc. (Almi, 2003 ; Swirski & Hasson, 2006 ). Accordingly, they are denied all basic services and infrastructure; thus, health, education, and welfare are almost non-existent (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009 ; Falah, 1989 ; Meir, 1997 ; Ministry of Health, 2008 ; Yiftahel, 2008 ).
Following the relocation plan, the Israeli authorities have refused to grant Bedouins who reside in unrecognized villages permission to construct any permanent living structures (Noach, 2009 ; Rudnicki & Abu-Rass, 2011 ). As a result, a huge number of Bedouin homes are demolished every year (Abu-Saad, 2006 ; Ibrahim, 2004 ; Meir, 2005 ; Yiftachel, 2003 ). Al-Sana and Al-Saad ( 2005 ) argue that women and children in these villages are suff ering the most from home demolitions, since as they lose their homes they lose the protection and warmth of the family – a loss that is known to lead to distress, emotional crisis, fi nancial problems, and health diffi culties (Gayousi, 2010 ). In general, Bedouins are considered intruders by the Israeli government (Almi, 2003 , 2011 ). Nevertheless, despite all the pressure by the Israeli government, they are determined to stay on their land in order to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005 ).
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 109
Economic and Education Factors and Parenting Practices
In recent decades, Bedouin society in the Naqab has undergone far-reaching changes. The decisive changes were refl ected in a shift away from their semi-nomadic lifestyle, settling in permanent housing and transitioning to sala-ried employment (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006 ). A study conducted by Abu-Bader and Gottlieb ( 2009 ) characterizes the Bedouin population in the unrecognized villages by low socioeconomic status (79.2 percent of the families suff er/live in poverty) and a high rate of school dropouts (more than 50 percent of the children do not attend school). Abu-Saad ( 2010 ) also states that this population suff ers from the highest unemployment rates and lowest income levels in the country (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Human Rights Watch, 2008 ). As a result of the harsh physi-cal conditions mentioned earlier, infant mortality rates are very high in Naqab (National Council for the Child, 2012 ), accompanied by high incidences of infant health problems (Visblay, 2006 ). Although the unrecognized villages’ population is relatively young (about 60 percent are under the age of 18; Almi, 2008 , 2011 ), only one third of the villages have provisional kindergartens and schools. These schools are located in barracks, with insuffi cient room, often not provided with running water or electricity, and most of these schools are not connected to the highway.
After 1948, the economic situation of the Bedouins changed drastically. Swirski and Hasson ( 2006 ) state that few Bedouins subsist on farming and raising sheep, while many others now depend on casual jobs in the sectors of industry, trade, and services in Naqab localities. Many Bedouin men left their traditional occupations that previously increased their dependence on family networks. Some Bedouin women joined the workforce, and some attended university, which resulted in an increased momentum toward seeking formal education (Abo-Asbeh & Karakra, 2006 ; Abu-Rabia, 2006 ). Abu-Rabia-Queder ( 2007 ) noted that nowadays we fi nd women with driver’s licenses, cars, smartphones with connection to the Internet and exposure to the technological world. The exposure of women to education and technology opened a window to the wider world, which aff ected some of their perceptions. Some women changed their views about child development (e.g., the importance of education for future success in life), and altered wom-en’s household traditions (e.g., the use of electric devices such as the washing machine). Compared to the urban Bedouin locations, however, the families living in unrecognized villages have the least access to early childhood education, elec-tricity, and urban commodities.
Societal Change Factors and Parenting Practices
Al-Krenawi ( 1998 , 2000 ) argues that the traditional Bedouin-Arab family refl ects the structure of Bedouin society. He emphasizes that the Bedouin family is trad-itionally hierarchical, patriarchal, authoritarian, and male-dominated, much like
110 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
Bedouin society as a whole (Abu-Rabia, 1994 ; Mogdham, 2004 ). The family’s honor and reputation are refl ected in the behavior of its members (Al-Krenawi, 2000 ). Abu-Lughod ( 1986 ) added that family honor is also refl ected in the female’s behavior, so women are closely supervised to maintain the family honor. At the same time, women’s social connections are limited to the family circle. Bedouin society is very group-oriented and interrelated; families have strong social ties with each other, they feel culturally connected, and live in extended tribal families (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000 ). Families are started at an early age, and marriage to close family members such as cousins is frequent (Abu-El-Assal, 2010 ; Al-Krenawi, 1999 ; Meir, 2005 ), with a large percentage of polygamous marriages.
Men are expected to work and support the family, to welcome visitors, and to engage in local politics (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000 ). They are the dom-inant authority in the nuclear family, as well as the main protector (Ben-David & Gonen, 2001 ). Women’s social status is closely related to their role as house-wives and mothers, focused mainly on raising children, being responsible for the children’s informal education and the transfer of cultural, social, and religious traditions in order to strengthen solidarity and loyalty to the family (Hijab, 2001 ). Al-Krenawi ( 2003 ) adds that women’s status is judged according to her fertility and ability to give birth, especially to sons. Men will be encouraged to marry a second woman if the fi rst wife only gave birth to girls. Parenthood is an essen-tial component of Bedouin society, because the status of both women and men is largely determined by having many off spring. At the same time, family lineage, which diff ers in terms of power and control, brings additional honor and pride for parents (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007 ; Alkashaale, 2007 ; Kressel, 1992 ).
Among the Bedouins, mothers are typically the main caretakers for the children during early infancy. Yet infant care is a shared and collective responsibility that relies on family support networks (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009 ). For example, grandmothers and aunts help the mother in her daily care for children in order to allow her to care for the newborn and the rest of the children in the family. They also care for the children in the mother’s absence, handling feeding, playing, and changing clothes and diapers.
Rationale for the Current Study
Childrearing in Bedouin society has not received adequate attention in the litera-ture; only a few studies addressed families in the unrecognized villages at all, and, if so, they investigated the environmental hazards or the access to formal educa-tion (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007 ). To our knowledge, studies focusing on parenting ideas and practices in Bedouin families from the unrecognized villages are non-existent. Our study therefore highlights perspectives of Bedouin parents on par-enting and raising children in the unrecognized villages. We aimed to explore
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 111
parenting in the unrecognized villages in the context of socio-cultural-political and environmental conditions. More specifi cally, we explored Bedouin parents’ socialization goals, beliefs, and practices against the background of the rapid changes that have taken place in the last years. The study utilized a mixed methods approach that includes quantitative and qualitative assessment tools. Quantitative method provides the basis for statistical analysis and allows understanding of the frequency and scale of the phenomenon being studied, while the qualitative approach addresses complex and multiple perspectives regarding the phenom-enon. The use of both research methods together allows for a better understand-ing of the topic (Creswell, 2005 , 2009 ).
Participants
Most of the data have been collected from Bedouin mothers who live in six unrecognized villages in the Naqab, during the timeframe from 2012 to 2013. Thirty-three mothers with three-month-old infants participated in this study. The mothers’ ages ranged from 17 to 43; family size ranged from 1 to 15 children, with the average being 3.7 children. The average age at marriage for the women was 17.5, and the average amount of formal education obtained was 11 years.
Procedures
Mothers were contacted through social workers and educators working with Bedouins, and mothers participating in the research helped recruit other mothers who gave birth in the same village (snowball technique). At the beginning of the study a focus group was held with the mothers in order to become familiar with them and orient them to the study. The aim of the study, “learning about raising children in the Bedouin society,” was explained to the mothers, and their con-sent to participate in the interviews was obtained. The mothers were individually interviewed on two separate occasions: fi rst when their babies were three months old, and a second follow-up interview when the infants were one year old. The interviews were focused on the mothers’ views regarding parenting perceptions and practices.
After the fi rst interview (within the same session), the mothers were asked to complete the Socialization Goals Questionnaire (Keller, 2007 ; Keller et al. , 2006 ), in which they were asked to express agreement or disagreement, on a scale from one to six, to 22 statements relating to the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the fi rst three years of the infant’s life. The Socialization Goals Questionnaire had been translated into Arabic by bilingual translators, also using a back translation to avoid mistakes in the interpretation of items. The 22 items can be divided into statements that refl ect traditionally relevant concepts focusing on relatedness (e.g., learn to share with others) and statements that refl ect more
112 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
autonomy related concepts (e.g., develop own ideas). In addition, we administered a socio-demographic questionnaire.
In addition to obtaining the Bedouin mothers’ perspectives, we held a focus group with Bedouin men. The focus group was held with eight Bedouin men, between the ages of 22 and 47, with an average of 12 years of formal education. They held jobs as teachers, truck drivers, and factory workers. This focus group was aimed at understanding the male parenting perspective in order to deepen the understanding of the mothers’ perceptions. In addition, a second focus group was held with the previously interviewed mothers in order to ask them for their interpretations of the study’s fi ndings.
The interviews and focus groups were held in Arabic, the native language of participants and the main researchers. All interviews and focus groups were tape-recorded and transcribed. The resulting texts were analyzed thematically. The texts were coded according to recurrent themes, and the themes were mapped according to the interconnections among them (Shimoni, 2010 ). Data based on the Socialization Goals Questionnaire were statistically analyzed using SPSS.
Findings
The analyses of the data yielded a perception of parenting that varied between traditional, androcentric perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of Bedouin society) and a more Westernized perception of parenting.
About half of the women in the current study identifi ed with the patri-archal beliefs that a woman must view motherhood as the center of her being, and accordingly organize her life around her children. The rest of the women expressed a change in orientation towards a more Western style of parenting, which is child-centered and emphasizes the importance of education as a vehicle for social mobility and success. However, many of them also ascribed to some traditional values; accordingly, this second group seems to show a hybrid concep-tion of parenting.
The presentation of the fi ndings below presents two case studies (Fatma’s and Ekhlas’s) that represent the traditional and the Westernized perceptions of parent-hood, as voiced by the women. Both views are expressed almost equally in our sample. Fatma’s and Ekhlas’s voices are strengthened by the words of other women and men who participated in the focus groups.
The image of the “good mother”
The traditional voices among the interviewees in this study emphasized the mother’s exclusive responsibility for baby’s basic needs and described a total devo-tion in the maternal role. When asked about the defi nition of a good mother, Fatma answered: “A good mother cares for her children in terms of safety, cleanliness, food, home and everything.” She added that: “A good mother is never too far away from her
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 113
child, so when he needs her she is always there for him, staying close to him, breastfeeding or washing him.”
Amena voices a similar view, stressing the mother’s duty to protect her chil-dren: “A good mother loves her child and protects him. The child needs protection, safety and care more than anyone else in the family. Everyone can take care of themselves, but the child needs my protection.”
Mahmud, from the men’s focus group, follows in tune:
In my opinion, a good mother does her duties to her children at 100 percent. I mean she cares to provide them with all needs: emotions, warmth, love and softness. She copes well with diffi cult living conditions and protects her children from the dangers.
The image of the “good father”
Fatma describes the good father as such: “He goes to work and satisfi es his children’s needs.” Ziad says, “The man is the ‘Finance Minister’ of the family. A good father is the one who brings money.” Mosa adds that men are in charge of passing the traditional values to their children:
Since the child is young, his father takes him to various events in the village, such as weddings and funerals in order to help and participate. I am raising my children to these traditional values naturally and automatically, I do not sit and plan programs.
Socialization goals
Statistical analysis of the Socialization Goals Questionnaire using a t-test showed a signifi cant eff ect for relatedness, which refl ects the values of traditional societies (t (33) = 4.21, p <.001, d = 0.93). This emphasis on relatedness is also refl ected in interviews. The women voiced the need to integrate the children in the Bedouin community, emphasizing obedience and respect for adults; these are viewed as the most important socialization goals for children. Fatma’s voice refl ects these social-ization goals: “I hope that my child will grow up to be polite, respectful and a calm child, he does not cause damage and does not speak rudely when he is amongst people.”
Ahmed follows her tune:
Important for me to develop a child that is respectable and respects his parents and the elders, it is also important to be disciplined. Listening to his mother and tell her where he is going. These attributes are more important than certifi cates.
Motherhood as a social status
The women view motherhood as a social status, and a barren or childless woman is considered as lacking the joy of life. In Fatma’s words: “A barren woman lacks lots of extraordinary emotions like motherhood, such a feeling that brings joy and happiness. If
114 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
it was not for children, life would not be a bliss.” Furthermore a barren woman brings bad luck: “A barren woman seems strange to women who give birth and as soon as she leaves the house of her guest, trouble starts. ”
On the contrary, pregnant women enter a “pampering zone.” Some women said that during their pregnancies and birth periods they got pampered and had a lot of positive attention from their husbands, as described by Fatma: “When I was pregnant, my husband treated me nicely and took me to the doctor in Beersheba, and when I went to give birth he stayed with me for two days.”
Polygamy
Traditional participants reluctantly accepted polygamy. Fatma, whose father was married to two wives, refl ected this traditional voice:
Women do not like that their husbands marry another woman, but they have no choice. The husband says to her: there it is, if you do not like it, go to your parents. Who is ready to leave her children and go to her parents? Who . . . who?
She added, “There are many women who give birth to many children, so that their hus-bands will not look for another woman. We all know that men like and want a big family.” Some other women had voiced similar concerns that a husband may marry a second wife.
Male participants provided explanations for polygamy, which are mainly related to their desire to increase the family size, especially the number of boys, and to solve the problem of spinsters. Ismael said: “Sometimes, men get married in order to bring a lot of children because children are power, and sometimes it happens that a man must marry again because his fi rst woman gives birth only to girls.” Khalid gave another explanation, saying that:
The issue here is considered normative, not only because of the man’s personal inter-est, but because the girls’ percentage in our village is higher than boys, so more than 50 percent of us are married to more than one woman. That’s why we do not have spinsters.
Ismael added: “Nothing will happen if a women sacrifi ced a little for other woman.”
Hybrid perception of parenting: the power to change
The image of the “good mother”
The other voices among the interviewees emphasized that a good mother encour-ages academic education in her children, in addition to satisfying the basic needs,
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 115
such as love and protection. As Ekhlas explained: “A good mother has to support and help her child in order to enable him to pursue a higher education. ”
When the men in the focus group were asked to defi ne a good mother, Khalil said: “A good mother makes sure to raise her children and educate them according to tradition and the Islamic religion. She also worries about the child schooling and how he manages his time at home.” The combination of calling for traditional education together with schooling (in the Israeli school system) that refl ects Western educa-tional notions portrays the hybrid nature of Khalil’s statement.
The image of the “good father”
The women’s voices, which refl ected hybridity, portrayed a new image of father-hood, a father that takes time to be engaged in all of his family’s aff airs. These voices added a new dimension to the traditional defi nition of the importance of fathers, as Ekhlas said: “A good father has time for everything in life: time to play with his children, time for his wife and time for his work.”
Education as a lever for change
All the mothers in this group indicated that education is one of the most impor-tant socialization goals. They viewed education as the best way of gaining social mobility. They expressed their desire for higher education for their children to realize the aspirations that they could not fulfi ll themselves. They hoped that for-mal education may lead to a better life, despite the diffi cult conditions in the unrecognized villages. For Ekhlas, who works as a teacher in a primary school, academic studies are the road to a better future: “The most important thing [is] that my son would be successful in school and be intelligent.” She emphasizes the crucial need to acquire a respectable profession for her children that would ensure them a better future and integration in the wider society: “My child must gain an academic education. I do not want him to be doing physical labor. I prefer him to learn and succeed and be an important person in the world.”
Similar voices were heard among some men who attributed an important role in encouraging children to attain higher education, Sami said: “I encourage my chil-dren to academic studies. One of them wants to be a teacher, one engineer and one doctor.”
Khalil emphasized that: “An educated person can deal with problems better than the person that is not educated . . . Academic studies are the best way for the society’s success and change the reality in which we live . ”
Ekhlas believes that women have the power to bring change: “ I think that every woman can change the pattern of her own life and the life of her children, she can study and work, develop herself, have a driving license and be a good model for her children , ” despite her husband’s traditional views: “I cannot believe when a woman says that her husband does not conform. I think that she controls him, with her behavior she is able to promote herself.”
116 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
However, some women were overtly concerned about their men’s reactions to the opinions they’d allowed themselves to convey: “If our husbands were sitting here now [laugh], we would not even dare to speak.”
Women calling for social change
Some women expressed a need for change. They preferred to have fewer children so they can invest in them more, considering the diffi cult living conditions and poverty created by the “un-recognition” of their villages. Ekhlas said:
I think that a woman should not give birth to more than 2–3 because our conditions today are more diffi cult than in the past. The life of the mother, who has more chil-dren, especially if she works, is more diffi cult.
Sabreen followed Ekhlas’s tune, voicing her frustration concerning their poor living conditions in comparison with the people living in the neighboring town:
We have the power to change but when we go to do errands in the town, we see the luxurious life people live, each neighborhood has bus stops and even a gym next to the house, they have everything sophisticated, so why should [we] not have that as well?
Polygamy
Some women in this change-oriented group voiced a strong opposition to polygamy, with respect to the consequences it has on children. They stated that polygamy does not allow them to live a fulfi lling life, especially now following the changes that are taking place in Bedouin society. Soa’ad, who is in a polyg-amous marriage, testifi es:
Polygamy aff ects the woman and the children alike. It is very, very negative thing, why? Sometimes, for example my baby daughter is crying at night and I need some-one to be with me. It happened two days ago when my husband did not sleep here, but at the house of his second wife. It really annoyed me a lot . . . I ended up taking it out on the children.
For some men with a change-oriented voice, there was resistance to polygamy due to its negative eff ect on children’s education: “Polygamy aff ects the children’s education in the family, there is a diff erence if the man is in his house every day or whether he is in another house with another woman.”
The use of technological devices
For the women who wanted change, getting a driver’s license and modern communication devices such as cellular phones, symbolized the way to achieve a certain freedom and gain a higher social status. Soa’ad explains:
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 117
People love to go and talk to a woman who works and has a driving license, they respect her more, not like a woman with nothing. Today, most of the women also have a mobile phone that connects them to people from outside the village. Some even have Internet and Facebook.
However, women claim that achieving such freedom is diffi cult due to the unwavering traditional positions of the men:
What characterizes the Bedouin society is that they have values which are diffi cult to change. For example, here, a girl must marry someone from the family; a lot of parents do not allow their girls to learn, and also we have lots of women out of work.
When I asked what she suggests to do? Soa’ad replied: “To change the way of thinking among men, from an early age.” Soa’ad’s suggestion refers to the need also expressed by other women to raise men’s awareness to the importance of support-ing children and women in receiving education while preserving their identity and traditions. This view expresses the hybridity of maintaining the tribe’s cultural cohesion, while striving for change.
Conclusion
Our chapter described parenting perceptions, practices, and socialization goals among Bedouin residents of six unrecognized villages in the south of Israel. The fi ndings are tightly linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of the tribes. They reveal that the rapid and forced transition to permanent settlement poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society, including challenges to their parenting. On the one hand, Bedouin parenting is still geared toward the preservation of traditional values that family structure and practices are based on, while on the other hand, we observe cultural changes, where the past and the pre-sent become intertwined: the tribal traditional values and norms blur as a result of the Bedouins’ adjustments to permanent settlements and their exposure to the Western lifestyle in the neighboring cities.
The Arab-Bedouins in the unrecognized villages provided us a unique oppor-tunity to witness the processes of change in groups that are trying to maintain their unique identity, while striving to achieve better lives for their children in the midst of political confl ict. Our study showed that Bedouin women have to maneuver between diff erent realities. Their lives are wrought with tensions between their desire to maintain their Bedouin identity, to keep their connection to the land and their pride, to bring up their children in accordance with traditional Bedouin culture, and to give their children better living conditions and higher education. The Western world around them creates aspirations that are challenging, confl ict-ing, and often diffi cult to fulfi ll. This may explain why about half of the mothers that participated in our study conveyed very traditional perceptions of parenting
118 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
while the remaining participants talk in several voices, and think about themselves in diff erent terms, in diff erent settings and times, merging traditional notions of parenting with more Western aspirations for their children and themselves.
From a socio-historical perspective , the social image of Bedouin women is still largely determined by patriarchal, androcentric values and traditions from the nomadic past of this tribal society (Abu-Rabia, 1994 ; Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001 ; Mogdham, 2004 ). Like many traditional communities (Ben Ezer, 1992 ; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006 ), the Bedouins preserve values that foster inter-relatedness between community members, such as respect, politeness, and obedience; they regard these values as necessary ingredients for children to become successful adult members of Bedouin society. Many of our interviewees were true to the “law of the father,” viewing motherhood as a social status, children as “a gift from God,” and parenting as a “public face.” The cultural logic (Roer-Strier & Rosental, 2001 ) behind having many children may be a combination of the higher status that comes with it (Lewando-Hundt, 1984 ), the economic value of children and their help in herding and everyday tasks of the nomadic life, and the religious belief that children are not only God’s will, but also a gift that he gives. High fertility rates also represent an adaptation to the harsh physical living conditions and the high infant mortality rates associated with it (Visblay, 2006 ).
The traditionally spoken women participants in our study stated that hav-ing many children fulfi lls men’s desires in their society to have many off spring (especially boys) and, at the same time, fi ts with women’s wishes to reduce the likelihood of their husbands marrying additional women. Our participants also disclosed that they were pampered by their husbands during childbirth, thus hav-ing many children increases their chances of getting more attention and better treatment from their husbands. They also said that pregnant women and women who had recently given birth gain better status in their society, and are likely to be better treated and spoken about. Here the women describe a carefully formed net of androcentric norms, values, and relevant practices that assure the conservation of patriarchal notions of parenting.
The challenges caused by cultural change that the Bedouins face are diff erent from those challenges experienced by other minority groups in Israel, such as Ethiopian or Russian migrants (Mantver, 2011 ; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006 ; Samuel, 2010 ). Unlike other immigrants, Bedouins did not move to a new coun-try. While Jewish immigrants to Israel utilize the free formal education system for their children and may choose to encourage their children to integrate into the hegemonic Jewish culture, the Bedouins live on land that they inhabited for generations and are determined to stay on it in order to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005 ). Fighting for their land and their identity clashes with the notion of social mobility and integration in the hegemonic Israeli culture. While some mothers dream about their children prospering and doing well in the world, they are torn between their loyalty to their tribe, family, land, and identity. This confl ict is mirrored in their parenting ideologies.
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 119
The additional price that the Bedouins in these villages pay for their fi ght over their land is not only a lack of services, but also constant fear and insecurity. They hold Israeli policy accountable, citing that it “served to encourage perma-nent Bedouin settlement within a concentrated area, and eff ectively to eliminate nomadic activity as a whole” (Marx, 1967 , pp. 53–54). More critical voices see in the Israeli resettlement and urbanization policy the ultimate purpose of putting an end to their claims of land ownership throughout the Naqab region (Swirski & Hasson, 2006 ).
Research often tends to ignore historical events and political contexts; however, these historical and political contexts impact family and parent–child relationships and aff ect parenting behaviors, values, and beliefs (Bronfenbrenner, 2005 ). In the case of Bedouin families, it is clear how the context both created and inhibits the desired change some Bedouin parents wish for. The Israeli State uses the provi-sion of basic services as a bargaining chip on the ongoing fi ght over land with the Bedouins. Obviously, they thereby violate basic human rights, such as the right to health care, housing, and education. This pervasive and systematic discrimination harms the Bedouin population and aff ects the Bedouins’ opportunities to be good parents to their children.
All of our interviewees want to raise their children to be successful adults; however, the question arises, how can they do so in the face of discrimination? Developmental psychologists are well aware of the eff ects of poverty on chil-dren’s development; the detrimental consequences for children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development are well documented (Brooks, 2006 ; Masten, 2011 ). Recently, research even documents the biological consequences of economic inequalities (see, for example, Wolfe, Evans, & Seeman, 2012 ). Turning to social welfare services, the Bedouins often lose tribal and family support (Meir, 1997 ). Moreover, the question of physical and emotional wellbeing in a traditional soci-ety such as the Bedouin is not an individual question per se, but should be con-sidered a communal question.
Bedouin mothers are aware of the benefi ts of a technological urban soci-ety and realize that formal education is the main key to such a life. At the same time, however, they recognize that the acquisition of modern skills and amenities comes at the cost of losing their traditional expertise and an elem-entary means of subsistence – herding (Kressel, 2003 ). Bedouin women are aware of the fact that education facilitates social mobility (Abu-Rabia, 2006 ; Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006 , 2007 ; Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Hijab, 2001 ). Bedouin edu-cation is jeopardized not – as so many wish to argue – because of traditional cultural mindsets, but, rather, due to the purposeful neglect and unequal treat-ment of Arabs in Israel in general, and of the Bedouin in particular (Dinero, 2010 ). Our fi ndings also show that Bedouin mothers experience a lot of frus-tration caused by the unequal treatment of the Bedouin community in terms of access to education. This disparate treatment limits their children’s access to education and their opportunities for advancement and social mobility at
120 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
large. Mothers in our study with a hybrid orientation, who wavered between the traditional androcentric views of parenting and the Western notions of childrearing, voiced the need for their children and themselves to get better educated and skilled to increase their chances of social mobility.
The study of current Bedouin parenting cannot go back in history, divorced from the change process and transformation the Bedouin have undergone, embedded in their socio-historical and political context. The change from tribal nomadic life, characterized by constant motion depending on child labor, to an economically challenged life in politically oppressed and unrecognized villages, largely aff ects parenting. In addition, parenting is also aff ected by access to cities, technology, and Western lifestyle. The two types of mothers’ perceptions refl ect two ways of living their constantly challenged life. In order to face these huge challenges, a context-informed perspective should extend its recommendations beyond off ering a psychological or educational intervention. It should lobby for the right of children to gain full access to services and infrastructure, for combat-ing exclusion and providing inclusion, and for the end of discriminative policies, while providing them the right to preserve their indigenous culture and identity, and secure a dignifi ed life for the next generations.
References
Abo-Asbeh , K. , & Karakra , A. ( 2006 ). Evaluation of the female student scholarship program of the center of Bedouin studies and development . Beer Sheva : Ben-Gurion University of the Negev .
Abu-Bader , S. , & Gottlieb , D. ( 2009 ). Poverty, education and employment in the Arab-Bedouin society: A comparative view . ECINEQ , 37 , 1 – 63 . Retrieved June 2, 2015, from http://www.ecineq.org .
Abu-El-Assal , R. ( 2010 ). Polygamy, discourse and practices in Palestinian society . Nazareth : Labor Committee for Equality in Personal Status. (In Arabic).
Abu-Lughod , L. ( 1986 ). Veiled sentiments: Honor and poetry in a Bedouin society . Cairo : The American University in Cairo Press .
Abu-Rabia , A. ( 1994 ). The Negeve Bedouins and livestock rearing: Social, economic and political aspects . Oxford : Berg .
Abu-Rabia , A. ( 2006 ). A century of education: Bedouin contestation within formal education in Israel . In D. Chatty (Ed.), Nomadic societies in the Middle East and North Africa: Entering the 21st century (pp. 865 – 882 ). Leiden & Boston : Brill Publishers .
Abu-Rabia-Queder , S. ( 2006 ). Between tradition and modernization: Understanding Bedouin female dropout . British Journal of Sociology of Education , 27 (1), 1 – 17 .
Abu-Rabia-Queder , S. ( 2007 ). Permission to rebel: Arab Bedouin women’s changing negotiation of social role . Feminist Studies , 33 (1), 161 – 187 .
Abu-Rass , T. , & Yiftachel , O. ( 2012 ). Four reasons to reject the “Prawer Plan.” Adalah’s Newsletter , 89 , 1 – 3 .
Abu-Saad , I. ( 2006 ). The historical story settle in the Negev . In M. Ighbarieh (Ed.), The Negev in danger: Settlement project of the Negev (pp. 7 – 40 ). Um el-Fahem: Latest Research Center. (In Arabic).
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 121
Abu-Saad , I. ( 2010 ). Arabs of the Naqab: Past, present and future challenges . Negev Center for Regional Development. Beer Sheva : Ben-Gurion University of the Negev . (In Arabic).
Abu-Saad , I. , Lithwick , H. , & Abu-Saad , K. ( 2004 ). A preliminary evaluation of the Negev Bedouin experience of urbanization: Finding of the urban household survey . Beer Sheva: Center for Bedouin Studies and Development and the Negev, Center for Regional Development, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
Abu-Saad , K. , Horowitz , T. , & Abu-Saad , I. ( 2007 ). Weaving tradition and modernity: Bedouin women in higher education . Beer Sheva : Ben-Gurion University of the Negev .
Al-Krenawi , A. ( 1998 ). Reconciling Western treatment and traditional healing: A social worker walks with the Wind . Refl ections: Narratives of Professional Helping , 4 (3), 6 – 21 .
Al-Krenawi , A. ( 1999 ). Women of polygamous marriages in primary health care centers . Contemporary Family Therapy: An International Journal , 21 (3), 417 – 430 .
Al-Krenawi , A. ( 2000 ). Bedouin-Arab clients’ use of proverbs in the therapeutic setting . International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling , 22 (2), 91 – 102 .
Al-Krenawi , A. ( 2003 ). Bedouin-Arab families . In J. James & Jr. Ponzetti (Eds.), International encyclopedia of: Marriage and family (pp. 144–147 ). USA : Macmillan Reference .
Al-Krenawi , A. , & Graham , J. R. ( 2001 ). The cultural mediator: Bridging the gap between a non-western community and professional social work practice . British Journal of Social Work , 31 (5), 665 – 685 .
Al-Krenawi , A. , & Lightman , E. S. ( 2000 ). Learning achievement, social adjustment, and family confl ict among Bedouin-Arab children from polygamous and monogamous families . Social Psychology , 140 (3), 345 – 355 .
Alkashaale , B. ( 2007 ). The family eff ect on self-esteem among children with special needs in the Bedouin sector. Psychology Hebrew Website . Retrieved June 2, 2015, from www.hebpsy.net/articles.asp?id=1312 . (In Hebrew).
Almi , O. ( 2003 ). No man’s land: Health in the unrecognized villages of the Negev . Tel Aviv : Physicians for Human Rights in cooperation with the regional council for the unrecognized villages of the Negev.
Almi , A. ( 2008 ). Israeli house demolitions and their implications on children’s mental health . Tel Aviv : Physicians for Human Rights. (In Hebrew).
Almi , A. ( 2011 ). Homes on the front: Personal and social implications of demolitions in the unrecognized villages of the Negev . In N. Davidovich , M. Alberstein , & R. Zalashik (Eds.), Trauma and memory in Israel: From personal to collective experience (pp. 27 – 59 ). Tel Aviv : Bar-Ilan University. (In Hebrew).
Al-Sana , R. , & Al-Saad , H. ( 2005 ). The right to housing. In Ma’an: Forum of The Negev Arab Women Organization (Ed.), Arab woman in the Negev: Reality and challenges . Beer Sheva: Ma’an. (In Hebrew).
Auerbach , J. G. , Goldstein , E. , & Elbedour , S. ( 2000 ). Behavior problems in Bedouin elem-entary schoolchildren . Transcultural psychiatry , 37 (2), 229 – 241 .
Ben-David , Y. , & Gonen , A. ( 2001 ). The urbanization of the Bedouin and Bedouin fallakhin in the Negev . Jerusalem : The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies .
Ben Ezer , C. ( 1992 ). Like a light in a jug: Immigration and absorption of Ethiopian Jews . Jerusalem : Rubin Mass Ltd . (In Hebrew).
Bronfenbrenner , U. (Ed.). ( 2005 ). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development . USA : Sage Publications .
Brooks , J. E. ( 2006 ). Strengthening resilience in children and youths: Maximizing oppor-tunities in the schools . Children and Schools , 28 (2), 69 – 76 .
Creswell , J. W. ( 2005 ). Educational research: Planning conducting and evaluating quantitative and qualitative research . New Jersey : Pearson Education Inc .
122 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.
Creswell , J. W. ( 2009 ). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches . Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage Publications .
Dinero , S. ( 2010 ). Settling for less: The planned resettlement of Israel’s Negev Bedouin . New York/Oxford : Berghahn Books .
Falah , G. ( 1989 ). How Israel controls the Bedouin in Israel . Journal of Palestine Studies , 14 (2), 35 – 51 .
Gayousi , L. ( 2010 ). Experiencing home loss and demolition: Posttraumatic stress disorder and growth among Arab Bedouin adolescents experiencing home demolition in the unrecognized villages in the Naqab (Unpublished Master’s Thesis). Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
Hijab , N. ( 2001 ). Women and word in the Arab word . In S. Joseph & S. Slgomovics (Eds.), Women and power in the Middle East (pp. 41 – 51 ). Philadelphia, PA : University of Pennsylvania Press .
Human Rights Watch . (2008). Not on the map: Rights violations of land and housing in the unrecognized Bedouin villages in Israel . Human Rights Watch Report , 20 (5), 1–95. Retrieved June 2, 2105, from http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/fi les/reports/iopt0308hewebwcover_0.pdf . (In Hebrew).
Ibrahim , T . ( 2004 ). By all means possible: Destruction by the state of crops of Bedouin citizens in the Naqab (Negev) by aerial spraying with chemicals . Arab Association for Human Rights, Nazareth, Israel.
Keller , H. ( 2007 ). Cultures of infancy . Mahwah, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum Associates . Keller , H. , Lamm , B. , Abels , M. , Yovsi , R. D. , Borke , J. , & Jensen , H. ( 2006 ). Cultural mod-
els, socialization goals, and parenting ethnotheories: A multicultural analysis . Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology , 37 (2), 155 – 172 .
Kressel , G. M. ( 1992 ). Descent through males: An anthropological investigation into the patterns underlying social hierarchy, kinship and marriage among former Bedouin in the Ramla-Lod Area . Germany : Otto Harassowitz .
Kressel , G. M. ( 2003 ). Let shepherding endure: Applied anthropology and the preservation of a cul-tural tradition in Israel and the Middle East . Albany, NY : Suny Press .
Lewando-Hundt , G. ( 1984 ). The exercise of power by Bedouin women in the Negev . In E. Marx & A. Smueli (Eds.), The changing Bedouin , pp. 83 – 123 . New Brunswick and London : Transaction, Inc .
Mantver , A . ( 2011 ). It “takes” a generation: Immigrant absorption: The Israeli experience 1990–2009 , Eet hasadeh , 6 , 13 – 17 . (In Hebrew).
Marx , E. ( 1967 ). Bedouin of the Negev . New York : Frederick A. Praeger Press . Marx , E. ( 1974 ). The Negev Bedouin society . Tel Aviv : Reshafi m . Masalha , N. ( 1997 ). A land without a people: Israel, transfer and the Palestinians . London : Faber
and Faber . Masten , A. S. ( 2011 ). Resilience in children threatened by extreme adversity: Framework
for research, practice, and translational synergy . Development and Psychopathology , 23 , 493 – 506 .
Meir , A. ( 1997 ). As nomadism ends: The Israeli Bedouin of the Negev . Boulder, CO : West-view Press .
Meir , A. ( 2005 ). Bedouin, the Israeli state and insurgent planning: Globalization, loc al-ization or globalization? Cities , 22 (3), 201 – 215 .
Ministry of Health . ( 2008 ). Health status of Bedouin infants and children up to age 6 years in per-manent settlements and unrecognized villages in the Negev . Beer Sheva : Health Department .
Mogdham , V. ( 2004 ). Patriarchy in transition: Women and the changing family in the Middle East . Journal of Comparative Family Studies , 35 (2), 137 – 162 .
Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 123
National Council for the Child . ( 2012 ). Selected data from the yearbook: Children in Israel, the Council for Child Welfare. Retrieved June 2, 2015, from http://www.chil-dren.org.il/publication_article.asp?ImgID=185 . (In Hebrew).
Noach , H. ( 2009 ). The existent and the non-existent villages: The unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev . Haifa : Pardes Publishing. (In Hebrew).
Roer-Strier , D. , & Rosental , M. ( 2001 ). Socialization in changing cultural contexts: A search for images of the “Adaptive Adult.” Social Work , 46 (3), 215 – 228 .
Roer-Strier , D. , & Rosenthal , M. K. ( 2006 ). What sort of an adult would you like your child to be?” Mothers’ developmental goals in diff erent cultural communities in Israel . International Journal of Behavioral Development , 30 (6), 517 – 528 .
Rudnicki , E. , & Abu-Rass , T. ( 20 11 ) . The Negev Bedouin society: Changes in the era of urban-ization . Jerusalem : The Abraham Fund Initiatives .
Samuel , N. ( 2010 ). Educational traditions of the Ethiopian Jews: Dynamics of continuity and changes. (Unpublished Master’s Thesis). Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem.
Shamir , R. ( 1996 ). Suspended in space: Bedouins under the Law of Israel . Law and Society Review , 30 (2), 231 – 257 .
Shimoni , S. ( 2010 ). Discourse analysis approach to Grounded Theory . In A. Kopiperbg (Ed.), Text and discourse analysis: Rashomon of research methods (pp. 25 – 46 ). Beer Sheva : Ben-Gurion University of the Negev . (In Hebrew).
Swirski , S. , & Hasson , Y. ( 2006 ). Invisible citizens: Israel government policy toward the Negev Bedouin . Beer Sheva : Negev center for regional development, Ben-Gurion .
The Arab Association for Human Rights. ( 2004 ). By all means possible: A report on the destruc-tion by the state of crops of Bedouin citizens in the Naqab (Negev) by means of aerial spraying with chemicals . Nazareth : AHRA .
Visblay , A. ( 2006 ). Children in the Bedouin sector in the Negev, snapshots . Report to the CRC. Jerusalem. Israel: Knesset, Research and Information Center.
Wolfe , B. , Evans , W. N. , & Seeman , T. E. (Eds.). ( 2012 ). The biological consequences of socio-economic inequalities . New York : Russell Sage Foundation Publications .
Yiftachel , O. ( 2003 ). Bedouin-Arabs and the Israeli settler state: Land policies and indig-enous resistance . In D. Champagne & I. Abu-Saad (Eds.), The future of indigenous peoples: Strategies for survival and development (pp. 21 – 47 ). Los Angeles : American Indian Studies Center, UCLA .
Yiftachel , O. ( 2008 ). Epilogue: Studying Naqab/Negev Bedouins: Toward a colonial para-digm . HAGAR: Studies in Culture, Policy and Identities , 8 (2), 83 – 108 .
50 Chapter 4: Stay Close to me
Chapter 4: 50-64
-emotional
Development among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan 1), Heidi Keller 2) & Hiltrud Otto 1)
1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel; 2) The University of Osnabrueck, Germany
Status: Published in an electronic format.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay
-emotional Development
among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal
of Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231
Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 1 –14
© The Author(s) 2015Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231
jccp.sagepub.com
Article
Stay Close to Me: Stranger Anxiety and Maternal Beliefs About Children’s Socio-Emotional Development Among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1, Heidi Keller2, and Hiltrud Otto1
AbstractOur study examines stranger anxiety and maternal beliefs about child development in a traditional society living in an adverse socio-political situation. Thirty Bedouin mothers from the “unrecognized” villages in the Naqab and their 1-year-old children participated in our study, which utilized a mixed-method approach. First, we observed children’s stranger anxiety in everyday situations and examined their mothers’ ethnotheories via questionnaires and interviews. Second, we conducted a focus group discussion about stranger anxiety. The data revealed an emphasis on the cultural model of hierarchical relatedness, reflecting traditional values. Although multiple childcare arrangements created an expectation that Bedouin children would adjust easily to strangers, more than half of the Bedouin children showed stranger anxiety. Based on the focus group findings, we attribute the high levels of stranger anxiety to the adverse socio-political situation. Our study highlights the impact of the socio-political context on children’s stranger anxiety and their mothers’ belief systems. The findings show that definitions of security can take very different forms, depending also on the socio-political situation. Accordingly, parental and child behaviors can carry different meanings.
Keywordschildren’s stranger anxiety, maternal beliefs, context-informed perspective, Bedouin, “unrecognized” villages
One of the major developmental tasks for children during their first years of life is the acquisition of the ability to regulate emotions. Thompson (1994) defined emotional regulation as “the extrin-sic and intrinsic processes responsible for monitoring, evaluating, and modifying emotional reac-tions, especially their intensive and temporal features, to accomplish one’s goals” (pp. 27-28). Children’s emotion regulation competencies become easily observable when children are put
1The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel2University of Osnabrueck, Germany
Corresponding Author:Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, The Paul Bearwald School of Social Work, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Arlozorov st’ 41 a, Haifa 33651, Israel. Email: [email protected]
619231 JCCXXX10.1177/0022022115619231Journal of Cross-Cultural PsychologyMarey-Sarwan et al.research-article2015
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
2 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
under stress, for example, when they encounter strangers. Bowlby (1969, 1982) claimed that stranger anxiety is a human universal in which infants from six to 12 months old start to prefer familiar people and respond to unfamiliar adults with wariness and fear as part of the develop-ment of attachment. Accordingly, the confrontation with a stranger has become part of the Strange Situation, a standardized laboratory situation invented to assess 1-year-old U.S. (middle-class) children’s attachment quality to their primary caregiver based on their emotion regulation in this supposedly stressful situation (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).
However, cross-cultural and anthropological studies have shown that the phenomenon of stranger anxiety varies across cultures. Stranger anxiety is frequent in Western middle-class families where mothers represent the primary caretakers, resulting in the formation of exclu-sive dyadic relationships. This context represents the culture from which Bowlby and Ainsworth’s attachment theory emerged (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1969). This context was also mainly studied in follow-up research utilizing the Strange Situation procedure (e.g., Belsky, Rovine, & Taylor, 1984; Grossmann, Grossmann, Spangler, Suess, & Unzner, 1985). In middle-class contexts, infant care during the first year of life is based on exclusive dyadic exchanges with frequent face-to-face encounters and an emphasis on the display of positive emotions framed by mind-minded conversations (Keller, 2014). However, infant care arrange-ments vary substantially across cultures. Many infants grow up in extended families with mul-tiple caregivers and can be observed to interact with several, sometimes up to 20 caregivers on a daily basis (Broch, 1990; Cole & Cole, 1989; Meehan, 2009; Seymour, 2004). Otto’s (2008) study with Cameroonian Nso farmers, Meehan’s (2009) study with the Aka foragers in the Central African Republic, and Gottlieb’s (2004) study with the Beng farmers of Côte d’Ivoire (see Otto & Keller, 2014, for more examples), have moreover indicated that infants from birth on are taught to be friendly toward strangers, to approach them and be comfortable with them. In these societies, childcare responsibility lies with a larger community and not only with a particular adult (Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Weisner & Gallimore, 2008). Accordingly, stranger anxiety is hardly observable in Cameroonian Nso, Central African Aka, and Ivorian Beng children.
Child development in indigenous community-oriented societies is geared toward the develop-ment of early physical and motor independence, with an emphasis on action autonomy, and toward hierarchical relatedness as expressed in compliance, respect, and obedience. A child’s sense of security is based on trusting in the availability and reliability of a caregiving environ-ment rather than in individual exclusive emotional attachment relationships (Keller, 2007, 2014). In contrast, Western middle-class childrearing philosophy is geared toward individual separate-ness and uniqueness and the realization of individual wishes, preferences, and intentions, that is, individual psychological autonomy. This conception of the psychological autonomous Self-necessitated relationships that are based on separateness and choice (Kärtner et al., 2007; Keller, 2007; Keller & Kärtner, 2013; Keller et al., 2006).
Cultural influences on the development and formation of attachment are still vastly neglected in attachment research; socio-political circumstances are mostly ignored. This may be rooted in the prevalence of middle-class families in attachment research who rarely face socio-political challenges. Only a few studies looked at children’s socio-emotional development in contexts characterized by high socio-political adversity. For example, Tomlinson, Cooper, and Murray (2005) studied attachment in a South African township with high levels of violence and poverty. They report a large number of children with disorganized attachment, which they attribute to the socio-political adversity. Other studies, for example, Zevalkink, Riksen-Walraven, and Van Lieshout (1999) assessing children’s attachment in an Indonesian low-income sample, did not find any influence of these contextual variables.
The current study examines stranger anxiety and emotion regulation in the Bedouin popula-tion in the “unrecognized villages” in the Naqab, southern Israel. The Arab-Bedouins of the
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 3
Naqab are an indigenous, traditional population within the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel, with a unique lifestyle based on their historical, social, and political context.
Today, about 80,000 Bedouins reside in 36 “unrecognized villages” under very difficult condi-tions in tents and shacks (Abu-Saad, 2010; Almi, 2008; Human Rights Watch, 2008; Noach, 2009). These villages do not appear on any official Israeli map or any governmental planning document (Abu-Saad, 2010; Yiftachel, 2008). A large number of homes are demolished every year under the claim that they were built without governmental permission (Abu-Saad, 2006; Meir, 2005). Accordingly, the State of Israel does not include them in any of the state services, legislations, budgets, and so forth (Almi, 2011). The villages do not have paved roads connecting them to the public transportation network (Abu-Saad, Horowitz, & Abu-Saad, 2007). Health care, educational institutions, and welfare are almost non-existent (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Ministry of Health, 2008; Yiftachel, 2008). High infant mortality rates are common in the unrec-ognized villages (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013) as well as low birth weight, slow-growth indicators (Daoud, O’Campo, Anderson, Agbaria, & Shoham-Vardi, 2012), and general high rates of infant health problems (Visblay, 2006). The Bedouin population in the unrecognized vil-lages is thus one of the most marginalized groups in Israel (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008).
Bedouin society is traditionally patriarchal and hierarchically structured according to gender and age (Mogdham, 2004). Men are the dominant authority in a nuclear family, as well as the main protectors (Ben-David & Gonen, 2001). They take care of the family economy and engage in local politics (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). The Bedouin family is characterized by early marriage, most often with relatives such as cousins (Abu-El-Assal, 2010; Meir, 2005), and high percentages live in polygamous marriages (Abu-El-Assal, 2010).
Women’s social status is closely tied to their role as homemakers with a primary focus on rais-ing children (Greenberg & Sagiv-Reiss, 2013; Gueron-Sela, Atzaba-Poria, Meiri, & Marks, 2013). Women are responsible for the children’s informal education and the transfer of cultural, social, and religious traditions with the aim to strengthen solidarity and loyalty to the family (Hijab, 2001). Bedouins consider children a status symbol and have a high fertility rate of about 6.7 children per woman (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013).
Bedouin mothers are considered the primary caregivers and the major attachment figures for their children during early ages (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015). At the same time, multiple caregiving arrangements are pervasive (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Greenberg & Sagiv-Reiss, 2013) to allow a mother to care for the newborn as well as the rest of the children in the family. Alloparents are often kin and neighbors who care for the children in the mother’s absence, handling feeding, playing, and changing clothes and diapers.
The Arab-Bedouin society is a conservative, traditional non-Western society that exists within the Western-oriented State of Israel, which respects individualism (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001). Bedouins emphasize sociability, respect, politeness, and obedience as important socializa-tion goals for children. They regard these values as necessary ingredients for children to become successful members of Bedouin society (Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Recently, Bedouin society in the Naqab has undergone far-reaching changes that are reflected in a shift away from their semi-nomadic lifestyle; they are now settling in permanent housing and are transitioning to sala-ried employment (Abu-Saad, 2006, 2010). These changes occurred after systematic mass trans-fers of Bedouin tribes by the Israeli government to seven urban localities through policies such as the Prawer/Begin plan, which registers unrecognized villages’ land as state land (Abu-Rass & Yiftachel, 2012). Due to these changes, they are in danger of losing part of their unique identity and traditional way of life (Abu-Saad, 2006; Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Nevertheless, the Bedouin community is determined to stay on their land to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005).
According to the Bedouin code of manners, hospitality toward all visitors, including strang-ers, is an important custom. According to a saying, hospitality is in the blood of the Bedouins (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). In line with this philosophy and based on the observations with
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
4 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
the Nso, Aka, Beng, and others, children should not display stranger anxiety. However, the mar-ginalized situation with social and environmental hazards may have altered parenting strategies and accordingly children’s stranger anxiety. Our study is aimed at investigating 1-year-old chil-dren’s behaviors toward strangers in Bedouin families living in unrecognized villages in the Naqab and their mothers’ views on stranger anxiety and the development of emotion regulation.
We therefore focus on the following research questions:
Research Question 1: How do Bedouin children from unrecognized villages in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female stranger?Research Question 2: What are Bedouin mothers’ beliefs about stranger anxiety and about children’s socio-emotional development?
Because previous studies revealed that the family context, especially the number of potentially available caretakers, is associated with the occurrence of stranger anxiety, we analyzed the rela-tionships between the child’s number of siblings and family size and children’s display of stranger anxiety.
Method
The current study used a mixed-method approach (Creswell, 2005, 2009) with quantitative and qualitative assessments. Quantitative methods provide the basis for statistical analysis and allow an understanding of the frequency and scale of the phenomenon in question. In the current study, quantitative methods included structured observations and questionnaires. The qualitative approach addresses complex and multiple perspectives regarding the phenomenon (Shkedi, 2011; Shlasky & Alpert, 2007). They were assessed with semi-structured interviews and a focus group discussion. Interweaving of quantitative and qualitative data analyses allows for cross-validation of the findings and a more thorough context-informed examination of reality as per-ceived by the study participants (e.g., Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004).
All encounters with the study participants occurred in Arabic, which is the participants’ and the first author’s native language. The data were collected in two parts:
The first part of the study assessed children’s stranger anxiety. To this end, the first author visited the families in their homes when their children were 1 year old. She video recorded chil-dren’s reaction toward a stranger, conducted in-depth interviews with their mothers about chil-dren’s emotion regulation and interpersonal relationships, and assessed socio-demographic information and maternal socialization goals using questionnaires.
In the second part of the study, the first author conducted a focus group with Bedouin mothers from a different village to get a broader understanding of children’s stranger anxiety and emotion regulation in this context.
Participants
In the first part of the study, social workers and educators working with Bedouins in the unrec-ognized villages in the Naqab helped to contact 30 mothers. The women participating in the study helped recruiting other mothers from the same village through snowball sampling (Patton, 2002). In the second part, a social worker from the north of Israel who lives now in the Naqab, recruited nine participants from an adjoining village for the focus group. The women participating in the interview study and the focus group were comparable with respect to the relevant socio- demographic characteristics and lived under the same circumstances.
The participants’ demographic information is included in Table 1.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 5
Data Collection—Procedures and Instruments
The first part of the study included observations, questionnaires, and interviews.
Videotaped observations. The first author visited the families in their homes when the children were 1 year old. She told the mothers that she was interested in the infant’s reaction to a female stranger. Mothers were instructed to put the child on their laps and play with the child as they regularly would. Then, the female stranger (the first author) entered the room, and greeted the child and the mother. She approached the child, who saw her for the first time, and tried to pick up and interact with him or her for approximately 5 min. She had the mother’s permission to move freely around the room or house while holding the infant, leaving the room occasionally and handing the child back to the mother if he or she showed signs of distress. The interaction was videotaped using a stationary video camera, which was placed in the room before the researcher’s entry. Twenty-seven videos could be used for analysis; three had to be excluded due to bad video quality. Nine mothers allowed their video to be shown to other mothers in focus group discussions.
Semi-structured interviews. We conducted the interviews with the mothers after the video recordings. The individual interviews focused on the mother–child relationship, as well as the child’s reaction to strangers and relationships with others. For example, What does it mean when the child shows signs of acceptance/avoidance toward the stranger? How did you feel when your child accepted/avoided the stranger? The interviews lasted approximately 1 hr and took place in the participants’ homes. After being interviewed, the mothers answered two questionnaires:
Socialization goals questionnaires. A close-ended questionnaire asks mothers to express agree-ment or disagreement on a scale from 1 to 6 for 22 statements relating to the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the first 3 years of their children’s lives (Keller, 2007; Keller et al., 2006). The socialization goals were divided into statements that reflect hierarchical relat-edness (e.g., learn to obey the parents) and statements that reflect psychological autonomy (e.g., develop own ideas).
A socio-demographic questionnaire. Participants completed a questionnaire about mother and child at the end of this session. The questionnaire asked about child’s date of birth and gender, the mother’s age, education, marital status, number of children in the family, paternal and mater-nal number of siblings, parental employment, subsistence patterns, number of rooms, and home electrical appliances.
Focus group discussion. The second part of the study consisted of a focus group discussion conducted by the first author. The focus group took place in 2013 in one of the villages with no
Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants in Both Parts of the Study.
Maternal age
Maternal years of education
Number of children
Participants (n) M SD M SD M SD
First part 30 26.21 6.31 11.45 2.72 4.03 3.31Second part 9 40 9.01 7 3.18 6.2 4.2
Note. The first part of the study comprised of observations, interviews, and questionnaires; the second part of the study consisted of the focus group discussion. This table should be followed the participants part
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
6 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
participants enrolled in the first part of the study. The discussion lasted about 2 hr and aimed to broaden our understanding of the concept of stranger anxiety in Bedouin society. Nine Bedouin women, between the ages of 26 and 60, with an average of 6.2 children and a mean of 7 years of formal education participated (see Table 1).
The participating mothers gave consent to audiotaping the discussion. The instruction empha-sized three topics: First, the women were asked to share their associations with the word “stranger.” After all women had commented, two videos from the first study were displayed: The first video showed a child fearfully reacting to the stranger and the second showed a child who was curious when facing the stranger and agreed to go with her. The participants were asked to express their impressions about the video clips and discuss questions including the following: Which reaction is more normal? Which reaction would they prefer in their own child? Why do the children react the way they do? Finally, they were asked whether they preferred their child to have close relationships to a few or many people.
Data Analysis
The interviews and focus group discussion were transcribed verbatim. Narralizer, a qualitative analysis software system was utilized to analyze both interview and focus group data. A system-atic thematic analysis was conducted: First, we identified information units that consisted of groups of words or phrases (Shkedi, 2011) and arranged them in groups of categories, identifying emerging patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel, 2013).
Concurrently, we quantitatively analyzed the demographic data, the socialization goals ques-tionnaire, and the data about children’s stranger anxiety using SPSS. For the socialization goals questionnaire, we compared the means of the two subscales of psychological autonomy and hierarchical relatedness.
The first and the third authors coded the child’s emotional reaction in response to the stranger in the digitized videos. No stranger anxiety was defined as the willingness of the child to go to the stranger and interact with her. Children not displaying stranger anxiety interacted with her for several minutes and were curious and joyful when being picked up and held in close body contact. Stranger anxiety was defined as a child’s refusal to be picked up by the stranger combined with observable emotional stress. Children in this group cried or screamed, looked for proximity and contact with their mothers, and diverted their visual attention from the stranger. Their facial expressions and ges-tures showed fear throughout. Most of those children showed total reluctance to be physically fully separated from their mothers; therefore, the researcher could not pick them up. We also computed correlations between family composition variables and children’s display of stranger anxiety.
Ethical Considerations
The Ethics Committee of the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem gave its approval to the study. Participants signed informed consent documents and were granted anonymity and confidentiality. Participants’ names that appear in quotations have been changed to pseudonyms to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).
Results
The first part of the “Results” section offers a description of the children’s reaction to the encoun-ter with a stranger. Next, the mother’s socialization goals and belief systems concerning chil-dren’s emotion regulation that emerged from the quantitative and the qualitative analysis are reported. Finally, the relationships between family composition variables and children’s stranger anxiety are reported.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 7
Children’s Reaction to the Encounter With a Stranger
The video analysis of the 1-year-old infants’ reactions to the stranger’s approach revealed that 56% of the children displayed stranger anxiety and 44% of the children showed no stranger anxiety.
Bedouin mother’s socialization goals and belief systems concerning children’s emotion regulation. The analysis of the socialization goals questionnaire used a paired t test to assess possible differences in the preference of autonomous or relational socialization goals. We found an emphasis on rela-tional socialization goals among Bedouin mothers over autonomous goals, autonomy: M = 5.08, SD = 0.56; relatedness: M = 5.56, SD = 0.43; t(30) = 4.21, p < .001. Mothers preferred hierarchi-cal relational values that help children to integrate in the Bedouin community, such as sociability, obedience, politeness, and respect for elders more than they emphasized psychological autono-mous goals, for example, develop own ideas, assertiveness, and self-confidence development.
The analysis of the maternal interviews revealed three themes:
Protection through proximity. Bedouin mothers emphasized the importance of proximity with their infants as this provides the best protection for them. As Nour commented, “A mother who loves her infant keeps him close to her to protect him, when he needs her she is always there for him.” Mothers emphasized that they cannot allow their infants to explore the environment imme-diately outside of the home community because of their concerns about the numerous dangers. As Mariam said, “I prefer him to stay with me at home and not get run over out there. There are a lot of risks in our village.” Suaa’d described her attempt to protect her child from the soldiers who came to demolish houses in the village:
A lot of soldiers entered the village with weapons to destroy my cousin’s house. Women and children were screaming and crying. I held my baby tight and tried to calm him. Until now, the children are afraid when they see a soldier in uniform.
Unfamiliarity is dangerous. Eight mothers tried to explain their child’s negative reaction to the stranger and claimed that the child saw the stranger as an unfamiliar person, and therefore was afraid. As Amani explained, “We have not many strange people who come and visit our family. So when she saw you she was surprised.” By contrast, Amal, whose baby expressed curiosity and was happy to see the stranger, underlined the importance the child having familiarity with many people. She explained that the child should avoid a stranger if she or a family member is not present:
Since he was born, he is used to everyone. However, he should distinguish between people who are part of the family and those who are not. The main thing is to have someone from the family with him when he encounters strangers.
Interestingly, a few mothers interpreted the infants’ avoidance of the stranger as a sign and proof of child’s exclusive preference and love for his or her mother. Sarah shared that, “I felt good that he just wants and loves me.” Manal added, “It’s good what she [the baby] had done when you tried to take her. You see? She had not forgotten and ignored me, but on the other hand she did not cry and screamed when you took her.”
Others as possible sources of protection. All mothers considered themselves as the child’s pri-mary attachment figure. However, they mentioned that they relied on the support of multiple caregivers from the extended family system, such as an older sibling, aunts, or grandmothers. Asma reported, “She [the baby] is used the most to her big sisters and to my husband’s family.”
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
8 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
The mothers attribute great importance to the child’s agreement to be with relatives in the absence of the mother, which allows her to go on errands outside the village. Ekhlas explained,
It is desirable that the baby has relationships with many people. Now, for example, I need to give birth and I will be in the hospital for a few days. He needs to stay with relatives and not cause problems.
Nawal added, “He should be polite and calm, so that people will love him, and agree to keep him when I’m not around.”
Most mothers emphasized the need to train their children to get used to the villagers. In the event that the child refuses, they offered to expose him to more people, and if necessary, to force him. Amira’s words make this possibility clear; she said, “I would put him among villagers and not leave him at home, to let him go out and see people and know that they are not scary.” Asma added, “I will give him to people that he does not like, so that he will be used to them.”
Focus Group Discussion
The analysis of the focus group data focused on mothers’ associations with the word “stranger,” their reactions to the presence or absence of stranger anxiety in the videos, their socialization goals regarding interpersonal relationships and competences, and their ethnotheories regarding interpersonal relationships.
Regarding the definition of the term stranger, the focus group participants made a clear dis-tinction between unfamiliar dangerous people, such as “doctor,” “police,” “military,” “Jews,” and unfamiliar but not dangerous people (e.g., “ . . . not from the family,” “ . . . not from the vil-lage,” “ . . . person who they don’t see daily.” In addition, they mentioned familiar people such as family members and neighbors who potentially provide protection and safety.
They believe that the main two reasons for the infant’s crying in the videos and his refusal to go to a stranger was his exposure to a stranger who may be potentially dangerous. Explanations offered include, “He is not used to see people” and “They need to meet you once or twice before they get used to you.” In addition, they mentioned the child’s temperament: “It is related to his personality.”
The focus group findings confirmed the interview findings as participants described both the importance of the children’s safety and goals of being sociable as a preferred behavior during the interaction with the stranger. On one hand, they emphasized the need to frighten the child to protect him. They teach their children to be cautious of strangers: “The crying child’s response is normal,” “We terrify him so he won’t go far,” “We tell them about cases of child abduction and selling of their body parts,” “I will be happy to see my child shy and screaming so he will protect himself from anyone by his screaming.” On the other hand, parents expressed the desire for a sociable child. One shared, “it does help him if he is used to people, because he won’t be lonely or afraid.” Most importantly, they do not want the child to meet any strangers without familiar people: “If he is going out with someone we know, then it’s all right.”
Associations Between Family Size and Children’s Stranger Anxiety
We tested the associations between demographic parameters (birth rank of child, number of sib-lings, maternal and paternal age, formal education and number of siblings) and the two emotion regulation patterns. An ANOVA yielded a significant main effect of family size defined as the “paternal number of siblings,” F(1, 24) = 4.65, p = .04, and a marginally significant effect of “maternal number of siblings,” F(1, 24) = 3.58, p = .07, indicating that children who showed no stranger anxiety had larger families than children showing a negative response to the stranger. No
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 9
other associations between demographic parameters and the two emotion regulation patterns were found.
Discussion
This study investigated 1-year-old children’s behaviors toward strangers in Bedouin families liv-ing in six unrecognized villages in the south of Israel, their mothers’ views on stranger anxiety, and the development of emotion regulation.
Our findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants with respect to displays of stranger anxi-ety: More than half the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not. The large number of infants showing stranger anxiety and major signs of distress when encountering a stranger was not expected in the Bedouin society, which exhibits high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving arrangements. Our findings might indicate a paradox: raising social, but wary children. These findings may reflect that the Bedouins in the unrecog-nized villages have to combine traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous socio-political situation. The Bedouin mothers in our study voiced both ideals con-jointly: On one hand, children are taught to adapt to having many family members, whereas on the other hand, they are taught to be wary of non-family strangers who might signify danger, such as government’s representatives (Marey-Sarwan, Roer-Strier, & Otto, under review).
In traditional societies that emphasize hierarchical relatedness, children are expected to be friendly and accustomed to many people (Gottlieb, 2009, 2014; Keller, 2007, 2014; Meehan, 2009; Otto, 2008); therefore, one would expect the Bedouin children to be comfortable with strangers. However, our finding shows that wariness and fear of “dangerous strangers,” who might be risky to the child, may be associated with avoidance of strangers who are not from the family. Although stranger anxiety in Western cultures is due to children’s limited exposure to multiple caretakers and the dangers of anonymity (Meehan & Hawks, 2014), we interpret the Bedouin infants’ stranger anxiety as an adaptation to the socio-political context and to the com-plexity of life in the unrecognized villages.
Proximity as Protection
Our findings indicated the importance of the proximity between the mother and her child as a source of protection from the many risks. In this case, a physical and proximal parenting style is reflecting of a mother’s own life experiences and aims to protect the infant from danger to secure survival. This proximal style is characterized by body contact and body stimulation, kissing, hugging, and patting. Similar to previous studies in the rural contexts (Keller, 2007; Keller, Voelker, & Yovsi, 2005; Lancy, 2008; Otto, 2008), Bedouin mothers see protection as essential in a socio-ecological context that contains unpredictable and potentially dangerous environments. Moreover, this parental style is known to also create a sense of belonging (Keller & Otto, 2014; Yovsi & Keller, 2003).
Familiarity as Protection
Mothers’ interviews provide an explanation for the two types of reactions observed in the chil-dren. Although mothers regarded children’s distress to be the more normal response, they debated which behavior they would prefer in their infants. Some mothers thought that being exposed to many people was important for the child’s social development within the communal system, whereas others thought that their children should be wary of non-family strangers so they would better exhibit a fearful reaction. The second group of mothers actively trained their children to be friendly around familiar people, yet to be careful around unfamiliar people that could potentially harm them such as police, military, and Jews.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
10 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
The presence of the two parental perspectives described above could be interpreted in two ways: First, the larger a family is, the more emphasis is placed on sociability toward strangers. In these families, it is more likely that a child encounters more guests from outside the village. Second, the socio-political situation emphasizes the presence of two types of strangers: strangers who symbolize the Israeli host society, such as administration representatives and various service providers from the neighboring cities, who are perceived as posing a risk to the child and cannot be trusted naturally; and, the second type includes strangers who are not dangerous, such as dis-tant family members and visitors. In the first case, government officials are regarded as a threat to the family and the children. They are the ones who could come to demolish houses and intimi-date the residents; as a result, they are generally not accepted but feared. In contrast, visitors who are family friends are warmly welcomed, as is customary in the Bedouin society (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000).
Because mothers in the focus group feel threatened by potentially dangerous strangers, they have developed strategies such as frightening their children about strangers to keep them safe. It is apparent that strangers are perceived as dangerous because contact with strangers in the unrec-ognized villages often leads to negative and painful experiences. The Bedouins face constant fear and insecurity over the potential destruction of their homes and harsh recriminations from the Israeli police and Armed Services (Marey-Sarwan et al., under review). Because there is no pub-lic transportation, Bedouins in the unrecognized villages live quite isolated, and therefore infants’ encounters with strangers are rare (Yiftachel, 2008).
Infants’ reactions to strangers were associated with family size, especially the paternal number of siblings. Infants who exhibited stranger anxiety lived with fewer paternal siblings in the household than infants who did not display stranger anxiety. Because the Bedouins live in clans (Abu-Saad, 2010), a woman moves in with her husband and his family once she gets married. The biological relatives in a Bedouin child’s social universe taking active roles in childcare are therefore mainly from the father’s family. Infants growing up in large extended families have many opportunities to interact with multiple caretakers and may therefore be prepared for encountering more people. Like many traditional communities (Ben-Ezer, 1992; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006), Bedouin mothers preserve values that foster interrelatedness between com-munity members. They have translated the socialization goal of sociability, obedience, and respect for elders into a parenting strategy aimed at teaching children to acclimate to many peo-ple. Consequently, these infants do not show stranger anxiety. However, children growing up in smaller families may not have as many multiple caregiving experiences. Thus, it is plausible to assume that they were more likely to develop exclusive relationships with few caretakers similar to infants in Western cultures.
Adaptations of Parenting Strategies in Response to New Challenges
Bedouins in the “unrecognized” villages in the Naqab area face major cultural challenges due to the transition from a semi-nomadic to a sedentary life and urbanization, thus changing their traditional way of life (Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Our data indicate that those cultural changes combined with the adverse socio-cultural-political contexts create an ambiguous situation: Bedouins try to preserve traditional collective social norms, such as raising children in the context of an extended family and emphasizing social relations with multiple caretak-ers. Simultaneously, Bedouin mothers have to navigate a problematic socio-political situation that does not allow them to raise their children in the traditional way. Consequently, they socialize their children to be suspicious of outsiders through intimidating them into fearing strangers. It is apparent that this intimidation can affect children’s response to an unfamiliar person.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 11
Conclusion and Implications
Our article indicates that research needs to take the cultural as well as the socio-political contexts into account. Understanding the impact of these contexts is especially important when we want to understand minority groups. Prevention and intervention programs are developed for these groups based primarily on the philosophy of the majority; yet, these programs need to take into account an often ambiguous reality. Moreover, they have to acknowledge the importance that mothers attribute to the extended family as a source of support, safety, and protection for the child. In the absence of proper infrastructure and institutional services, their only way to survive the adverse circumstances is to support each other. To accomplish this goal, policy makers and child-care professionals working with populations at risk need to listen to parents and their perceptions. Finally, our study shows that the socio-political context has a crucial impact on the development of emotion regulation in children. Definitions of security can take very different forms, depending also on the socio-political situation. Accordingly, parental and child behaviors can carry different meanings. Socio-political contexts are diverse and may exert multiple separate and/or combined influences on multiple dimensions of children’s development. Relationships between contextual factors and behaviors therefore need to be assessed specifically. Relying on standardized methods, such as the Strange Situation, in contexts different from the one in which the method has been developed, may produce questionable results. Emotion regulation is part of the universal human condition. During infancy and early childhood, emotion regulation is mainly situated in the social matrix, and therefore at the core of the development of attachment relationships. As a conse-quence, also the development of attachment needs to be studied in cultural contexts taking contex-tual parameters into account. Cultural and historical contexts have recently become more visible as shaping attachment relationships (see Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013; Vicedo, 2013), socio-political dimensions still need to be introduced into the research agenda.
For the future study of children’s socio-emotional development, we strongly suggest to use a context-informed approach that takes into account historical, socio-political, and ecological con-ditions, in addition to social customs and cultural values. These influences must be considered more seriously in developmental theories and in all areas of child development research.
Acknowledgment
The authors thank Dorit Roer-Strier for her help and support as well as all the participating infants and their caregivers for their willingness to cooperate.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-cation of this article: This project was supported by three grants to Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan from Anita Morawetz Fund for Research on Children at Risk, Ariane de Rothschild fund, and NA’AMAT “Movement of Working Women and Volunteers,” and a post-doctoral fellowship of the Martin Buber Society to Hiltrud Otto.
References
Abu-Bader, S., & Gottlieb, D. (2009). Poverty, education and employment in the Arab-Bedouin society: A comparative view. ECINEQ, 37, 1-63. Available from Retrieved from http://www.ecineq.org
Abu-El-Assal, R. (2010). Polygamy, discourse and practices in Palestinian society. Nazareth, Israel: Labor Committee for Equality in Personal Status. (In Arabic)
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
12 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
Abu-Rass, T., & Yiftachel, O. (2012, January). Four reasons to reject the “Prawer Plan.” Adalah’s Newsletter, p. 89. Retrieved from http://www.adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/newsletter/eng/jan12/docs/Thabet%20and%20Oren%20Four%20Reasons%20to%20Reject%20Prawer%20English.pdf
Abu-Saad, I. (2006). The historical story of the settlement in the Negev. In M. Ighbarieh (Ed.), The Negev in danger: Settlement project of the Negev (pp. 7-40). Um el-Fahem, Israel: Latest Research Center. (In Arabic)
Abu-Saad, I. (2010). Arabs of the Naqab: Past, present and future challenges. Beer Sheva, Israel: Negev Center for Regional Development, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. (In Arabic)
Abu-Saad, K., Horowitz, T., & Abu-Saad, I. (2007). Weaving tradition and modernity: Bedouin women in higher education. Beer Sheva, Israel: Ben-Gurion University.
Ainsworth, M. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A psychological study of the strange situation. Oxford, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Al-Krenawi, A., & Graham, J. R. (2001). The cultural mediator: Bridging the gap between a non-western community and professional social work practice. British Journal of Social Work, 31, 665-685.
Al-Krenawi, A., & Lightman, E. S. (2000). Learning achievement, social adjustment, and family conflict among Bedouin-Arab children from polygamous and monogamous families. Social Psychology, 140, 345-355.
Almi, A. (2008). Israeli house demolitions and their implications on children’s mental health. Tel Aviv, Israel: Physicians for Human Rights. (In Hebrew)
Almi, A. (2011). Homes on the front: Personal and social implications of demolitions in the unrecognized villages of the Negev. In N. Davidovich, M. Alberstein, & R. Zalashik (Eds.), Trauma and memory in Israel: From personal to collective experience (pp. 27-59). Tel Aviv, Israel: Bar-Ilan University. (In Hebrew).
Belsky, J., Rovine, M., & Taylor, G. D. (1984). The Pennsylvania infant and family development project, III: The origins of individual differences in infant-mother attachment: Maternal and infant contribu-tions. Child Development, 55, 718-728.
Ben-David, Y., & Gonen, A. (2001). Bedouins and fellaheen Bedouins within the urbanization process in the Negev. Jerusalem, Israel: Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies. (In Hebrew)
Ben-Ezer, C. (1992). Like a light in a jug: Immigration and absorption of Ethiopian Jews. Jerusalem, Israel: Rubin Mass. (In Hebrew).
Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss (Vol. 1). New York, NY: Basic Books.Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss (2nd ed., Vol. 1). New York, NY: Basic Books.Broch, H. B. (1990). Growing up agreeably: Bonerate childhood observed. Honolulu, University of Hawaii
Press.Central Bureau of Statistics. (2013). Statistical yearbook of Israel. Jerusalem, Israel: Central Bureau of
Statistics. (In Hebrew).Cole, M., & Cole, S. R. (1989). The development of children. New York, NY: Scientific American Library.Creswell, J. W. (2005). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative and qual-
itative research. New Jersey, NJ: Pearson Education.Creswell, J. W. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.Daoud, N., O’Campo, P., Anderson, K., Agbaria, A. K., & Shoham-Vardi, I. (2012). The social ecology of
maternal infant care in socially and economically marginalized community in Southern Israel. Health Education Research, 27, 1018-1030.
Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (2011). The SAGE handbook of qualitative research (4th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: SAGE.
Glaser, J., & Laudel, G. (2013). Life with and without coding: Two methods for early-stage data analysis in qualitative research aiming at causal explanations. Social Qualitative Research, 14(2), 1438-5627. Retrieved from http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/1886/3528
Gottlieb, A. (2004). The afterlife is where we come from: The culture of infancy in West Africa. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Gottlieb, A. (2009). Who minds the baby? Beng perspectives on mothers, neighbours, and strangers as caretakers. In G. Bentley & R. Mace (Eds.), Substitute parents: Biological and social perspectives on alloparenting across human societies (pp. 115-138). Oxford, NY: Berghahn.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
Marey-Sarwan et al. 13
Gottlieb, A. (2014). Is it time to detach from attachment theory? Perspectives from the West African rain forest. In H. Otto & H. Keller (Eds.), Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal human need (pp. 187-214). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Greenberg, Z. W., & Sagiv-Reiss, D. M. (2013). Young Arab women at the crossroads between the tradi-tional and the modern: Analysis of life stories of Arab Muslim students who have left home to achieve higher education. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 4(2), 143-157.
Grossmann, K., Grossmann, K. E., Spangler, G., Suess, G., & Unzner, L. (1985). Maternal sensitivity and newborns’ orientation responses as related to quality of attachment in Northern Germany. Child Development, 50(1-2), 233-256.
Gueron-Sela, N., Atzaba-Poria, N., Meiri, G., & Marks, K. (2013). Prematurity, ethnicity and person-ality: Risk for postpartum emotional distress among Bedouin-Arab and Jewish women. Journal of Reproductive and Infant Psychology, 31, 81-93.
Hijab, N. (2001). Women and word in the Arab word. In S. Joseph & S. Slgomovics (Eds.), Women and power in the Middle East (pp. 41-51). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Human Rights Watch. (2008). Off the map: Land and housing rights violations in Israel’s unrecognized Bedouin villages. New York, NY: Author.
Johnson, R. B., & Onwuegbuzie, A. J. (2004). Mixed methods research: A research paradigm whose time has come. Educational Researcher, 33(7), 14-26.
Kärtner, J., Keller, H., Lamm, B., Abels, M., Yovsi, R. D., & Chaudhary, N. (2007). Manifestations of autonomy and relatedness in mothers’ accounts of their ethnotheories regarding childcare across five cultural communities. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 38, 613-628.
Keller, H. (2007). Cultures of infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.Keller, H. (2014). Introduction: Understanding relationships—What we would need to know to conceptual-
ize attachment as the cultural solution of a universal developmental task. In H. Otto & H. Keller (Eds.), Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal human need (pp. 1-24). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Keller, H., & Kärtner, J. (2013). Development—The cultural solution of universal developmental tasks. In M. Gelfand, C.-Y. Chiu, & Y. Y. Hong (Eds.), Advances in culture and psychology (Vol. 3, pp. 63-116). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Keller, H., Lamm, B., Abels, M., Yovsi, R. D., Borke, J., Jensen, H., . . . Chaudhary, N. (2006). Cultural models, socialization goals, and parenting ethnotheories: A multicultural analysis. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 37, 155-172.
Keller, H., & Otto, H. (2014). Epilogue: The future of attachment. In H. Otto & H. Keller (Eds.), Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal human need (pp. 307-313). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Keller, H., Voelker, S., & Yovsi, R. D. (2005). Conceptions of parenting in different cultural communities: The case of West African Nso and Northern German women. Social Development, 14, 158-180.
Lancy, D. F. (2008). The anthropology of childhood: Cherubs, chattel, changelings. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Lee, R. M. (1993). Doing research on sensitive topics. London, England: SAGE.Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the
Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-124). New York and London: Routledge.
Marey-Sarwan, I., Roer-Strier, D., & Otto, H. (under review). A context-informed perspective: Bedouin parents from unrecognized villages in the Naqab define risk, prevention and intervention.
Meehan, C. L. (2009). Maternal time allocation in two cooperative childrearing societies. Human Nature, 20, 375-393.
Meehan, C. L., & Hawks, S. (2014). Maternal and allomaternal responsiveness: The significance of coop-erative caregiving in attachment theory. In H. Otto & H. Keller (Eds.), Different faces of attachment (pp. 113-140). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Meir, A. (2005). Bedouin, the Israeli state and insurgent planning: Globalization, localization or globaliza-tion? Cities, 22, 201-215.
Ministry of Health. (2008). Health status of Bedouin infants and children up to age 6 years in permanent settlements and unrecognized villages in the Negev. Beer Sheva, Israel: Health Department.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
14 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology
Mogdham, V. (2004). Patriarchy in transition: Women and the changing family in the Middle East. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 35(2), 137-162.
Noach, H. (2009). The existent and the non-existent villages: The unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev. Haifa, Israel: Pardes Publishing. (In Hebrew)
Nsamenang, A. B., & Lamb, M. E. (1994). Socialization of Nso children in the Bamenda Grassfields of Northwest Cameroon. In P. M. Greenfield & R. R. Cocking (Eds.), Cross-cultural roots of minority child development (pp. 133-146). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Otto, H. (2008). Culture-specific attachment strategies in the Cameroonian Nso: Cultural solutions to a universal developmental task (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Osnabrueck University, Germany.
Otto, H., & Keller, H. (2014). Different faces of attachment: Cultural variations on a universal human need. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.Quinn, N., & Mageo J. (Eds.). (2013). Attachment reconsidered. New York, NY: Palgrave.Roer-Strier, D., & Rosenthal, M. (2006). “What sort of an adult would you like your child to be?”—
Mothers’ developmental goals in different cultural communities in Israel. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 30, 517-528.
Seymour, S. (2004). Multiple caretaking of infants and young children: An area in critical need of a feminist psychological anthropology. Ethos, 32, 538-556.
Shkedi, A. (2011). The meaning behind the words: Methodologies of qualitative research: Theory and practice. Tel Aviv, Israel: Ramot—Tel Aviv University. (In Hebrew)
Shlasky, S., & Alpert, B. (2007). Ways of writing qualitative research: From dismantling the reality to structuring the text. Tel-Aviv, Israel: Mofet Institute. (In Hebrew)
Thompson, R. A. (1994). Emotion regulation: A theme in search of definition. In N. A. Fox (Ed.), The devel-opment of emotion regulation: Biological and behavioral considerations. Monographs of the society for research in child development (Vol. 59, No. 2-3, pp. 25-52). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Tomlinson, M., Cooper, P., & Murray, L. (2005). The mother–infant relationship and infant attachment in a South African Peri-Urban settlement. Child Development, 76, 1044-1054.
Vicedo, M. (2013). The nature and nurture of love: From imprinting to attachment in Cold War America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Visblay, A. (2006). Children in the Bedouin sector in the Negev, snapshots (Report to the CRC). Jerusalem, Israel: Knesset, Research and Information Center.
Weisner, T. S., & Gallimore, R. (2008). Child and sibling caregiving. In R. S. New (Ed.), Anthropology and child development: A cross-cultural reader (pp. 264-269). Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Yiftachel, O. (2008). Epilogue: Studying Naqab/Negev Bedouins—Toward a colonial paradigm. HAGAR: Studies in Culture, Policy and Identities, 8(2), 83-108.
Yovsi, R. D., & Keller, H. (2003). Breastfeeding: An adaptive process. Ethos, 31, 147-171.Zevalkink, J., Riksen-Walraven, J. M. A., & Van Lieshout, C. F. M. (1999). Attachment in the Indonesian
caregiving context. Social Development, 8, 21-40.
by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from
65 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Chapter 5: 65-94
Ecology of Risk and Protection:
Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Hiltrud Otto1)
1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel
Status: Submitted.
66 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Chapter 5
Ecology of Risk and Protection:
Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab
Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Hiltrud Otto1)
1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel
Abstract
This study uses a context-informed perspective to examine perceptions of risk and
protection of 33 Bedouin mothers from unrecognized villages in Israel. The research fills critical
ups are rarely asked
for their ideas regarding risk and protective factors in child development.
Data was collected via in-depth interviews with Bedouin mothers and analyzed using
qualitative thematic analysis. The findings demonstrate a wide range of risks to child
development including immediate physical environment, lack of supervision, child
characteristics, relationships in the child's life, difficult life conditions, socio-political risks, and
risks related to the entry of technology. Despite these numerous risk factors, Bedouin families
tribal support, spirituality and religious beliefs, the positive use of technology, and formal
education. Some of the above domains are seen as sources for both risk and protection.
Our findings demonstrate how marginalization and political discrimination affect child
development on different contextual levels. Moreover, the findings highlight the need to include
parental voices in discourse on risk and protection and the contribution of a context -informed
perspective that includes awareness of historical and political effects.
67 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Key words: Maternal Risk Perceptions; Coping Strategies; Bedouins; Ecological
Systems Theory; Context-Informed Perspective.
Introduction
Cross-cultural scholars support the claim that most of the knowledge researchers and
professionals have about child development and definitions of risk for child development come
from "weird" people people who are white, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic, and
constitute a minority in this world (Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). The views
call for understanding child development and risk in the non-
Kagitcibasi, 2007). Another claim is that professionals who are responsible for risk prevention
and intervention are often trained in Western theories that assume that child development follows
a universal pathway, disregarding contextual differences. Numerous studies (Greenfield, 1994;
Author's citation, 2001) show that the cultural differences between professionals and parents can
be a source of misunderstandings and tensions, which are not beneficial to children. It is apparent
that most often the parents' position is absent from this discourse (Benvenisti & Schmid, 2010;
Author's citation, 2007).
This paper studies minority Bedouin mothers from unrecognized villages (UVs) in the
Naqab desert in Southern Israel, to learn how they perceive risk for their children's development.
Protective factors are derived from mother's reports on how they cope and try to prevent risks for
children.
Our study brings a context-informed perspective for studying risk, which utilizes
Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) in combination with Critical Theory
(Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000; Mass, 2004).
68 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Cultural Transition and Risk
Risk factors for child development are defined in the literature as conditions and
circumstances that increase the likelihood that a child will develop disorders relating to physical
health, emotions, or conduct. Risk factors may include the nature of the individual, family
characteristics, social context, and interaction with the environment (Carolyn & Bonnie, 1997).
Cultural transitions have been shown to contribute significantly to risk as they often create new
demands for families, e.g., economic or political challenges (Korbin, 2008; Spilsbury, Korbin, &
Coulton, 2012). These demands can become stressors leading to risk for child development. The
from a nomadic to a sedentary life in the context of political and territorial conflict.
Critical Views on Risk
Shalhoub-Kevorkian (2004) claims that the political context and its influence on
influences can be exemplified in the case of the Israeli context in general, and in the case of risk
in minority populations in particular.
The definition of children at risk in Israel, formulated by the Schmid Committee (2006),
is based on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989), which places
the child's welfare as a fundamental principle: "Every child has the right to the best possible
health. Governments must provide good quality health care, clean water, nutritious food and a
clean environment so that children can stay healthy" (Article 24). It also declares the right of the
child to develop properly in all spheres and with an adequate standard of living, including
housing: "Every child has the right to a standard of living that is good enough to meet their
69 Ecology of Risk and Protection
physical, social and mental needs. Governments must help families who cannot afford to provide
this, particularly with regard to food, clothing and housing" (Article 27).
While Israel adopted the CRC in 1991, its neglect of the Palestinian community in
general and the Bedouin community in particular led to violations of the CRC in the case of the
Arab-Bedouin children in the UVs in the Naqab area. points to a large
scale of risk factors, especially in the Arab-Bedouin society, where children in the UVs suffer
from discrimination and neglect by the state authorities. Examples of structural violence and
withdrawal of basic infrastructure. The Israeli case exemplifies the politically originated paradox
of a state that is expected to protect and intervene in cases of children at risk, while choosing not
to do so in the case of some of its minority groups. Cohen (2009) notes that the authorities that
determine risk definitions often blame parents for negative child outcomes, while ignoring
contextual effects such as the political context, social exclusion, discrimination, and poverty.
An Ecological Context-Informed Perspective on Risk
Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1994; 2005) offers a
holistic approach to analyzing multilevel and interactive influences on child development. The
model is particularly suitable for the investigation of developmental risk and protection as it
enumerates five interrelated systems, each representing a particular environmental framework in
the child's world. The microsystem includes the physical environment, family, and interpersonal
relations in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic features. The
mesosystem relates to interactions between microsystems. The exosystem refers to interactions
with the surrounding community in which the individual is not directly involved. The
70 Ecology of Risk and Protection
macrosystem is the global cultural norms and institutions that influence all the other systems, and
the chronosystem refers to the historical effects on development during the lifespan.
Various studies with minority populations that live in high-risk and high poverty
environments such as Bumgarner's study (2013) among Latino Americans, and Atzaba-Poria,
Pike, and Deater-Deckard's (2004) study among Americans of Indian origin have utilized
Ecological Systems Theory to underscore the importance of exploring how certain contexts
affect child development. However, scholars who work in conflict zones stressed the need to
utilize a Critical Theory approach that goes beyond the ecological perspective, and thus consider
the socio-political context and its consequences, such as discrimination, oppression, and power
dynamics, to understand child development (e.g., Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2004).
The context-informed approach offered in this paper combines Ecological Systems
Theory with Critical Theory. Critical Theory (Hamber et al., 2015; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-
Armiñan, 2007) calls attention to relation of power, cultural characteristics, socio-political
processes, racism, and discrimination. Therefore, the context-informed perspective is based on
the notion that human development always takes place within a certain context and is always
influenced by its context (Author's citation, 2015). We argue that in order to understand child
development and risk, the complexity and interrelations of different contexts such as socio-
political, economic, and transitional contexts need to be understood from the perspective of the
affected persons.
Unrecognized Villages (UVs) in the Naqab
The Arab-Bedouin population is a unique indigenous semi-nomadic group within Arab
society (Abu-Saad, 2010). Due to governmental plans that include the expropriation of Bedouin
71 Ecology of Risk and Protection
land (Nasasra, 2012; Yiftachel, 2008), they are experiencing a rapid shift to permanent
settlements (Abu-Saad, 2010).
Currently, about 100,000 Bedouins are living in 36 UVs in the Negev desert. The
Bedouins claim this land as their own and defy the imposed expropriation and resettlement by
building villages. In return, their villages are not recognized by the Israeli state (Abu-Rass &
Yiftachel, 2012). In contradiction to the CRC, the government also denies these villages basic
services and infrastructure, hoping to resettle them to predefined cities (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb,
2009; Ministry of Health, 2006; Yiftachel, 2008). Moreover, Israeli authorities refuse to grant
Bedouins in the UVs permission to construct any permanent living structures (Abu-Rass &
Yiftachel, 2012; Almi, 2011; Noach, 2009; Rudnicki & Abu-Rass, 2011). As a result, a
significant number of unauthorized Bedouin homes are demolished every year by the Israeli
authorities (Meir, 2005), and the Bedouins in the UVs mostly live in tents and barracks under
very difficult conditions (Human Rights Watch, 2008; Noach, 2009).
Despite pressure by the Israeli government, the Bedouin community is determined to stay
on their land (Meir, 2005). Thus, Nguyen-Gillham, Giacaman, Naser, and Boyce (2008) claim
sumud a determination to exist through being steadfast and
rooted to the land is at the hear (p. 292).
The Arab-Bedouin society is a conservative and traditional society living in a state with a
Western orientation (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001). Since the Arab-Bedouin society is
considered patriarchal, men are the family heads and retain all the power and official authority.
Usually women are responsible for child-rearing and home maintenance. Their mobility depends
on men since women are not permitted to travel alone outside the village. Correspondingly, men
work and take care of the family economically (Gueron-Sela, et al., 2013). Endogamous and
72 Ecology of Risk and Protection
polygamous marriages are commonplace in Arab-Bedouin society (Ben Rabbi, Amiel, Nijam, &
Dolev, 2009). Bedouins consider children, especially sons, a status symbol (Al-Krenawi, 2003)
and have a high fertility rate of about 6.7 children per woman (Central Bureau of Statistics,
2013 with about 60% under the age of 18 (Abu-
Rabia, 2006). They live in extended families and share a collective responsibility for infant care
(Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009).
The Bedouins in the UVs are considered one of the most marginalized populations in
Israel (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008). They suffer from the highest unemployment rates and the
lowest income levels in the country (Abu-Saad, 2010). As a result of these harsh conditions, high
infant mortality rates (National Council for the Child, 2012) and high incidences of infant health
problems (Visblay, 2006) are common in the Naqab.
Using a context-informed approach, our paper addresses the following questions: How do
Bedouin mothers perceive risk? In addition, what are their ideas about coping with these risks?
Methods
The data presented in this paper was collected via in-depth interviews. It is based on
qualitative thematic analysis exploring reality as perceived by the study participants (e.g., Denzin
& Lincoln, 2011).
Participants
Interview data was collected between 2011 and 2013 from 33 Bedouin mothers of young
infants who live in six different UVs in the Naqab area. They were between 17 and 43 years old
with an average of 11 years of formal education. All participants were selected by snowball
technique (Patton, 2002).
Procedure
73 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Bedouin mothers were individually interviewed in depth to enable an enhanced
understanding of their perceptions of risk and mitigating techniques (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002).
The interview guideline (see Appendix) was developed and piloted in previous studies with
different populations (Author's citation, 2007). Mothers were asked to define risk for cognitive,
physical, emotional, and social development. Mothers also were asked to offer ideas for
culturally appropriate coping strategies. Questions addressed were, for example: How do you
describe risks for the child? What can help the child and the families cope with risks?
Participants could offer more than one answer and were encouraged to elaborate their views and
give examples. The interviews lasted on average one and half hours.
Analysis
language. The data was audiotaped, transcribed, and anonymized. The qualitative analysis
software Narralizer was utilized to analyze the interview data. This allowed for a systematic
thematic analysis of the interviews, and the establishment of information units that consist of
groups of words or phrases (Shkedi, 2011) and groups of categories identifying emergi ng
patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel, 2013). The texts were coded according to recurrent
themes and the themes were mapped according to their interconnections (Shimoni, 201 ).
Finally, the themes were arranged in accordance with the five contextual levels of the Ecological
Systems Theory.
In qualitative research, the terms "rigor" and "trustworthiness" replace the terms
"validity" and "reliability" (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). To promote the studies' rigor, the first
author, a native Palestinian woman, performed the data collection. This author and another
74 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Arabic speaking coder conducted the data analysis of all the material separately and then
reviewed the themes and patterns together (Creswell, 2005). In cases of disagreement, they
discussed the data until they reached consensus with the help of a third researcher involved in the
study (Guion, Diehl, & McDonald, 2011). In addition, the first author kept a field diary to enable
or discussion
of the findings conducted with a group of the participants, promoted rigor of the analysis during
the final stage (Koelsch, 2013). Member checking confirmed agreement on the themes identified
in the interviews.
An ethics committee approved the study. Participants were promised anonymity and
have been changed to pseudonyms to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).
Results
The findings section includes the main categories that emerged from the analysis of the
interviews (see Chart 1). First, we present maternal risk perceptions according to the five
contextual levels of the Ecological Systems Theory. Second, we present
strategies. Last, in line with the context-informed perspective, we highlight the interrelations of
cultural and socio-political factors for risk perceptions and coping strategies.
75 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Chart 1: Mothers perceptions of risk and protection factors according to
Maternal Risk Perceptions
Microsystem.
On the microsystem level, mothers most frequently described risks related to the
immediate physical environment, followed by challenges to supervision and finally to child
characteristics.
The immediate physical environment: "Risks are located in every corner".
Participants reported physical risks at home and in the surroundings such as the use of
open fire inside the house, vehicular traffic, sewage wells, garbage and waste scattered
everywhere, stray dogs, snakes, reptiles, and rodents.
76 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Most of the UV residents live in houses made of tin or with a tin roof. Diesel powered
generators provide limited electricity for just a few hours a day. As a result, in many cases
mothers use gas and wood for cooking and home heating. They reported that the use of open fire
inside the house yielded serious health consequences for children, such as burns and rising body
temperature Samya shared: "Everything can be a source of risk; the gas can cause burns when I
cook and the kids are around me, even the tea kettle, the coals, etc." Amena, another participant,
said:
Last summer my son was a month old. He had a very high fever so I took him to
the hospital, where he remained for four days and was released. After one day at
home, his fever rose again, to 40 degrees. When I took him back to the hospital,
the doctor told me that he is healthy but the rise in body temperature is due to the
scorching heat of the tin roof.
Soheer ec
over here. Two days ago, my son almost got run over because he was standing at t he gate.
Fortunately, his uncle saw him."
About half of the participants mentioned the sewage overflow that creates a health
nuisance and brings incubation of mosquitoes and insects. Sameera described the sewage wells
and said, In the absence of sewage systems, the
Lack of supervision: "Children whose parents neglect them? I never heard of
this".
77 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Based on the responses to the questions about abuse and neglect, around half the
mothers (16 of 33) strongly denied the existence of neglect. Samya's response reflects most
She said: "There is no
neglect by people; it's their baby so how can they neglect it?"
However, several mothers raised several concerns regarding child supervision. Amal
highlighted the importance of adult supervision and the risks involved with leaving a child
unattended or under the supervision of a young person. She explained, "It's very dangerous to
leave a child alone or with another small child. Sometimes the mother has many children, and
she is not careful about them because she is very busy.
Lack of supervision was also related to structural factors of unrecognizability such as the
lack of day care facilities in the villages and unemployment in the villages. With the absence of
day care, mothers have to rely on help from other children or family members who may fail to
week leaves mothers with full responsibility.
The spice of life is their playfulness".
In light of the lack of infrastructure and playgrounds and many environmental dangers,
participants perceived children's free exploration and mischief as sources of risk. Efaf said: "The
child is curious and wants to play. Risks surround us so that the child has no other place to play
and explore. All the options are closed to him."
In the process of writing this article, one of the mothers sent the researchers a WhatsApp
video filmed by a child documenting how a 12 year-old child was challenged by a group of kids
to climb an electric pole and got electrocuted.
78 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Mesosystem.
The mesosystem level includes expressions related to various relationships in the child's
life, such as polygamy, problems between the siblings, community life, and the effect of large
families.
Polygamous marriage as risk: "It is difficult for children that their father brings
another woman".
Most of the study participants presented the phenomenon of polygamy as one of the
factors that endanger the child's well-being in the Bedouin society emotionally, economically,
and socially In this case, the researchers decided to associate polygamy with the mesosystem,
since mothers refer to the polygamy as it corresponds to the family sphere. Souad described a
common problem created by polygamy: "Polygamy affects the woman and the children alike.
The father cannot satisfy the needs of all hi
takes care of the others " Amane addressed the problems between the siblings and indicated that,
"Consequently, the siblings start fighting and develop hatred towards one another.
Community life: "Everything is shared, we have no privacy".
Several women viewed the quarrels that arise from living together in the same space as a
risk factor for their children. Esraa said: "Our life is shared, so every day we have problems here,
women are quarrelling among themselves."
Exosystem.
On the exosystem level, all participants considered their difficult life conditions to be the
most salient factor affecting the lives of children. They reported the central electricity pole and
absence of basic infrastructure as major risk factors.
The central electricity pole:
79 Ecology of Risk and Protection
As mentioned previously, the villages are not connected to electricity. Paradoxically, in
one village there is a huge central electricity pole and in three other villages, a high-voltage line
passes over the houses and brings power to the Israeli cities. The study participants believe that
the high voltage electric lines are a source of serious risks, such as electric shock. Many others
also believe in the risk of getting cancer due to the high voltage line. Nasreen, a mother of four
children, shared with us her family's pain coping with cancer. She said:
I lost a four-year-old old son because of this illness. My oldest daughter who is
seven years old was diagnosed with cancer when she was three years old. Now,
the fourth son, only one year old, has also been diagnosed with cancer. Nobody
can convince me that it is not from the electric lines.
A great shortage of health services:
The participants report a great shortage of health services, which should be provided to
all residents by virtue of 'the National Health Law'. Emergency services, provided at Soroka
Hospital in Be'er Sheva, are fifty miles away from most of the localities. The study participants
described cases in which a sick infant died on the way to the hospital. Amal said:
We have a serious problem of distance from the main road. When a child is in a
critical condition, he might die before we reach the hospital. It is impossible to reach;
and even if you order an ambulance, you cannot explain your location.
Macrosystem.
Participants mentioned the socio-political aspects of home demolition and the ongoing
discrimination and neglect by the authorities.
80 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Home demolitions: "There is no situation more difficult than that".
The non-recognition of the Bedouin villages renders all forms of residences except tents
to be illegal and at risk of being demolished by the Israeli authorities. The demolitions have
devastating consequences as impacted families have to invest resources in rebuilding their lives
and entire communities live in the shadow of the threat of demolition.
Home demolitions were a salient concern for mothers living in the UVs. They referred to
home demolitions as an especially risky event that has a concrete impact on a child. Sameha
described the trauma of children who witnessed the demolition of two homes in the village:
There were only women and children in the village when the soldiers entered. They
started shooting rubber bullets that could enter the body of a two year old and come
out from the other side. In addition to the possible physical harm, the shooting could
cause insomnia and nightmares.
Ameera described the distress of the residence and said: "We are not allowed to build a
standard building. If we build and expand the home now, the authorities will come and destroy
and they do not leave anything."
Ongoing discrimination: "As if we were invisible".
Jasmin explained the issue of discrimination and the ongoing neglect. She said:
We live in very difficult conditions; no one can tell me that in the state of Israel,
which is considered a democratic state, someone should live like this. If someone
from outside comes to live here, he cannot live for two or three days in a situation like
this. We are invisible. No one cares about us.
81 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Chronosystem.
The chronosystem emphasizes shifting environments, conditions, and realities over time
and historical transitions. Participants spoke of fearing the negative aspects of the entry of
technology that changes cultural values and priorities, which led to stress and conflicts within the
family. Etaf described her concern: "The deterioration of the youth today is due to unsupervised
use of phones and Facebook that ruined everything." The gaps between the knowledge acquired by
young Bedouin and the inability of adults to follow technological development processes creates
conflicts and tensions between generations, and creates concern of losing identity and cultural
values.
Protective factors derived from coping strategies.
The research data revealed protective factors that help the study's participants cope with
ment in her children,
familial ties, extended family support, the community and tribe's support, spirituality and
religious beliefs, formal education and the positive use of technology. The collective history
t each other and stay on their land despite the
difficulties and risks.
The participants pointed to parents' capacity to provide warmth and love, concern,
Asmaa affirmed these views:
very important to me that my children feel safe and loved, and to accept
supervision and guidance from the older daughters and relatives. Eventually, this
should protect them from danger.
82 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Participants attributed importance to social cohesion and tribal support This support is
particularly evident in the cases of an injured or sick child or adult. Amal described when her
two-year-old son was unconscious as a result of high fever and dehydration. Her neighbour, who
owned a car, drove them to the hospital. She said: "My boy was blazing hot; fortunately, Efaf
drove us to the hospital. The doctor told me that if I had arrived half an hour later, I would have
lost him." This social cohesion is reflected even in cases of home demolitions, where tribe
members protect the house by obstructing the demolition with their bodies in front of the
bulldozers and the soldiers.
The findings also indicate that spirituality and religious beliefs are dominant factors in
coping with harsh existential situations. In cases of death, serious illness, home demolition, and
any other disaster, religion gave participants profound spiritual strength. For example, as
Nasreen previously pointed out, three of her four children have cancer, but she puts her faith in
for everything."
Mothers mentioned the important of formal education. Formal education was seen as a
protective factor and a way to prevent risk (providing supervision and keeping children out of
danger) and a vehicle for earning a better living and gaining social status. Since formal education
is a new phenomenon in the UVs, we place them in the chronosystem. The exposure of children
to technology, such as television, computers, and phones, is also new and is seen by some of the
is to be someone important, to have an education. Therefore, I let him watch TV and play
A context-informed perspective: Interrelations of contextual factors.
83 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Our results show clearly that the Bedouin mothers are well aware of a large variety of
risk factors for child development at different contextual levels. However, it becomes clear that
the many risks mentioned at different levels are interrelated and originate from a history of
dispossession and severe structural oppression. Our context-informed approach shows that risk
factors on the chrono- and macro-levels such as unjust power relations, a lack of appreciation for
human rights, and multiple forms of exclusion ultimately also influence risk on the micro-, meso-
, and exo-levels. Mothers were well aware that the State deprives children in the UVs from
refusal to uphold the children's basic rights. For example, Sana pointed an accusing finger at
We are not always the guilty ones. The State
does not take care of our distress. At the beginning, we turned to them and asked repeatedly, but
people give up and prefer to remain silent." Mothers also stressed the importance of schools and
education to combat poverty, emphasizing that the state fails to provide their children with an
opportunity to attend school: "I asked the authorities just to make a road, so children can go to
school without problems." They argue that children are living a life of risk due to the fact that the
government is refusing to recognize them, and thus depriving them of services that are granted to
all citizens of the state. The lack of proper services such as health care, proper sanitation, and
a general sense of insecurity, and the stress that is put on mothers because of the oppression and
discrimination can become a burden that leads to less
such as playfulness can become a risk factor in a context characterized by environmental
hazards, where children find no outlet for their energies and curiosity.
84 Ecology of Risk and Protection
At the same time, our analysis reveals two more areas of risk that seem to be unrelated to
the socio-political situation, but are likely to be the by-product of the cultural transition that is
taking place. Contemporary Bedouin mothers regard some traditional values such as having large
families, living closely together, and polygamy as risk factors for child development.
Interestingly, at the same time access to new media and technology are viewed as potential
threats to traditional values.
Discussion
This paper aims to highlight the importance of learning from minority groups about their
perceptions of risk for children. Our findings demonstrate that the Bedouin mothers are fully
aware of risks encountered by their children and that they seek ways to deal with these risks. The
research findings display numerous risk situations that exist in all systems in family life,
hindering societal and individual development and children's well-being. Simultaneously, the
findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in these very harsh conditions
through family and culture- based coping mechanisms. Interestingly, while the most severe risk
factors are located at the macro- and chronosystem levels i.e. originate from socio-political
oppression and the enforced cultural transition the most salient coping strategies are located on
the micro-and mesosystem levels, e.g., based on a strong familial and tribal support network,
spirituality, and cultural identity.
s of risks
Our findings concur with the works of Shonkoff et al., (2012) and Ben-Rabe et al.
(2009), which display the effects of early childhood adversity and harsh environmental
85 Ecology of Risk and Protection
conditions on child development. In addition, our findings highlight the important role of factors
of the exo-, macro-, and chronosystems for risk perceptions. Since cultural-historical and socio-
political domains are rarely included in Western perceptions of risk, this is especially critical.
Our study of the Bedouin community clearly shows a need to examine the asymmetries of power
-Kevorkian explained, attend to the
-Kevorkian, 2012a). Such grammar leaves Bedouin children in
vulnerable conditions, facing not only environmental hazards, but also deprivation of their basic
rights as children (CRC, 1989). As the macrosystem impacts the lack of welfare and educational
systems, it further limits efforts to plan risk prevention and treatment. These findings are in
accord with past developmental risk studies in societies in distress, indicating that poverty and
racial discrimination, reduced access to services, schools, and employment opportunities
(Brooks, 2006) and minority status (Masten, 2011), are regarded as risks. The findings further
suggest that Bedouin mothers view children's traits such as playfulness and curiosity as causes of
risk when interacting with a range of environmental factors from the ecological system.
promoting risk for the Bedouin child who is likely to thereby be increasingly exposed to
environmental dangers.
Coping strategies: "Lighting a small candle is better than cursing the darkness" (an
Arab proverb).
Our findings suggest that mothers have their own ideas of how to deal with risk. Most
families have learned to live with their reality by employing diverse resilience factors. These
factors exist both within the nuclear family, such as relationships of concern and love within the
family (Thomas et al., 2005), and within the broader social environment, which include
86 Ecology of Risk and Protection
community support through identification, empathy, and practical aid (Masten, 2011; Pruitt &
Zoellner, 2008). Religious devotion and belief in God's protection serve as another source of
strength for the participants. Religious beliefs serve to maintain hope and help to normalize their
abnormal everyday reality.
Our findings are similar to Shalhoub-Kevorkian's (2012b) research of Palestinian
participants in East Jerusalem living under occupation, who succeeded "to break through the trap
while living in the trap". The participants of both studies find hope, strengthen their relationships
with their relatives, and exhibit great determination and desire to prevent risks for their children.
Both studies indicate creative coping and agency. We would like to suggest that researching
parental perceptions of risk may result in promoting parental agency and participation in
combating risk. For example, following our study, as a result of the discourse about children at
risk, a group of mothers decided to create a safe place for their children. They initiated a
community-managed kindergarten (called "Hope").
the "Hope" kindergarten uncovers additional potential for researching parental definitions of risk.
participants chose to initiate preventive measures on their own and managed to change
government policy (authors in preparation).
The complexity, an important component of the context- informed view, is exemplified in
the duality regarding several of the risk-protection dimensions. The core family and the extended
family are both seen as sources of support, help, and sharing of responsibility for the young
children's supervision. At the same time, they are referred to as a potential source of tension and
possible harm if supervision is not appropriately administered. Technological developments that
reach the villages are also seen as harmful and protective. On one hand, unsupervised use was
87 Ecology of Risk and Protection
seen as a while on the other hand technology
opens a window to the external world.
Conclusions
Fergus and Zimmerman (2005) determined that assets and resources that assist children
and youth with overcoming adverse effects of risks differ according to the population studied,
context, and outcome. Our study supports the notion that attention should be given to political,
religious, cultural transition, and historical contexts. In the case of the Bedouin population, it
seems that these contexts have far-reaching implications for children's well-being and safety
Critical Theory (Hamber et al., 2015; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan, 2007) calls
attention to relation of power, cultural characteristics, socio-political processes, racism, and
discrimination in child development. In line with this approach, we argue that Bedouin risk
perceptions and parenting must be informed by and understoo d in the context of the Bedouin
technology, and cultural customs such as polygamy
vision of basic
child services as a bargaining chip in the ongoing fight over land, instead of assuming
responsibility for providing Bedouin children with opportunities for secure and adequate lives.
Therefore prevention or risk in the Bedouin community is often beyond parental and community
control. A context-informed perspective is thus helping social workers to avoid blaming parents
for neglect in cases where there is limited access to basic services (Visblay, 2006) resulting from
structural or political reasons.
Our study has a number of potential limitations. First, while we listened to mothers, fathers
and children voices should also be included in the quest for context-informed understanding of
88 Ecology of Risk and Protection
risk. Second, although the number of participants in this study is relatively high for qualitative
research, it is important to emphasize that one cannot statistically generalize the findings. Future
research is needed to extend the study to other cultures living in transition and under socio -
political pressure.
Despite the limitations, this paper provides the Bedouin study participants with an
opportunity to voice and to share their fears, concerns, resilience, and hope for a better future for
their children. In doing so, they teach us a critical lesson on the need for a context informed
perspective on risk and coping with risk. Our findings highlight the importance of listening to
parental voices in marginalized and oppressed societies. Moreover, we hope that the recognition
of resilience and community coping mechanisms will assist in the development of effective
interventions for diverse populations (Zolkoski & Bullock, 2012)
89 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Bibliography
Author's citation. (2001)
_____________. (2007)
_____________. (2015)
Abu-Bader, S., & Gottlieb, D. (2009). Poverty, education and employment in the Arab- Bedouin
society: A comparative view. ECINEQ, 37, 1-63. Retrieved July 20, 2013 from
http://www.ecineq.org.
Abu-Rabia Queder, S. (2006). Between tradition and modernization: Understanding Bedouin
female dropout. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 27(1), 1-17.
Abu-Rass, T., & Yiftachel, O. (2012). Four reasons to reject the "Prawer Plan".
Newsletter, 89.
Abu-Saad, I. (2010). Arabs of the Naqab: Past, present and future challenges. Negev Center for
Regional Development. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (In Arabic).
Al-Krenawi, A. (2003). Bedouin-Arab families. In J. James & Jr. Ponzetti (Eds.), International
encyclopedia of: Marriage and family (pp. 144-147). United States: Macmillan Reference.
Al-Krenawi, A., &. Graham. J.R. (2001). The cultural mediator, bridging the gap between a non-
western community and professional social work practice. British Journal of Social Work,
31 (5), 665 85.
Almi, A. (2011). Homes on the front: Personal and social implications of demolitions in the
unrecognized villages of the Negev. In N. Davidovich, M. Alberstein, & R. Zalashik
90 Ecology of Risk and Protection
(Eds.), Trauma and memory in Israel: From personal to collective experience. Tel Aviv:
Bar-Ilan University (in Hebrew).
Atzaba-Poria, N., Pike, A., Deater-Deckard, K. (2004). Do risk factors for problem behaviour
act in a cumulative manner? An examination of ethnic minority and majority children
through an ecological perspective. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45: 707
718.
Ben Rabbi, D., Amiel, S., Nijam, P., & Dolev, T. (2009). Children in the Bedouin population in
the Negev: Characteristics, needs and patterns of using the Services. Jerusalem: Myers-
JDC-Brookdale Institute (in Hebrew).
Benvenisti, R. & Schmid, H. (2010). Survey of public attitudes toward abusing children and
report to the authorities Jerusalem: Haruv Institute (in Hebrew).
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1994). Ecological models of human development. In T. Husen & T. N.
Postlethwaite (Eds.), International encyclopedia of education (2nd ed., Vol. 3, pp. 1643
1647). Oxford, England: Pergamon Press/ Elsevier Science.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (2005). The bioecological theory of human development. In U.
Bronfenbrenner (Ed.), Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human
development (pp. 3-15). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Brooks, J. E. (2006). Strengthening resilience in children and youths: Maximizing opportunities
in the schools. Children and Schools, 28(2), 69 76.
Carolyn, S., & Bonnie, E. C. (1997). Stress, coping and resilience in children and youth.
Social Service Review, 71 (2), 251 256.
91 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Bumgarner, E. (2013). Latino American Children and School Readiness: The Role of Early Care
Arrangements and Caregiver language. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate
School of Arts and Sciences. Columbia University.
Carolyn, S., & Bonnie, E. C. (1997). Stress, coping and resilience in children and youth. Social
Service Review, 71 (2), 251 256.
Central Bureau of Statistics. (2013). Statistical Yearbook of Israel. Jerusalem (in Hebrew).
Cohen, R. (2009). Empowering parents: Royal road to prevent risk for children and youth. Ets
Hasadah (Writings from the Field), 2, 13-20 (in Hebrew).
Convention on the Rights of the Child. (1989). Articles 24 & 27. Retrieved from
https://www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/540?OpenDocument.
Creswell, J. W. (2005). Educational research: Planning conducting and evaluating
quantitative and qualitative research. New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc.
Denzin, N.K., & Lincoln, Y.S. (2011). The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (4th
Ed.). Los Angeles: Sage Publications.
Fergus, S., & Zimmerman, M. A. (2005). Adolescent resilience: A framework for
understanding healthy development in the face of risk. Annual Review of Public
Health, 26, 399 419, retrieved from
http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.publichealth.26.021304.144357 .
Glaser, J., & Laudel, G. (2013). Life with and without coding: Two methods for early-stage data
analysis in qualitative research aiming at causal explanations. Forum: Social Qualitative
Research, 14(2). ISSN 1438-5627. Available at: http://www.qualitative-
research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/1886/3528. Date retrieved 7 Sep. 2014.
92 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Greenfield, P. M. (1994). Independence and interdependence as developmental scripts:
Implications for theory, research, and practice. In P. M. Greenfield, & R. Cocking (Eds.),
Cross-cultural roots of minority child development (pp. 1 37). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
and Erlbaum Associates
Gueron-Sela, N., Atzaba-Poria, N., Meiri, G., & Marks, K. (2013). Prematurity, ethnicity and
personality: risk for postpartum emotional distress among Bedouin-Arab and Jewish
women. Journal of Reproductive and Infant Psychology, 31(1), 81-93.
Guion, L. A., Diehl, D. C., & McDonald, D. (2011). Triangulation: Establishing the validity of
qualitative studies. Florida: University of Florida.
Hamber, B., Gallagher, E., Weine, S. M., Agger, I., Bava, S., Gaborit, M., & Saul, J. (2015).
Exploring how context matters in addressing the impact of armed conflict. In Psychosocial
Perspectives on Peacebuilding (pp. 1-31). Springer International Publishing.
Henrich, J., Heine, S. J., & Norenzayan, A. (2010). The weirdest people in the wo rld?
The Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 33, 61 135.
Human Rights Watch. (2008). Not on the map: Rights violations of land and housing in the
unrecognized Bedouin villages in Israel. 20 (5), 1-92 (in Hebrew).
Kagitcibasi, C. (2007). Family, self and human development across cultures: Theory and
applications (Revised Second Edition). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbau
Kincheloe, J. L., & McLaren, P. L. (2000). Rethinking critical theory and qualitative research. In
N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed., pp.
138-157). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Koelsch, L.E. (2013). Reconceptualizing the Member Check Interview. International Journal
of Qualitative Method, 12, 168-179.
93 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Korbin, J. (2008). Child neglect and abuse across cultures. In G. Robinson, U. Eickelkamp, J.
Goodnow, & I. Katz (Eds.). Contexts of child development: Culture, policy and
intervention (pp.122-129). Wilmore, KY: Asbury Seminary.
Lee, R.M. (1993). Doing research on sensitive topics. London: Sage.
Lindlof, T. R., & Taylor, B. C. (2002). Qualitative communication research methods (2nd
ed.).Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications
Lykes, B., Beristain, C. M., & Pérez-Armiñan, M. L. C. (2007). Political Violence, Impunity,
and Emotional Climate in Maya Communities. Journal of Social Issues, 63 (2), 369 385.
workers in the area of parent-child relationship. Megamot, 43 (3), 566-576 (in Hebrew).
Masten, A. S. (2011). Resilience in children threatened by extreme adversity: Framework for
research, practice, and translational synergy. Development and Psychopathology, 23, 493
506. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0954579411000198 .
Meir, A. (2005). Bedouin, the Israeli state and insurgent planning: Globalization, localization or
globalization? Cities, 22, (3), 201-215.
Ministry of Health. (2008). Health status of Bedouin infants and children up to age 6 years in
permanent settlements and unrecognized villages in the Negev. Beer Sheva: Health
Department
Nasasra, M. (2012). The Ongoing Judaisation of the Naqab and the Struggle for Recognizing the
Indigenous Rights of the Arab Bedouin People. Settler Colonial Studies. 12, 81-107.
National Council for the Child. . Selected data from the yearbook: Children in Israel, the
Council for Child Welfare (in Hebrew). Retrieved from
http://www.children.org.il/publication_article.asp?ImgID=185.
94 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Nguyen-Gillham, V., Giacaman, R., Naser, G., & Boyce, W. (2008). Normalising the abnormal:
Palestinian youth and the contradictions of resilience in protracted conflict. Health and
Social Care in the Community, 16 (3), 291 298.
Noach, H. (2009). The existent and the non-existent villages: The unrecognized Bedouin villages
in the Negev. Haifa: Pardes Publishing (in Hebrew).
Pruitt, L. D., & Zoellner, L. A. (2008). The impact of social support: An analogue investigation
of the aftermath of trauma exposure. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 22, 253-262.
Rudnicki, E., & Abu-Rass, T. (20 ). The Negev Bedouin society: Changes in the era of
urbanization. Jerusalem: The Abraham Fund Initiatives.
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2004). Block the excommunication: Context sensitive intervention to
treat the violence against women. In: Leshem, A. & Roer-Strier, D. (Eds.). Cultural
variance as a challenge of human services (pp. 255-274). Jerusalem: Magnes Publishing,
The Hebrew University (in Hebrew).
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2012a). The Grammar of Rights in Colonial Contexts: The Case of
Palestinian Women in Israel. Middle East Law and Governance, 4, 106-151.
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2012b). Trapped: The Violence of Exclusion in Jerusalem. Jerusalem
Quarterly, 49, 6-25. Retrieved from
http://www.jerusalemquarterly.org ViewArticle.aspx?id=399.
Shimoni, S. (2010). Discourse analysis approach to Grounded Theory. In: Kupferberg, I. (Ed.).
Text and discourse analysis: Rashomon of research methods (pp. 25-46). Beer Sheva: Ben
Gurion University (in Hebrew).
95 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Schmid, H. (2006). Accountability public commission to examine the situation of at risk children
and youth. Served to Israeli Prime Minister and the Minister of Social Welfare. Israel (in
Hebrew).
Shonkoff, J. P., Garner, A. S., Siegel, B. S., Dobbins, M. I., Earls, M. F., M cGuinn, L., & Wood,
D. L. (2012). The lifelong effects of early childhood adversity and toxic stress. Pediatrics,
129 (1), 232 246. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.2011-2663
Spilsbury. C., Korbin. J.,
Neighborhood Danger & Well-Being: The Importance of Multiple Perspectives and
Mixed Methods. Child Indicators Research, 5, 469 482.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Thomas, M., Chenot, D., & Reifel, B. (2005). A resilience based model of reunification and
reentry: Implications for out of home care services. Families in Society, 86 (2), 235-243.
Visblay, A. (2006). Children in the Bedouin sector in the Negev, snapshots. Report to the CRC.
Jerusalem. Israel Knesset, Research and Information Center (in Hebrew).
Yiftachel, O. (2008). Epilogue: Studying Naqab/Negev Bedouins- toward a colonial paradigm.
HAGAR: Studies in culture, policy and identities, 8 (2), 83 108.
Zolkoski, S.M., & Bullock, L. M. (2012). Resilience in children and youth: A review. Children
and Youth Services Review, 34, 2295 2303.
96 Ecology of Risk and Protection
Appendix
Interview Guideline
Introduction: Some people are concerned with children at risk. You are a mother with a
young child, and I would like to understand what you can tell me about risks for young children,
i.e., children up to three years old. Here are my questions:
1. What in your opinion is a child at risk? Can you give me examples of children at risk?
2. How do you define developmental risks for the child?
3. In your opinion, would other Bedouin mothers give similar answers? (If not what would
be different and why?)
4. What can help the child and the families cope with risks?
5. What do you think can help children and families cope with risks?
6. What in your personal opinion is "child neglect"? Can you give me examples?
7. What in your opinion puts a child at a greater risk for neglect?
8. In your opinion, what can help to prevent neglect?
9. What do you think is the best way to cope with and help neglected children?
10. What would other Bedouin families think is the best way to cope with and help neglected
children? (If there are differences, why?)
11. Are there any other things that came to your mind during our conversation that you would
like to share with me before we end the interview?
97 Supplementary Material
Supplementary material: Parts of the previous version of the article:
Parent's Perceptions of Risk for Children: Case Study of Bedouin Parents from
Unrecognized Villages in Israel
Conceptual Framework-Context Informed Perspective
Ecological Theory (Bronfenbrenner 1994, 2005) offers a holistic approach to
analyzing multilevel and interactive influences on child development. The model is particularly
suitable for the investigation of developmental risk and prevention as it enumerates five
interrelated systems that each represents a particular environmental framework in the child's
world: the microsystem includes the physical environment, family, and interpersonal relations in
a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic features. The mesosystem
relates to interactions between microsystems. The exosystem refers to interactions with the
surrounding community in which the individual is not directly involved. The macrosystem is the
global cultural norms and institutions that influence all the other systems and the chronosystem
refers to the historical effects on development during the lifespan.
Various studies with minority populations that live in high-risk and high poverty
environments, such as Erin Bumgarner's study (2013) among Latino American and Naama
Atzaba-Poria, Alison Pike and Kirby Deater-Deckard's study (2004) among Indian origin, have
certain contexts affect child development. However, several scholars who work in conflict zones
stressed the need to go beyond the ecological perspective. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian (2004)
for example, claims that in conflict zones one must utilize Critical Theory to go beyond the
ecological perspective, and thus consider the socio-political context and its derivatives (such as
discrimination, oppression, and power dynamics) before planning any prevention or intervention
program.
98 Supplementary Material
The context-informed perspective offered in this paper is based on the notion that human
development and behavior are influenced by different contexts. One of these contexts is cultural
change e.g. immigration or transition from semi-nomad to a sedentary life. Other contexts found
in conflict zones include structural violence and intertwined socio-political, historical, economic,
cultural, and gender contexts. These contexts influence power relations, lack of appreciation for
human rights, and multiple forms of exclusion that ultimately also create risks for child
development (author citation, 2015). Accordingly, context -informed risk definitions need to take
into account the complexity of intertwined contexts, and consider both cultural and socio-
political factors.
Findings
The findings section describes the main categories that emerged from the qualitative analysis of
the interviews and focus groups. First, parental risk definitions are organized according to the
ecological systems. Following the context informed perspective we include their views on
political effects in the macrosystem. Second, factors that the participants described regarding
suggestions for prevention and intervention are listed.
Microsystem. - On the microsystem level, the
related to the physical environment followed by maternal neglect and finally by child
characteristics. Meanwhile,
employment outside the home (this topic was not discussed among women), risks caused by
risks related to child characteristics.
Interaction wit "Risks are located in every corner":
Most of the UV residents live in houses made of tin or with a tin roof. Diesel powered generators
provide limited electricity for just a few hours a day. As a result, in many cases mothers use gas
and wood for cooking and home heating. They reported that the use of open fire inside the house
yielded serious health consequences for children, such as burns and rising body temperature
99 Supplementary Material
Samya shared, "Everything can be a source of risk; the gas can cause burns when I cook and the
kids are around me, even the tea kettle, the coals, etc." Amena, another participant, said:
"Last summer my son was a month old. He had a very high fever so I took him to
the hospital, where he remained for four days and was released. Only one day he
stayed at home and his fever rose again to 40 degrees. When I took him back to
the hospital, the doctor told me that he is healthy but the rise in body temperature
is due to the scorching heat of the tin roof."
Amena suggested that children are living a life of risk due to the fact that the
government is refusing to recognize them, and thus depriving them of services that are
granted to all citizens of the state. She sees the lack of proper services as increasing
Maternal neglect: "Children whose parents neglect them? I never heard of this":
Based on the responses to the questions about abuse and neglect, around half of the mothers
(16 out of 33) denied the existence of neglect. Some of them explained that they heard about
child neglect on TV or in other places, but not in the village or within the family. Samia's
child neglect.
She said: "There is no neglect by people; it's their baby so how can they neglect it?"
However, the mothers raised several concerns regarding child supervision. Amal
highlighted the importance of adult supervision and the risks involved with leaving a child
unattended or under the supervision of a young person. She explained, "It's very dangerous to
leave a child alone or with another little child. Sometimes the mother has many children, and she
is not careful about them because she is very busy.
In addition to factors related to mothers being under constant pressure and getting tired
raising their children under such circumstances, neglect also related to struc tural factors of
unrecognizability. In some cases, they relied on external help from other children or family
from home leaves mothers fully responsible, and any
welfare and lives. As previously mentioned, fathers emphasized women's employment outside
100 Supplementary Material
the home as a cause for child neglect. They preferred that woman worry about their children first
and then think about work. Hassan stated: "Work outside the home, puts the woman's life under
pressure. It definitely impacts negatively the children upbringing."
Children's characteristics: "The spice of life is their playfulness": In light of the lack of
infrastructure and playgrounds and many environmental dangers, participants perceived free
"The
child is curious and wants to play. Risks surround us so that the child has no other place to play
and explore. All the options are closed to him."
Fathers also referred to curiosity and mischief as natural child characteristics. As Adel
explained, "The child is mischievous by nature and is looking for challenging things. He wants to
play with his friends but he does not have a good place to play."
In the process of writing this article, one of the mothers sent the researchers a WhatsApp
video filmed by a child documenting how a 12 year-old child was challenged by a group of kids
to climb an electric pole and got electrocuted.
Mesosystem. - This level includes expressions related to various relationships in the
child's life. These include polygamy, problems between the siblings, community life, and the
effect of large families.
Polygamous marriage as risk: "It is difficult for children that their father brings another
woman": Most of the female study participants presented the phenomenon of polygamy as one of
the factors that endanger the child's well-being in the Bedouin society emotionally,
economically, and socially In this case, the researchers decided to associate polygamy with the
mesosystem, since mothers refer to the polygamy as it corresponds to the family sphere. In
contrast, fathers explained polygamy as a custom based in religion and tradition, an acceptable
and legitimate convention. Only one man referred to polygamy as a source of risk for the child.
Souad described a common problem created by polygamy: "Polygamy affects the woman
and the children alike. The father cannot satisfy the needs of all his children, so he neglects the
" Amane addressed the problems between the
101 Supplementary Material
siblings and indicated that, "Consequently, the siblings start fighting and develop hatred towards
one another. A similar conclusion about the siblings appeared in one of the man's descriptions.
Community life: "Everything is shared, we have no privacy": Several women viewed the
quarrels that arise from living together in the same space as a risk factor for their children.
Amina said: "Our life is shared, so every day we have problems here, women are quarreling
among themselves."
The effect of large number of children: "Sometimes she needs to escape": Amani
described the effect of large number of children on the mother, and her difficulty in handling
them. She said: "The mother can get upset when she sees her sons in front of her face all day.
When there are 10 children in the house, she wants to rest, to escape to a friend, to talk to her and
to have a cup of coffee."
Exosystem, - On the exosystem level, all participants considered life under difficult
conditions to be the most salient factor affecting the lives of children. They reported
environmental hazards such as vehicular traffic; sewage wells; garbage disposed everywhere;
waste and unpleasant smells; stray dogs, snakes, reptiles, and rodents; absence of infrastructure;
home demolitions; bad social environment etc.
Vehicular traffic: : Ameena echoes all the
son almost got run over because he was standing at the gate. Fortunately, his uncle saw him."
The fathers discussed the lack of roads and the consequential dirt. As Amer said, "There
are no roads, so the child takes a shower and goes out for a few minutes and come back dirty, as
a result, he is exposed to bacteria and disease."
The sewage wells: : About half of the
participants mentioned the sewage overflow in the village that creates a health nuisance and
brings incubation of mosquitoes and insects. In the absence o
102 Supplementary Material
in the village. In general, the residents are hedging and cover their sewage pits, so that the
children do not fall in them. When the pit is full, they empty it or create another pit."
The central electricity pole: : As
mentioned previously, the villages are not connected to electricity. Paradoxically, in one village
there is a huge central electricity pole and in three other villages, a high-voltage line passes over
the houses and brings power to the Jewish cities. The study participants believe that the high
voltage electric lines are a source of serious risks, such as electric shock. Many others believe in
the risk of getting cancer due to the high voltage line. Nasreen, a mother of four children, shared
with us her family's pain coping with cancer. She said:
"I lost a four years old son because of this illness, my oldest daughter who i s seven
years old was diagnosed with cancer when she was three years old. Now, the
fourth son, only a one year old has also been diagnosed with cancer. Nobody can
convince me that it is not from the electric lines."
A great shortage of health services: he baby might die before we reach the hospita :
The participants report a great shortage of health services, which should be provided to all
residents by virtue of 'the National Health Law'. Emergency services, provided at Soroka
Hospital in Be'er Sheva, are fifty miles away from most of the localities. The study participants
described cases in which a sick infant died on the way to the hospital due to the lack of access.
Amal said: "We have a serious problem of distance from the main road, when a child is in a
critical condition, he might die before we reach the hospital. It is impossible to reach, even if you
order an ambulance, you cannot explain your location."
Home demolitions: "There is no situation more difficult than that": Some demolitions
were a salient concern for both fathers and mothers living in the UVs. However, women referred
to home demolitions as an especially risky event that has a concrete impact on a child. Sameha
described the trauma of children who witnessed the demolition of
two homes in the village:
"There were only women and children in the village when the soldiers entered.
They started shooting rubber bullets that could enter the body of a two year old,
103 Supplementary Material
and come out from the other side. In addition to the possible physical harm, the
shooting could cause insomnia and nightmares."
Macrosystem. - Participants of both genders mentioned the political aspects of home
demolition and the ongoing discrimination and neglect by the authorities. However, men who
Socio-political risk: "The judge is the executioner": The non-recognition of the Bedouin
villages renders all forms of residences except tents to be illegal and at risk of being demolished
by the Israeli authorities. The demolitions have devastating consequences as impacted families
have to invest resources in rebuilding their lives and entire communities live in the shadow of the
threat of demolition.
As mentioned previously, most of the women related to house demolitions as
environmental hazards. Only one woman mentioned the home demolitions at the political level.
She said: "We are not allowed to build a standard building, if we build and expand the home
now, the authorities will come and destroy and they do not leave anything."
Compared to women, most men in the focus group mentioned home demolitions as a
socio-political risk. Sameer stated: "You have to understand the situation of the unrecognized
villages. The demolition is a planned political issue. A week ago, they hit another village, and
tomorrow God knows where."
Ongoing discrimination: "As if we were invisible": Ahmed explained the issue of
discrimination and the ongoing neglect. He said: "The Bedouin society suffers from neglect and
discrimination. No one cares about us. The government does not help and that is why children are
exposed to the dangers."
Chronosystem. -The chronosystem emphasizes shifting environments, conditions, and
realities over time and historical transitions. Both men and women spoke of fearing the entry of
technology that changes cultural values and priorities, which led to stress and conflicts within the
family. Amena described her concern: "The deterioration of the youth today is due to iphones and
Facebook that ruined everything." Sami provided the metaphor: "America is in the tent." This
do not have electricity but
104 Supplementary Material
our children watch television via iphones, and are exposed to the Western modern life more than
the adults." Contrastingly, fathers voiced their concern with the difficulty of keeping up with
technological progress. Saeed introduced his concern from a different angle: "Most of the men
here are working as simple laborers; they do not follow the progress". The gaps described above,
between the knowledge acquired by young Bedouin and the inability of adults to follow
technological development processes creates conflicts and tensions between generations and
concern for losing identity and cultural values.
Discussion
This paper aims to highlight the importance of learning from minority groups who experience
severe structural oppression, a history of dispossession, and a clear political agenda that aims at
changing and affecting their culture, when defining risk and planning prevention and
intervention programs
Our research findings display numerous risk conditions that exist in all the ecological
systems, hindering societal and individual development and children's well-being. At the same
time, our findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in very harsh conditions,
coping with their plight and distress. Maternal ideas of prevention focus primarily on
supervision, prohibitions, and explanations, while also emphasizing the importance of paternal
involvement. Moreover, our results demonstrate that both, Bedouin mothers and fathers are well
aware that the state
are perceived as diminishing or even preventing risk for child development.
Gender Related Difference in Parents' Perceptions of Children at Risk
The research findings reflect a
perceptions of risk, resilience, and risk prevention concerning their children. While mothers
offered concrete and more detailed perspectives, typically referring to the micro-, meso- and the
exosystem, fathers related more often to general issues at the level of the macro- and the
chronosystem. Responses at the macro- and the chronosystem level further point to a noticeable
difference: Fathers frequently offered broad, abstract generalizations about the effect of the
socio-political situation, while mothers emphasized practical implications. For example, fathers
105 Supplementary Material
described home demolitions as a political risk and offered political action as a way to prevent
this risk. Mothers related to home demolitions as an environmental risk and offered personal
actions in order to protect their children.
The contextual logic of the gendered differences of risk definitions and the prevention
modes offered could be found in both gender role division and power relations in the Bedouin
community. Bedouin women exert a high sense of responsibility towards their nuclear and
extended families, while men look at the larger structural factors that perpetuate poverty and
discrimination.
The Bedouin woman's social status is closely related to her role as housewife and mother.
religious traditions in order to strengthen solidarity and family loyalty. A Bedouin woman's
kingdom is her home and close environment; since she is mostly responsible for the children, she
naturally develops lists of risks that the children may encounter in the micro-, meso-, and
exosystem. Men, alternatively, dominate public politics, and are responsible for conflict
resolution and the administration of the affairs of the tribe. Furthermore, many Bedouin men
work outside the villages and are thus more exposed to Israeli residents and interested in State
politics and socio-political changes than in domestic concerns. Lastly, men get most of the
information about their children from their wives and tend to relate to it from an external
perspective.
The gendered differences described above call attention to the importance of inclusion of
programs in diverse communities.
102 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Chapter 6:
Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
parenthood with an emphasis -emotional development and
their ideas regarding risk and protective factors for child development. A total of 59 Arab-
Bedouin parents that come from ex-nomad population that lives in six unrecognized villages in
the Naqab participated. They belong to an ethnic indigenous minority group that is continuously
undergoing a cultural transition in the context of an ongoing political conflict.
Each of the last three chapters offers a unique angle on the issues of parenting and
childhood in the Bedouin unrecognized villages. The first article characterized Bedouin mothers
and fathers perceptions of their parenting. The second article centered upon maternal beliefs
-emotional development, mainly stranger anxiety, and the third one
focused on perceived childhood risks.
Together, these three chapters bare a strong message that psychological and sociological
theories and models for explaining childhood and parenting should be context-informed. The
cultural, historical, and the political realms influence
such as risk prevention and children socio-emotional development. Therefore, theories should
be re-visited taking into consideration the unique cultural perspectives and socio-political
situation. These three chapters also highlighted the importance and usefulness of listening to
parental voices in marginalized oppressed societies.
The findings provided an opportunity to witness the processes of change in groups that
are trying to maintain their unique identity, while striving to achieve better lives for their
children in the midst of political conflict. The rapid and forced transition to permanent
settlements has been posing many challenges for the Bedouin society. The study participants
portrayed a difficult and complex reality, but also demonstrated determination and a desire to
live their lives and raise their children in an optimal way despite the difficulties. The challenges
are met by two forms of parenthood: (a) parents who try to keep embracing Bedouin tribal
structure and patriarchal values (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000; Mogdham, 2004); and
103 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
(b) others who are continually torn between complying with these values and ways of life and the
surrounding progress.
The findings indicated that in light of the massive changes in recent decades in all aspect
of life (Marx & Shmueli, 1984), education is perceived by many study participants as a clear sign
of progress and a venue for better life since it is key to social mobility (Abu-Rabia, 2006; Abu-
Rabia Queder, 2007a; Abu-Saad, 2010). Similar to the Bedouin, Hao & Pong (2008) and
Offer (2007) studies showed that parents hope that their children acquire higher education in
order to promote their possibility to integrate and succeed in the Israeli society. However, the
context informed perspective provides the lens to see how access to education is both hindered
and prevented in the villages as a hegemonic political act and the access to high education may
mean further Westernization and threat to the preservation of tradition and identity which the
parents are trying to preserve. Through a context informed perspective, it is clear that any
psychological or educational intervention should account for power relations, identity conflicts,
associated political tensions.
The findings also indicated that the socio-political context has a crucial impact on the
development of emotion regulation in children. These findings challenge the universalism of
attachment theory, which is based on Western conceptualizations (LeVine & Norman, 2001;
Vicedo, 2013). In Western cultures, for instance,
mother and child often causes feelings of guilt when abandoning the child by putting him or her
mothers in this study, the
high number of children in a family, and the absence of early childhood educational frameworks,
made it necessary to leave the child to multiple caregivers. Therefore, Bedouin mothers do not
follow the ideal Western image of exclusive mothering, like most mothers in non-Western
contexts. Accordingly, the findings demonstrated the importance of culturally sensitive
attachment research including culture specific socialization goals and parental ethnotheories.
Moreover, since cultures are dynamic and hybrid, it is important to use contextual- logic
in interpreting data of groups characterized by high socio-political adversity, historical, and
cultural change. The personal and family coping strategies reported by Bedouin families
highlights the importance of including parental voices in the discourse on risk and protection.
104 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
The use of Critical Theories when interpreting parental views enables the consideration of both
the effects of cultural transition and political conflict, including asymmetries of power that
, 201 ; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan
2007).
Resilience and Coping
The study aimed at learning about attachment and risk but ended up with an additional lesson
regarding coping and resilience. The narratives of the families strengthened the claim that
normalization of daily life nurtures and strengthens resilience in abnormal living conditions
(Nguyen-Gillham, Giacaman, Naser, & Boyce, 2008). As part of Palestinian society, they believe
in the principle of sumud (steadfastness):
The Palestinian concept of sumud a determination to exist through being steadfast and
rooted to the land is at the heart of resilience. Within a Palestinian context, suffering and
endurance need to be interpreted on both an individual and collective level. The construct
of resilience goes beyond individual interpretations; resilience is (re)constituted as a wider
collective and social representation of what it means to endure. (Ibid, p. 292)
In this sense, some of the participants showed this steadfastness by repeatedly holding to
the old family ways. Others described themselves as if they were trapped between their desire to
break through the limitations imposed on them from the state while envisioning a better future
for them and their children. These parents wavered between clinging to their traditions and being
attuned to wider society.
Underlying those two types of voices there is always the conflict about the land. In spite
of the fact that staying in the unrecognized villages is risky and almost impossibly difficult (Al-
Krenawi & Graham, 2006; Human Rights Watch, 2008), the Bedouins in those villages do not
accept governmental suggestions to be moved to recognized settlements (Abu-Rass &Yiftachel
2012; Noach, 2009).
Bedouins keep fight over their land and their identity and consider holding on to their
home and their ancestral land to be a sacred value. There is a folk idiom in Arabic that
105 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
says:' (do not compromise on land and honor). Furthermore, in his
study with Bedouin Gayousi (2010) found that land, honor, and dignity are significant sources of
power. Rangwala (2004) argues that the preservation of the Bedouin traditions, clinging to the
land, and insistence on filling the patriarchal gender roles, typifies the Bedouin tribal society: the
individual serves the collective interests and the culture-historical reality. The collective
traditions, code, and identity preservation serve as sources of meaning to life and hardship. The
collectivism may come before what is good for the individual or what serves a particular group
of people within this culture (Abu-Saad, 2010).
Similar to Palestinian participants from East Jerusalem in Shalhoub- Kevorkian study
(2012) who managed to break through the trap and continue normal life despite their abnormal
conditions, Bedouins in the current study were able to find strength that helped them deal with
their daily difficulties. The participants of both studies found hope in strengthening their
relationships with relatives and the wider community. The findings demonstrated the importance
of family relationships for the participants; they further indicated that family cohesion, in which
family members take care of each other, characterizes the Bedouin society (Al-Krenawi, 2003)
and serves as protective factor in their lives.
It is evident that the various risks mentioned throughout this dissertation, balanced by the
above protective factors, are more likely to result in parenting that is sensitive to the needs of the
child and secure attachment relationships than cumulative risks and stressors that are not
balanced by strengths and protective factors (Belsky & Pasco Fearon, 2008).
The W Journey: way for change
The transition from semi - nomadic lifestyle to permanent settlement has also brought
many changes, particularly for women that lost their traditional roles. In the past, Bedouin
woman enjoyed a central position in Bedouin society (Mogdham, 2004). She educ ated her
children in the traditions of her tribe and her Muslim religion, herded the family goats, drew
water from the well, prepared food on an open fire, worked outside the home in the fields, and
Kressel, 2003). She also enjoyed an
extensive social life despite the distances in the desert (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001).
106 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
With the move to permanent settlements, Bedouin woman moved from the open horizons of the
desert to the closed space of her house. Thus, the roles of a housewife replaced her traditional
tasks. The urbanization dispossessed Bedouin women from the land, which was their source of
employment and income, and transformed them into consumers dependent on their husbands
(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006, 2007a).
Unlike men, who come into more direct contact with Jewish and Western values due to
their roles in the labor market, most of the Bedouin women are still obliged to maintain the
traditional lifestyle and gender conventions (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2008). In recent decades, the
role for many women is limited to fertility and ability to give birth, the only way left to express
themselves and to provide the feeling that they can contribute to society (Al-Krenawi, 2003).
-
David & Gonen, 2001). In the absence of employment opportunities in the village, they often
remain unemployed. In this mode, Bedouin women are doubly marginalized: as women living
under a patriarchal male-dominated society, and as part of a discriminated Arab minority group
residing under adverse socio-political situation in a state where the majority of citizens are Jews
(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007b). Against the background of this dual situation, the women in this
study are aware of the fact that education and employment facilitate social mobility and provide
employment possibilities for women. It is interesting to note that they decided to step out of their
comfort zone and take initiative to look for new challenges and promote their status using
means that are at their disposal without challenging the existing patriarchal order.
Numerous studies examined the implications of education for women in Arab society
(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2005; Ahmad-Fauzia, 2001; Aronhold, 2000). These studies have shown
that educated women more control of their lives regardless of religious affiliation, culture , or
level of state development. Likewise, the participants of the present study talked about hoping to
obtain higher education for themselves and especially for their children and about using new
technologies. As discussed, these voices began to build a new sort of resilience- the sort that
brings social progress and a channel for social mobility into the equation.
The changes experienced by traditional Arab-Druze women in the north of Israel in the
seventies may provide a platform to discuss change related to education. In her studies, Weiner-
107 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
levy (2006, 2008) claimed that until the seventies Druze women's status and location at the
bottom of the social hierarchy, as well as their exclusion from the public sphere, did not allow
them to attend high education. According to Weiner-Levy (2006), the breakthrough for the
Druze women enabled the introduction of new values and considered going against the
families if
they studied at outside universities. In both communities, religious conservatism and the socio-
traditional insularity, prevented girls from leaving the village. Nonetheless, the accession of two
Druze sisters from the north of Israel to the university in the seventies paved the way for many
other women.
educations, others continue to be closed off to this possibility (Weiner-Levy, 2008). In the
current research women and men that additionally began to talk about education and
employment as an example of connecting to 21st century progress in addition to finding strength
in traditional ways of life.
In A Call for Social Work Activism Tricia Bent-Goodley (2015) calls social workers to
be at the forefront of issues affecting disenfranchised communities and suggested four key
elements needed to reinvigorate their collective commitment to social activism. She offered to
represent the communities, to be proactive, to provide leadership, and to demonstrate vigilance.
Parallel processes occurred in the current study as described in the third paper. By participating
in the focus groups, women in this research felt empowered. They initiated an intervention
program in order to reduce risk and protect their children and lobbied for their children right
for education. This demonstrates how social work research could be a platform for social change
and academic activism.
Bent- voices of those
). In the current study and during the
interviews, the Bedouin women engaged in dynamic discourse
from a face-to-face dialogue and a dynamic communication between the researcher and the
study participants. In this regard, this study helped in expanding the boundaries of discourse
gain
legitimacy to talk about painful topics, which were unspoken, and to reflect on their lives. This
108 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
discourse, shared with other women via the focus groups, provided an opportunity to share
common challenges, hope for social change, and seek together concrete solutions.
In the current study and following group discussions in the focus groups that took place
at the university, the participants shared their desires to change the risk-loaded reality for
children. Since there are a limited number of home-care facilities and pre-schools supported by
the Ministry of Social Welfare and those developed by associations such as AJEEC-NISPED, for
ages two to age four, they decided to open a kindergarten. The women initiated the establishment
of a kindergarten called the hope that allows their children to play in a safe place. They
equipped the kindergarten with the help of the researcher, friends, and colleagues who collected
appropriate equipment.
Bent-Goodley claimed that, -engaged on a larger scale
in our profession. We must continue to be ever vigilant and stand watchful of issues that affect
cher in the current study
initiated extensive discussions with the study participants on issues that they redefine as parents
concerns. The women focused on the need for developing alternative sources of income. They
asked the researcher to connect them with associations and professionals who can support them
in the process of completing their academic studies, and learning a profession that allows them
an employment and income, without interfering with their regular chores. It is apparent that
education becomes a lever for aspiration and window of opportunity that helps to promote their
status and contributes to their economic independence (Abu-Saad, 2005; Pessate-Schubert,
2003).
Up to this writing, significant numbers of the research participants are in constant contact
with the researcher. Recently, they have already completed a course on women empowerment
and a course in small business management. Some women have opened their own businesses at
home such as food preparation, marketing of pickled spicy peppers, embroidery, sewing and
photography
between their society value and their personal aspirations, which will ultimately contribute to
them and to their families. The researcher demonstrated vigilance to the importance of men
109 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
cooperation in the different initiatives and changes. Since this is a patriarchal society, the
researcher tried to support women while simultaneously obtaining the agreement of the men to
support the change that the women wished for themselves. In doing so, men were involved in the
research. Many husbands supported and collaborated with their wives both in opening the
kindergarten and the following described initiatives. Some of them who previously refused to
allow their wives to get their driv license, thus limit their mobility outside the village, ended
up encouraged them to do that following the renewed discourse during the study. We can
conclude that much caution should be taken when entering a patriarchal society not to create
There is no doubt that process of change and coping is slow, gradual,
and sometimes long and laborious processes. The women themselves do not expect shortcuts or
dramatic changes in their situation; yet, the desire for social change has become a common
discourse among many of them. Abu-Rabia-Queder (2007b) maintains that generally, feminist
activities in non-Western societies are adapted to the contextual reality of the specific culture.
The R Journey:
Various factors influence personality, culture,
education, family circle, the surrounding community, and more. Sometimes it is difficult to get
out comfort-zone and look at things from a different perspective. Ultimately, it is hard
to say that there is one truth, instead just a lot of viewpoints, and from each, people can learn
something else. Being aware of the difference between viewpoints may help in reducing conflicts
between people and between different societies as a result of misunderstanding (Sam & Berry,
2010). However, recognition of different viewpoints enables people to develop an open and real
dialogue, each trying to hold tight to his or her point of view and open up to other points of view
in the knowledge that there is no absolute truth (Shkedi, 2011).
The researcher utilized her background as a Palestinian from Northern Israel, her native
Arabic proficiency, and research efforts, to understand Bedouin culture. By spending three years
in the villages collecting data she managed to
stigma and misunderstanding (Shkedi, 2011; Shlasky & Alpert, 2007). She is well aware of the
110 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
worldview in relation to the participants' culture, status, and traditions (Shlasky & Alpert, 2007).
On the one hand, she is involved enough to understand the participants world as they see it, and
on the other hand, she maintained enough distance to allow for a reflective and critical scrutiny
of the reality (Shkedi, 2011). By using her interpersonal skills, her communication skills , and her
ability to listen and acknowledge the Bedouin community, the researcher was able to develop
trust and close relationship with the study participants, which contributed to her increased
identification with them. The researcher sensitivity was mandatory in reducing the study
participants in the beginning. The researcher own life was changed by this journey.
The strengths, coping, resilience, and survival skills provided a life lesson for her
and her research team
The researcher uncovered the Bedouin women . The
women opened their hearts and shared the most difficult experiences they experience in everyday
life. The researcher often felt a heavy responsibility placed on her, not only as a researcher but
also as a women and a human being who witnessed the harsh life conditions and risky situations.
The participating women in the study, who are not used to communicating with women from the
north of Israel, grew to trust her, and expect her support and help, which she tried to provide.
Throughout this journey, the researcher tried her best to stay loyal to her goal to echo the voices
of study participants, and to provide them with an opportunity to share their fears, concerns,
resilience, and hope for a better future for their children. Furthermore, as previously described,
she aspired to support the women in thinking together about goals for a better life and paths to
achieving them.
Thus, one of the future goals of the researcher is to write about the need for a
in the
cases of groups that suffer from inequality, oppression and ongoing discrimination.
Study Limitations and Recommendations for Future Researches
This dissertation has a number of potential limitations that need to be acknowledged and
addressed. First, although the number of participants in this study is relatively high for
qualitative research, the findings represent only the specific participants and cannot be
111 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
generalized in relation to other families undergoing similar experience (Lee, 1993). However,
this study aimed to explore culture specific patterns and use a mixed method approach.
Additional research may extend the study to other cultures living in transition and under socio-
political pressure. A second limitation concerns the small sample size of men. The researcher
met with a focus group of eight men only once. Thus, additional research is needed for a better
. Further research should include another focus groups
and individual interviews with a larger number of men. Third, the study participants were most
notably, mothers with children in their first year of age : the study did not examine the
perceptions of the older children about risk definitions and risk prevention. Additional research
should include individual and group interviews with children in order to hear their voices in the
quest for context informed understanding of risk. Fourth, the study did not include elderly who
experienced the transition from semi-nomad to a sedentary life; it may be of interest to know
how the elderly explain the changes taking place in the Bedouin society. In addition to the
studies that have been suggested, there is a need to conduct research among professionals that
may assist in understanding the complexity of life in the shadow of ongoing risk situations and to
enrich the existing knowledge. A fifth limitation is the ability to validate the study data and
Despite these limitations, this study provides the Bedouin study participants with an opportunity
to voice and share their fears, concerns, resilience, and hope for a better future for their children.
It contributes substantially to the understanding of parenting among indigenous people in cultural
transition.
Practical Contribution
The study has several practical contributions to professionals who work with families in
non- Western communities. Roer-Strier (2007) emphasized the importance of learning
target in order to
develop culturally appropriate intervention and prevention programs and train professionals who
work with diverse communities. Roer-Strier (2007) further argues that professionals are often
informed by Western concepts, which imply universality of normative development among
children, thereby disregarding contextual differences. Accordingly, this study hi ghlights the need
112 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
for preparation of context appropriate training programs for professionals working with different
groups during their academic training. Moreover, there is great importance in improving
understanding regarding child development and risk in the non-Western majority world (e.g.
Kagitcibasi, 2007).
A context informed perspective will assist professionals to avoid blaming parents for neglect in
cases where there is limited access to basic services (Visblay, 2006) resulting from structural or
political reasons. Involving parents in defining risk and prevention and , utilizing available
support systems, will result in more effective and sensitive interventions and participant
empowerment. In parallel to intervention at the professional level, it is essential to provide
opportunities for Bedouin parents in the unrecognized villages with regard to the issues of risk
detection, prevention, and intervention. Furthermore, due to the character of Bedouin society, a
prevention and intervention programs also have to acknowledge the importance that parents
attribute to the extended family as a source of support, safety, and protection for the child.
However, in all cases where professionals serve the hegemonic group, they need to
develop a critical view in which they reflect on the needs of the system versus the needs of the
community. As shown in this case, parents may view the hegemonic group and its welfare
system as creating risk to children and preventing protection rather than serving as a trustful
protective agent.
Contribution to the Policy Makers
Although the Bedouins are citizens of Israel and should have equal rights, actually, they
are the most marginalized, discriminated against, and poorest population in Israel (Abu-Saad,
2010; Yiftachel, 2008). They bear the burdens of the tremendous gap between the s
proclaimed ideals, promising equality to all citizens, and the gloomy reality. As study
participants claimed, policies such as house demolition policies create risks for children.
Therefore, any risk interventions will not be effective unless policies to protect children rights
are implemented.
113 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
The findings provided a strong basis to support activism in human and children's rights
and welfare. The study shows that the Bedouins are struggling for equality, recognition, and
preservation of their culture and way of life. The findings clearly demonstrate that after sixty-
seven years of citizenship in the State of Israel, there is a still high number of Bedouins in the
Naqab who are denied permits to build houses. The State of Israel did not provide participating
villages basic services such as electricity, running water and paved roads to connect them with
near cities. The ongoing experience of living in unrecognized areas that does not get the needed
infrastructural and basic services (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Abu-Rabia- Queder, 2007b;
Ministry of Health, 2006; Yiftachel, 2008) creates conflicts and dilemmas. Consequently, the
Bedouins feel: "As if we were invisible", as expressed by one of the participants.
The situation in the studied villages violates basic human rights, such as the right to
health care, housing, and education. Even though Israel adopted the United Nations Convention
on the Rights of the Child (CRC 1989), which places the child's welfare as a fundamental
principle, the findings demonstrate a wide range of risk conditions, hindering societal and
individual development and children's well-being. Evidently, the problematic issues facing the
Bedouin in the Naqab today, lie in Israeli planning policies and dispossession of lands (for more
details see also Boteach, 2006). Any proposed solution to protect the residents of the
unrecognized villages, that doesn't include and provision of all necessary services may end up
disjointed and unable to cope with the broad scope of government control, discrimination, and
non-equality ineffective.
114 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Chapter 6- References
Abu-Bader, S., & Gottlieb, D. (2009). Poverty, education and employment in the Arab- Bedouin
society: A comparative view. ECINEQ, 37, 1-63.
Abu-Rabia, A. (2006). A century of education: Bedouin contestation within formal education in
Israel. In D. Chatty (Ed.), Nomadic societies in the Middle East and North Africa: Entering
the 21st Century (pp. 865-882). Leiden & Boston: Brill Publishers.
Abu-Rabia- Queder, S. (2005). Feminism and post-colonialism in the Arab-Bedouin education
system. In: D. Champagne & I. Abu-Saad (Eds.), Indigenous and minority education:
International Perspectives on Empowerment (pp.217-234). Beersheba (Israel): Ben-Gurion
University of the Negev.
Abu-Rabia- Queder, S. (2006). Between tradition and modernization: Understanding Bedouin
female dropout. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 27(1), 1-17.
Abu-Rabia-
negotiation of social role. Feminist Studies, 33(1), 161-187.
Abu-Rabia- Queder, S. (2007b). The activism of Bedouin women: Social and political resistance.
HAGAR Studies in Culture, Polity and Identities, 7(2), 67-84.
Abu-Rabia-Queder, S. (2008). Excluded and loved: Educated Bedouin .
Magnes Press: The Hebrew University, Jerusalem (Hebrew).
Abu-Rass, T., & Yiftachel, O. (2012). Four reasons to reject the "Prawer Plan .
Newsletter, 89. Accessed on June 4, 2015 from
http://www.adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/newsletter/eng/jan12/docs/Thabet%20and%20Oren
%20Four%20Reasons%20to%20Reject%20Prawer%20English.pdf
Abu- Saad, I. (2005). Education and identity formation among indigenous Palestinian Arab
youth in Israel. In D. Champagne & I. Abu Saad (Eds.), Indigenous and minority education
(pp. 235 257). Beer Sheva: Negev Center for Regional Development.
115 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Abu-Saad, I. (2010). Arabs of the Naqab: Past, present and future challenges. Negev center for
regional development. Beer Sheva: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (Arabic).
Ahmad-Fauzia, A. (2001). Modern traditions? British Muslim women and academic
achievement. Gender and Education, 13, 137-152.
Al-Krenawi, A. (2003). Bedouin-Arab families. In J. James & Jr. Ponzetti (Eds.), International
encyclopedia of: Marriage and family (pp. 144-147). United States: Macmillan Reference.
Al-Krenawi, A., &. Graham. J.R. (2001). The cultural mediator, bridging the gap between a non-
western community and professional social work practice. British Journal of Social Work,
31(5), 65 85.
Al-Krenawi, A., & Graham, J. R. (2006). A comparative study of family functioning, health, and
mental health awareness and utilization among female Bedouin-Arabs from recognized and
unrecognized villages in the Negev. Health Care for Women International, 27(2), 182-196.
Aronhold, N. (2000). Women graduation the former GDR: Towards empowerment. In: M. L.
Kearney (Ed.), Women, power and the academy: From rhetoric to reality (pp. 28-32).
Great Britain: Berghan Books.
Auerbach, J. G., Goldstein, E., & Elbedour, S. (2000). Behavior problems in Bedouin elementary
schoolchildren. Transcultural Psychiatry, 37(2), 229-241.
Belsky, J., & Pasco Fearon, R. M. (2008). Precursors of attachment security. In J. Cassidy and P.
R. Shaver (Eds.), Handbook of attachment: Theory, research, and clinical applications (2nd
edn,. pp. 295 316). New York: Guilford Press.
Ben-David, Y., and Gonen, A. (2001). Bedouins and fellaheen Bedouins within the urbanization
process in the Negev. Jerusalem: Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies (Hebrew).
Bent-Goodley, T. (2015). A call for social work activism. Social Work, 60(2), 101-103.
Boteach, E. (2006). The indigenous Bedouins of the Naqab-Negev desert in Israel. NIF Social
Justice Fellow Scientific. Indigenous Issues. Jerusalem (Hebrew).
116 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Convention on the Rights of the Child. (1989). Articles 24 & 27. Accessed on June 2, 2015 from
https://www.icrc.org/ihl/INTRO/540?OpenDocument.
Gayousi, L. (2010). Experiencing home loss and demolition: Posttraumatic stress disorder and
growth among Arab Bedouin adolescent`s experiencing home demolition in the
unrecognized villages in the Naqab. Jerusalem: Hebrew
University.
Hamber, B., Gallagher, E., Weine, S. M., Agger, I., Bava, S., Gaborit, M., ... & Saul, J. (2015).
Exploring how context matters in addressing the impact of armed conflict. In Psychosocial
Perspectives on Peacebuilding (pp. 1-31). Springer International Publishing.
Hao, L., & Pong, S. (2008). The role of school in the upward mobility of disadvantaged
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science ,
620, 62-89.
Human Rights Watch. (2008). Off the map: Land and housing rights violations in Is . New
York, NY: Author.
Kagitcibasi, C. (2007). Family, self and human development across cultures: Theory and
applications (2nd ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Kressel, G.M. (2003). Let shepherding endure: Applied anthropology and the preservation of a
cultural tradition in Israel and the Middle East. Albany: Suny Press.
Lee, R.M. (1993). Doing research on sensitive topics. London: Sage.
reexamined in anthropological perspective. In C. C. Moore & H. F. Methews (Eds.), The
psychology of cultural experience (pp. 83 104). Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.
Marx, E., & Shmueli, A. (Eds.) (1984). The changing Bedouin. New Brunswick .and London:
Transaction Inc.
117 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Ministry of Health. (2008). Health status of Bedouin infants and children up to Age 6 years in
permanent settlements and unrecognized villages in the Negev. Beer Sheva: Health
Department
Mogdham, V. (2004). Patriarchy in transition: Women and the changing family in the Middle
East. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 35(2), 137-162.
Nguyen-Gillham, V., Giacaman, R., Naser, G., & Boyce, W. (2008). Normalising the abnormal:
Palestinian youth and the contradictions of resilience in protracted conflict. Health and
Social Care in the Community, 16(3), 291 298.
Noach, H. (2009). The existent and the non-existent villages: The unrecognized Bedouin villages
in the Negev. Haifa: Pardes Publishing (Hebrew).
Offer, S. (2007). The Ethiopian community in Israel: Segregation and the creation of a racial
cleavage. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(3), 461-480.
Pessate-Schubert, A. (2003). Changing from the margins: Bedouin women and higher education
in Israel. (4), 285 298.
Rangwala, T. S. (2004). Inadequate housing, Israel and the Bedouin of the Negev. Osgoode. Hall
Law Journal, 42(3), 415 472.
Roer-Strier, D. (2007). Reducing the risk for children in changing cultural contexts:
Recommendations for intervention and training. The act under the guidance of parents .
Family and Knowledge, 3, 15-31.
Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (2010). Acculturation: When individuals and groups of different
cultural backgrounds meet. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 472 481.
Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2012). Trapped: The violence of exclusion in Jerusalem. Jerusalem
Quarterly 49, 6-25. Accessed on June 4, 2015 from http://www.palestine-
studies.org/sites/default/files/jq-articles/49_Trapped_2.pdf
118 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions
Shkedi, A. (2011). The meaning behind the words: Methodologies of qualitative research:
Theory and practice. Tel Aviv: Ramot Tel Aviv University (Hebrew).
Shlasky, S., & Alpert, B. (2007). Ways of writing qualitative research: From dismantling the
reality to structuring the text. Tel-Aviv: Mofet Institute (Hebrew).
Tizard, B. (1991). Employed mothers and the care of young children. In A. Phoenix, A. Woollett
& E. Lloyd (Eds.), Motherhood: Meanings, practices and ideologies (pp. 178-194).
Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.
Vicedo, M. (2013). The nature and nurture of love: from imprinting to attachment in Cold War
America. University of Chicago Press.
Visblay, E. (2006). Children in the Bedouin sector in the Negev, snapshots. Report to the CRC
(Convention on the Rights of the Child). Jerusalem. Israel Knesset, Research and
Information Center (Hebrew).
Weiner-Levy, N. (2006). The flagbearers: Israeli Druze women challenge traditional gender
roles. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 37(3), 217-235.
Weiner-Levy, N. (2008). On cross-cultural bridges and gaps: Identity transitions among
trailblazing Druze women. Gender and Education, 20(2), 29 44.
Yiftachel, O. (2008). Epilogue: Studying Naqab/Negev Bedouins- Toward a Colonial Paradigm.
HAGAR: Studies in Culture, Policy and Identities, 8(2), 83 108.
119 Appendices
Appendices
Appendix 1: Interview guideline
Interview with the mother when the child is 2.5-4 months of age
Date: ___________ Name of child: ___________________ _ Subject number: _____
Instruction:
We would like to know about you and your child. Please notice that everything you tell
us is of importance and that you cannot do wrong. We do not judge the things that you
are going to tell us as right or wrong. We are only gathering information.
-important things that happened to this child during his first year of
life. Describe in detail everything you can remember. Take your time, we will listen to
you, afterwards we will ask you some questions.
(1 open question)
If yes, what kind of problems?
(2 maternal health problems)
child?
(3 place of birth)
(4 delivery complications)
(6
If yes, what kind of medicaments?
(7 medication)
(8 maternal hospitalization)
120 Appendices
(9 breastfeeding)
(10 sleeping)
(11 maternal working day)
If they spend time together, what
do they do?
(15 father and child)
(16 grandparents)
(17 alloparents)
(18 favorite caretaker)
(19 looking for elders)
(20 white man)
In addition, how do you teach
your child these habits?
(21 habits)
(22 meaning of crying)
121 Appendices
(23 reaction to crying)
what does it signify?
(24 meaning of following)
(25 appraisal of following)
what do you do?
(26 meaning of sticking)
(27 reaction to sticking)
(28 meaning of laughing)
(29 reaction to laughing)
(30 stimulation)
(31 importance of bathing)
(32 importance of breastfeeding)
at is the importance of clothing the child?
(33 importance of dressing)
(34 carrying)
(35 playing)
child?
(36 toys)
122 Appendices
(37 talking)
(38 eye contact)
(39 feeling good)
do you know that the child is feeling bad?
(40 feeling bad)
Which to your opinion are places that are not safe or secure?
(41 dangers)
How would you define a child at risk from: Developmental perspective, social
perspective, emotional perspective and physical development perspective?
To your opinion, would other members of your community (family, friends, and
neighbors) give similar answers? If not what would be different and why?
(42+53 (42 risk definitions)
What to your opinion is child neglect can you give me some examples
How can you help neglected children?
How can you prevent neglect?
(44-46 child neglect)
How can you prevent the child from danger?
(47 prevention)
If you need any assistance as a mother, where or who do you go to? For example financial
assistance.
(48 financial assistance)
(49 moral assistance)
(50-sickness assistance)
(51 marital assistance)
123 Appendices
(52-child assistance)
(54 separations)
shopping, to the farm or visiting somebody? Can you describe how the child is reacting
when you are leaving and how the child is reacting when you return?
(55 situations)
wants only to be with you?
(56 exclusiveness)
(57 affection)
d love you?
(59 boys)
(60 girls)
uld they follow?
Moreover, why?
(61 values)
(62 good mother)
(63 bad mother)
(64 good father)
?
124 Appendices
(65 bad father)
(66 good child)
(67 bad child)
General topics:
development?
Any metaphor you can give to the child.
125 Appendices
Appendix 2: Interview guideline with the mother when the child is one year of age
Date: ___________ Name of child: ___________________ _ Subject number: _____
Instruction:
We would like to know about you and your child. Please notice that everything you tell
us is of importance and that you cannot do wrong. We do not judge the things that you
are going to tell us as right or wrong. We are only gathering information.
Your child is 12 months old now; many things have changed since I visited you last time.
Tell me first about the important things that happened to the child at this year, try to tell
me in detail everything that you remember, take your time, I will listen to you and then
ask you a few questions.
Is your child suffering from an illness or other problem during the year?
Is he/she still breastfeeding?
During his first year of his/her life, your child gotten used to different people, who would
you say that he sees regularly.
What your child does with each of the people he sees regularly?
Who do you think your child likes among those that care for him, and why?
Do you think it is important that the child have connections with many people, and why?
How would you prefer your child to behave with strangers?
Are there are cases in which your child prefers to be only with you? Give an example.
Does your child like you? How do you know that?
How do you express your unique relationship with your child?
What the baby does on a regular day from morning to evening?
What are the dangers that your child encountered in the first year of life?
How would you describe a good mother?
How would you describe a bad mother?
How would you describe a good father?
How would you describe a bad father?
How would you describe a good child?
How would you describe a bad child?
126 Appendices
Appendix 3: Socio-demographic questionnaire
Questionnaire for mothers
1. Name:
2. Age in years:
3. Place of birth:
4. Economic activity:
5. Years of schooling:
6. Marital status: Married Widowed Divorced Single
Since when?
7. Are you living in your house? Yes No
If no, renting provided by a relative
8. With whom do you live?
Husband Grandparents Siblings Sitter Other relatives
If other relatives, who?
9. How many children do you have?
Age Gender
Temperament:
hot or cold
How much time do
you spend with this
child
What activities do you
like best to do with this
child
127 Appendices
Appendix 4: Socialization goals questionnaire
Date: ___________ Name of child: ___________________ _ Subject number: _____
Instruction:
first
three years. Please express your agreement or disagreement spontaneously and in the same way as
before.
I agree ... 1
not at all
2
3
4
5 6
completely
During the first three years of life, children should:
1. learn to share with others 1 2 3 4 5 6
2. develop own ideas 1
2 3 4 5 6
3. learn to understand the emotions of others 1
2 3 4 5 6
4. learn not to misbehave 1 2 3 4 5 6
5. develop independence 1 2 3 4 5 6
6. develop self-confidence 1 2 3 4 5 6
7. learn to obey parents 1
2 3 4 5 6
8. learn to be independent 1
2 3 4 5 6
128 Appendices
9. learn to obey older people 1 2 3 4 5 6
10. learn to care for the wellbeing of others 1 2 3 4 5 6
11. become assertive 1
2 3 4 5 6
12. develop self-esteem 1
2 3 4 5 6
13. learn to help others (mother, siblings) 1
2 3 4 5 6
14. learn to cheer up others 1 2 3 4 5 6
15. learn to make own decisions (e.g., what to do or eat) 1 2 3 4 5 6
16. learn to do something on their own 1
2 3 4 5 6
17. learn not to answer their parents back 1
2 3 4 5 6
18. learn to be different from the group 1 2 3 4 5 6
19. learn to behave appropriately 1
2 3 4 5 6
20. learn to respect elderly persons 1
2 3 4 5 6
21. learn to follow their own needs 1
2 3 4 5 6
22. learn to do what parents say 1
2 3 4 5 6
129 Appendices
Appendix 5:
- Designing context-informed interventions
1. Whom do you consider children at risk in your community?
2. What causes problems?
3. What kind of problems that children have in your community need other type of
assistance than what you can offer?
4. What type of assistance do they need?
5. How do you help children at risk in your community?
6. What solves problems for children?
7. What kind of help is offered to children at risk in your community that does not fit your
tradition?
130 Appendices
Appendix 6: A women's focus group at the end of the data collection
1. What do you think about the study and about the acquaintance with me?
2. Is my entry to the villages affected on you and how?
3. What do you think about the process that the women passed?
4. What do you take from my study?
5. How do you want me to I introduce you in the article that I am writing? As a society in
transition, as a society in change? As a traditional society?
6. After the data analysis, I noticed that happening a dynamic process in the Bedouin
society. How this process occurs and how it affects the society in general and the women
in particular.
7.
8. The findings showed that the value of education get an important place in the interviews,
what are you doing to nurture the child and encourage him to get an educatio n? How your
desire to higher education affects your child rearing practices?
9. When I want to write about your faith and the forces that keep the child against the evil
eye, what do you prefer to write about this issue?
131 Appendices
group- stranger anxiety
1. Greet everyone; ask for permission for audiotaping the conversation.
2. What is the first thing that comes to mind when you hear the word stranger
3. Videos
a. Introduction: we are now going to watch two videos about two children
reacting to the presence of a stranger.
b. Show the two videos directly after another without a break inbetween
i. Video A (child that is fearful of stranger and protests the separation)
ii. Video B (child that shows no reaction or is engaging with the stranger
and is fine with being separated from the mother)
c. What do you think about the Videos you just saw?
d. Which reaction is more normal, which would you have expected
e. Which reaction would you prefer?
f. Why do the children react the way they do?
g. Would you like your child to develop relationships with a small amount of
people or with many people?
132 Appendices
Appendix 8: Focus groups with Bedouin fathers
What puts Bedouin children at risk?
What are sources of different risks? - In the family, outside the family, natural or caused
by people or circumstances?
Was there an organization of the residents to solve the shortage problem of recreational
places for children?
How do you think you can escape the circle of danger?
How do different risks effect children?
How do you help a child in distress?
What is the role of man in the Bedouin family?
If something bad happens in the family, to one of the family members, does it affect the
small children? How? What do you do about it? Who is supposed to do it? Who can/
should help?
What makes a child feel safe?
How would you describe a good mother?
How would you describe a bad mother?
How would you describe a good father?
How would you describe a bad father?
How would you describe a good child?
How would you describe a bad child?
What are cultural practices, which it is desirable to educate the child in order to succeed
in the future?
What is the impact of the environment in which the child lives, in life in general and in
his/her education?
Is polygamy has an impact on children? How?
Is polygamy affects women themselves? How?
What is your dream for your children?
133 Appendices
Appendix 9: Coding scheme for mother- infant spontaneous interaction (Carra, Lavelli,
Keller & Kärtner, 2013)
7
A. GAZE DIRECTION
1. Gazing elsewhere
2.
3. Gazing at the object
B. EXPRESSIVE CONFIGURATIONS
1. Neutral attention
2. Active attention
3. Excited attention
4. Smiling
5. Cooing without sound emission
6. Cooing with sound emission
7. Fussy/Crying
8. Drowsy
0. NOT ENGAGED
A. FACIAL BEHAVIORS
1. No facial behavior
2. Observing
3.
4. Gazing at the infant with smiling
5. Facial stimulation
134 Appendices
6. Facial mirroring
B. VOCAL BEHAVIORS
1. No vocal behavior
2. Talking
3. Affectionate talking
4. Rhythmic vocalizing
5. Singing
6. Vocal mirroring
C. BODY CONTACT
1. No body contact
2. Whole body
3. On the lap
4. With hands
D. BODY STIMULATION
1. No body stimulation
2. Vestibular
3. Rhythmic vestibular
4. Kinesthetic
5. Rhythmic kinesthetic
6. Motor
7. Rhythmic motor
8. Tactile
9. Rhythmic tactile
10. Body mirroring
E. PRIMARY CARE
1. No primary care
2. Primary care
F. OBJECT STIMULATION
1. No object stimulation
2. Object orientation
135 Appendices
3. Visual
4. Auditory
5. Visual and auditory
6. Tactile
7. Tactile and visual
8. Tactile, visual and auditory