2009 - advances in career theory and research

31
http://jom.sagepub.com/ Journal of Management http://jom.sagepub.com/content/35/6/1542 The online version of this article can be found at: DOI: 10.1177/0149206309350082 2009 35: 1542 Journal of Management Sherry E. Sullivan and Yehuda Baruch Future Exploration Advances in Career Theory and Research: A Critical Review and Agenda for Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Southern Management Association can be found at: Journal of Management Additional services and information for http://jom.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts: http://jom.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Permissions: http://jom.sagepub.com/content/35/6/1542.refs.html Citations: What is This? - Dec 11, 2009 Version of Record >> at EMP BRASIL DE PESQUISA AGRO on June 10, 2013 jom.sagepub.com Downloaded from

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Page 1: 2009 - Advances in Career Theory and Research

http://jom.sagepub.com/Journal of Management

http://jom.sagepub.com/content/35/6/1542The online version of this article can be found at:

 DOI: 10.1177/0149206309350082

2009 35: 1542Journal of ManagementSherry E. Sullivan and Yehuda Baruch

Future ExplorationAdvances in Career Theory and Research: A Critical Review and Agenda for

  

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of: 

  Southern Management Association

can be found at:Journal of ManagementAdditional services and information for    

  http://jom.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts:

 

http://jom.sagepub.com/subscriptionsSubscriptions:  

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:  

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions:  

http://jom.sagepub.com/content/35/6/1542.refs.htmlCitations:  

What is This? 

- Dec 11, 2009Version of Record >>

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Page 2: 2009 - Advances in Career Theory and Research

Journal of Management35(6) 1542 –1571

© 2009 Southern Management Association

DOI: 10.1177/0149206309350082http://jom.sagepub.com

Advances in Career Theory and Research: A Critical Review and Agenda for Future Exploration

Sherry E. Sullivan1 and Yehuda Baruch2

Abstract

In this review the authors critically examine the nature of contemporary careers and the direction in which careers research has developed over the past decade. Specifically, career concepts that emerged in the 1990s, including the protean and boundaryless career frameworks, as well as the next generation of career concepts, including integrative frameworks, hybrid careers, and the kaleidoscope career model, are discussed. The authors examine conceptualizations and measures of these models as well as related research. This review aims to improve our understanding of careers in today’s dynamic work environment, provide a comprehensive discussion of current discourse, and offer major directions for future research.

Keywords

career, protean, boundaryless, postcorporate, kaleidoscope

Traditionally, careers were typically defined in terms of an individual’s relationship to an employ-ing organization. These linear careers were described as taking place within the context of stable, organizational structures (e.g., Levinson, 1978; Super, 1957), with individuals progressing up the firm’s hierarchy seeking to obtain greater extrinsic rewards (Rosenbaum, 1979). These models, popularized during the 1950s and 1960s, were supported by economic and workplace environ-ments characterized by the introduction and growth of new technologies as well as social norms and structures that tended to support the male-as-breadwinner family structure (Sullivan & Crocitto, 2007). The employer-employee relationship was characterized by an exchange of worker loyalty for the firm’s implicit promise of job security (Rousseau, 1989).

Environmental changes, such as increased globalization, rapid technological advance-ments, increased workforce diversity, and the expanding use of outsourcing and part-time and temporary employees, have altered traditional organizational structures, employer-employee relationships, and the work context, creating changes in how individuals enact their career. For example, The New York Times reported that recent mass layoffs have resulted in the rise of “forced entrepreneurship” (Richtel & Wortham, 2009). Many individuals are now creating

1Bowling Green, OH, USA2University of East Anglia, Norwich, UNITED KINGDOM

Corresponding Author:Yehuda Baruch, Norwich Business School, Norwich NR4 7TJ, UNITED KINGDOMEmail: [email protected]

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Sullivan and Baruch 1543

work for themselves, using the Internet as an inexpensive tool to find business partners, market their products, and connect with suppliers (Carraher, 2005). Similarly, the credit crunch has forced some older workers to reconsider their career paths (Browning & Silver, 2008). Many of these older workers have been laid off or shifted around within their firms in response to changes in organizational strategies (Blenkinsopp, Baruch, & Winden, in press), while others have postponed their retirement plans or returned to the workforce after a period of retirement due to financial problems (Johnson, Soto, & Zedlewski, 2008; Wang, Adams, Beehr, & Shultz, 2009).

In addition to environmental changes, individuals are also changing their career attitudes and behaviors in response to many factors, including increasing life spans and hence work lives; changing family structures, including the increasing number of dual-career couples, single working parents, and employees with eldercare responsibilities; and the growing number of individuals seeking to fulfill needs for personal learning, development, and growth (Hall, 2004; Sullivan, in press). For example, some men and women are taking a hiatus from the workforce to become the primary caregiver for children or elderly relatives. These individuals are purposely using this time away from the workforce to increase their education or gain valu-able skills through volunteer work in order to build their resume and ease their reentry into the workforce (Belkin, 2008).

Others are making dramatic career changes in response to individual reflection and reevalu-ation (Ibarra, 2003) as well as in response to changing needs at midlife (Power, 2009). Some have become more self-directed in their careers, self-initiating international careers (Tharenou, 2009) or choosing lateral, or even downward, job moves to fulfill personal needs (Hall, Gard-ner, & Baugh, 2008). Increasingly, individuals are driven more by their own desires than by organizational career management practices. Thus, while organizational leaders are struggling to identify positive strategies and practices to tackle the changing work environment and work-force (Feldman & Leana, 2000; Inkson & Baruch, 2008; Luthans & Youssef, 2007), individuals are adapting to a more transactional employer-employee relationship and taking more respon-sibility for their own career development and employability (Hall, 2004; Rousseau, 1989).

While in the past careers were usually defined in terms of the employer-employee relation-ship, contemporary scholars tend to define careers much more broadly (e.g., Arthur et al., 1989; Arthur & Rousseau, 1996; Baruch & Resenstein, 1992; Hall, 1996b, 2002). There is, however, no agreement among scholars on a common definition of career (see Greenhaus, Callanan, & DiRenzo, 2008). Based on our review of the literature, we define a career as an individual’s work-related and other relevant experiences, both inside and outside of organizations, that form a unique pattern over the individual’s life span. This definition recognizes both physical move-ments, such as between levels, jobs, employers, occupations, and industries, as well as the interpretation of the individual, including his or her perceptions of career events (e.g., viewing job loss as failure vs. as an opportunity for a new beginning), career alternatives (e.g., viewing limited vs. unlimited options), and outcomes (e.g., how one defines career success). Moreover, careers do not occur in a vacuum. An individual’s career is influenced by many contextual fac-tors, such as national culture, the economy, and the political environment, as well as by personal factors, such as relationships with others (e.g., dual-career marriages).

Sullivan’s 1999 Journal of Management review of careers captured this transition from tra-ditional, linear career paths to nonlinear, discontinuous career paths. Sullivan detailed the conceptual development of the boundaryless career model, which along with the protean career concept, influences much of today’s careers literature. She noted the paucity of empirical

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1544 Journal of Management 35(6)

research on nontraditional careers and called for the increased conceptualization of these con-structs as well as the development of measures to better empirically test these ideas. She also noted that relatively little careers research had been completed in non–Western countries and little research had examined the careers of certain segments of the workforce (e.g., blue-collar workers, the disabled, minorities, the working poor). In the present review, we sought to deter-mine whether the great technological, global, and social changes that have impacted the work environment and individuals’ careers have been accurately captured by the reconceptualiza-tions of established constructs, the development of new models, and the research that has been completed since 1999.

To determine what changes had occurred in the literature, we conducted a systematic review using the keyword career in the Business Source Complete and PsycINFO databases. As we read the results of the database searches, we expanded our search by including materials refer-enced in these articles. While assembling and organizing the materials for this review of contemporary careers, it soon became clear that with the growth of publishing outlets and the increased availability of research from scholars around the globe, there were many concepts, studies, and directions for future research that page limitations would prevent us from fully exploring. Moreover, some of these topics, including work/family research (e.g., Allen, Herst, Bruck, & Sutton, 2000; Cook, 2009; Eby, Casper, Lockwood, Bordeaux, & Brinley, 2005; Friedman & Greenhaus, 2000), gender and work (Powell & Graves, 2003), executive coaching (Feldman & Lankau, 2005), telecommuting (Gajendran & Harrison, 2007), social capital (Van Wijk, Jansen, & Lyles, 2008), developmental networks (Molloy, 2006), global careers (Baruch, Budhwar, & Khatri, 2007; Dickmann & Baruch, in press), and career success (Ng, Eby, Sorensen, & Feldman, 2005), had already been the subject of reviews. Thus, we chose to focus on the theories, concepts, and models of careers and the empirical research related to these ideas that have developed in the past decade and that we think will offer the most fruitful oppor-tunities for research directions in the coming decades.

In sum, the purpose of this article is to provide a critical analysis of major career concepts and models as well as key studies that have been completed on these specific topics. We begin this examination by focusing on the protean and boundaryless career, two concepts that have had an important impact on theory development and research over the past decade. Criticisms of these concepts and advances in their reconceptualizations, measurement, and testing are discussed. Subsequently, we examine the next generation of career concepts, including inte-grative frameworks (e.g., career profiles, postcorporate careers), hybrid careers, and the kaleidoscope career model, and the related empirical research. (See Table 1 for a summary of the concepts and models of the past decade.) Based on this review and analysis, we propose an agenda for future research in the hope that this review encourages further reconceptualizations and model building as well as the increased study of contemporary, dynamic career processes.

The Protean Career OrientationAlthough Hall first wrote about the idea of the protean career in 1976, it was not until the pub-lication of his book, The Career Is Dead—Long Live the Career, in 1996 that the concept gained widespread popularity. Using the metaphor of the Greek god Proteus, who could change his shape at will, Hall described the protean careerist as able to repackage his or her knowledge, skills, and abilities to fit the changing work environment in order to remain marketable. Protean careerists are flexible, value freedom, believe in continuous learning, and seek intrinsic rewards

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1545

Tabl

e 1.

Sum

mar

y of

Maj

or C

aree

r C

once

pts,

Mod

els,

and

Idea

s

Con

cept

or

mod

el

Prot

ean

care

er

Rec

once

ptua

lized

pr

otea

n or

ient

atio

n

Boun

dary

less

ca

reer

Rec

once

ptua

lized

bo

unda

ryle

ss

care

er

A

utho

rs/d

ate

Hal

l (19

96b)

Bris

coe

and

Hal

l (20

06)

Art

hur

and

Rou

ssea

u (1

996)

Sulli

van

and

Art

hur

(200

6)

D

efin

ition

Base

d on

the

met

apho

r of

the

Gre

ek g

od

Prot

eus,

who

cou

ld c

hang

e hi

s sh

ape

at w

ill,

the

prot

ean

care

eris

t is

abl

e to

rea

rran

ge a

nd

repa

ckag

e hi

s or

her

kno

wle

dge,

ski

lls, a

nd

abili

ties

to m

eet

the

dem

ands

of a

cha

ngin

g w

orkp

lace

as

wel

l as

his

or h

er n

eed

for

self-

fulfi

llmen

t. T

he in

divi

dual

, not

the

or

gani

zatio

n, is

in c

ontr

ol o

f his

or

her

care

er

man

agem

ent

and

deve

lopm

ent.

Rev

ised

by

defin

ing

two

dim

ensi

ons

(val

ues

driv

en a

nd s

elf-d

irec

ted

care

er m

anag

emen

t)

of t

he p

rote

an o

rien

tatio

n.

Def

ined

as

care

er o

ppor

tuni

ties

beyo

nd t

he

boun

dary

of a

sin

gle

empl

oyer

. An

indi

vidu

al

is in

depe

nden

t ra

ther

tha

n de

pend

ent

on a

tr

aditi

onal

org

aniz

atio

nal c

aree

r ar

rang

emen

t. Si

x di

ffere

nt m

eani

ngs

of b

ound

aryl

ess

care

ers

wer

e of

fere

d.

Rev

ised

by

defin

ing

vary

ing

leve

ls o

f phy

sica

l an

d ps

ycho

logi

cal c

aree

r m

obili

ty b

etw

een

succ

essi

ve e

mpl

oym

ent

situ

atio

ns.

M

easu

re

Baru

ch (

2008

) de

velo

ped

a se

ven-

item

sca

le t

o m

easu

re t

he

prot

ean

care

er. S

ampl

e ite

ms

incl

ude

“If I

hav

e to

find

a n

ew

job

outs

ide

the

orga

niza

tion,

it w

ould

be

easy

” an

d “F

or

me,

car

eer

succ

ess

mea

ns h

avin

g hi

gh le

vel o

f fre

edom

and

au

tono

my.”

The

sca

le u

ses

a 7-

poin

t Li

kert

sca

le r

angi

ng fr

om

stro

ngly

disa

gree

(1)

to

stro

ngly

agre

e (7

). H

all (

1996

b) o

ffere

d no

mea

sure

.

Bris

coe

and

Hal

l (20

05)

deve

lope

d a

14-it

em a

sses

smen

t to

mea

sure

the

tw

o di

men

sion

s of

the

pro

tean

car

eer

orie

ntat

ion.

Sam

ple

item

s fr

om t

he v

alue

s dr

iven

sca

le

incl

ude:

“I n

avig

ate

my

own

care

er, b

ased

on

my

pers

onal

pr

iori

ties,

as o

ppos

ed t

o m

y em

ploy

er’s

prio

ritie

s” a

nd “

It

does

n’t

mat

ter

muc

h to

me

how

oth

er p

eopl

e ev

alua

te

the

choi

ces

I mak

e in

my

care

er.”

Sam

ple

item

s fr

om t

he

self-

dire

cted

car

eer

man

agem

ent

scal

e in

clud

e: “

Whe

n de

velo

pmen

tal o

ppor

tuni

ties

have

not

bee

n of

fere

d by

m

y co

mpa

ny, I

’ve

soug

ht t

hem

out

on

my

own”

and

“I a

m

resp

onsi

ble

for

my

succ

ess

or fa

ilure

in m

y ca

reer

.” Bo

th

scal

es u

se a

5-p

oint

Lik

ert

scal

e ra

ngin

g fr

om to

littl

e or

no

exte

nt (

1) t

o to

a g

reat

ext

ent (

5).

Art

hur

and

Rou

ssea

u (1

996)

offe

red

no m

easu

re.

Bris

coe

and

Hal

l (20

05)

deve

lope

d a

13-it

em s

cale

to

mea

sure

th

e tw

o di

men

sion

s of

the

bou

ndar

yles

s ca

reer

. Sam

ple

item

s fr

om t

he b

ound

aryl

ess

min

dset

sca

le in

clud

e “I

see

k

(con

tinue

d)

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Page 6: 2009 - Advances in Career Theory and Research

1546

Tabl

e 1.

(co

ntin

ued)

Con

cept

or

mod

el

No

dist

inct

ion

betw

een

prot

ean

and

boun

dary

less

ca

reer

co

ncep

ts

Post

corp

orat

e ca

reer

A

utho

rs/d

ate

Gra

nros

e an

d Ba

ccili

(20

06)

Peip

erl a

nd

Baru

ch

(199

7)

D

efin

ition

Illus

trat

ed b

y a

2 ×

2 m

odel

with

phy

sica

l m

ovem

ent

alon

g th

e ho

rizo

ntal

con

tinuu

m

and

psyc

holo

gica

l mov

emen

t al

ong

the

vert

ical

con

tinuu

m, s

ugge

stin

g th

e co

ncep

t be

vie

wed

and

mea

sure

d by

the

deg

ree

of

boun

dary

less

ness

dis

play

ed b

y th

e ca

reer

ac

tor.

Prot

ean

and

boun

dary

less

car

eers

are

re

flect

ions

of t

he n

ew, m

ore

ambi

guou

s em

ploy

er-e

mpl

oyee

rel

atio

nshi

p.

Ref

ers

to c

aree

rs t

hat

take

pla

ce o

utsi

de la

rge

orga

niza

tions

, whe

reby

indi

vidu

als

enac

t a

mul

titud

e of

alte

rnat

ive

care

er o

ptio

ns,

incl

udin

g em

ploy

men

t w

ith s

mal

ler,

mor

e ag

ile fi

rms;

self-

empl

oym

ent;

wor

king

in s

mal

l

M

easu

re

job

assig

nmen

ts th

at a

llow

me

to le

arn

som

ethi

ng n

ew”

and

“I w

ould

enj

oy w

orki

ng o

n pr

ojec

ts w

ith p

eopl

e ac

ross

man

y or

gani

zatio

ns.”

Sam

ple

item

s fr

om th

e or

gani

zatio

nal m

obili

ty

pref

eren

ces

scal

e in

clud

e “I

pre

fer

to s

tay

in a

com

pany

I am

fa

mili

ar w

ith r

athe

r th

an lo

ok fo

r em

ploy

men

t else

whe

re”

and

“I w

ould

feel

ver

y lo

st if

I co

uldn

’t w

ork

for

my

curr

ent

orga

niza

tion”

(bot

h ite

ms

are

reve

rse

scor

ed).

Both

sca

les

use

a 5-

poin

t Lik

ert s

cale

ran

ging

from

to li

ttle

or n

o ex

tent

(1) t

o to

a

grea

t ext

ent (

5). S

ulliv

an a

nd A

rthu

r (2

006)

offe

red

no m

easu

re.

Trad

ition

al jo

b se

curi

ty im

port

ance

was

mea

sure

d w

ith 3

ite

ms:

“lon

g-te

rm jo

b se

curi

ty,”

“rea

sona

ble

job

secu

rity

,” an

d “a

ttra

ctiv

e re

tirem

ent

bene

fits.”

Tra

ditio

nal m

obili

ty

impo

rtan

ce w

as a

sses

sed

with

7 it

ems,

incl

udin

g: “o

ppor

tuni

ties

to a

dvan

ce a

nd g

row

” an

d “c

ompa

ny

guid

elin

es a

nd r

esou

rces

for

empl

oyee

s w

ho w

ould

like

to

deve

lop

thei

r ca

reer

s.” B

ound

aryl

ess

trai

ning

impo

rtan

ce

was

mea

sure

d w

ith 7

item

s, in

clud

ing:

“tim

e an

d op

port

unity

to

lear

n ne

w s

kills

” an

d “o

ppor

tuni

ty t

o at

tend

tra

inin

g an

d de

velo

pmen

t pr

ogra

ms

(inte

rnal

or

exte

rnal

).” P

rote

an

wel

l-bei

ng im

port

ance

was

mea

sure

d w

ith 5

item

s, in

clud

ing:

“an

open

, hon

est,

trus

ting,

and

resp

ectf

ul w

ork

atm

osph

ere”

an

d “c

once

rns

abou

t th

e w

ell-b

eing

of e

mpl

oyee

s.” T

he

follo

win

g in

stru

ctio

ns w

ere

give

n to

det

erm

ine

impo

rtan

ce:

“Ple

ase

tell

us h

ow im

port

ant

thes

e th

ings

are

reg

ardl

ess

of

whe

ther

you

act

ually

rec

eive

the

m.”

The

sca

le n

ot im

port

ant

(1)

to e

xtre

mel

y im

port

ant (

10)

was

use

d.

The

aut

hors

sta

te t

hat

no s

et o

f ite

ms

exis

ts t

o m

easu

re t

his

conc

ept

at t

he in

divi

dual

leve

l bec

ause

of t

he fl

uid

natu

re o

f th

e ph

enom

enon

and

tha

t it

is n

ot a

spe

cific

car

eer

attit

ude

but

rath

er t

hat

it re

late

s to

a w

ider

indu

stri

al a

nd s

ocie

tal

leve

l.

(con

tinue

d)

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Page 7: 2009 - Advances in Career Theory and Research

1547

Tabl

e 1.

(co

ntin

ued)

Con

cept

or

mod

el

Boun

dary

less

pe

rspe

ctiv

e on

ca

reer

s

Car

eer

prof

iles

Trad

ition

al c

aree

r re

dux

A

utho

rs/d

ate

Gre

enha

us,

Cal

lana

n,

and

DiR

enzo

(2

008)

Bris

coe

and

Hal

l (20

06)

Ori

gina

lly

deta

iled

by

scho

lars

suc

h as

Sup

er

(195

7)

D

efin

ition

proj

ect

team

s; or

oth

er a

d ho

c ar

rang

emen

ts.

Indi

vidu

als

have

vol

unta

rily

or

invo

lunt

arily

le

ft la

rge

orga

niza

tions

bec

ause

the

y ar

e un

able

or

unw

illin

g to

pur

sue

corp

orat

e ca

reer

s du

e to

the

unc

erta

inty

tha

t is

in

here

nt in

the

m. P

ostc

orpo

rate

car

eeri

sts

have

a p

erm

anen

t ca

reer

rat

her

than

a

perm

anen

t jo

b.

The

thr

ee c

ompo

nent

s of

a b

ound

aryl

ess

pers

pect

ive

are:

(a)

mul

tidir

ectio

nal m

obili

ty

patt

erns

, (b)

car

eer

com

pete

ncie

s, an

d (c

) pr

otea

n or

ient

atio

n. E

cono

mic

fact

ors,

orga

niza

tiona

l con

ditio

ns, a

nd p

erso

nal a

nd

fam

ily c

hara

cter

istic

s ar

e an

tece

dent

s of

th

e bo

unda

ryle

ss p

ersp

ectiv

e. B

oth

posi

tive

and

nega

tive

indi

vidu

al a

nd o

rgan

izat

iona

l ou

tcom

es a

re p

ossi

ble.

The

com

bina

tion

of t

he t

wo

dim

ensi

ons

of b

ound

aryl

ess

care

er (

psyc

holo

gica

l an

d ph

ysic

al m

obili

ty)

alon

g w

ith t

he t

wo

dim

ensi

ons

of p

rote

an c

aree

r (v

alue

s dr

iven

an

d se

lf-di

rect

ed c

aree

r m

anag

emen

t at

titud

es)

yiel

ds 1

6 po

tent

ial c

aree

r pr

ofile

s.O

rigi

nally

cha

ract

eriz

ed b

y lin

ear,

upw

ard

prog

ress

ion

acro

ss o

ne o

r tw

o fir

ms

with

a

focu

s on

ext

rins

ic r

ewar

ds a

nd o

rgan

izat

iona

l ca

reer

man

agem

ent.

Toda

y’s t

radi

tiona

l ca

reer

ists

typ

ical

ly e

xhib

it m

ore

mob

ility

be

twee

n or

gani

zatio

ns.

M

easu

re

Whi

le G

reen

haus

and

ass

ocia

tes

offe

r no

mea

sure

s of

the

bo

unda

ryle

ss p

ersp

ectiv

e, t

he p

rote

an o

rien

tatio

n, fo

r ex

ampl

e, c

ould

be

mea

sure

d by

Bri

scoe

and

Hal

l’s (

2006

) sc

ales

of s

elf-d

irec

ted

care

er m

anag

emen

t an

d va

lues

dri

ven

attit

udes

.

Prof

iles

dete

rmin

ed b

y us

e of

the

val

ues

driv

en a

ttitu

de,

self-

dire

cted

car

eer

man

agem

ent

attit

ude,

bou

ndar

yles

s m

inds

et, a

nd o

rgan

izat

iona

l mob

ility

pre

fere

nce

scal

es

(Bri

scoe

& H

all,

2005

).

Age

, ten

ure

in w

orkf

orce

, or

orga

niza

tiona

l ten

ure

ofte

n us

ed a

s a

prox

y fo

r ca

reer

sta

ge. P

sych

olog

ical

mea

sure

s of

ca

reer

sta

ges,

such

as

Supe

r’s c

opyr

ight

ed c

aree

r co

ncer

ns

inve

ntor

y or

car

eer

scen

ario

s de

scri

bing

diff

eren

t ca

reer

st

ages

, als

o ha

ve b

een

used

.

(con

tinue

d)

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1548

Tabl

e 1.

(co

ntin

ued)

Con

cept

or

mod

el

Hyb

rid

care

ers

Kal

eido

scop

e ca

reer

mod

el

(KC

M)

A

utho

rs/d

ate

Emer

gent

co

ncep

t no

t sp

ecifi

cally

as

soci

ated

w

ith a

ny o

ne

scho

lar

Mai

nier

o an

d Su

lliva

n (2

005)

D

efin

ition

Car

eers

tha

t co

ntai

n as

pect

s of

bot

h th

e tr

aditi

onal

and

pro

tean

or

boun

dary

less

ca

reer

con

cept

s.

Usi

ng t

he m

etap

hor

of a

kal

eido

scop

e, t

he

KC

M d

escr

ibes

how

indi

vidu

als

focu

s on

th

ree

care

er p

aram

eter

s w

hen

mak

ing

deci

sion

s, th

us c

reat

ing

the

kale

idos

cope

pa

tter

n of

the

ir c

aree

r. The

se p

aram

eter

s ar

e: (

a) a

uthe

ntici

ty, d

efin

ed a

s be

ing

true

to

ones

elf;

(b)

bala

nce,

def

ined

as

the

equi

libri

um

betw

een

wor

k an

d no

nwor

k de

man

ds; a

nd

(c)

chal

leng

e, d

efin

ed a

s st

imul

atin

g w

ork

and

care

er a

dvan

cem

ent.

M

easu

re

Scal

es u

sed

to m

easu

re t

radi

tiona

l, pr

otea

n, a

nd b

ound

aryl

ess

care

er c

once

pts

coul

d be

em

ploy

ed t

o m

easu

re h

ybri

d ca

reer

s.

Sulll

ivan

, For

ret,

Car

rahe

r, an

d M

aini

ero

(200

9) d

evel

oped

a

15-it

em m

easu

re t

o as

sess

the

thr

ee p

aram

eter

s of

the

K

CM

. Sam

ple

item

s to

mea

sure

aut

hent

icity

incl

ude

“I h

ope

to fi

nd a

gre

ater

pur

pose

to

my

life

that

sui

ts w

ho I

am”

and

“I w

ant

to h

ave

an im

pact

and

leav

e m

y si

gnat

ure

on w

hat

I ac

com

plis

h in

life

.” Sa

mpl

e ite

ms

to m

easu

re b

alan

ce in

clud

e “I

con

stan

tly a

rran

ge m

y w

ork

arou

nd m

y fa

mily

nee

ds”

and

“My

wor

k is

mea

ning

less

if I

can’

t ta

ke t

he t

ime

to b

e w

ith m

y fa

mily

.” Sa

mpl

e ite

ms

to m

easu

re c

halle

nge

incl

ude

“I c

ontin

ually

look

for

new

cha

lleng

es in

eve

ryth

ing

I do”

an

d “I

vie

w s

etba

cks

not

as ‘p

robl

ems’

to

be o

verc

ome

but

as ‘c

halle

nges

’ tha

t re

quir

e so

lutio

ns.”

A 5

-poi

nt r

espo

nse

scal

e ra

ngin

g fr

om th

is do

es n

ot d

escr

ibe

me

at a

ll (1

) to

this

desc

ribes

me

very

wel

l (5)

is u

sed.

Sul

livan

and

ass

ocia

tes’

(2

009)

mea

sure

was

bas

ed o

n an

ear

lier

inst

rum

ent

deve

lope

d by

Mai

nier

o an

d Su

lliva

n (2

005,

200

6).

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from work (Hall, 1996a, 1996b). Recognizing the decreased stability and increased uncertainty in the work environment as well as changes in employment relationships, including reduced job security, protean careerists have taken responsibility for managing their own career (Hall, 2002; Hall & Moss, 1998; Mirvis & Hall, 1996).

Briscoe and Hall (2006: 8) elucidated the protean career concept by defining its two dimensions:

(1) values driven in the sense that the person’s internal values provide the guidance and measure of success for the individual’s career; and (2) self-directed in personal career management—having the ability to be adaptive in terms of performance and learning demands.

Based on different combinations of these two dimensions, they suggested four primary career categories: dependent (low values driven, low self-direction), rigid (high values driven, low self-direction), reactive (low values driven, high self-direction), and protean or transformational (high values driven, high self-direction). To empirically examine this clarification and the four primary career categories, Hall and his colleagues developed (Briscoe & Hall, 2005) and validated (Briscoe, Hall, & DeMuth, 2006) a 14-item scale to measure the protean career orientation.1

Research on the protean career orientation has supported most of the basic tenets of the concept (e.g., Sargent & Domberger, 2007). For instance, Briscoe et al. (2006), using multiple samples of undergraduate and MBA students (total n = 493), found protean attitudes were posi-tively correlated with proactive personality, career authenticity (e.g., feeling true to oneself in one’s career role), openness to experience, and mastery goal orientation (e.g., emphasizing learning and embracing challenge). There was no significant relationship between the self-directed dimension and job changes, but there was a significant negative relationship between the values driven dimension and job changes, suggesting individuals may have a more protean career orientation without exhibiting high physical mobility. Briscoe and Finkelstein (2009), testing the assumption that protean careerists will be less committed to their employing organi-zation, found that self-directed career management and values driven attitudes have no significant relationship to affective, continuance, or normative commitment.

Research has also examined whether there are gender differences in the protean career ori-entation. While some studies (Agarwala, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Vigoda-Gadot & Grimland, 2008) have found no gender differences in protean orientations, others have found some differ-ences (Ng, Burke, & Fiksenbaum, 2008). For instance, Segers, Inceoglu, Vloeberghs, Bartram, and Henderickx (2008) reported no gender differences in self-directedness, but did find that women scored higher on the values driven dimension than men.

Relatively little research has been conducted on the protean career orientation and cultural differences (Agarwala, 2008; Baruch & Altman, 2008). In a fascinating example of multina-tional research, Segers et al. (2008) reported that individuals living in low masculine cultures (e.g., higher focus on relationships and quality of life over extrinsic rewards and competition) were more values driven. They also found that those in low power distance cultures were more self-directed in their own personal career management. Because individuals living in low power distance cultures are typically expected to find their own path and are less influenced by author-ity, these individuals are more likely prefer to control their own career management rather than rely on their employers’ career management systems. The findings of Segers and associates’

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study illustrate the importance of considering contextual factors, like culture, when studying career orientations.

Likewise, relatively little research has examined the potential negative aspects that may be associated with protean and other nontraditional careers (see Vardi & Kim, 2007, for an excep-tion). Writing on the protean career has tended to emphasize the “winners” in today’s changing workplace (Baruch & Quick, 2007; Hall, 1996a), such as individuals who find their true calling (i.e., the work they are destined to do; Hall & Chandler, 2005) or form a new working identity (Ibarra, 2003). Few studies have focused on those who have not found success in this nontradi-tional, global, technology-driven working environment (Baruch, 2004a).

Instead of enjoying increased job success and satisfaction, some workers have found them-selves lost, shaken by the changing rules of the workplace, and unable to regain their footing (Peiperl & Baruch, 1997; Power, 2006). Expecting to enact a more traditional career, individu-als may be reluctant to embrace new career attitudes and behaviors (Baruch, 2004a) or may be cynical about organizations in general (Reichers, Wanous, & Austin, 1998; Wanous, Reichers, & Austin, 2000). Instead of technology reducing work/family conflict, the use of technology may have increased an individual’s stress as the boundaries between work and nonwork become more blurred. People may feel like they are always “on call,” even during vacations, holidays, and weekends (Boswell & Olson-Buchanan, 2007).

Individuals may not possess the necessary transferable knowledge to be hired by different employers or may be unable to swiftly grasp the essentials of their new work setting (e.g., orga-nizational culture, norms) in order to effectively perform (Blenkinsopp & Zdunczyk, 2005; van Emmerik & Euwema, 2007). It may be difficult for individuals to allocate sufficient time and energy to cope with the demands imposed by increased learning or increased mobility (Sommerlund & Bautaiba, 2007). For example, Mallon and Walton’s (2005) exploratory inves-tigation of the development of individuals both in and outside of organizations found that less learning was occurring than expected and certainly less than is anticipated in nontraditional career models. The professionals studied agreed in principle that workers are responsible for their own career management; they intended to engage in learning activities, but were unsure of how to accomplish such learning. Furthermore, those inside of organizations were passive about their own career development, while those outside of organizations reported they lacked the time needed for such learning activities. Much additional research is needed on the potential negatives of protean and nontraditional careers.2

In sum, Hall has written extensively about the protean career for academic audiences as well as detailing the practical implications of the concept and how it can be applied to help managers and organizations navigate the changing context of the contemporary workplace (see e.g., Baruch & Hall, 2004; Hall & Moss, 1998; Lips-Wiersma & Hall, 2007; O’Connell, McNeely, & Hall, 2008). It is clear that the protean concept has had a major impact on the careers field. We expect the concept will continue to greatly influence careers research, especially now that the major criticism of the concept, the lack of a protean career measure, has been addressed (Baruch, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Briscoe & Hall, 2005). In the next section, we examine the boundaryless career concept.

The Boundaryless Career ConceptIn response to the “boundaryless organization” theme of the 1993 Academy of Management con-ference, the term boundaryless career was coined to offer a new perspective on contemporary

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Sullivan and Baruch 1551

careers (Arthur, 2008). The concept was subsequently popularized by Arthur and Rousseau’s (1996: 6) book, The Boundaryless Career, which offered the following definition of the term: “one of independence from, rather than dependence on, traditional organizational career arrangements” involving “opportunities that go beyond any single employer” (DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996: 116). In addition, Arthur and Rousseau (1996) offered six different meanings, discussing boundaryless careers like: (a) the stereotypical Silicon Valley career, in which indi-viduals move across the boundaries of separate employers; (b) those of academics or carpenters, that draw validation and marketability from outside the present employer; (c) those of real estate agents, sustained by external networks or information; (d) those that break traditional organizational assumptions about hierarchy and career advancement; (e) those in which the indi-vidual rejects existing career opportunities for personal or family reasons; and (f) those based on the interpretation of the career actor, who may perceive a boundaryless future regardless of structural constraints.

Although initial research based on the boundaryless career concept tended to focus on physi-cal movement, many of these studies failed to distinguish among different types of physical mobility and did not specify the cause (voluntary or involuntary), origin (company or self-directed), direction (up, down, lateral), and, if appropriate, duration of movement in and out of the work-force (Feldman & Ng, 2007; Ng et al. 2007). Distinguishing among different types of physical mobility is important because these differences may explain conflicting research findings. For instance, the literature on expatriate careers offers insights into differences in outcomes related to origin (company vs. self-initiated) of the transition (see Baruch & Altman, 2002, Bozionelos, 2009). Recent research has found that individuals who self-initiate an expatriate career transi-tion tend to move to roles that pay less and are less challenging than their previous role. Similarly, when self-initiated expatriates return to their home country, that transition is usually to a position with less pay and challenge. In contrast, company expatriates tend to move to roles with more responsibility than their previous role. When the company expatriates return home, that transition is usually to a position at a comparable level of responsibility and salary (see Tharenou, 2009, for a review).

Most of the research on physical mobility continues to focus primarily on upward movement (Ng et al., 2007). Few studies have been conducted on the less prevalent types of mobility, such as downward movements, as well as why certain types of mobility occur more often than others, factors that may constrain mobility, and why individuals may choose not to engage in physical movement (Ng et al., 2007; Sargent, 2003). Relatively little research has been conducted on changes in psychological boundaries (Arthur, Khapova, & Wilderom, 2005), defined as “the capacity to move as seen through the mind of the career actor” (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006: 21). Research has probably focused on physical over psychological mobility for two major reasons. First, physical movement is easier to measure (e.g., count the number of job changes, count the number of national borders crossed) than psychological changes. Second, until recently, there was no measure of psychological mobility available to researchers (Briscoe et al., 2006).

Some scholars, however, have answered the repeated calls for more research on the bound-aryless career concept (e.g., Baruch, 2004b, 2006; Sullivan, 1999) by studying the interplay between physical movement and psychological changes (e.g., Marler, Barringer, & Milkovich, 2002; Peiperl, Arthur, Goffee, & Morris, 2000; Valcour & Tolber, 2003). For example, Kirchmeyer (2002) reported that women experienced more career interruptions (i.e., physical mobility) due to family demands (i.e., rejecting career opportunities for personal or family reasons) than men; men’s career interruptions were more likely due to job loss. Similarly, Ibarra (2003) provided

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detailed case studies of how individuals changed their identity by using trial and error and self-reflection, with some making often dramatic physical movements across the boundaries between occupations (e.g., from psychiatrist to Buddhist monk).

A growing number of studies on the boundaryless career have been conducted outside of the United States and United Kingdom (e.g., Bagdadli, Solari, Usai, & Grandori, 2003; Dany, 2003; Power, 2007; Segers et al., 2008). Haunschild (2003) explored the interorganizational, contin-gency employment system in a German not-for-profit repertory theater. He described how the great mobility within the project-based theater system was reinforced by standardized basic qualifications and the ease of evaluating actors’ qualifications, social networks based on loyalty to the profession rather than a specific organization, and the segmentation of the workforce between ensemble employees with longer term contracts (i.e., 3 years) and freelancers con-tracted for single plays or seasonal engagements. He also detailed the impact of labor market characteristics on interorganizational mobility, as in the case when a theater manager moves to another theater. When the manager moves, typically about one-third of the actors in the ensem-ble move with him or her, one-third of the actors remain with the ensemble, and one-third don’t have their contracts renewed. Another example is Yamshita and Uenoyma’s (2006) study of two segments of employees within Japan’s hotel industries. One segment was composed of those who wished to develop organizational knowledge and become managers but were hindered by human resource policies that limited within-firm advancement. The other segment was com-posed of those who focused on transferable skills and moving across the boundaries of different hotels, thus building relatively little firm-specific knowledge and reducing the likelihood of advancement from within one firm.

The boundaryless career concept has also had an important impact on how scholars have reconceptualized some well-established career topics, including retirement (Wang et al., 2009), plateauing (Bown-Wilson & Parry, 2009), learning and development (Gentry, Griggs, Deal, & Mondore, 2009), work/nonwork conflict (Greenhaus & Powell, 2003, 2006), career renewal (Baruch & Quick, 2007; Power, 2009), and expatriate assignments (Mezias & Scandura, 2005; Richardson & Mallon, 2005; Sanchez, 2000; Tharenou, 2009), in light of the increased perme-ability between boundaries. An excellent example of how the boundaryless career perspective influenced a reconsideration of a long-studied area can be readily seen in the evolution of men-toring research. Initially, mentoring was conceptualized as a one-on-one, intense relationship between an experienced employee (i.e., the mentor) and a newer, usually younger employee (i.e., the protégé) within the context of one organization (Kram, 1985; Levinson, 1978). Recogniz-ing the increasing mobility of workers, especially among firms, as well as growing performance pressures, scholars suggested that a single mentor relationship was no longer sufficient to meet the increasing needs of many protégés (Baugh & Fagenson-Eland, 2005; Baugh & Scandura, 1999; Baugh & Sullivan, 2005; de Janasz & Sullivan, 2004; Higgins, 2000, 2005b). In addition to dyadic, within-firm mentoring relationships, scholars began to study sequential and simulta-neous multiple mentoring relationships that could occur across many boundaries (Baugh & Sullivan, 2009). In today’s more boundaryless career environment, individuals are seeking other forms of guidance and support from developmental relationships in addition to mentoring (Higgins & Kram, 2001; Molloy, 2006), including networking both in and outside their organi-zation (Arthur, Claman, & Defillippi, 1995; Forret & Dougherty, 2004; McCallum & Forret, 2009; Wolff & Moser, 2009).

Although the boundaryless career concept has influenced thinking on many topics and is very popular, it is not without its critics (e.g., Pringle & Mallon, 2003). There are two major

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criticisms of the concept that deserve further examination. First, scholars have called for the further clarification and conceptualization of the construct (Eby et al., 2005; Greenhaus et al., 2008; Inkson, 2006; Pringle & Mallon, 2003; Sullivan, 1999). Second, questions have been raised about how to measure the concept (Briscoe et al., 2006; Sullivan, 1999). The next two sections examine how these criticisms have been addressed.

Clarification of the ConceptTo clarify the concept, Sullivan and Arthur (2006) suggested that a boundaryless career be defined by varying levels of physical and psychological career passages between successive employment situations. They offered a 2 × 2 model with physical movement along the horizontal continuum and psychological movement along the vertical continuum. Thus, in contrast to some previous studies that characterized boundarylessness as an either/or proposition, this refinement recommends the concept be viewed and measured by the degree of boundarylessness displayed by the career actor, along both physical and psychological dimensions. Although Sullivan and Arthur recommended that both physical and psychological passages, as well as the interplay between them, should be recognized and measured, they offered no such measurement.

Sullivan and Arthur (2006) did, however, extend the concept by detailing a number of pos-sible “boundaries” or obstacles to a boundaryless career (e.g., gender discrimination, cultural differences, individual competencies), further emphasizing that while boundaries in general have become permeable, the ease of passage between boundaries is not the same for all indi-viduals. They suggested that in general, women would have higher psychological mobility, perhaps because they are more likely to have discontinuous careers and are better able to see multiple career paths than men. In contrast, men would have higher physical mobility because they face less job discrimination. Segers et al. (2008) provided empirical support for these pro-posed gender differences in mobility as well as for physical, but not psychological, mobility differences due to age (i.e., lower physical mobility with increased age).

Other scholars (Gunz, Peiperl, & Tzabbar, 2007) have also discussed potential obstacles to a boundaryless career, including learning how to work in new teams and with new coworkers each time an individual makes a career transition (van Emmerik & Euwema, 2007); the lack of sponsors who offer access to opportunities (Judge, Kammeyer-Mueller, & Bretz, 2004; Skilton & Bravo, 2008); perceptual boundaries, such as those that have been found to prevent women from engaging in entrepreneurship (Malach-Pines & Schwartz, 2007); and structural factors, such as economic, societal, and cultural factors as well as industry and firm staffing policies (Ng et al., 2007; Pang, 2003). For instance, Dany (2003) detailed how a number of factors, including the importance of academic qualifications in the French labor system, employees’ preference for high salaries and job security, and focus on vertical professional advancement, limit the occurrence of boundaryless careers among French workers. Likewise, Bagdadli and colleagues (2003) found that top managers in Italy encountered two major obstacles to a more boundaryless career: competency based (e.g., lack of industry knowledge) and relation-based (e.g., lack of professional networks with former coworkers and business partners).

Measurement IssuesQuestions about how to measure the boundaryless career concept were addressed by Briscoe and Hall’s (2005) development of a 13-item scale of boundaryless career attitudes. The instrument is

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composed of two subscales. One subscale measures the boundaryless mindset (8 items), or “one’s general attitude to working across organizational boundaries.” The other scale measures organizational mobility preferences (5 items), or “the strength of interest in remaining with a single (or multiple) employer(s)” (see Table 1).

Based on the results of a multisample, three-study validation project, Briscoe et al. (2006) found no relationship between actual mobility and the boundaryless mindset (Study 3), sug-gesting that physical mobility should not be used as a proxy measure for boundaryless career attitudes. They also reported that the boundaryless mindset and mobility preferences were sig-nificantly and positively correlated with proactive personality, career authenticity, openness to experience, and mastery goal orientation. The validation and use of this measure by Briscoe and associates (2006) is a major advancement in the study of boundaryless careers because it offers researchers a consistent way to measure the concept so that findings across studies can be more easily compared and used to inform practice.

In sum, we have witnessed a dramatic increase in research on boundaryless careers (see e.g., Valcour, Bailyn, & Quijada, 2007) as well as research on how we may study many well-established career topics (e.g., mentoring; e.g., Lentz & Allen, 2009) within a boundaryless context. The boundaryless career concept offers a foundation for exploring how careers are evolving in today’s complex work environment. For instance, increased globalization has not only brought a flow of people, knowledge, information, ideas, and products across national borders, but it has also influenced how individuals perceive and enact their career (Tams & Arthur, 2007). For many individuals, enacting a global, boundaryless career reflects physically crossing national borders while simultaneously crossing cultural and psychological borders. For others, enacting a global career may require no physical crossing of national borders, but may instead require a psychological reorientation to how they perceive their career. These indi-viduals may find themselves learning how to work more effectively using technology to connect with individuals from various nations and cultures as well as recognizing that they may be competing for jobs with workers from different parts of the globe.

While the boundaryless and protean concepts have dominated much of the research on careers over the past 10 years, the past decade has also witnessed the rise of the next generation of career concepts. These newer conceptualizations of careers are discussed in the next section and are summarized in Table 1.

The Next Generation of Career ConceptsA number of new concepts and models have recently been offered to explain the variety of career patterns that are being enacted in today’s dynamic work environment. Some of these newer conceptualizations, which we call “integrative frameworks,” represent attempts to com-bine various ideas from the protean and boundaryless concepts. Some of these newer concepts emerged based on the interpretations of research findings (e.g., hybrid careers). Other models (e.g., kaleidoscope) offer conceptualizations that are not an extension of either the protean or boundaryless concept, but instead offer an alternative lens by which careers can be examined.

Integrative FrameworksDespite the research on the protean and boundaryless careers, there continues to be questions as to the relationship between the two concepts. Granrose and Baccili (2006), for example, did

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not distinguish between protean and boundaryless careers. Instead, they suggested that the two concepts are a reflection of the new, more ambiguous employer-employee relationship. Green-haus and associates (2008: 285) noted the lack of consensus in a definition of the boundaryless career, suggesting it is difficult to “determine where boundarylessness ends and protean begins.” While some argue that the two concepts are complementary (e.g., Inkson, 2006) or are distinct but overlapping (Briscoe & Hall, 2006), others have called for the integration of the protean orientation and the boundaryless career into a more comprehensive model of careers (e.g., Peiperl & Baruch, 1997). In response to this debate, three major integrative frameworks have been offered to clarify the relationship between the protean and boundaryless career concepts.

First, Peiperl and Baruch (1997) offered the postcorporate career concept as a means of integrating ideas from the protean and boundaryless concepts. They suggested that postcorpo-rate careerists are self-directed, take responsibility for their own career management, perceive a variety of career options, and are willing to cross multiple boundaries to fulfill their needs for intrinsic job satisfaction as well as financial rewards. Postcorporate careerists tend to be those individuals who voluntarily or involuntarily leave large organizations to work in a variety of alternative employment arrangements, including working as independent contractors and tem-porary workers, or working for a small firm that provides professional services to large organizations. The idea of the postcorporate career has been applied in a number of research settings (Kelly, Brannick, Hulpke, Levine, & To, 2003; Mihail, 2008; Özbilgin & Healy, 2004).

Second, Greenhaus et al. (2008) offered the boundaryless perspective, which integrates the major themes of the boundaryless and protean career literatures. This framework has three major components. The first component is mobility patterns, which differs from the traditional career in that they are multidirectional (Baruch, 2004b; e.g., between firms, between employment forms, i.e., from full-time to part-time work). Greenhaus and associates noted that mobility pat-terns also include the rarely discussed idea of job crafting, defined as the actions taken by an individual to change and redefine his or her job. Job crafting can occur by physically changing the job (e.g., nature and number of tasks), psychologically changing the way the job is perceived, and/or changing whom one interacts with on the job. The second component is career competen-cies. Career competencies are manifested in people’s beliefs and identities (knowing why), knowledge and skills (knowing how), and network or relationships (knowing whom; DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996). The third component is the protean orientation (e.g., self-directed career man-agement and values driven attitudes; Briscoe & Hall, 2006). This framework also delineates the antecedents (e.g., economic factors, organizational conditions, personal characteristics) and pos-sible individual and organizational outcomes of the boundaryless perspective.

Third, Briscoe and Hall (2006) combined elements of the protean orientation with the boundaryless career to produce 16 different career profiles. Each profile is based on the two protean dimensions (self-directed career management and values driven attitudes) and two boundaryless career dimensions (psychological and physical mobility), and each profile is described as being high or low in each of these four dimensions. For example, Briscoe and Hall defined the solid citizen profile as having low physical mobility but high psychological mobil-ity as well as high self-directed career management and values driven attitudes. In contrast, the fortressed profile is defined as having a high values driven attitude but low self-directed career management as well as low physical and psychological mobility.

To empirically test these 16 combinations, Segers et al. (2008) examined the career profiles of 13,000 individuals from nine European countries. They identified 3 of the 16 profiles pro-posed by Briscoe and Hall (2006) as well as 1 profile, the curious/wanderer, which combined

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aspects from 2 of the profiles. Segers and associates found that 30% of the respondents were protean career architects (i.e., they are values driven, self-directed in their career management, and psychologically and physically mobile); 22% were trapped/lost (i.e., they don’t emphasize inner values and don’t see possible alternative career options); 21% were hired gun/hired hand (i.e., they are physically mobile and adaptive but aren’t good at defining and acting upon their own values); and 27% were curious/wanderer (i.e., they are physically and psychologically mobile but not values driven or self-directed). Interestingly, Segers et al. found contextual factors influenced the presence of these career profiles. Specifically, the protean career archi-tect profile was overrepresented in the Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands, while the hired gun/hired hand was underrepresented in both. Italy had a higher proportion of individuals with hired gun/hired hand profiles, whereas Belgium had a higher proportion with the curious/ wanderer profile. Likewise, the protean career architect profile was more likely to be found in the industrial sectors of health and social work, counseling, science and research, marketing, and government. The hired gun/hired hand profile was found predominantly in sales. The curi-ous/wanderer profile was more likely to be found in the education, health, and sales sectors. The trapped/lost profile was evident in industries including construction, manufacturing, trans-portation and logistic, and Internet/new technologies.

Traditional Careers ReduxFor many years, scholars emphasized careers within the confines of traditional organizational structures. Beginning in the mid-1990s, an increasing focus was placed on careers outside of organizations. Career scholars, however, may be guilty of shifting from one extreme to another. Numerous studies have reported that individuals in their samples exhibited a more traditional career path (e.g., Cabrera, 2009; Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006; Sargent & Domberger, 2007; Smith-Ruig, 2009).

For example, P. McDonald, Brown, and Bradley (2005) found that while most employees, especially women, were following nontraditional career paths, some still had traditional careers (e.g., predictable organizational advancement). The individuals following traditional career paths had infrequent job or firm changes and most had worked for their organization for 10 or more years. The organization had some policies that supported a traditional career path, includ-ing mechanisms for rewarding long tenure (e.g., 3 months of paid leave after 10 years of continuous service). Likewise, O’Neil, Bilimoria, and Saatciogle (2004) also found that while most of the women in their sample exhibited nontraditional career paths, 38% had externally directed careers with linear, ladder-like advancement patterns. Skilton and Bravo (2008) also found that while many individuals in the film industry had short tenures (i.e., 61% of the per-sonal assistants left the industry in the 3-year study period), some individuals followed a more traditional career path from personal assistant directly to producer, with few roles in between. These individuals often remained with the same production company even when they were producers themselves and could have established their own firm.

Hybrid CareersEmerging from the findings from several studies is the idea that some individuals enact “hybrid” careers that are characterized by elements of both traditional and nontraditional career concepts. For example, Granrose and Baccili (2006) found that most workers in their sample desired the

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traditional career outcomes of job security and upward mobility but also wanted nontraditional outcomes such as “boundaryless training” (i.e., training that could be used both in and outside the firm) and “protean well-being” (i.e., an open, trusting, and respectful work atmosphere). O’Neil et al. (2004) found that 34% of the women in their sample had an orderly career and were focused on upward advancement, but were also self-directed in their career management. Moreover, Skilton and Bravo (2008) reported that some film industry employees followed an “up the ladder” path that had elements of both a traditional and nontraditional career. These individuals assumed multiple roles while advancing up the hierarchy, but also moved back and forth between projects in which they had different levels of control (e.g., some they produced, others they directed).

The Kaleidoscope Career ModelOne of the next generation of career concepts, the kaleidoscope career model (KCM), was developed independently from the protean or boundaryless concepts. Instead, the KCM is based on the results of five different studies (interviews, focus groups, and three surveys) of more than 3,000 U.S. professional workers (Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006). Like a kaleidoscope that produces changing patterns when the tube is rotated and its glass chips fall into new arrangements, the KCM describes how individuals change the pattern of their career by rotating the varied aspects of their lives to arrange their relationships and roles in new ways. These changes may occur in response to internal changes, such as those due to maturation, or environ-mental changes, such as being laid off. Individuals evaluate the choices and options available to determine the best fit among work demands, constraints, and opportunities as well as rela-tionships and personal values and interests. As one decision is made, it affects the outcome of the kaleidoscope career pattern.

Just as a kaleidoscope uses three mirrors to create infinite patterns, individuals focus on three career parameters when making decisions, thus creating the kaleidoscope pattern of their career. These parameters or motivators are: (a) authenticity, in which the individual makes choices that permit him or her to be true to himself or herself; (b) balance, whereby the indi-vidual strives to reach an equilibrium between work and nonwork (e.g., family, friends, elderly relatives, personal interests) demands; and (c) challenge, which is an individual’s need for stimulating work (e.g., responsibility, autonomy) as well as career advancement. These three parameters are simultaneously active over the life span, with the strength of a parameter to shape a career decision or transition dependent on what is going on in that individual’s life at that particular time. Over the course of the life span, as a person searches for the best fit that matches the character and context of his or her life, the kaleidoscope’s parameters shift in response, with one parameter moving to the foreground and intensifying as that parameter takes priority at that time. The other two parameters lessen in intensity and recede to the background, but are still present and active, as all aspects are necessary to create the current pattern of an individual’s life/career.

Research has supported the basic tenets of the KCM (Godshalk, Noble, & Line, 2007; Smith-Ruig, 2009). For example, Cabrera’s (2007) study of 497 professional women found evidence of the existence of the three career parameters of authenticity, balance, and challenge. She found that these three parameters did indeed influence career decision making. Also, as suggested by the KCM, 62% of her sample reported that their career focus changed over time. Research on the KCM has found gender differences in career enactment. Sullivan and Mainiero

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(2007a, b) found most men (84%) followed an alpha kaleidoscope career path (focus on chal-lenge from early to midcareer, then authenticity, and then balance later in the career) while most women (83%) followed a beta pattern (challenge early in the career, then balance, and finally authenticity). There were, however, some men who exhibited a beta career pattern. The men following a beta pattern tended to be younger and expressed a desire for greater work-life bal-ance. Cabrera (2009) also found support for the beta career pattern among women based on in-depth interviews with 25 participants.

In addition to gender differences, research has noted generational differences in the need for authenticity, balance, and challenge. For instance, Sullivan, Forret, Carraher, and Mainiero (2009) found that members of Generation X (born 1965-1983) had significantly higher needs for authenticity and balance than Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964), with no significant differ-ence in the need for challenge between the two generations. The KCM has also been used to help explain the careers of women entrepreneurs in Japan (Futagami & Helms, 2009) and the work-life integration experiences of midcareer professionals in Ireland (Grady & McCarthy, 2008). The KCM has been applied to a number of different topics, including human resource development programs, work stress, family-friendly organizational programs, and career coun-seling (Sullivan, in press; Sullivan & Mainiero, 2007a, 2007b, 2008).

In sum, the KCM highlights the importance of potential gender differences in career paths, suggesting that other nontraditional models should consider whether men and women enact careers differently (e.g., Segers et al., 2008). Like the protean and boundaryless concepts, the KCM also highlights the importance of relationships on career decision making as well as the effect of contextual factors on careers (Sullivan, in press). As scholars have investigated the potential linkages between the protean and boundaryless careers (Briscoe et al., 2006; Segers et al., 2008), future research may also find such linkages between the protean and boundaryless concepts and aspects of the KCM. Much more research is needed, however, to test this model. Recent refinements to a measure of the three parameters of the KCM (Sullivan et al., 2009), however, should help to increase the research being conducted on this model (Table 1).

In this review, we have examined the continued evolution of two predominant career con-cepts, the protean career orientation and the boundaryless career, which have had an important and lasting impact on the careers literature. We have discussed the next generation of career conceptualizations, including the integration of the protean and boundaryless concepts as well as hybrid careers and the KCM. Table 1 provides a summary of these major concepts, frame-works, and ideas.

These newer conceptualizations suggest many intriguing avenues for further study. Based on this review and critical analysis, in the next section of this article, we set an agenda for future research on careers.

Agenda for Future ResearchOur review indicates that scholars have made great strides in better understanding nontradi-tional, nonlinear career concepts since the publication of Sullivan’s (1999) review. Particularly notable is the introduction of measures (e.g., Baruch, 2008; Briscoe et al., 2006; Sullivan et al., 2009) so that the protean, boundaryless, and kaleidoscope career concepts can be subject to even greater empirical examination. In addition to the development of measures of these concepts, we also note the increase in career research in a number of areas that Sullivan recom-mended. There has been clarification and further conceptualization of the protean orientation

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and the boundaryless career and greater attention paid to gender differences in careers. There has also been an increased recognition of the influence of contextual factors on careers, includ-ing the effect of cultural and national differences on career enactment.

Although there has been increased research in a number of areas as recommended by Sulli-van (1999), our current review of the literature suggests additional areas for future research. First, the further development of the protean career concept as well as the creation and valida-tion of related measurement scales should better enable scholars to empirically examine some unresolved and underexplored issues. For instance, there are conflicting results as to whether there are gender differences in the protean career orientation (e.g., Agarwala, 2008; Ng et al., 2008) and little research has been completed on potential cultural or national differences in protean orientations (Segers et al., 2008). Not only can more empirical studies be completed, but the adoption of common measurement scales should facilitate the use of meta-analysis techniques in future reviews of the protean career literature.

Second, there is still concern that the writings and research on the protean, boundaryless, and other nontraditional career concepts have tended to emphasize the positive aspects with little mention of potential negative outcomes (Currie, Tempest, & Starkey, 2006; Sullivan, 1999; Van Buren, 2003; Vardi & Kim, 2007). Continued research on the potential negatives of newer career forms is needed at the individual, organizational, and national levels of analysis. At the individ-ual level, personality traits, for example, may be an obstacle to an individual’s ability to reenvision career options or may influence a successful transition from a traditional, linear career to a nontraditional career orientation. For example, Eby, Butts, and Lockwood (2003) reported that individuals who are proactive, flexible, open to new experiences, and acknowledge personal strengths and weaknesses tend to manage better in today’s workplace than those who do not pos-sess these personal characteristics. Similarly, Forret and Dougherty (2001) found that individuals who were higher in extraversion and self-esteem were more likely to engage in networking behaviors, which should help them better navigate nontraditional careers.

Although some individuals may find themselves outside of the permanent, full-time work-force through job loss, others may proactively choose to engage in alternative, short- term job assignments or project work. In either case, individuals may move more freely across many organizational boundaries, but may also find themselves stigmatized by the temporary worker label (Boyce, Ryan, Imus, & Morgeson, 2007). These temporary and project workers may be more likely to experience negative work outcomes such as sexual harassment and discrimina-tion (Goldman, Gutek, Stein, & Lewis, 2006; Sullivan, 1999) or abusive supervision (Tepper, 2007; Wu & Hu, 2009). Organizations may not consider it worth the time and money to inves-tigate complaints from workers who will be employed by the firm for a relatively short time period. Temporary and project workers, fearful that filing a complaint will earn them a negative reputation, may fail to report problems that may not only impact their current level of perfor-mance, but may also influence their long-term employability.

At the organizational level, the shift from the long-term–based employer-employee rela-tionships into more transactional, short-term–based employer-employee relationships (e.g., Rousseau, 1989) can create increased ambiguity and uncertainty for managers and those design-ing and implementing human resource management polices (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). Under the more traditional, long-term–based relationship, the vast majority of recruitment, socialization, and training processes were focused on the lower ranks, with employees rising through the hierarchy due to internal opportunities and a combination of talent and tenure. Under the newer, more transactional employer-employee relationship, employees enter and leave organizations

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at different career stages and different levels within the organization, making the recruitment, socialization, training, succession planning, and other processes more varied and complex (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). In addition, increased globalization makes the development and implementation of policies more complicated, especially in the case of multinational firms with workforces located in different countries throughout the world (Becker & Haunschild, 2007; Dickmann & Baruch, in press).

As boundaries between countries become more permeable, laws regarding employment relationships, including discrimination and business conduct (e.g., what is and is not bribery), may become increasingly difficult to apply and enforce (see the special issue of Human Resource Management edited by Baruch, Altman, & Adler, 2009, for a more detailed discus-sion). Technology has increased the permeability of country borders, but many organizations lack sufficient knowledge to effectively manage workers from different cultures who may have widely different career needs and may be motivated by many different career factors (e.g., Segers et al., 2008). While a number of articles have offered suggestions to organizations on how to manage expatriation and repatriation (Baruch & Altman, 2008; Baruch, Steele, & Quantrill, 2002; Benson & Pattie, 2008; Bossard & Peterson, 2005; Dickmann & Harris, 2005; Doherty & Dickmann, 2009), relatively little research has offered suggestions on how to help employees from different locations across various country borders effectively work with each other via technology.

At the national level, the shift from long-term–based to short-term–based employment rela-tionships impacts educational processes, labor market systems, and government policies and programs (Baruch, 2004a, 2004b). For example, universities that prepared their students for life-time linear employment within one or two firms need to consider strategies to prepare students for alternative, multidirectional career paths. Vested pension systems and similar programs may need to be reevaluated and changed to more transferable and fluid systems. As organizations outsource work across country boundaries, the reduction of within-country job opportunities may decrease the power of organized labor and influence trade agreements and safety standards between countries. Politicians and government leaders may find themselves under increasing pressure to enact laws to protect the jobs and products of their constituents.

New technologies that have eliminated the need for some jobs and professions may increase budgetary pressures on government social programs, including efforts to retrain displaced workers. While technology has aided in the increased globalization of the workforce and the increased creation of new virtual careers (e.g., Internet reporters, Web designers, virtual coaches), the opportunities for the misuse of technology have increased. As has been the case with Inter-net (e.g., legalities of employers monitoring employees’ e-mail and computer files), Web-based businesses (e.g., exploitation of children by adult pornography sites), and cyber crime (Benjamin, Gladman, & Rundell, 1998; Chen, Chung, Xu, Wang, Qin, & Chau, 2004), governments may need to increasingly intervene and enforce penalties for the misuse of technological advances. In sum, greater research into the potential negative aspects associated with nontraditional careers at the individual, organizational, and national levels is needed.

Third, the further clarification of the boundaryless career concept (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006) and the introduction of the boundaryless mindset and the organizational mobility preference scales (Briscoe et al., 2006) should encourage greater study of underresearched topics, including the potential gender and country differences in the enactment of a boundaryless career. Some studies, for example, have indicated the importance of national culture on boundaryless careers, suggesting that certain economic and cultural elements may act as boundaries or obstacles to the

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boundaryless career and may instead reinforce more traditional career models (Bagdadli et al., 2003; Dany, 2003). Additional research on potential obstacles to a boundaryless career is needed.

Furthermore, the recent reconceptualization of the boundaryless career concept (Sullivan & Arthur, 2006) as encompassing both physical and psychological mobility opens new avenues of research, while also suggesting the greater need for the clarification of what exactly is being measured and studied. In terms of physical mobility, scholars need to identify the specific type of mobility being examined by specifying direction (e.g., up, down, lateral), cause (i.e., volun-tary or involuntary), origin (i.e., self or company initiated), and whether multiple boundaries are being crossed during the same transition (e.g., firm, occupation, country). Obstacles to physical mobility (e.g., geographical immobility due to being a member of a dual-career couple or elder-care responsibilities) as well as the influence of individual (e.g., personality, values, past positive and negative mobility experiences) and structural (economic, societal, industry, and organiza-tional) factors on mobility decisions need to also be considered (Ng et al., 2007). Past research has found that some women (Cabrera, 2007; Mainiero & Sullivan, 2005) and older workers (Wang et al., 2009) move in and out of the workforce numerous times over their careers. Career patterns characterized by voluntary and involuntary multiple movements cycling in and out of the workforce are worthy of further examination. At the level of the organization, the effect of increased mobility on the transference of organizational culture and knowledge from one firm to another (see Higgins, 2005a) as well as the loss of organizational memory when employees retire or otherwise leave their organizations warrants additional study.

In terms of psychological mobility, more research attention needs to be paid to how individuals may change psychological perspectives and attitudes about a work situation. Such psychological changes are clearly more difficult to study than physical transitions. Whereas actual physical passages between jobs and organizations can be readily identified and enumerated, changes in how an individual perceives his or her career would ideally involve longitudinal research with data collected at multiple intervals. Relatively little research attention has been devoted to psy-chological mobility, especially when individuals’ career perceptions are altered but no associated physical movement has occurred. There are numerous situations, such as periods of personal crisis (e.g., heart attack, loss of loved one) or assuming primary care for a child or elderly rela-tive, in which perceptions of a boundaryless future and alternative career options may be impacted. For instance, while an individual who has a heart attack may return to the same job at the same firm, that individual’s job perceptions and career aspirations as well as his or her rela-tionship with work associates and number of hours devoted to work may dramatically change. In addition to the use of recent measurement advances, career scholars may benefit from applying models and theories from related fields (e.g., Salancik & Pfeffer’s [1978] social information perspective) to better understand the processes underlying psychological mobility.3 Changes in physical and psychological mobility, however, should not be studied independently of each other. We join Arthur and associates (2005) in recommending that additional research be completed on the complex interplay between physical and psychological passages.

Fourth, despite the popularity of the protean and boundaryless career concepts, it is impor-tant that scholars recognize that the traditional linear career is still being enacted by some workers and is more prevalent in some organizations, industries, and countries than in others. Because studies have found many different types of careers, including traditional, hybrid, and kaleidoscope careers, we recommend that scholars first identify the career orientation of the individual being studied and then consider the individual’s attitudes and behaviors within that career context. Just as past research tended to assume that individuals were enacting traditional

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careers, scholars should take care not to assume that all study participants are enacting similar, nontraditional career patterns. Along the same line of thought, the further study of how organi-zational policies and firm culture influence career paths should not be overlooked (P. McDonald et al., 2005). Some firms, for example, may encourage more traditional career attitudes, behav-iors, and expectations through such policies as reliance on promotion from within and benefits associated with increased seniority or firm-specific training. The effectiveness of different organizational strategic human resource management decisions, policies, and programs on the attitudes and behaviors of employees enacting different types of careers (e.g., hybrid as com-pared to protean or more traditional career) should be investigated.

Fifth, several authors have offered conceptualizations that integrate the protean and bound-aryless career concepts (e.g., Peiperl & Baruch, 1997) with the career profiles combination (Briscoe & Hall, 2006) already being tested by other scholars (Segers et al., 2008). These inte-grative models provide not only insights into how the protean and boundaryless concepts may be related or combined, but they also offer guidance on what contextual variables should be considered when conducting empirical studies of these ideas. For example, Segers and associ-ates’ (2008) study illustrated the importance of gender, industry, culture, and nation, while Greenhaus et al.’s (2008) conceptual integration highlighted the effect of economic, personal, and family factors on careers. Potential integrations of the protean and boundaryless career concepts with newer career models (e.g., KCM) have yet to be tested.

Sixth, although the developers of the kaleidoscope career model have completed a number of studies on the model and have used relatively large sample sizes (e.g., Mainiero & Sullivan, 2006, n > 3,000; Sullivan et al., 2009, n = 908) as well as a variety of methods (e.g., surveys, interviews), further research from independent scholars must be completed. The KCM and related research suggests that there may be important gender as well as generational differences in career attitudes and behaviors that merit future research. The increased study of generational differences in career perspectives may be especially important given the declining number of members from the Greatest Generation (born prior to 1946) in the workforce and the grow-ing number of the younger workers (born after 1965), who are much more technically savvy and may be motivated by different factors than previous generations of workers (Callanan & Greenhaus, 2008; K. S. McDonald & Hite, 2008).

Seventh, we repeat Sullivan’s (1999) call for greater research on potential differences in career enactment due cultural and national differences. Studies of workers in non–Western countries that recognize the economic and societal influences on careers are especially impor-tant because most of what we know about careers is based on studies conducted in the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, making Western models the de facto “standard” against which careers in other countries are compared. In-depth analyses within understudied national contexts, such as Pang’s (2003) compelling analysis of first- and second-generation Chinese workers in Hong Kong and Great Britain, Zhao and Zhou’s (2008) examination of careers in Taiwan, and Khapova and Korotov’s (2007) study of career attitudes in Russia, should be con-tinued. Although it may be difficult to gather data from multiple countries, especially from countries under strict government control (e.g., China), research that spans different nations provides much needed insights into the application of career theories and models developed in Western countries in non–Western contexts. Segers and associates’ (2008) use of a large database drawn from nine European countries as well as the organization of consortia of scholars who work together to study common variables across multiple countries (Malach-Pines, Ozbilgin,

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& Burke, 2008) are two strategies that could be emulated to obtain samples across multiple nations.

ConclusionTo paraphrase a Chinese proverb, we live in interesting times, times in which established ideas about work and careers are continually being challenged. Traditional theories of careers (e.g., Super, 1957) were based on a system of clear, hierarchical organizational structures and a grow-ing economy. The blurring of organizational, industry, and occupational boundaries; the escalation of technological developments; and rapid globalization have all contributed to a new work context, requiring fresh and innovative ways of examining careers. As predictability and stability diminished, scholars realized that long-held theories of the traditional, linear career no longer adequately explained the realities of many individuals and new, more dynamic concepts arose. These concepts reflected the change from individuals relying on organizations for career development to individuals assuming responsibility for their own career management and employability. Individual competencies, resiliency, and adaptability became more important than organizational commitment as job security decreased.

Sullivan’s (1999) review captured the transition from traditional thinking to the growing interest in the nonlinear, discontinuous careers. In this review, we have examined the further development and clarification of established concepts as well as newer concepts and models that have developed over the past decade. While the previous review found relatively little research on the boundaryless career concept and little research in non–Western countries, we found a growth in research on boundaryless, protean, and other nontraditional career concepts as well as an increase of research in non–Western countries. The previous review called for the greater conceptualization of nontraditional career concepts as well as the development of measures that capture these concepts. This review reported on the evolution of concepts, the development of new ideas, and the creation of instruments to measure these attitudes and highlighted the impor-tance of studying the various types of careers (e.g., protean, hybrid) in today’s complex workplace. Scholars should be cautious, however, and not overestimate the extent to which indi-viduals are enacting nontraditional careers. Due to many factors, including gender and contextual variables (e.g., nation, culture), some individuals are still enacting more traditional paths. Com-paring our review to Sullivan’s (1999) review, we note that a number of topics still remain underresearched. More research is still needed on underrepresented populations, such as blue-collar workers, immigrant workers, the disabled, and minorities, as well as on those making major transitions (e.g., midlife career changes, moving from the military to civilian life). Addi-tional investigation of how nonpaid work (i.e., volunteerism) contributes to people’s careers is also needed.

In this review, we have examined the progress and trends of the past decade as well as detailed directions for future research. We hope this review offers greater insights into the careers literature and encourages further research on the changing nature of careers.

Acknowledgments

We thank Mike Arthur, Shawn Carraher, Madeline Crocitto, Tim Hall, Matt Quigely, Howard Tu, and Hetty van Emmerik for their useful comments on early conceptualizations or drafts of this article. We appreciate the helpful suggestions of JOM Action Editor Mark Griffin and two anonymous reviewers. We especially wish to thank Gayle Baugh and Monica Forret for providing insightful comments and construc-tive feedback on numerous versions of this article. This article is dedicated to the memory of our colleague and great friend, Howard Tu.

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Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

Notes

1. Baruch (2008) also developed a seven-item scale to measure the original conceptualization of the protean career (see Table 1). The Baruch scale has been employed in a number of studies and has dem-onstrated strong validity and reliability in the United States, United Kingdom, and Vietnam (Baruch, 2008; Baruch, Bell, & Gray, 2005; Baruch & Quick, 2007; Pham, Baruch, & He, 2009).

2. Initial conceptualizations and research on the boundaryless career concept also has focused on positive career outcomes with little recognition of potential negative outcomes.

3. Thanks to an anonymous Journal of Management reviewer for suggesting the application of the social information perspective to study psychological mobility.

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