2012 hrto 2252 addai final 03-dec-2012
TRANSCRIPT
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HUMAN RIGHTS TRIBUNAL OF ONTARIO
______________________________________________________________________
B E T W E E N:
Asafo Addai
Complaint
-and-
City of Toronto
Respondent
______________________________________________________________________
DECISION______________________________________________________________________
Adjudicator: Leslie Reaume
Date: December 3, 2012
File Number: HR-1715-08
Citation: 2012 HRTO 2252
Indexed as: Addai v. Toronto (City)______________________________________________________________________
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APPEARANCES
)Asafo Addai, Complainant )
)Peter Rosenthal and ReniChang, Counsel
)
)City of Toronto, Respondent )
)Antonella Ceddia and AmyMurakami, Counsel
)
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INTRODUCTION
[1] This Complaint was filed with the Ontario Human Rights Commission (the
Commission) under the Human Rights Code, R.S.O. 1990, c. H.19, as amended (the
Code), as it existed prior to the substantial amendments which came into force on
June 30, 2008. The Complaint was referred by the Commission to the Tribunal for a
hearing. Asafo Addai (the complainant) alleges discrimination with respect to
employment, services and contracts because of race, colour, ethnic origin and place of
origin pursuant to section 11 of the Code.
[2] The Commission was initially involved in the Complaint. The Commission
withdrew from this proceeding prior to the commencement of the hearing. Both the
respondent and the complainant were represented by counsel.
DECISION
[3] The Complaint is dismissed for the reasons that follow.
BACKGROUND
Basic Facts and Arguments
[4] The Complaint concerns taxi licences issued by the City of Toronto (the
respondent) to owners of taxi businesses. The respondent regulates the taxi industry
pursuant to its authority under the City of Toronto Act,2006, S.O. 2006, c. 11. A taxi
cannot be operated in the City of Toronto without a licence from the respondent. There
are three forms of licence, each with different attributes, which enable taxi owners to
operate their businesses: Accessible, Standard and Ambassador. At issue in this
Complaint are the differences between the Standard and Ambassador owner licences,
and the racial and ethnic composition of the groups who hold those licences.
[5] Prior to 1998, the respondent issued Standard taxi licences to individuals or
companies who applied to operate a taxi. While the Standard licence has a number of
attributes associated with it, the complainants allegations relate to the following two
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features: the ability to operate a taxi with multiple drivers and the ability to sell the
licence and equipment to another owner. The former attribute gives the licence owner
the opportunity to earn income while the taxi is being leased and/or driven by someone
else; the latter gives the licence a value in the open market, estimated by the
respondent to have increased from $50,000 in 1993 to $80,000 in 1998 to $175,000 at
the time of the hearing.
[6] Following a task force review of the taxi industry by the respondent in 1998, the
respondent stopped issuing new Standard licences and started issuing Ambassador
licences instead. In fact, as is discussed in more detail below, the respondent had
essentially stopped issuing Standard licences long before the first Ambassador licence
was issued in 1999. Ambassador licences are not transferrable nor can the licenceowner, who must be the driver of the taxi, hire a second driver at any time, including for
periods of vacation, illness or disability.
[7] As part of the reform, a decision was made that the existing Standard licences
would retain most of their pre-1998 attributes. While no person actually owns the
existing Standard licences, they can be sold and transferred with the respondents
approval. One of the changes that came about as a result of the 1998 reform is that the
Standard licence can no longer be transferred to a firm or corporation but must be
transferred to an individual. That individual is not required to drive, but must be licensed
to drive a taxi. Those changes were apparently directed at decreasing the number of
passive investors in the taxi industry and increasing the number of driver-owned taxi
businesses in Toronto.
[8] At the time of the hearing, the bylaw capped the number of Ambassador licences
at 1403 and the number of Standard licences at 3480. There were approximately 70Ambassador licences on the shelf that had been returned to the respondent or
belonged to taxi owners who were injured or on vacation, a situation which the
respondent was not able to fully explain. Approximately 1227 Standard licences are
held by corporations. A fair number of Standard licence owners incorporated before the
changes to the bylaw came into effect. There were also, at the time of the hearing,
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approximately 105 Accessible licences issued to taxi owners. Each owner licence has a
corresponding taxi associated with it. To become the owner of a taxi business in
Toronto, a person may purchase a Standard licence and equipment or wait on an
approved waiting list until a new Ambassador or Accessible licence is issued by the
respondent.
[9] Prior to the advent of the Ambassador program, a person who aspired to be a
taxi owner was required to purchase a Standard licence from another owner, or wait for
the respondent to issue a new Standard licence. The parties acknowledged that very
few Standard licences had been issued since the early 1980s and people could wait in
excess of ten years on the list before they were issued one. Abraham Mayne testified,
for example, that he arrived in Canada in 1970, started driving taxi in 1984 and puthimself on the waiting list for a Standard licence in 1987. He complied with all of the
requirements to stay on the list and still had not been issued one by the time of the
reform in 1998. Mr. Mayne was one of the first drivers to receive an Ambassador licence
in 1999.
[10] Therefore, between the early 1980s and 1998 when the Ambassador program
was introduced, the only real method for becoming a taxi owner in Toronto was to
purchase a Standard licence from a person or corporation willing to sell. In 1999 the
respondent began to issue Ambassador licences, opening up the possibility for taxi
ownership to 1400 individual drivers. The last Ambassador licence was issued in 2005.
Now the industry is not unlike it was in the early 1980s where taxi licences are few and
far between, a situation which has likely contributed to driving up the cost of those
licences that are available for purchase, namely the Standard licences.
[11] The question in this case is whether these circumstances can be linked todiscrimination.
[12] The complainant alleges that the Standard licences which are still in existence,
are superior to the Ambassador licences because they are transferable and permit the
hiring of multiple drivers. While a number of other differences between the two forms of
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owner licence were discussed at the hearing, these two distinctions were the focus of
the complainants allegations.
[13] The complainants own evidence, which is discussed in further detail below,
supports the view that the entire taxi industry is highly diverse with respect to ethnicity.
However, the complainant alleges that the Ambassador licence owners are
predominantly men like himself, with dark skin, whose ethnicity is derived from particular
parts of the world including the Middle East, India, Pakistan and Africa. The complainant
used the term racialized to describe himself and the majority of Ambassador licence
owners. The complainant alleges that while the individual Standard licence owners may
be ethnically diverse, there are a significant number of people who would not self-
identify as racialized. This group was referred to at times as Caucasian or people ofEuropean origin.
[14] The complainant acquired his Ambassador licence in 2003. He does not allege
that it is discriminatory for the respondent to make changes to the taxi licencing system
in general. He alleges that the discrimination lies in the introduction of a licence that is
not transferrable and does not permit the use of a second driver in a context where it is
predominantly racialized men who would be disadvantaged by those changes.
[15] The respondent denies the allegations of discrimination and alleges that the
Ambassador program was adopted in the good faith belief that it would address a
number of concerns about the taxi industry which had been raised by a variety of
stakeholder groups including members of the industry itself. The respondent alleges
that the issuing of licences has never been connected to a prohibited ground, intentional
or otherwise, and that the existing Standard licences were maintained in the good faith
belief that the owners of those licences were entitled to have their investmentsprotected.
[16] The respondent argues that there is only one factor that determines whether any
person was eligible to receive a Standard or an Ambassador licence: the timing of his or
her application. The respondent argues that anyone who applied for a licence after
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1998, regardless of their race, colour, ethnic origin or place of origin, would be subject
to the terms of the Ambassador licence. In addition, the respondent argues that any
person, including Mr. Addai, may acquire an existing Standard licence by purchasing
one in the open market.
[17] The complainant also takes the position that timing is a critical factor in the
analysis of his Complainant. He alleges that the Ambassador licences were introduced
at a time when the taxi drivers eligible to become taxi owners had, over time, developed
into a pool of predominantly racialized men.
[18] There are a number of legal issues which were raised by the parties. In my view,
the primary issue is whether the complainant can demonstrate that he can meet thelegal test to support a finding of discrimination. The complainant argues that his burden
is to prove that the Ambassador licence owners are overwhelmingly racialized and are
disadvantaged as compared to Standard licence owners.
[19] The respondent argues that the complainant is required to go one step further
and demonstrate that his race, colour, ethnic origin or place of origin is linked to any
disadvantage he has experienced as a result of the introduction of the Ambassador
licence. In other words, it is not enough to demonstrate that he is a member of a group
protected by the Codeand that some action on the part of the respondent has caused
the group a disadvantage. There must be evidence that one or more of the prohibited
grounds he has relied upon is a factor in the disadvantage he has experienced.
[20] The respondent disputes the complainants allegations of discrimination on a
number of bases apart from the lack of connection between the respondents actions
and the prohibited grounds alleged: the Ambassador licences have different attributes,but are not inferior to Standard licences; there is no credible evidence to support the
complainants perceptions about the racial composition of the two groups; the Complaint
does not engage a social area under the Code; Mr. Addai was never denied a Standard
licence and he has no standing to bring a public interest complaint; the Tribunal has no
jurisdiction to consider a challenge to a by-law or provide the relief requested by the
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complainant which is in effect to strike down the provisions of a by-law; and the
provisions of the by-law are reasonable and bona fide.
[21] In my view, it is not necessary to determine these issues, apart from the first two,
in light of my finding that the complainant is unable to establish a connection between
the prohibited grounds alleged and the respondents actions.
Additional Facts
[22] While I have set out most of the relevant facts in the previous section of this
Decision, there were others which were uncontested and helpful to me in arriving at my
conclusions.
Taxi Industry
[23] There were, by all accounts, a number of problems with the taxi industry in
Toronto which gave rise to the creation of a task force in 1998 to study the industry and
conduct stakeholder consultations. Because the Standard licences could be owned by
individuals or corporations, be sold or leased and driven by multiple drivers, complex
relationships evolved between owners, designated agents, brokers, lessees, garages
and drivers.
[24] The parties agreed that the Standard licence system gave rise to complaints by
members of the public about poor customer service. There were concerns about the
safety of the vehicles, the treatment of drivers and their inability to earn a fair wage, as
well as absentee and passive investors who were not involved in how the licence was
being used or otherwise making a positive contribution to the industry.
[25] The Task Force to Review the Taxicab Industry (the Task Force) was
established on April 16, 1998. A series of public meetings were held and numerous
deputations were received from stakeholders. Mr. Addai was actively involved in
attempts to reform the industry. A number of changes which were recommended by the
Task Force were ultimately adopted by the respondent at the City Council meetings in
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November, 1998. A number of recommendations were not adopted by Council. The
creation of the Ambassador licence was one part of the regulatory reform that Council
adopted along with measures directed at improving service to the public, safety and
condition of taxi cabs, training for owners and drivers, and enforcement.
[26] The purpose of the Ambassador program was to create a system of owner-
operated cabs which would permit one person to become the driver and business owner
and prevent corporations or passive investors from playing a role in the operation of the
taxi associated with that licence. As the complainant pointed out, while this was a
laudable goal, the Ambassador owners constitute a minority of taxi operators and an
even smaller proportion of the taxis in active service given the restriction on operating
more than twelve hours per day. In other words, not only are there more than twice asmany Standard licences in existence, a person with a Standard licence can have one
taxi operating twenty-four hours per day which is functionally the equivalent of two
Ambassador licences.
[27] There has been dissatisfaction from the outset that the Ambassador licence
cannot be transferred and does not permit a second driver even in times of disability.
Mr. Addai and others have raised with the respondent in a variety of forums the
importance of protecting Ambassador licence owners, particularly in times of illness.
There has been discussion over the years about the Task Force recommendation that
Ambassador licence owners participate in a benefit program offered by the respondent.
The complainant alleges that promises were made by various elected officials that there
would be a program funded or at least organized by the respondent that would provide
Ambassador owners with benefits and a pension. The respondent takes the position
that taxi owners should protect themselves, like other independent business owners, by
acquiring private disability and other medical benefits and saving for their own
retirements.
[28] Mr. Addai expressed significant disappointment that recommendations made by
members of the taxi industry, some of which were reflected in the Task Force
Recommendations, were not ultimately adopted by the respondent. There was
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discussion, for example, of the respondent buying back Standard licences after a
certain period of time and making efforts to open up Pearson International Airport to
Ambassador taxis.
[29] The respondent began issuing taxi licences in the 1950s. In the early 1960s,
limits were placed on the number of taxi licences and lists were created to manage the
demand. By 1998, the pace at which Standard licences were issued by the respondent
had significantly declined. In fact, very few new Standard licences were issued by the
respondent after 1982. According to the respondent, the last Standard licence was
issued in 1993 (the release of the licence was delayed until 1996). The last Ambassador
licence was issued in 2005, while the last Accessible licence was issued in 2008.
[30] There is no doubt that the attributes associated with the Standard and
Ambassador licences are different. The Standard licence owner can drive the taxi,
retain an agent to manage the taxi for them by hiring drivers, or enter into a lease
agreement with a driver. When a Standard owner dies, the licence can be transferred
into the estate and sold or transferred to a family member as long that person is
licenced to drive a taxi and the respondent approves the transfer.
[31] The benefit of the Ambassador licence is that it permits a driver the opportunity to
become an owner and thus avoid the complex fee arrangements associated with
leasing a taxi or driving for another owner. Ambassador owners can manage their own
hours within the parameters set by the bylaw. An aspiring owner must complete the
Ambassador Taxicab Training Course and wait for their turn on the list to be issued a
licence. While it is not my intention to diminish the concerns raised by Mr. Addai about
the inadequacies associated with the Ambassador licence, I must acknowledge the
respondents point that approximately 1400 individual drivers have been able to becometaxi owners since 1998 as a result of the Ambassador program. Without this program,
their only options would have been to purchase a Standard licence or work with a
Standard licence owner.
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Mr. Addai
[32] Mr. Addai self-identifies as a black man who was born and raised in Ghana. He
was licensed to drive a taxi on August 28, 1989. Prior to becoming an Ambassador
owner, Mr. Addai leased a taxi and also worked as a shift driver, both of which required
the payment of fees to other people. He described the taxi industry as a world of risk
and financial instability with secret transactions, a culture of silence and a variety of
middle men. Mr. Addai wanted to avoid these elements and manage his own
business. However, Mr. Addai testified that since becoming an owner he has been
insulted by others in the industry who refer to his Ambassador licence as a permit.
[33] Mr. Addai placed himself on the drivers list for an Ambassador licence on June
19, 2000. He was advised on July 22, 2003 that his name had come up on the waiting
list; he took the Ambassador Taxicab Training Course and was issued an Ambassador
Licence on December 17, 2003. In 2008, Mr. Addai applied for an endorsement
permitting him to drive an accessible cab. He spent approximately $65,000.00 to obtain
appropriate equipment. At an earlier stage, he had been offered an opportunity by the
respondent to obtain an Accessible owners licence which would have permitted him to
have multiple drivers. Mr. Addai declined because he was not, at the time, in a position
to make the investment necessary to modify his taxi and he was unsure about the
nature of the market.
[34] The parties agree that Mr. Addai has never been prohibited from acquiring a
Standard licence. Like anyone else, Mr. Addai could obtain a Standard licence by
purchasing from someone and applying to the respondent to approve the transfer.
However, he argues that the cost of obtaining a Standard Licence is prohibitive and it is
discriminatory that he should have to purchase a licence while others of European
descent were issued one prior to 1998 for a small fee.
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Determining Race, Colour, Ethnic Origin and Place of Origin
[35] I heard from Bruce Robertson, Director of Licensing Services in the Municipal
Licensing and Standards Division in the City of Toronto, who has worked for the
respondent in relation to the taxi industry since 1981. He testified that the taxi industry is
ethnically diverse and that since 1981 an increasing number of taxi owners self-identify
as people of colour from places in the Middle East, and various places in India and
Africa. Richard Mucha, Manager of Licensing Enforcement in the City of Toronto, has
worked for the respondent since 1993. He testified that he was aware that taxi cab
drivers have largely been immigrants to Canada and that different groups of people
have come to Canada at different times. He agreed that his observations were
consistent with Mr. Robertsons, that an increasing number of taxi cab drivers are
people of colour.
[36] During the course of the hearing I determined that the respondents records,
which contained the pictures and names of individual Standard and Ambassador licence
owners, were relevant to determining the racial and ethnic composition of the two
groups. I denied the complainants request for information about the race and ethnicity
of those Standard licence owners where the licence was held by a corporation. The
respondent produced the following materials:
1329 pictures and names of Ambassador licence owners from the year2010;
1762 pictures and names of Standard licence owners from 2010; and
1363 pictures and names of Standard licence owners from the year1998.
[37] The parties were unable to agree on one expert and as a result the complainantobtained his own experts to analyze the respondents records. The respondent retained
an expert to critique the methodology of the complainants experts. Concerns were
raised by the respondent, with which I agreed, about the necessity of the complainants
proposed expert witnesses. In the end, the complainant withdrew his experts in favour
of the Tribunal receiving the respondents evidence and drawing its own conclusions.
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The respondent agreed that the materials were relevant but raised concerns about the
appropriateness of the Tribunal analyzing the materials. No methodological approach
was proposed by the respondent.
[38] In reviewing the pictures and names of licence owners and considering the fact
that discrimination may be based as much on perception as on self-identification, I
found that it was possible to determine general patterns of race, colour, ethnic origin
and place of origin. In comparing the Ambassador licence owners with the Standard
Licence owners I made the following observations:
Both groups are ethnically diverse;
There are proportionally more people who appear to be of Europeandescent among Standard Licence owners than among the Ambassadorlicence owners;
While there are many people of colour among the Standard licenceowners, the Ambassador group is predominantly people of colour;
There is a much larger group of women, including women of colour,represented among the Standard licence owners than the Ambassadorlicence owners;
While the Ambassador owners are predominantly racialized men, thereis insufficient evidence to conclude that the Standard licence owners arepredominantly Caucasian or of European descent.
[39] I note that while it is possible to say that all of the Ambassador licence owners
were issued licences by the City after 1998, it is impossible to determine from the
pictures and names when or how the Standard licence owners came to possess their
licences. We do not know, for example, how many purchased licences and what they
paid for them.
[40] I also note that according to Bruce Robertson, as of May 4, 2010, there were
10,422 individuals licensed as taxicab drivers which is only slightly higher than the
10,149 licenced taxi drivers in 1998. I heard no evidence on the racial and ethnic
composition of the entire group from which the Ambassador licence owner group is
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derived. Therefore it is impossible to confirm that the pool of eligible Ambassador
owners reflects the racial and ethnic composition alleged by the complainant. All we
know is that those who were successful in receiving an Ambassador licence are
predominantly racialized.
[41] What I have concluded is that to the extent that there are people of European
descent in the two groups, they are predominantly found among the Standard owners.
While people of colour are represented in both groups, the Ambassador owners are
predominantly racialized men.
[42] Both parties argued that many different factors could account for the racial and
ethnic composition of the taxi industry at any given time, including shifting immigrationpatterns and changing economic conditions which affect employment opportunities in
the City of Toronto. The complainant relied on an article by John Duffy, dated December
7, 2009 which appeared in the Taxi News, for the following historical observations about
the industry in Toronto:
Taxi ownership in Toronto reflects succeeding waves of immigration. Inthe 1940s and 1950s many Jews drove taxicabs. In the 1950s, a largenumber of Hungarians and other Eastern Europeans were issued plates.
In the 1960s, a large number of Greeks entered the taxi industry and wereeventually issued plates. In the 1970s, people from the Middle East begandriving taxis. By the 1980s there were large numbers of drivers fromvarious parts of India, Sikkim and Pakistan. By the later 1990s there weremany drivers from the Horn of Africa.
[43] Although I did not accept this as an expert opinion, Mr. Duffy was regarded by
those who testified at the hearing as a person who has significant knowledge about the
history of the taxi industry in Toronto. More importantly, his observations were
consistent with my analysis of the respondents materials as well as the testimony ofBruce Robertson, who, having worked in the industry for many years, was in a position
to speak with some authority. Mr. Robertson testified that he considered Mr. Duffy an
expert on the history of the taxi industry. While there was no evidence presented on the
racial and ethnic composition of the more than 10,000 taxi drivers in the industry, this
evidence does suggest a trend toward more and more people of colour in that role.
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[44] Part of the complexity associated with the complainants position is that it is
framed as a comparator of two segments of an industry which is much broader in scope
than two classes of licence. I heard no evidence on the racial and ethnic composition of
those individual owners of Accessible licences, the third form of owners licence that
was available at approximately the same time as the Ambassador licence.
[45] However, in my view, it is not necessary for the complainant to establish a
comparator group. It is sufficient that he is able to establish that the Ambassador licence
owners are predominantly racialized men with shared ethnicities from particular places
in the world. It would make no difference to the analysis if the racial and ethnic
composition of the taxi industry was the same before and after 1998. In fact, the racial
and ethnic composition of the industry was exactly the same the day before and the dayafter the changes to the licencing scheme came into effect: the same people who
waited for years for the respondent to issue a new Standard licence or sought to
purchase one on the open market suddenly became eligible to become Ambassador
owners. What is at issue here is the effect on the group of people Mr. Addai represents
and the connection between that effect and their self-identification with the grounds of
race, colour, ethnic origin and place of origin.
ANALYSIS
General Legal Principles
[46] It is well established that human rights legislation is to be given a broad, liberal
and purposive interpretation. In addition to the specific provisions related to
discrimination, the Codecontains a preamble which reflects the kinds of experiences
the legislation is directed at remedying. It speaks not just to equality in relation to the
law, but also to the values of understanding, mutual respect and dignity and the
necessity to ensure that every citizen has the opportunity to contribute fully to the
community. The analysis of a claim of discrimination under the Codemust be animated
by these important principles.
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[47] The Supreme Court of Canada in F.H. v. McDougall, 2008 SCC 53 (CanLII),
[2008] 3 S.C.R. 41 (McDougall), confirmed that the balance of probabilities standard
of proof applies to all civil cases, and, in order to satisfy this standard, evidence must be
sufficiently clear, convincing and cogent.
[48] This case was advanced under section 11 of the Codewhich states:
A right of a person under Part I is infringed where a requirement,qualification or factor exists that is not discrimination on a prohibitedground but that results in the exclusion, restriction or preference of agroup of persons who are identified by a prohibited ground ofdiscrimination and of whom the person is a member, except where,
(a) the requirement, qualification or factor is reasonable and bona fide in
the circumstances; or
(b) it is declared in this Act, other than in section 17, that to discriminatebecause of such ground is not an infringement of a right. (2) The Tribunalor a court shall not find that a requirement, qualification or factor isreasonable and bona fide in the circumstances unless it is satisfied thatthe needs of the group of which the person is a member cannot beaccommodated without undue hardship on the person responsible foraccommodating those needs, considering the cost, outside sources offunding, if any, and health and safety requirements, if any.
(3) The Tribunal or a court shall consider any standards prescribed bythe regulations for assessing what is undue hardship. The complainantdescribes section 11 as a provision which protects against thediscriminatory effects of an otherwise neutral factor.
[49] Discrimination is not defined in the Code, however, it has been consistently
defined by the Tribunal and the Courts to mean adverse treatment, or a distinction
which creates a disadvantage, on the basis of a prohibited ground (Ontario (Human
Rights Commission) v. Simpsons-Sears Ltd., 1985 CanLII 18 (S.C.C.), [1985] 2 S.C.R.
536 (OMalley); Andrews v. Law Society of British Columbia, 1989 CanLII 2 (S.C.C.),
[1989] 1 S.C.R. 143 (Andrews);Moore v. British Columbia (Education), 2012 SCC 61.
[50] In Shaw v. Phipps, 2012 ONCA 155, the Court of Appeal re-stated the long-
standing principle from the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in OMalley, that
the onus rests on the complainant to establish a prima faciecase of discrimination: one
http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2012/2012scc61/2012scc61.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2012/2012scc61/2012scc61.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2012/2012scc61/2012scc61.html -
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which covers the allegations made and which, if they are believed, is complete and
sufficient to justify a verdict in the complainants favour in the absence of answer from
the respondent.
[51] Section 11 defines the respondents burden as proof that the factor in issue is
reasonable and bona fide in the sense that the individual cannot be accommodated
short of undue hardship. If the respondent is unable or unwilling to establish such a
justification, the Tribunal will find a breach of the Code and order an appropriate
remedy.
[52] I have found that the complainant in this case has failed to demonstrate the
necessary elements for a finding of discrimination under section 11. As a result, thefocus of my reasons is on this aspect of the analysis and I have not found it necessary
to consider whether the respondent has proven that its actions were reasonable and
bona fide.
Discrimination
[53] A finding of discrimination requires proof of three elements: identification with a
prohibited ground; adverse treatment or disadvantage; and a connection between thedisadvantage and the ground alleged.
A Group of Persons Identified by a Prohibited Ground
[54] In most cases, Mr. Addais self-identification with the prohibited grounds he has
relied upon would be sufficient to establish the first stage of a discrimination analysis.
However, in this case, he relies upon section 11 which requires him to prove that he is a
member of a group of persons identified by a prohibited ground. The group identified by
Mr. Addai is racialized persons who are owners of Ambassador licences.
[55] Despite my finding that the Ambassador licence owners are predominantly
racialized, I do not believe that this leads directly to the conclusion that a group of
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racialized taxi owners constitutes a group of persons identified by a prohibited ground
for the purpose of section 11. I am required to read section 11 in a manner which is
consistent with the underlying purpose of the Code, namely, the elimination of those
distinctions and disadvantages which are connected to personal characteristics such as
race. The group affiliation in this case appears to be based on occupation rather than
race and ethnicity. I am aware of the potential for that to be considered a rather
specious distinction. For many years women lived with a similar assumption that the
deprivation of maternity benefits did not affect them as a group defined by gender
because the men in their workplaces were treated in exactly the same way.
[56] The difference here is demonstrated by the complainants own argument that the
racial and ethnic composition of taxi owners has changed with shifting immigrationpatterns over many years and the complainant seeks to compare himself to others who
were new immigrants at a different time. The complainant argues that snapshots of the
taxi industry, taken at different moments in time, reveal a different racial and ethnic
composition among those who own licences. To take that argument to its logical
conclusion, unlike the connection between women and pregnancy, the racial and ethnic
composition of the taxi industry has been shown to be constantly changing and
therefore there is no telling what the racial and ethnic composition of taxi owners will be
in the future.
[57] The argument advanced by Mr. Addai is unique: regardless of the shifting racial
and ethnic composition of the taxi industry, his reality is, that at the moment in time
when the Ambassador program was introduced, he was part of a group of taxi owners
who were predominantly racialized. To find against Mr. Addai at this stage may
constitute an unduly restrictive interpretation of the Code. In addition, what is really at
issue here is the lack of connection between the alleged disadvantages of the
Ambassador licences and the prohibited grounds Mr. Addai has relied upon. For those
reasons, I have determined that it is prudent to proceed with the analysis as if Mr. Addai
meets the first requirement of section 11, which is to prove that he is a member of a
group of persons identified by the prohibited grounds of race, colour and place of origin.
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Disadvantage
[58] With respect to the issue of disadvantage, the respondent disputed that the
Standard licences were superior to the Ambassador licence, pointing to the fact that
without the Ambassador program, most if not all of the approximately 1400 Ambassador
owners would never have had the opportunity to become owners of their business. They
are also in a position to dictate their own hours of operation without being tied to shifts
that are determined by the Standard owners from whom they once leased a taxi and to
whom they would have paid fees.
[59] I must raise yet another caution here about comparisons between Ambassador
and Standard licences. There have been other options for those who chose to becomeAmbassador licence owners. The Accessible licence owner must invest in equipment
which is specially designed to service disabled people, however, that licence permits
multiple drivers. Standard licences may be purchased by any individual taxi owner.
While Mr. Addai testified that the cost was prohibitive, there was no evidence from
which I could draw the inference that the group of racialized taxi owners that Mr. Addai
represents cannot, because of their race or ethnicity, afford to make the investment
required to purchase a Standard licence.
[60] However, I agree with the complainant that despite the benefits of ownership, on
balance, the Standard licence has benefits associated with it which make it more
lucrative, more flexible and contribute to a greater sense of security for taxi owners
particularly in times of illness and with respect to their ability to build an investment for
their retirement. I agree that on a strict comparison between the benefits of an
Ambassador licence and a Standard licence, it is a disadvantage not to be able to
transfer the Ambassador licence or hire a second driver.
Connecting the Prohibited Grounds to the Disadvantage
[61] The complainant denies that in the context of a section 11 complaint he is
required to demonstrate a connection between the disadvantage he is experiencing and
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the prohibited grounds alleged or that if such a link is required, it is implicit in these
circumstances. This connection is variously described by Courts and Tribunals using
words and phrases such as because of or link or nexus. The complainant contends
that under section 11, his burden is discharged by proof of some form of exclusion
which is being experienced by a group of predominantly racialized taxi owners.
[62] The complainant argues that support for this position may be found in the
decision in Hogan v. Ontario (Minister of Health and Long-Term Care), [2006]
O.H.R.T.D. No. 34 at paragraphs 97 and 98:
Section 11 is unique to Ontario. What the Legislature states in section 11is this: if one introduces a rule that is neutral on its face, as long as it has
an adverse impact on an individual or group who are identified by aprohibited ground and of whom the individual or group is a member, thereis an infringement of the corresponding right: constructive discrimination ifyou will. Thus to establish a prima facie case, the complainant need onlyshow that he or she falls within a prohibited ground, and sustainedadverse impact by the requirement. If the complainant does so, the burdenshifts to the respondent
Section 11 has two unique features, which are significant. First, and moresignificantly, it presumes that there is an abridgement of ones rightprotected under any ground under Part I of the Code, subject to specific
qualifications, where a requirement is neutral on its face, but has anadverse impact on an individual or group identified by a prohibited ground.Second, the effect is that it forgoes the traditional way to establishdiscrimination of any right protected under Part I.
[63] The complainant also relies on the decision in Kearney v. Bramalea Ltd., [1998]
34 C.H.R.R. D/1 Ont. Bd. Inq. (Kearney),for the same proposition.
[64] I disagree that either case supports the complainants argument. The findings in
relation to section 11 were made in both of those cases where the complainantsdemonstrated that the prohibited grounds they relied on explained in part why an
otherwise neutral rule created a disadvantage for them. In Kearney, for example, the
complainants were able to connect their sex, marital status, citizenship, place of origin,
family status, and age to the disadvantages they experienced when a rent-to-income
ratio was applied to deny them housing. The Board heard extensive evidence about the
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relationship between the prohibited grounds and the application of a rent-to-income
ratio. The Board found that women, single mothers, refugees, immigrants, and people
receiving social assistance were disproportionately represented among those with lower
incomes who are excluded from accommodation by the application of income criteria.
To apply the reasoning this case, Mr. Addai would need to prove that there is some
connection between the race and ethnicity of the taxi owners he represents and the
disadvantages associated with the Ambassador licences, or the inability of those
owners to purchase a Standard licence.
[65] The complainants interpretation of Hogan in particular, leads to the argument
that there is a different, arguably lower threshold, for a complainant in proving a case of
constructive rather than direct discrimination. I would reject that argument for a numberof reasons.
[66] First, such an interpretation is inconsistent with the decision of the Supreme
Court of Canada in British Columbia (Public Service Employee Relations Commission)
v. British Columbia Government Service Employees' Union, [1999] 3 S.C.R. 3, 1999
SCC 48 (Meiorin), where the Court eradicated the analytical distinctions between
direct and constructive discrimination.
[67] Second, it would be inconsistent with the decision of the Court of Appeal in
Ontario (Disability Support Program) v. Tranchemontagne, 2010 ONCA 593
(Tranchemontagne), because it would shift the burden to the respondent to disprove
discrimination. That would be particularly problematic in this case since the explicit
wording of section 11 limits the burden on the respondent to proving that its actions
were bona fideand justified.
[68] Third, all three social areas alleged to be engaged by this complaint - services,
employment and contracts - protect the right to equal treatment without discrimination
because ofthe prohibited grounds of, race, colour, ethnic origin and place of origin.
http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1999/1999scc48/1999scc48.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1999/1999scc48/1999scc48.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2010/2010onca593/2010onca593.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2010/2010onca593/2010onca593.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/on/onca/doc/2010/2010onca593/2010onca593.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1999/1999scc48/1999scc48.htmlhttp://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/1999/1999scc48/1999scc48.html -
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[69] Fourth, the Codemust be interpreted in light of the interests that it was designed
to protect. I do not disagree with the complainant that his circumstances are compelling
and that historically one is likely to find discrimination where groups of people who
identify with a prohibited ground are experiencing some form of adversity. I note that the
complainant relies on the often quoted passage from the Abella Report (quoted in
C.N.R. v. Canada (Human Rights Commission), [1987] 1 S.C.R. 1114 at para. 34)
which makes reference to the connection between the disadvantage and the ground:
Discriminationmeans practices or attitudes that have, whether by designor impact, the effect of limiting an individuals or a groups right to theopportunities generally available because of the attributed rather thanactual characteristicsIt is not a question of whether this discrimination ismotivated by an intentional desire to obstruct someones potential, or
whether it is the accidental by-product of innocently motivated practices orsystems. If the barrier is affecting certain groups in a disproportionatelynegative way, it is a signal that the practices that lead to this adverseimpact may be discriminatory.
[70] In Andrews, McIntyre J. also addressed the issue of connection:
In simple terms, then, it may be said that a law which treats all identicallyand which provides equality of treatment between "A" and "B" might wellcause inequality for "C", depending on differences in personal
characteristics and situations. To approach the ideal of full equality beforeand under the law -- and in human affairs an approach is all that can beexpected -- the main consideration must be the impact of the law on theindividual or the group concerned. Recognizing that there will always bean infinite variety of personal characteristics, capacities, entitlements andmerits among those subject to a law, there must be accorded, as nearly asmay be possible, an equality of benefit and protection and no more of therestrictions, penalties or burdens imposed upon one than another. Inother words, the admittedly unattainable ideal should be that a lawexpressed to bind all should not because of irrelevant personal differenceshave a more burdensome or less beneficial impact on one than another.
[71] The key observation from that passage, in my view, is the phrase a law
expressed to bind all should not because ofirrelevant personal differences have a more
burdensome or less beneficial impact on one than another. In Andrews, the connection
is more obvious because the barrier is directly and explicitly connected to the irrelevant
personal characteristic of citizenship. Nevertheless, in my view, that connection must
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also exist in cases of constructive discrimination. In other words, the impact on Mr.
Addai and other racialized men in the taxi-industry has to be, at least in part, because of
irrelevant personal differences in race and ethnicity. It is not sufficient to demonstrate
that a group of racialized taxi drivers is experiencing adverse consequences as a result
of changes to the structure of the taxi industry without making that connection.
[72] I have considered Mr. Addais arguments and the issue of connection from a
number of different perspectives. For example, there are circumstances which are so
inextricably bound up with a prohibited ground that they made be said to be a proxy for
that ground. In pregnancy cases it is not a defence to an allegation of sex discrimination
that a woman was denied benefits on the basis of pregnancy. Pregnancy and sex are
so inextricably bound up together that denying a service to a woman because ofpregnancy is synonymous with denying a service on the basis of sex. In my view, the
complainant cannot make out the connection between the prohibited grounds alleged
and the disadvantage he experiences on this basis. His work as a taxi owner is not so
inextricably bound up with his race, colour, ethnic origin and place of origin that any
disadvantage he experiences as a taxi driver is synonymous with disadvantage on the
basis of those personal characteristics.
[73] Second, Mr. Addai places considerable emphasis on the fact that a
disproportionate number of taxi owners with Ambassador licences are racialized. If the
respondent continued to issue both Standard and Ambassador licences, and a
disproportionate number of racialized taxi drivers received the Ambassador licence as
compared to the Standard licence owner, it is possible that discrimination would be a
factor in those circumstances. This situation is, in my view, what was referred to in the
Abella Report as a signal that the practices that lead to this adverse impact may be
discriminatory. However, in this case, the respondent has stopped issuing Standard
licences all together which is another reason that comparison between the two groups is
problematic.
[74] Third, although I make no findings in relation to this issue and raise it only for the
purpose of demonstrating the lack of connection between the Ambassador licences and
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the grounds of race and colour, the prohibition against a second driver is a factor which
is arguably discriminatory on the basis of disability. In that case, a seemingly neutral
prohibition against a second driver may have adverse consequences for a person
because of their disability. A Tribunal would then be required to consider the
respondents evidence, including the fact that an exemption from driving due to illness
or vacation has existed since 2003. In this case, Mr. Addai is unable to make the kind of
connection to the prohibited grounds he has relied on that one might arguably make
with respect to disability.
[75] These findings should not be taken to preclude the possibility that a group of
people who are working in an occupation which is so notoriously tied to a prohibited
ground and questionable working conditions that the Tribunal would be compelled totake judicial notice of the connections between the ground, the occupation and the
disadvantages experienced by the complainants. Fundamentally, Mr. Addai argues that
he is a member of a group of racialized people who have been of deprived of the
benefits of a Standard licence by the respondent. However, he acknowledges that there
is no entitlement to the continuation of the pre-1998 taxi licence regime. There was
insufficient evidence from which I could draw the inference that the financial
circumstances of people who come from different countries and choose to become taxi
owners, are so notorious that I could take judicial notice of the fact that it is their
personal characteristics which render the Standard licences prohibitive.
[76] Mr. Addai is a person of colour from Ghana who chose to become a taxi driver in
1989 and to become an owner in 2003. In the intervening period between those two
events in his life, the respondent decided to change the taxi licence regime. The fact
that there were a significant number of racialized people seeking a taxi owners licence
after 1998 is not sufficient to demonstrate that they were denied the benefits of a
Standard licence because of race, colour, ethnic origin or place of origin.
[77] Even if I were to accept the complainants arguments about the historical
evolution of the taxi industry, what it establishes is that before 1998, there was no
barrier to racialized people receiving Standard licences. The only barrier to receiving a
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new Standard licence before 1998 was the declining rate at which they were being
issued, for which there is also no evidence of a connection to race, colour, ethnic origin
or place of origin. After 1998, the barrier to receiving a newly issued Standard licence
was imposed equally on anyone applying for a taxi owners licence. In order to establish
discrimination Mr. Addai and the group of racialized men he represents, must prove that
they are adversely affected by this seemingly neutral rule because of their race, colour,
ethnic origin or place of origin. They have not done so and as a result, I must find that
the decision to stop issuing Standard licences and begin issuing Ambassador licences
is not discriminatory.
[78] Taxi drivers like Mr. Addai voluntarily applied to become owner/operators under
the new Ambassador program. However, Mr. Addai testified that he is demoralized bywhat he described as an industry replete with unfair working conditions, including the
fact that he works side by side with people who hold licences with the potential for
income protection when they are ill and security in their retirement. Mr. Addai appeared
before this Tribunal with tremendous dignity and in good faith. However, I cannot find
that the disadvantages described by Mr. Addai can be remedied by this Tribunal.
[79] I wish to extend my thanks to counsel for both parties for their professionalism
throughout the hearing of this matter and to the participants who gave generously of
their time to assist me in these deliberations.
[80] The Complaint is dismissed.
Dated at Toronto, this 3rd day of December, 2012.
__________________________________Leslie ReaumeVice-chair