CHAPTER III

REFLECTION OF INDIA IN OTHER HISTORY BOOKS OF PERSIAN LANGUAGE WRITTEN DURING THE PERIOD

OF BABUR AND JAHANGIR

In the previous chapters, Babur and Jahangir's views about Indian society and

culture were discussed and analyzed in the light of their respective Memoirs. In

the process of examining the two valuable memoirs many interesting facts

came to light. Sometimes it was found that at some places both the Memoirs

are in agreement with each but on the large they provided divergent ideas about

the subject. The reason of these variations lays in the fact that Jahangir and his

great grandfather. Babur, were brought up in_ two different cultural

environments, which is explained in the very first chapter. Still both of the

Memoirs fail to give a complete insight in the society and culture of the period.

Many important aspects of society and culture, viz. education and learning,

literary development, position of women, condition of the lower class people,

dress style, etc. are either totally absent or insufficiently described. Apart form

this, though events in Babur' s Memoirs are chronologically recorded but there

are many gapsin it, of which two, from 1508 to 1519 and from 1520 to 1525

are very large. On the other hand Jahangir's memoirs, project him as an

unpredictable self-willed autocrat.

I 61

Therefore in these circumstances it IS incumbent to go through other

contemporary chronicles which could on the one hand be helpful in

establishing the veracity of the facts recorded in the two Memoirs and on the

other hand could provide information about other facets of Indian society and

culture, which are either missing or insufficiently described in these two texts.

In this context, four important Persian texts of the period viz. Tarikh-i-Rashidi

by Mirza Haider Dughlat, Akbar Nama by Abul Fazl Allami, Mhtakhab-ut-

Tawarikh by Abdul Qadir Badayuni and Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri by Mutamad

Khan are also being examined in the following pages.

Tarikh-i-Rashidi: The author of this valuable text, Mirza Haider was the

son of Muhammad Hussain Mirza who was married to the younger sister of

Babur's mother. His grandfather, Haider Mirza Dughlat was the Amir of

Kashgar. So our author was not only a great scholar, but also a descendent of

the great Mongol ruler Chengiz Khan, form mother side and a first cousin of

Babur. He seems to have inherited from his mother no small share of that

ability. and vigour which distinguished his more eminent relative. His father,

Muhamma!f Hussain was put to death at Herat in 1508 A.D .. , by the order of

Shaibani Khan. The nine year old Mirza Haider came to Kabul where he was

received by Babur with considerate and generous affection and was inducted in

the Royal household. He stayed with Babur's family for a brief period of five

162

years and in between accompanied him in many campaigns. In 1514 he joined

his uncle in Andijan.

Haider Mirza was bold and adventurous, was leader of campaigns to widely

distant places, like Kasgher, Badakhshan, Tibet, Baltistan etc. he finally

entered the services of emperor Humayun, with whom he fought the decisive

Battle of kannauj against Sher Khan and claims to have commanded the central

part of the imperial army. 1 Later when Humayun, ousted from Agra, was

looking for a proper base to mobilise troops, Mirza Haider took his permission

to invade Kashmir, which he successfully accomplished and ruled it as a virtual

ruler till his death is 15 51. During his stint in various parts of Central Asia,

India and finally in Kashmir, he had undergone many experiences. He recorded

these observations and experiences in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, which he started

writing after his victory over Kashmir. The book is in two parts, first part is

proper history and was written in 1544 and 1545. The second part, which has

more than twice the content of the first, and contains Mirza Haider's record of

his life and times, was written earlier than the first part, i.e. in 1541-42.

The objective of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, as the author tells his readers, is to

preserve the memory of the Mughals2 and their Khans, which at the time he

wrote, stood in danger of being altogether lost. In this book he also gives

sufficient information about his cousin Babur and second nephew Humayun.

1 Mirza Haider; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, Eng. tr. N: llias and E.D. Ross, Patna, 1973, p-476. 2 Not to be confused with Indian Mughals, in fact they were from the eastern branch of Chaghtay Turks, to which the author himself belonged.

163

He also enriches the Tarikh-i-Rashidi with his experiences in India. But his

notices of India are fragmentary, and are confined to what passed under his

own observation; but yet give a vivid picture of the disorder and incapacity that

marked the eady reign of Humayun, and were the causes of his downfall. Apart

from this the author has also described in detail about some facets of society

and culture of Kashmir and its people. But it does not give any significant

information about society and culture of other parts of India. Since Babur has

not been to Kashmir, therefore he does not provide any information about its

culture and society and on the other hand Jahangir gives a detailed description

of Kashmir, therefore it becomes necessary to examine Mirza Haider's ideas

about Kashmiri society and culture. But first we will examine Mirza Haider's

general remarks about Indian society and culture, which are fragmentary in

nature.

About the location of India he writes, '"On the west and south of the range

mountain (Tibetan highland) lies Hindustan; while Bhira, Lahore and Bangala

(Bengal) are all on the skirts ofit".3 Interestingly he also mentions the source of.

the major north Indian rivers. He writes, "all the rivers emerging from the

Tibetan mountains (Plateau) and flowing in the westerly or southerly directions

become rivers of lndia".4 The author of this book rightly mentions Nilab

(Indus), Chenab, Jhelum and Sutlej as Indian rivers emerging fron1 Tibetan

highlands. But he makes one significant mistake i.e. he mentions Ganga and

3 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p-406. 4 Ibid.

164

Jamuna rivers also to be originating from Tibet, there place of origin being the

Himalayas on Indo-Nepal border.

In very brief, he also mentions about trading relations between Indian towns

and nomads inhabiting the Tibetan highlands. Mirza Haider says that these

Tibetan nomads are called 'Champa' who during winters descend towards the

western and southern slopes of the Tibetan highlands and bring with them

Tibetan goods like wares of Khitai, salt, cloth of goats hair, zedoary (an

aromatic root, used in medicine), kutas (yaks), gold and shawls to Hindustan.

These nomads go back to Tibet in spring with Indian products like, cloths,

sweets, rice and grain. 5 Therefore, it seems that these nomads shuttled between

Tibet and India continuously. Such activity on their part suggests that they

were leading a tough and arduous life. Though Mirza Haider says that the

Champa nomads never feel fatig~e or troubled6 by their continous travel from one region to the other. Interestingly he says that he never heard of a similar

practice among any other people. 7 It must be pointed out, that the movement of

merchandise on pack animals by the nomads or Banjaras was a very common.

feature during those days. The Banjaras were continuously on move and took

the commodities from one place to other. It is surprising to note that our author

writes that he never witnessed or heard of such practices among people other

than the Champa nomads. Apart form this single description of trading activity;

5 Ibid, p. 408. 6 Ibid, p. 409. 7 Ibid.

165

we don't come across any other similar narration, which could give us a picture

of trading activities during those days. In addition to the description of trade

practices undertaken by the Champa nomads, Mirza Haidar also writes about

the exchange rate of Indian currency with the Central Asian Shahrukhi. He says

that one lakh of the Hindustani currency is worth twenty thousand Shahrukhis. 8

It means that the ratio of India currency to the Shahrukhi was that of 5: 1, which

suggests that the Indian currency was either devalued or rate of inflation was

higher in India than in Central Asia. Apart from this the Tarikh-i-Rshidi does

not give any information. about economic activities of India in general.

About the social and religious set up and activities, there is very less

information in this text. The author does not give any detail about the religious

ideas of the Hindus, but he seems to have developed some sort aversion against

them, at one place he refers to them as 'senseless Hindus'. 9 It seems that due to

some political reasons, Mirza Haider developed aversion against Hindus. In

fact he was very loyal to the Indian line of Mughals, who were also his

kinsmen, he faught on Humayun's side against Sher Khan in the Battle of

Kannauj after which the former was driven out of India. Sher Khan had

mustered the support of many smaller Hindu chieftains also. Therefore, Mirza

Haider refers to them as senseless. Apart from these few informations we do

not come across any. other significant general depiction of Indian society and

culture.

8 Ibid, p. 469. 9 Ibid, p. 478.

166

The author of Tarikh-i-Rashidi writes in much detail about Kashmir, its

landscape climate, people, religion and customs, architecture and town

planning and flora and fauna, which are described in the following pages.

Describing Kashmir as one of the most famous countries of the world, Mirza

Haider says that it is celebrated both for its attractions and its wonders. But the

author does not give a complete picture of Kashmiri landscape, he only writes

about its plain area, i.e. Kashmir valley. He does not write about the mountains

and hilly tracts of this region. He correctly writes that the plain of Kashmir

extends from south east quarter to north west quarter. 10 The Gazetteer of India

also gives the same location of Kashmir valley. 11 Interestingly the author

categorizes the Kashmir plain land into four types viz. cultivated by irrigation,

cultivated without artificial irrigation, garden land and finally the river basin

area about which he writes, "level, ground, where the river banks abound in

violets and many coloured flowers". 12 He also praises the climate of Kashmir,

as pleasant in all seasons, even the winter snowfall was pleasant for him. He

writes, "The heat in summer is so agreeable, that there is at no time any need of

a fan. A soft and refreshing breeze is constantly blowing. The climate in winter

is also very temperate, not withstanding the heavy snowfalls, so that no fur

cloak is necessary. 13 Mirza Haider goes to the extent of describing Kashmir as

10 Ibid, p. 424. 11 Gazetteer of India, ed. P .N Chopra, N. Delhi, 1956, p. 17 12 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 425. 13 Ibid.

167

having no equal in the entire world for the charm of climate during all four

seasons.

During ancient times the dominant religions of_Kashmir were Buddisim and

Saivism, ahd Sadur-ud-Din was the first muslim ruler of Kashmir. He

succeeded to the throne of Kashmir in 1320 A.D. At the time of accession, his

name was Rinchina and he professed Buddhist religion. The Brahmins of

Kashmir were not ready to accept a Buddhist ruler and therefore disgusted at

their narrow and conservative attitude, Rinchina soon embraced Islam

religion. 14 Later, Sultan Iskandar, father ofthe famous Zainul-Abedin, became

the ruler of Kashmir in 1389. Though he is credited with having abolished the

sectarian cess Jizya, but he is responsible for destroying many temples. Our

author lauds him for establishing Islam in the region, he writes, "Sultan

Iskandar, who established the Musalman faith and destroyed all the idol

temples". 15 But in any case Hinduism (Saivism) was a dominant religion in

Kashmir valley, at the time of its conquest by Mirza Haider. He writes in the

Tarikh-i-Rashidi, "In and around Kashmir, there are more than one hundred

and fifty temples". 16 The presence of large number of temples indicates that

Hinduism was followed by a good number of people. According to the author,

Kashmiri Hindus professed the faith ofBrahma. 17

14 F.M. Hasnain, Encyclopedia of India, Volume IX, part- II, New Delhi, 1992. P. 57. 15 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 433. . 16 Ibid . 426. 17 In Hindu belief system, Brahma is the supreme reality whc; has created the world.

168

Alongwith Hinduism, Islam was also in a flourishing state. Mirza Haider writes

that formerly all the Muslims followed the Hanifi school18 of jurisprudence. 19

Side by side with the mainstream Islam, many other Islamic sects like

Nurbakshi essentially a Sufi silsilah, Shamsi, and other Sufi sects were also

gaining prominence in Kashmir. The author, who was a staunch Islamist was

repugnant to these heterodox sects, and gives some important information

about their ideology and religious belief About the Nurbakshis he writes that it

was a 'corrupt form of religion' introduced by a person named Shams, who

came form Talish in Irak. He alleges the Nurbakshis of practicing many

heresies and says that their religious text Fikh-i-Ahwat, does not conform to the

teaching of any of the sects, whether Sunni or Shia. Moreover they are also said

to have introduced many impious practices and infidel beliefs. 20 Mirza Haider

says that he sent their text Fikh-i-Ahwat to the Ulemas of Hindustan who

repudiated it and issued a decree that its author belonged to a false sect and was

an imposter who was inclined to schism and heresy. He also criticizes Sufis of

Kashmir for legitimizing 'heresies' and says, "they know nothing of what is

lawful or unlawful take and eat whatever they find. They give way to their lusts

and desires in a manner not consistent with the law."21 Mirza Haider even

mentions that these people detest science and men of leaming.22 The other sect

mentioned by him is Shamsi sect. According to its philosophy, "our being

18 There are four major schools ofjurisprudence in Islam, Namely-Shafei, Haniji, Ma/eki and Hanbali. 19 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 434. 20 Ibid, p. 435. 21 Ibid, p. 436. 22 Ibid.

169

(human existence) is derived form sun's luminosity".23 Mirza Haider calls the

Shamsi followers as infields, who have corrupted Kashmiri people. Its chief

proponent in Kashmir was Shams-ud-din also called as Mir Shams. Our author

writes in the book that he awarded death sentence to these heretics and

therefore people were becoming aware of his severity towards these sects, no

one in Kashmir dares openly profess it and behave themselves as good

Sunnis.24

The other chief facet of Kashmiri society and culture described in the Tarikh-i-

Rashidi is architecture and town pla~ing. It is a well known fact that timber

wood is abundant in Kashmir, therefore most of the people use timber wood for

making houses and the buildings. Mirza Haidar rightly says, "there are many

lofty building constructed of fresh cut pine"25 About the residential and market

buildings he writes that most of them are at least five stories high and each

story contains apartments, halls, galleries and towers. He praises their exterior

beauties but says that interiors are not equal to the exteriors. Our author rightly

says that all who beheld them for the first time were astonished, because the

presence of five stories high beautiful wooden building were exceptional sight

for a new visitor, and such scenes were common in Kashmir. There were other

buildings built of stone also. Most of the idol temples were built of blocks of

hewn stone. Our author writes that the stone blocks of these temples were so

accurately p~aced upon the other that there is absolutely no cement used and

23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid, p. 425.

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even a sheet of paper could not be passed between the joints.26 He mentions

that the dimension of some of these stone blocks was as much as 20x 1 x5 yards.

All the temples are said to be built on same plan. The interior and exterior of

these temples are richly decorated with pictures and paintings. Mirza Haider

expresses surprise and says, "In the rest of the world there is not to be seen, or

hard of, one building like this. How wonderful that there should be a hundred

and fifty of them!"27 But Mirza Haider does not mention that which of the

ruined temples he is describing. The five most remarkable ruins now known are

those at Martand or Pandu Koru (Now called Anantnag), Bhaniyar (near Uri),

A vantipuram, Pandrettan and Payech. Significantly he also gives the

descriptibn of 'Zain Lanka,' an island cum palace complex developed by

former. Kashmiri ruler Zain-ul-Abedin in middle of the Wulur Lake. Presently

there appears to be no trace left of any palace. It should have disappeared, since

it is reported to have been constructed of wood. The accounts also give a little

information about town planning in Kashmir. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi. mentions \

that passages in the markets and city streets are all paved with hewn stones and

the bazaars are not in fashion of bazaars of other towns.

Apart from the description of some comnwn facets of Kashmiri culture, Mirza

Haidar also writes about its flora. A known fact, which the author also

acknowledges is that Kashmir is abundant in fruits, but unlike his Mughal

kinsmen of India, Babur and Jahangir, Mirza Haidar does not enumerate these

26 Ibid, p. 426. 27 Ibid.

I 71

fruits by name. But like his cousin Babur, he also mentions that the gardens are

without walls. He also mentions about sericulture in Kashmir that indicates

that silk industry also flourished in Kashmir. In similar fashion he does not give

any detailed information about trade and commerce in Kashmir, only says, "In

streets of the market, only drapers and retail dealers are to be found. Tradesmen

do all their business in the seclusion of their own houses. Grocers, druggists,

beer-sellers, and that class of provision vendors who usually frequent markets,

do not do so here".28

Mirza Haider's description of Indian society and culture in general and that of

Kashmir in particular are very limited but in terms of his opinion, it sounds

interesting. While describing the various religious and cult doctrines of that

period he seems to be more orthodox but when it comes to the depiction of

secular aspects of culture, he sounds to the more liberal. From his accounts it is

evident that he never intended to persecute Hindus and demolish their place of

worship but on other hand he was not ready to tolerate any type of schism in

the established Islamic ideology.

Muntakhab-Ut-Tawarikh: The author of this text Abdul Qadir Badayuni

was born at Todah and brought up at Bhusawar, a none-descript town in eastern

28 Ibid, p. 425.

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Rajasthan?9 Badayun seems to be his permanent home early in life.30 His

father, Muluk Shah also served emperor Akbar and was asked by the latter to

negotiate peace terms with Sangram Shah, an Amir of Adhil Shah Sur,

besieged in the fort of Ranthambhor. Badayuni received his education under

the guidance of some of the most illustrious scholars of the time like Mian

Hatim Sambhali and Sheikh Mubarak Nagori. He excelled in music31 , history,

astronomy and theology. Early in his life Jalal Khan Qurachi introduced him to

Akbar and on account of his beautiful voice he was appointed court Imam

where he continued his association \Vith Sheik.~.~ Mubarak and his two sons

Faizi and Abul Fazl. To Sheikh Mubarak's learning Badayuni owed a

considerable debt, which he acknowledges ungrudgingly.32 Although later on

he accuses the Sheikh and his sons, of heresy against Islam and of moulding

their opinion to the needs of different circumstance but he never challenges

their abilities as a scholar. In spite of his scathing criticism, Abul Fazl and Faizi

remained considerate to him and many a time made recommendation to the

emperor for favours to Badayuni.

The versatility ofBadayuni's talent is attested by the long list of his translation

works and composition of philosophical and religious treatises. He was

employed by the emperor to translate various Sanskrit, Hindi and Arabic texts

29 Abdul Qadir Badayuni, Muntakhab-ut-TAwarikh, ed. Maulavi Ahmad Ali, Vol. II, ASB, Calcutta, 1865,p.23~: . 30 Ibid, p. 86, where the author tells us that he moved from Badayun to Patiali; also , p. 126. he says

that he went to Badayun to get his brother married. 31 Faizi acknowledges his skills in music in a recommendation letter to emperor Akbar, copied by the

author, Ibid, Vol. III, Calcutta, 1969, p. 303-304. 32 Ibid, p. 176.

into Persian. He translated Singhasan Battisi, Atharva Veda, Ramayana and

Mahabharata from Sanskrit to Persian; re translated the History of Kashmir

form Hindi to Persian qnd Majma-ul-Buldan and Jami-i-Rashidi were rendered

into Persian from Arabic. Among the works originally composed by him are, a

treatise on Hadis33 called Bahr-ul-Asmar, a moral and religious treatise Najat-

ur-Rashid and finally the monumental historical work Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh.

Badayuni tells us that he received stimulus in writing the Muntakhab from his

re translation ofthe History ofKashmir.34 This work he completed in 999 A.H.

(1590 A.D.)35 Therefore, it would have tak~n him nearly four years to complete

the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, which he completed on Fridy, the 23rd of the

month Jamadi-us-Sani A.H. 1004 (March 5, A.D. 1595).36 Moreover he also

acknowledges taking the help of previous texts like Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi

(Akbari) and the Nizam-ul-Tawarikh37 (Tabakat-i-Akbari) of Nizamuddin

Akbar. The Muntakhab is in three volumes. The first volume deals with the

reigns of different rulers prior to Akbar. After the formal praise of God and the

Prophet, Badayuni opens the work with a brief account of Ghaznavid dynasty

and follows it up with that of Ghorid and Slave dynasty of Sultanate period of

India. He ends the first volume with the . description of Mughal ruler

Humayun's reign. Badayuni also appends at the end of each chapter, a list of

poets who lived ir. the reign of that particular ruler. The second volume starts

33 Prophet Muhammad's (peace be upon him) sayings and traditions. 34 Muntakhab-ut-Tmvarikh, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1868, p. 5 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid, Vol. III, p. 397. 37 Ibid, vol. I, P. 7.

174

with Akbar's accession to the royal throne and describes the events till the 40111

year of his reign. Finally, the third volume deals with the life works and other

achievements of saints, scholars, physicians and poets associated with Akbar's

court. Therefore in true sense we can say that the third volume is in the form of

a Tazkira, even the first volume is also partially in Tazkira form.

Badayuni does not merely narrate the events of the lives of his subjects,

including Akbar, but passes his judgments on their piety, knowledge,

accomplishments and above all, or their religious learnings. In the course of the

narration of the historical events and ideological leavings of a particular person

he also gives us a blurred picture of Indian society and culture of his times, the

subject matter ofthis study. Our author gives some important information

about India in general and different facets of Indian society and culture in

particular.

Badayuni describes India as a vast country with open fields for all

licentiousness. 38 He further says that it has become the center of security and

peace, and land of justice and beneficence due to which learned men have.

immigrated and chose this country for their home.39 Badayuni rightly describes

India as a land of peace and security, because before Akbar's accession to the

royal throne of India, the Afghan rulers especially Sher Shah Sur had

established efficient law and order system that was further strengthened by the

resumption of Mughal rule in India, which gave political stability to the empire. 38 Ibid, vol. II, P. 246. 39 Ibid, p. 271.

175

Due to the political stability a uniform and consistent administrative system

evolved by the extraordinary vision of Mughal rulers especially Akbar.

Political stability and consistent and efficient administrative mechanism

provided peace and security to the empire and now the rulers had sufficient

time and peace of mind to encourage and patronize intellectual and artistic

accomplishments.

About physical landscape of the country, our author does not provide any

significant information, he merely says that Humayun was impressed by the

fine climate of Bengal and terms Kashmir as a beautiful country, but fails to

give any detailed information about the scenic beauty of Kashmir.

The Muntakhab again fails to give a complete picture of economic condition of

the country and its people. With the help of some stray information recorded in

the text; we can surmise the economic situation of that period.

Agriculture formed the backbone of Indian economy and most of the people

depended on it for livelihood. Our author mentions about some measures

initiated by the emperor to improve agriculture. He writes that all parganas of

the country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or hill, in deserts or

jungles, were measured and divided in piece of lands, each of which upon

cultivation could produce one crore tankas and each of the pieces was placed ..

under the charge of an officer called Krori. These Kroris were also asked to

176

bring all the uncultivated land under cultivation, in a period of three years. 40

But according to Badayuni, the kroris proved inefficient and a great portion of

the lands were laid waste. Finally they were made accountable to Raja Todar

Mal.. But hence after our author does not mention, whether the situation

improved or remained same. During this period trade and commerce also

progressed considerably, since time immemorial India has always been a

important partner in the international trading system. Moreover with the

frequent arrival of European traders during medieval period,41 India's share in

foreign trade increased considerably. The increasing demand of Indian

handicrafts, especially cotton cloths, in foreign markets, would have certainly

given boost to the domestic handicraft industry. But again Badayuni does not

give any significant information pertaining to these developments. At one place

he writes about the use of European curtains and tents in the royal house hold

on special occasions42, which can suggest that mainly luxurious items were

imported to cater the needs of affluent and rich sections of society. The

Banjaras mostly carried on inland trade. They were generally grain merchants

and transported the produce of one region to the other where it was not

produced. They were also helpful in providing ration to armies campaigning in

far flung areas.43 It seems that innumerable tolls and tithes were hindering trade

and commerce during those days; therefore in order to encourage trade Akbar

40 Ibid, p. 189. 41 The Portuguese navigator and merchant Vasco de Gama arrived on the coast ofCalicut in 1498

A.D. 42 Muntakhab-ut-Tmvarikh, p. 301 & 338. 43 Ibid, p. 234.

177

abolished all tolls and tithes (tamgha). But our author laments that due to

abolition of tamgha alongwith jizya, the royal treasury was deprived or large

amount of revenue. 44

As far as the economic condition of people is concerned, it does not seem to be

satisfactory. From some cursory descriptions it can be gauged that wide

economic disparity existed in the society. Badayuni mentions about the lavish

display of wealth by the richer class, especially the royalty. He writes about

costly gifts given by emperor Akbar to his mother, and aunt Gulbadan

Begum.45 At another place he mentions about the-costly dowry gifts given to

Prince Salim and Prince Daniyal by Rajah Bhagvan and Mirza Khan-i-Khanan

respectively.46 But on the other hand, the people from lower economic strata

had to struggle hard for two square meal. It was they who suffered most during

famines or flod. Badayuni mentions about the outbreak of famine during the

reign of Adil Shah Sur. Vlhile narrating the suffering of people during the

famine that plagued the region of Agra, Byana and Delhi for two years, our

author does not differentiate between rich and poor and between Hindus and

Muslims. He mentions, that the price of half ser jawar (millet) reached two and

half tankas, which was in fact not available even on that price. Men of wealth

and position had to close their houses and died in numbers. The situation was '

so grave that even place for burial and shroud to cover the corpse was not

44 Ibid, p. 276. 45 Ibid, p. 322. 46 Ibid, p. 3.41, 389

178

available, bulk of the people survived on the seeds of Mughailan thorn

(Accacia Arabica or Kikar in Hindi), wild herbs and skin of oxen. These things

had adverse effect on their health and their feet got swelled. He even claims to

have witnessed with his 'guilty eyes', man eating his fellow man.47 Though our

author writes that every one irrespective of his economic status suffered during

the famine, but it is understandable that the situation of poorer section was

worst. This section had always been at the receiving end. The Muntakhab

mentions that poor people forced by hunger and extreme misery, sold their

chi!dren.48 These poor people who were mostly landless labourers or raiyats

were often suppressed and severely dealt with by the revenue officials.

Badayuni mentions that if they failed to fulfill the demands or revenue

officials, they were often subjected to severe beatings and protracted

confinement in prison cells.49 Apart from two distinct economic classes, the

society was composed of various religious groups and heterodox also sects.

The chief religious groups were Hindus and Muslims. The Hindu society was

further divided on caste lines .. ~'fhe most respectable and high ranking were the

Brahmanas. Badayuni mentions that emperor Akbar had special predilection

and inclination towards Brahmanas. 50

Women, who are the integral part of human society, have always been

considered as subservient to male. Though in present days their situation seems

47 Ibid, Vol. I, p. 428 & 429. 48 Ibid, Vol. II, p. 189 & 391. 49 Ibid, P. 189. 50 Ibid, p. 161.

179

to have improved a little, but in ancient and medieval period they constantly

lived in an atmosphere of insecurity. After marriage the Hindu woman became

an inseparable partner of her husband. If her husband died, she was burnt with

her. husband and became Sati. Badayuni mentions that Akbar issued a

regulation, that widows of tender age, whose marriage was not consummated,

should not be burnt. 51 Later another regulation was issued that widows should

not be forced for Sati against their wish. 52 Such guarded measures against the

Sati System suggests that it was so entrenched in the society that an emperor

like Akbar had not the courage to completely ban it, apart from this polygamy

was also an accepted norm during those days. It seems that rich and affluent

people had more than one wife. The Muntakhab has recorded in detail a debate

among the Ulemas, on question of number of wives a man can marry according

to Islamic law.53 It is sure that polygamy was not prevalent among poorer

people because they were unable to support larger family due to lack of

resources .. Possession of many wives was certainly considered to be matter of

honour and prestige during those days. Woman, be it wife, daughter, sister or

mother was also associated with the honour and dignity of the particular family

to which she belonged. It was this reason that in times of war, women of the

losing side from the fear of falling in enemy hands and consequently losing

their dignity often burnt themselves enmass on pyres which was termed as

jauhar (heroic deed). Badayuni mentions about the jauhar performed by the 51 Ibid, p. 356. 52 Ibid, p. 376. 53 Ibid, P. 211.213.

180

Raj put ladies in the fort of Raisen54 and Chittor. 55 Therefore the so-called

honour and dignity extended to women made them sufferer at another level

also. The windows were not allowed to re-marry. The emperor Akbar had

. issued a regulation, which was intended to legalize widow re-marriage. 56

Therefore with all respect and regard extended to w_?men, they were not given

any liberty or right, which could have made them independent in taking

decisions in their own interest. In these circumstances she continued to live a

pathetic life. By the time of establishment of Mughal rule in Indian, religious

ideas like Christianity and Zoroastrianism, which were hitherto unknown in

larger part of India, started gaining recognition. Emperor Akbar often held

discussion with Christian and Zorastrian theologians, on various religious

matters. Badayuni mentions that the Christian monks were called Padre and

have an infallible head called Papa (Pope). He rightly mentions that the Pope

has authority to change religious ordinances, as he may deem advisable for the

moment. Moreover he out rightly says that the Pope is regarded to be infallible.

He also indirectly mentions that Christians believed in 'Trinity, ' 57 but does not

elaborate the concept of Trinity. About the Zoroastrians he writes that they are

fire worshippers and procla~m the religion of Zardusht as true one and practiced

the rites arid ceremonies ofKaianians (an ancient Persian dynasti8 /

54 Ibid Vol I, P. 367 55 Ibid, Vol II, P. 104 56 Ibid, P. 356 57 Ibid, p. 260 58 Ibid, p. 261

181

Hinduism being the dominant religion of India, towards which emperor Akbar

showed considerable tolerance and liberalism, also drew the attention of our

author. Though Badayuni shows his utter contempt while mentioning about its

ten~ts and rituals, yet the description given by him is riche~ in terms of information, than the texts consulted earlier. He mentions that Hindus believe

tp

in the theory of transmigration. 59 While mentioning about Birbal's preaching to

emperor Akbar about different natural objects and gods worshipped by Hindus,

he enumerates in the Muntakhab their names, like fire, sun, stars, Brahma,

Mahadev, Bishn (yishnu), Kishn (Krishna) and Rama.60 Interestingly he also

mentioned the heroic battle of Rama against demon king Ravana, about which

he came to know from the Ramayana, which he read while translating it on the

orders of Akbar. The other creatures revered and worshipped in Hindusism and

mentioned by Badayuni are Varaha (Wild boar) and cow. Badayuni seems to

be disappointed on the prohibition of cow slaughter and says with contempt,

"He, (Akbar) prohibited the slaughter of cows ... because Hindus devoutly

worship them and esteem their dung as pure. Instead of cows they sacrifice fine

men".61 Temple ofNagarkot, kamrup and Puri are also mentioned as important

centres of Hindus. Badayuni mentions about the bizarre tradition of sucidal

sacrifice by devoted Hindus in front of a deity in the temple of Kamrup.62 The

traditional fair at kurukshetra to commemorate the battle of Mahabharata is

59 Ibid, p-305 60 Ibid , p 257 61 Ibid p. -261 62 Ibid, p. -190

182

also mentioned by him. He mentions puri by the name of Katak-u-Banaras,

since it is mentioned to be situated in Orissa and to be stronghold of Jagannath,

it is certain that Badayuni was referring to Puri. Sivratri and Rakshabandhan

are .the two Hindu festivals mentioned in the Muntakhab. Badayuni even

mentions about the eating habit of Hindus and says they did not eat garlic and

. 63 omon.

Islam was the other dominant religion practiced in India during these days.

Sunni and Shias were the two major sects of Islam followed in India and also at

the royal court. Though the Mughal rulers professed Sunni faith, yet Shiaism

also held considerable influence at the royal court. People professing Shia faith

were appointed to higher posts. Bairam Khan was a Shia, yet he was the regent

of emperor Akbar. But our author expresses his contempt against Shia doctrine

and terms them as 'absurd'. 64 Apart form these two mainstream sects other

heterodox Islamic sects and cults were also in fashion during those days, like

1/ahi, Roshniya and Mahdavis. Our author does not clearly mention about the

ideology of llahis, he only says that they used to utter all sorts of foul lies and

nonsense, due to which some of its followers were banished from the empire by

emperor Akbar himself.65 From the Muntakhab, it is evident that Mahdawi

ideas were also in vogue during those days. Sheikh Mubarak himself claimed

to be Mahdi, due to which he invited the wrath of the ulemas, later he was

63 Ibid p-303 64 Ibid 317 65 Ibid p-299

183

absolved on account of the genius of his sons and timely mediation by Sheikha '

Salim Chishti.66 Another person Khwaja Moulana Shirazi is also mentioned to

have distributed pamphlets. The other Islamic sect, which had considerable

following and even challenged the Mughal authority, was Roshnai set. 67

Bayazid Ansari founded it, but Badayuni does not mention his name, he only

writes that the founder took the name of Roshni. The Roshni sect had

considerable number of followers from the Afghan tribe Yusufzai and was

active in north western part of the Mughal empire. The Roshnais under the

leadership of Bayazid's son Jalala fought tooth and nail against the Mughal

forces in Khyber pass but were crushed severely. Akbar's close friend Birbal

got killed during this campaign. Its founder Bayazid Ansari even wrote a book

titled Khair-al-bayan in which he explained the tenets of his sect.

The author of the Muntakhab was an orthodox Sunni Muslim; therefore any

innovation in traditional Sunni ideology was repugnant to him. It was this

reason that he branded all Islamic mainstream and heterodox sets except his

own faith as heresy and condemned it in strongest possible terms. It is already.

mentioned above that Hindus and Muslims were the two most dominant

religious ideas in medieval India, which were on course of mutual assimilation,

' but such integration and assimilation was largely visible in areas of artistic and

cultural development. At social level differences still persisted among them,

inter-dining among them was probably completely absent. Badayuni mentions

66 Ibid p. 201 67 Ibid p-346, 349

184

and near Agra, the emperor built two separate places for feeding poor Hindus

and Muslims, named Dharmpura and Khairpura. 68 Earlier also during the reign

of Islam Shah Sur separate arrangements were made in the Sarais for Hindu

and_ Muslim travellers. 69 Therefore social intercourse was only taking place in

public arenas but at private and domestic level it was very limited.

Other social customs and traditions mentioned in the Muntakhab are child

marriage, polygamy and some superstitions practice, like ordeals to test the

truth of witnesses of the defendant. Badayuni mentions that Akbar had banned

polygamy and marriage among cousins and rose the age of marriage to 16

years and 14 years in case of boys and girls respectively.

Apart from these regular features of a mediaeval society, some social vices

prevalent since time immemorial are also mentioned to exist during those days.

Prostitution, adultery, liquor consumption, human sacrifice etc were prevalent

during those days also. Badayuni mentions that prostitution was legalized and 0

accordingto imperial orders a separate place was built outside Agra that was

named Shaitanpura. 70 An. incident of adulterous romance is also mentioned in

the text. A person nam~d Sayyid Musa was indulged in romantic affairs with

the Hindu wife of a goldsmith, named Mohini, their romance was resisted by

the girl's relatives and also the government authorities. Finally it ended with

68 Ibid, p-324 69 Ibid, Vol I, p-384 70 Ibid Vol III, o-302

185

their tragic death. 71 Though it is clear that adultery incidents did occur in the

society but it was certainly not acceptable to any body. According to

Muntakhab wine consumption was also widely prevalent and the drinkers often

created law and order problems. Thereforejn order to check excessive drinking

and keep the matters within bounds, a wine shop was set up near the fort and

the sale of wine was regulated. 72

Badayuni also mentions about some modes of entertainment, most of which

were enjoyed by the royalty. The text mentions that members of royal family

and nobles often organized qumurgha (hunting). Chaughan (Polo) was the

other sport preferred by the affluent classes. Apart from these two, chess and

dice playing were also common. Singing, dancing and music were other modes

of community entertainment. The Muntakhab mentions about a professional

singing girl who was indulged in romance with a Sheikh of Gwaliyor.

Badauni narrates Indian society and culture, largely in religious perspective.

All the religions and sects except the traditional Sunni Islam were repugnant to

him and he leaves no dearth in critiCizing them. His narrative suggests that he .

was a traditionalist and therefore was unable to accept certain reforms in the

Muslim soci~ty. On the other hand the description of secular aspects of culture

are more informative and without any bias.

71 Ibid Vol II, p-110 to 119 72 ibid p.306-302

186

Akbar Nama: The author of this valuable historical work, Abul Fazl was the

son of Sheikh Mubarak, son of Sheikh Khizr who emigrated from Sind to Agra.

Sheikh Mubarak became one of the most learned men of the time, and was

conspicuous during the reign of Akbar for his great erudition and his liberal

opinions on religious matters. Two of his sons Faizi and Abul Fazl rose to

prominence due to their literary and scholastic accomplishments. Abul Fazl

alongwith his elder brother Faizi received early education from his father and

imbibed his liberal opinions. They were reviled by the Ulemas as heterodox,

. apostates and heretics. In realization of their talents, Akbar awarded the elder

brother the title of poet-laureate; the younger Abul Fazl was initially assigned

the task of more or less persmtal nature. 73 But gradually Abul Fazl gained the

confidence of the emperor and was sent on important campaigns. Impressed by

his success in these campaigns Akbar exalted his position to the cmansab of

3000 and later to 5000.

As a great scholar he has rriany philosophical, historical and literary works to

his credit, like Ayar-i-Danish, commentary on Ayat-al-kursi, collection of his

letters called Muntakhab-i-Allami preface to the Persian translation of

Mahabharata and to the Tarikh-i-Alfi, Akbar Nama, Ain-i-Akbari etc.

The Akbar Nama is a monumental work and was originally written in three

volumes. The third one was titled Ain-i-Akbari. Later the first volume was split

into two one covering the history from Adam to Humayun's death and the

73 Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, New Delhi, 1976, p-49

187

second from Akbar's enthronement to the first seventeen regnal years. The

second volume came to be regarded as the third. The Ain-i-Akbari was also

divided by Blochman into two, and by Munshi Nawal Kishore and the

Bibliotheque Indica translators into three volumes.

The Akbar Nama, apart from Ain-i-Akbari, contains extensive information on a

variety of subjects including some aspects of Indian society and culture, but

within the limitations of the narrative of political events. The Ain-i-Akbari is

altogether different in its character from the narrative part. It is specifically

meant to be some kind of gazetteer of information and its third volume is a

kind of encyclopedia of Hindu philosophy and ideology.

The Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-Akbari present a favourable picture of Indian

economic condition. It is a known fact that agriculture has been the backbone

of Indian economy. Therefore large part of Indian population preferred to take

on agriculture and live in rural areas. The villages of rural India during those

days were self governing and self-sufficient also. Thus the village world has its

blacksmith, its porter, its carpenter etc. These were all hereditary and were paid

at the harvest time with share in the produce. Trade in various commodities

was sustained with barter. Moreover, the rural community had unlimited scope

for the expansion of the holding because plenty of cultivable land was available

for development. The state gave all encouragement in the shape of reduction in

the state demand and taqawi loan to those desirous of possessing new holding

188

or expanding their old ones. 74 It does not mean that self-sufficiency rendered

the villages into isolation due to which they possibly became stranger to

industry and trade and commerce. In fact the well to do villager depended on

the neighbouring towns for all luxuries. Therefore the village did carry on some

trade with others, apart from exporting its surplus agriculture produce to near

by towns, it also took advantage of any easily procurable raw material and

processing it into article of use. Prosperous towns are the logical result of a

well to do rural society, particularly in a polity that depends for its well being

on agricultural produce. As export trade developed, large commercial houses

and even bigger unit of production for the manufacture of exportable items

came into existence. The establishment of Karkhanas or BuyutaP5 is the

indicator of increase in the complexity of mode of production. They also

played an important role in developing techniques and providing employment

to master crafts men and training to their apprentices.

Increased industrial and commercial activities led to the development of cities

and towns. Ralph Fitch who visited Agra and Fatehpur Sikri in 1"583 recorded. that "Agra and Fatehpur are two great cities, either of them much greater then

London. Between Agra and Fatehpur are 12 miles and all the way there is a

market. .. as full as though a man were in a town and so many people as if a

man were in market." 76

74 Abut Fazl Ain-i-Akbari, Book III, edited by Blochman, Calcuta, 1977, p. 285-586 75 Ibid p. 59-62. 7~ William Foster, Early Travels in h ;dia, London 1912, p. 17.

189

The Ain-i-Akbari provides sufficient information for sketcing the condition of

common city dwellers. Akbar's rupee was divided into 40 dams. An unskilled

worker received two dams per day wages. A skilled worker received seven

dams. Two dams would fetch 13lb 14oz of barley, 9lb 14oz of wheat, 5 lb 9oz

of ordinary rice, 2 lbs of brown sugar, llb 60oz of best oil, 15oz of salt and llb

6oz of milk and 2 dams would fetch about 6 yards of coarse cloth. 77 This gives

the impression that workers had plenty of good food, were properly clad and

well dressed.

But it does_not mean that the common masses always enjoyed a contended life.

Some times they had to face grim situations too. In rural areas peasants and

raiyats often rebelled due to heavy revenue demand and oppression of local

revenue officials and zamindars. Abul Fazl writes in other words, "such

misbehabviour (relebllion ofpreasnts) was punished with a heavy hand, but the

villages which acted loyally were rewarded in several ways, specially in the

form of lenient assessment of revenue". 78

Moreover, the condition of common masses was pathetic during famines. Abul

Fazl mentions about the plight of people when a famine occurred in Kashmir in

15 97. He writes "On account of the deficiency of rain and the dispersal of the

husbandmen, prices became somewhat high. Though by the coming of the

77 There figures are based on Vincent. A.Smith, Akbar and Great Mugal, Oxford, 1926, p. 480. He utilized the figures from Abu! Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, Book I, Ains 27, 28.

78 Ain-i-Akbari, Book III, p. 285.

190

victorious army the scarcity was increased."79 Due to lack of proper irrigation

system and inactivity of most of the rulers in this regard, famines were a

constant threat to the health and life of common people during the entire

medieval period. Such calamities also had adverse affect on the state treasury.

The medieval Indian society can be conveniently divided into two great groups

based upon religion and culture. There were Muslims arid Hindus. Some other

smaller groups like Zoroastrians, Christians, Jainas80 and Buddists are also

mentioned in the Akbar Nama. Though culturally and traditionally, followers of

these religions were different from each other. However, living within the same

habitat and under common government does create the necessity of

communication that leads to religious and cultural integration. Therefore a

composite society was evolving gradually. In addition to the various religious

communities, Abul Fazl also mentions about some of the indigenous tribal

countries also, like Bhils and Gonds. About the Gonds he writes, "In the .

spacious territories of India there is a country called Gondwana, viz. the

country inhabited by Gonds. They are a numerous tribe and mostly live in the

wilds. Having chosen this as their abode, they devote themselves to eating and

drinking and to venery. They are a low-caste tribe and the people of India

despise them and regard them as outside the pale of their realm and religion."81

The above sentence from the text suggests that hierarchal division was 79 Abul Fazl, Akbar Nama, Vol III, edited by Maulana Abdur Rahim, Calcutta, 1887, P. -727. 80 In the Akbar Nama, Jainas are mentioned by the name Siurha, Abul Fazl, Akbar Nama, Vol II, edited by Maulan Abdur Rahin, Calcutta, 1877, P-50; also Akbar Nama, English translation. H. Beveridge, Vol. I, N. Delhi, 1989, P. 147, fn-2. 81 Akbar Nama, Vol. II, 1887, p. 209

191

prevalent in the Hindu society and certain indigenous communities were

considered to be outcaste. Bhils are the other tribal community, portrayed in

bad light by our author. He refers to them as savage denizens. 82 Superstitious

beliefs and practices, which have been an integral part of all societies, were

also prevalent in medieval Indian society. Abul Fazl mentions about a Kashmiri

brahmana named Shiv Dat, who practiced sorcery with the intention of

controlling ghosts and holy spirits, through which he could know the truth

b h. 83 a out every t mg. There were other innumerable superstitious practices

prevalent in Indian society, some of which were bizarre in nature and the

women were its victim. Sati and Juhar were two such practices. Abul Fazl

mentions about widow burning in these words, "some protagonists of the path

of righteousness yield up their lives merely on hearing the inevitable lot of

their husbands ... some deliberately and with open brow enter the flames

alongwith their husband's corpse"84 in another incidence when the Mughal

forces besieged the fort of Chittor and Chaurgarh, women folk of the palace

committed jauhal5 and saved their honour and dignity. Prevalence of such

customs are suggestive of the weak position of women in Indian society.

Along\vith the description of some superstitions practices, the Akbar Nama also

mentions about some common social vices prevalent in the medieval Indian

society. Abul Fazl with utter disgust describes the lascivious and adulterous

82 Ibid P. 203 83 Akbar Nana, vol III, P-507. 84 Ibid, P-256 85 Akbar Nama, Vol II, P, 215,320

192

romance of Ali Quli Khan and Shaham Beg with a prostitute named Aram

Jan. 86 It certainly" suggests that such things were never acceptable to the

masses, as well as to the government establishment.

In the course of the political narrative, the Akbar Nama also mentions about

royal feasts and picnics various modes of entertainment, pass qumurgha (royal

hunting expedition)87 and chughan (polo)88, which were the favourite outdoor

sports of the ruling elites. The indoor games preferred at the royal palace were

chaupar and chess. The later two along with cards were also popular among the

common people. Abul Fazl mentions about some servants of the royal

household playing these games in free times. 89

The Akbar Nama is written in panegyric style. In it the author has tried to raise

the emperor to the level of divinity. But when it comes to the cursory narration

of some socio-cultural aspects of Indian Abul Fazl adopts a straightforward

style. His writings show that followers of different religions were generally free

from bigotry and were living in cordial atmosphere. Though during his

youthful days, his family had to face the wrath of ulemas, yet he remained

tolerant towards one and all. Ain-i-Akbari, the last part of the Akbar Nama

depicts a favourable picture of the economic condition. In a nutshell we can say

that Abul Fazl's writings suggest that the politically stable, ideologically liberal

86 Ibid P-83 & 84 87 Ibid, p-281 88 Akbar Nama, Vol. I, p-146 89 Akbar Nama, Vol. III, p, 391

193

and economically sound reign of Emperor Akbar was helpful in the growth of

harmorious society and culture.

Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri: It is a valuable historical source by Nawab

Mutamad Khan. It comprises of three volumes, the first deals with the history

of the Timurid dynasty till the death of Humayun, the second deals with the

reign of Akbar and the third covers the entire reign of Jahangir and the

accession of Shah Jahan to the Mughal throne. The third volume also mentions

the names of the royal family members, learned men, physicians and poets of

Jahangir's reign. The first two part are scare but the third popularly known as

Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri is common enough.

The incidents of first nineteen years narrated in the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri

niay be considered as abridgement of Jahangir's Memori's, which Mutamad

Khan was directed to continue and complete. Hence in the last section he also

mentions about Shah Jahan and adopts a tone of bitterness and hostility towards

Nur Jahan. Nevertheless his work is equally important for us because on many

occasions he writes with the authority of an eyewitness.

By going , through the pages of Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangir, one gets sundry

information about Akbar's reign and also about Central Asian affairs.

Therefore this book is very important for the study of Central Asian history - ..

from Indian perspective. But along with all political and military events, the

194

book also describes the prevailing socio-cultural and economic conditions of

India.

Mutamad Khan gives a vivid description of agricultural produce of certain

regions especially Kashmir which is suggestive of immense fertility of this

region's land. He mentions that wheat, barley, pulses and moong are produced

in abundance in Kishtwar. Other products like Saffron, citron, orange, melons

and muskmelons produced there are better in taste and quality than those

produced in the main Kashmir valley.90 Mutamad Khan also mentions about

the shawl industry of Kishtawar, but says that it is manufactured in less

quantity than in the main Kashmir valley. It means that shawl industry was

thriving in entire Kashmir region. In addition, our author also gives a hint

towards trade and commerce activities in the region. The mention about a

certain currency named Sanhasi, issued by local Kashmiri rulers. Interestingly

he also mentions about the exchange rate of Sanhasi with rupee, the currency

of Mughal dominions. He mentions that in trade and commerce 15 sanhasis is

exchanged for 10 rupees.91 About the unit of weight measurement he writes

that 2 sers oflndia equals to 1 Kashmiri num.

From the Iqbal nama-i-Jahangiri and other sources; it appears that, during

Mughal period, people were leading a prosperous and contended life. But from

some other portions of the same texts, it appears that during natural calamities

90 Mutamad Khan, Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri; edited by Abdul Hai and Ahmad Ali, ASB, Calcuta, 1865, P. 125 91 Ibid, P-126.

195

and outbreak of epidemics, the masses had to suffer great hardships. Some

calamities also claimed the life of lakhs of population and in some cases an

entire region was wiped out. The lqba Nama mentions about the outbreak of

~--Bubonic Plague that started from PunjaB and rapidly spread over to Sirhind,

Delhi and doab region. It claimed the life of a huge chunk of population of

these regions, to lesser or greater extent it affected the entire Hindustan and

continued till eight years.92 The ruling elites and other affluent classes were

probably in better position to avoid such calamities. With resources and means

they were in a position to take refuge in unaffected areas. Some of the rulers

did initiate some humanitarian measures during such calamities. Mutamad

Khan mentions that there was no tradition in Kashmir to claim revenue in times

of crop failure, which was usually in cash amounting to 6 Sanhasis or 4 rupees

per year.93

Apart from society being composed of different economic groups, it also

comprised of various religious groups, predominantly Hindus and Muslims,

cults, sects and linguistic groups. All these groups seem to be in mutual .

interaction and communication with each other also. In this regard we can

mention an episode from the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri that is also mentioned in

the Jahangir Nama. Mutamed Khan writes that Jahangir liked the company of

saints and ascetics and held discussion with them on various topics of Hindu

belief system. He had special regards for saint Jadrup Gosain, who sustained on

92 Ibid P- 89 93 Ibid p-126

196

alms only and lived in a cave, without sufficient cloths to protect himself from

climate vagaries.94 He had impressed so much Jahangir by his frugal living

style and immense knowledge, that Jahangir could not deny his request to

release Khusraw, who was imprisoned on the charge of a 'monumental' crime.

In fact Khan-i-Azam had asked the saint to mediate in this matter.95

/

The Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri mentions another religious sect prevalent m

Kashmir, which was known as Nurbakhashi. Our author mention that they

were a group of ascetics also called as Rishis. He says that they don't possess

much knowledge but are free from material desire and eat vegetarian food and

don't take wives.96 The other religious group mentioned by our author is

probably Buddhist, because the description given in the text resembles to that

of Buddhists. It mentions that "in the suburb of Jalalabad there are heathens

whose religious rituals are similar to the Tibetan religions, make idols of gold

and stone, don't take more than one wife, except in case that his first wife was

unable to conceive child from him or has developed estranged relation with

him. They ate the flesh of all animals except that of birds, fish and swine. It .

was believed by them that fish eating would render them blind:"97

. .

We can also surmise the condition of women, from this text. In ancient and

medieval societies women were supposed to be subservient to men and had to

face many restrictions. Though the women of lower classes, especially landless

94 Ibid , P-94-96. 95 Ibid, p, 129 & 130. 96 Ibid P-155 97 lbi I P-268.

197

labourers, peasants etc enjoyed some liberty because they had to work with

their men folk in the fields and earn a living but like their men folk they didn't

have the opportunity and resources to excel in fields of education and art.

Financially and status wise the women of middle class were in better position,

but they were not given any liberty. Their aspirations got suppressed within the

four walls of their houses and rarely any one of them were given the

opportunity to receive education. But from the text under review we have

instances of royal ladies excelling in the field of education, fine arts and some

even in statecraft. Mutumad Khan mentions about the literary talent of Salima

Sultana Begum. He says that the lady possessed all the qualities, which suits

the feminine beauty and modesty. She had exalted herself to the level of

scholarship. She composed fine hemistiches and couplets under the pen name

of 'Makhfi' .98 But the subjugation of women was not limited to the denial of

certain universal rights only, some times they had to fulfill certain horrendous

obligations also. The practice of sati, was one such task. Mutamad khan

describes that Hindu widows often burnt themselves. in the flames of their

husband's pyre. He writes, "people have seen ten or twenty wives and slaves of

a deceased Hindu noble throwing themselves in his burning pyre".99 Our

author mentions about prevalence of Sati system even among Muslims of a

certain region. He mentions, "In Rajouri, Muslim women were buried alive

98 Ibid. P-68 99 lbid.P-8

198

along with their dead husband. 100 About the same region he writes that, people

of poor economic background used to kill their newly born girl child. 101 It is

certain that girls were considered to be a burden by the poorer folks because

they .could riot help their family members in earning livelihood and after all

fulfillment of dowry demands at the time of her marriage will make them

poorer.

Mutamad Khan writes about another strange custom practiced by some

inhabitants of Jalabad, which was a part oflndian empire during those days. He

writes that a community with a particular religi_9us following, 102 had the

tradition according to which, "a father could marry his son's wife if he liked

her and the son had no right to object" .103 But this custom cannot be

generalized for the entire India. It was certainly a tribal custom, that too typical

to a particular region which is not mentioned in any other, source of that

period, consulted so far.

It seems that in comparison to other regions, cultural integration was much

deeply rooted in Kashmir. The text mentions, "Brahmins of Kashmir spoke .

Kashmiri language and in their outlook they cannot be differentiated with

Muslims, but their religious texts are in Sanskrit and they practice idol

worship" .1 04 It means that culturally people of Kashmir were mixed with each

100 Ibid p-170 101 Ibid 102 Refer to f.n. 96 103 Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri, P. 268 & 269 104 Ibid P-155

199

other but in the area of religious belief and practices they maintained their

exclusiveness.

The text also mentions about the dress style of Kashmiri women. They are said

to be wearing long jumpers, which goes below the knees, they continuously . hr .r. "11 . . 105 wore It up to t ee or 10ur years t1 It IS torn up.

Our author mentions about a structure that could be termed as a technical

marvel of the period. He mentions that a person named Hakim Ali Naqi

invented a water-cooled chamber where one can go into retreat and escape

from summer heat. The chamber was built under the water surface of a tank. It

could accommodate about tern person and while entering it not a drop of water

could leak inside. It also had sufficient lighting inside. 106 Therefore it is

contrary that country to popular perception, innovative and technological ideas

were evolving during those days, but without proper researchers in the field of

scientific theory, such ideas could not undergo further innovations and were not

realized in practical fields.

The author has also shown considerable interest in the depiction of different

architectural styles and other areas of fine arts. He is appreciative of the fort

cum palace. complex ofMandu. The dome ofHushang Shah's tomb and miraret

of a lofty mosque drew his special attention. 107 He also writes about the

temples of Mathura built by Raj put nobles. But here he adopts a bit critical tone

105 Ibid p-154 106 Ibid p-35 107 Ibid P-96 & 77

200

while describing their features. He writes that though they are elaborately

carved from outside, but birds, spiders and other creatures have made their

abodes inside it and foul smell emanates from it that makes entry impossible. 108

According to the text distinctive inlay works were also done during those days

and one of the servants of the royal court drew elaborate pictures with inlay

works on animal hides. 109 During this period music was also making

considerable progress, from the text we get information about patronage to

music by the rulers of Kashmir. It mentions that Mirza Haider Daughlat

patronized music in Kashmir. It was due to his efforts that different musical

instruments like violin, qabar, harp, lute and tambourine gained popularity in

Kashmir. 110

In fact, it is found that most of the contents of the Iqbal Nama-i-Jahangiri,

especially those related to the description of Indian society and culture

resemble with that of Jahangir's Memoirs. The depictions ofMathura temples,

Mandu and prevalence of Sati among Muslims of Rajouri are seem to be

copied verbatim from the Jahangir Nama. Therfore at many places it seems to

be a poor copy ofJahangir's Memoirs.

108 Ibid p-129. 109 Ibid P-57 & 58 110 Ibid p-154

201