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Sarasvati lingua franca, mleccha Mleccha and Sarasvati Civilization Jaati-bhasha is Bharatiya language community; des’i areal versions (regional dialects). Hanuman speaks to Sita in the language of the common man (ma_nus.am va_kyam arthavat)

Hanuman meets Sita (Ramayana Sundarakanda, in Indian art) A thrilling moment in Bharatiya tradition and ethos is when Hanuman meets Sitadevi in As’okavana of Lanka and hands over the ring of S’rirama and assures Sitadevi that S’rirama is coming to take her back. Hanuman deliberates on

what language he should use while addressing Sita. 16 antaram tv aham āsādya rāks.asīnām iha sthitah śanair āśvāsayis.yāmi santāpabahulām imām 17 aham hy atitanuś caiva vanaraś ca viśes.atah vācam codāharis.yāmi mānus.īm iha samskr.tām 18 yadi vācam pradāsyāmi dvijātir iva samskr.tām rāvan.am manyamānā mām sītā bhītā bhavis.yati 19 avaśyam eva vaktavyam mānus.am vākyam arthavat mayā sāntvayitum śakyā nānyatheyam aninditā

“To win her ear with soft address And whisper hope in dire distress Shall I, a puny Vaanara, choose The Sanskrit men delight to use? If as a man of Bra_hman.a kind I speak the tongue by rules refined The lady, yielding to her fears, Will think ‘tis Ravana’s voice she hears. I must assume my only plan – The language of a common man.”

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[Based on Ralph T. Griffith’s translation of Valmiki Ramayana – Book V, Canto XXX, Hanuman’s deliberation; Muir comments in Sanskrit Texts, Part II, p. 166: ‘(the reference to language of a common man) may perhaps be understood not as a language in which words different from Sanskrit were used, but the employment of formal and elaborate diction.’ Yes, indeed, Samskr.tam as aryavaacas was differentiated from Prakrit as mlecchavaacas only by formality and grammatical refinement of diction.] In this passage, the reference to the language of a common man is a reference to mleccha- vaacas (Prakrit) as distinct from arya-vaacas (refined Samskr.tam which was the refined language spoken by Ravana, the Bra_hman.a king of Lanka). Valmiki depicts Hanuman as a learned scholar, versed in nine vya_karan.a (grammars), who learned s’astra from surya. Tulasi Das who wrote Ramacharitamanas in Hindi, claims with devotion that Hanuman (Anjaneya) was like his father, who fed him and brought him up. Hanuman is adored in Hindu tradition as buddhimataam varishtham ‘supreme among learned people’, jn~a_nima_agragan.yam, foremost among the wise. Admiring Hanuman’s communication skills, S’rirama tells Lakshmana in Kishkinda: “See how excellently Hanuman has spoken. He did not utter a single word without relevance and significance. He has not wasted a single word. Nor did he omit an appropriate word. He has not taken more time than was necessary to communicate what he wanted to convey. Every word that he spoke can never be forgotten. Such a voice prmotes general welfare and remains forever in the heard and minds for generations to come’. When Hanuman meets Sita in Lanka, he exclaims: “To find Sita here is just like listening to a person who is lacking in world culture – who tries to say something but actually says something else!” He informs his fellow soldiers in joy: ‘Drushta Sita (Seen Sita!)’ He started with one sentence to Sita when he met her: “Das’aratha is the king of Ayodhya,” followed by a recounting of the events which led to Rama’s search for Sita. Ma_nus.am va_kyam arthavat, ‘meaningful speech of the common man’, deliberated Hanuman and spoke to Sita in the lingua franca of the linguistic area. The objective of this work is to delineate such a language of the common man: mlecchavaacas (ja_tibha_s.a_). The words bha_s.a_, va_cas are semantic cognates of the lexemes of Austric: basoG ‘to speak, to say’, basoG-bi ‘to answer (a call)’, just as the Austric word jel.jal is cognate with Tamil word col: jel, zel ‘to say, to speak, to answer: jel.jal, zel.zel ‘’to discuss, to converse’. The semantic cluster may be seen from the following lexemes of Bharatiya language family: semantic cluster ‘speak; language’: bha_s.a_ speech (Mn.); bha_sa_ speech, language (Pali. Pkt.); ba_s. word (Wg.); ba_s.a language (Dm.); bas. (Sh.); ba_s. (D..); bha_s' (Ku.); bha_s (N.B.Mth.); language (Konkan.i); bha_sa song (OG.); baha word, saying (Si.); bas, baha (Md.): dubha_siya_ interpreter (H.)(CDIAL 9479). bha_s.ate_ speaks, says (TBr.); bha_s.ati (MBh.); bha_sati speaks, calls (Pali); bha_site said (As'.); bhas.adi speaks (Dhp.); bha_sai_ (Pkt.); bha_s'n.o~ to promise (WPah.)(CDIAL 9478). bhas.a barking (VS.); dog (Skt.); bu_ssa_ dog (Si.)(CDIAL 9422). bhas.ati barks, growls (MBh.); bhasati barks (Pali); bhasai (Pkt.); bahan.u (S.); bhasvu~ to bark, speak (contemptuous)(G.); bahukan.u to bark (S.); bhau~kan.u (S.); bhau~sna_, bhu~_sna_ to bark; bhu~_kna_ id. (H.)(CDIAL 9423). cf. vakul.i sound (Ta.)(DEDR 5204). Image: to shout; abuse: va_s'ana act of bleating, etc. (TBr.com.); bas'onu song, poem (Kho.)(CDIAL 11585). va_s'ayati causes to roar or resound (RV.); bas'eik to sing (Kho.);

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va_svu~ to blow a musical instrument (G.)(CDIAL 11586). va_s'ita roaring, scream (MBh.); -ba_si in: ruwa_-ba_si lamentation (N.)(CDIAL 11587). va_s'ra lowing cow (RV.)(CDIAL 11590). va_cittal to play on a musical instrument (Cilap. 7, Pak. 205); va_ci musical pipe; tune, musical song (Ta.lex.) va_syate_ (va_s'ati) (RV.) roars, howls, bellows, lows, bleats, sings (of birds)(AitBr.); vassati, va_sati utters a cry (of animals and birds)(Pali); va_sai (Pkt.); bas to bark, crow, cry, sing, play music (Gypsy); wa_s to bleat, bellow (Ash.); wac (Wg.Kt.); bas to mew (Dm.); wa~_s to bleat, scold, speak (Pas.); wos to bellow, bark, bleat, crow (Pas'.); uasi_am I weep (Shum. <Kafiri?); ba_s to bellow, bleat (Kal.); bha_s to bleat, bark (Phal.); basoiki to cry (of animals), chatter, be played (of an instrument) (Sh.); baso_nu, basyo_nu, basijoiki to strike (of clock), crackle (of fire)(Sh.); ba_s'nu_ to chirp (WPah.); ba_s'n.u to warble (WPah.); ba_sn.o to cry (of animals)(Ku.)(CDIAL 11589). Curse: vayl. abuse (Ko.); bay(i), bayyu, boyi to abuse, revile, use bad language (Ka.)(DEDR 5550). vacai reproach, censure, blame, stigma, calumny (Pur-ana_.10); satiric poem, lampoon (Tol.Po.437); vacaikavi id.; vacavu foul, abusive language (Tiv. Tiruva_y. 7,5,3)(Ta.lex.) avas'apta cursed (MBh.); s'apa (Skt.); wo_hawun to curse (K.); wohav curse (K.); vis'apta abjured (MaitrS.)(CDIAL 847). Bharata’s Natyashastra (attributed to ca. 3rd century BCE) identifies languages in four categories: 1. atibha_s.a_ (superhuman language) 2. a_ryabha_s.a_ 3. ja_tibha_s.a_ and 4. yonyantari_bha_s.a_ (language of the animals).” (18.28-30) By using the term ‘yonyantari_’ in juxtaposition to ‘ja_ti’, Bharata is clearly delineating ja_ti as the category of language community, set of languages spoken by the people. This classification is also consistent with the classification of Pan.ini who identifies chandas and bha_s.a_. Chandas is atibha_s.a; bha_s.a_ is composed of a_ryavaacas and mlecchavaacas as two versions of the Bharatiya language: vox literati (literary language) and vox populi (lingua franca). By the term, bha_s.a_, Pa_n.ini is referring to both Samskr.tam and Prakrits, that is the Bharatiya language community. The Hindu tradition holds that the expositions of Mahavira, for example, were also communicated to non-human beings (yonyantari_). Such a bha_s.a_ arose on the workers’ or artisan’s platforms, karmabhumi.

Ja_tibha_s.a_, substratum, foundation of all Bharatiya languages

The focus of this work is on ja_tibha_s.a_ which are composed of the language community of: Tamil, Munda (Austric), Prakrits, Pali, Mleccha, Nahali. Samskr.tam is a refined form of Prakrits. This is a community of Bharatiya languages because there was intense interaction among the various language speakers resulting in the formation of the Linguistic Area between ca. 6500 BCE in an extraordinary continuum to the present day. Present-day Bharatiya (including Himalayan) languages are differentiated versions derived from the Proto-vedic (or Indic). The basic premise of this work is that ja_tibha_s.a_ constitutes the substratum, the very foundation of all Bharatiya languages. Mleccha as the substrate of Indian Linguistic area Kuiper identified the donor language as Proto-Munda. (F. B. Kuiper, 1991, Aryans in the

Rigveda, Rodopi) for 383 Ṛgvedic words, nearly 4% of its yajna vocabulary which cannot be explained as Indo-European borrowings -- despite what Burrow calls the "resort to tortuous

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reconstructions in order to find, by hook or by crook, Indo-European explanations for Sanskrit words". A number of syntactical and morphological features present in Vedic Samskrtam are alien to other Indo-European languages; this could be due to a local substratum of Munda, and Dravidian < Munda. Bryant, Edwin, 2001, The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture: The Indo-Aryan Migration Debate, Oxford University Press, p. 78) Reasons cited are: the introduction of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals; there are the gerunds; and syntactically there is the use of a quotative marker ("iti"). Bryant, 2001, opcit, p.79) Mayrhofer identifies a "prefixing" language, based on recurring prefixes like ka- or ki-. Examples include: kavandha "barrel", kākambīra a certain tree, kavaṣa "straddle-legged", kakardu "wooden stick", kapardin "with a hair-knot" kimīd a demon, śimidā a demoness, kilāsa "spotted, leprous", kiyāmbu a water plant, kīnāśa "ploughman", kumāra "boy", kulāya "nest", kuliśa "ax", kuluṅga "antelope" (Kuruṅga name of a chieftain of the Turvaśa). (Mallory, J.P., 1989, In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology, and Myth, London: Thames & Hudson.)

Retroflex phonemes found in Dravidian and Munda and are reconstructed for proto-Dravidian/proto-Munda and are regarded an areal feature of the Indian subcontinent. These phonemes are NOT reconstructible for either Proto-Indo-European or for Proto-Indo-Iranian, pointing to an indigenous evolution of the languages in the Indian linguistic area. (cf. M.B.Emeneau, India as a Linguistic Area [Lang. 32, 1956, 3-16; LICS, 196, 642-51; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 171-186: “Most of the languages of India, of no matter which major family, have a set of retroflex, cerebral, or domal consonants in contrast with dentals. The retroflexes include stops and nasal certainly, also in some languages sibilants, lateral, tremulant, and even others. Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and even the far northern Burushaski, form a practically solid bloc characterized by this phonological feature... Even our earliest Sanskrit records already show phonemes of this class, which are, on the whole, unknown elsewhere in the Indo-European field, and which are certainly not Proto-Indo-European. In Sanskrit many of the occurrences of retroflexes are conditioned; others are explained historically as reflexes of certain Indo-European consonants and consonant clusters. But, in fact, in Dravidian it is a matter of the utmost certainty that retroflexes in contrast with dentals are Proto-Dravidian in origin, not the result of conditioning circumstances... it is clear already that echo-words are a pan-Indic trait and that Indo-Aryan probably received it from non-Indo-Aryan (for it is not Indo-European)... The use of classifiers can be added to those other linguistic traits previously discussed, which establish India as one linguistic area ('an area which includes languages belonging to more than one family but showing traits in common which are found not to belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families') for historical study. The evidence is at least as clear-cut as in any part of the world... Some of the features presented here are, it seems to me, as 'profound' as we could wish to find... Certainly the end result of the borrowings is that the languages of the two families, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, seem in many respects more akin to one another than Indo-Aryan does to the other Indo-European languages. (We must not, however, neglect Bloch's final remark and his reasons therefor: 'Ainsi donc, si profondes qu'aient ete les influences locales, elles n'ont pas conduit l'aryen de l;inde... a se differencier fortement des autres langues indo-europeennes.')"] The profundity of these

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observations by Emeneau and Bloch will be tested through clusters of lexemes of an Indian Lexicon, and relating them to the epigraphical finds of the civilization in what I have called: Sarasvati hieroglyphs or mlecchita vikalpa, based on the substrate mleccha spoken language, the lingua franca of the civilization, which can also be called proto-Indian explaining the unifying areal features of ancient versions of all present-day Indian languages.

Sample Mleccha glosses (semantic clusters) Semantic cluster: angirasa, shell-lime, wood Charcoal: Skt. anga_r; Hindi ingel; anggu (Semang.Jur.); jeng-ka, jengkat (Sakei.); nying-kah (Senoi.); Embers: engong o_s'; ingung us (Semang.); burning embers: rangok (Khmer); Firewood: api (Jak.); fire-logs: anggng (Bes.) Bengali kali cu_.; cf. ka_lo (Sak); kala_k (Sem.) Wood: Bengali jhop, jhor., jha_r.; cf. jahu (Sem.); jehu_p chu (Mon); cho (Khmer); Tree = jehu~, jihu (Sak.) Semantic cluster: plough, arrow Skt. la_ngala, la_ngula, linga; Khmer anka_l, cam lanan, lanal lanar; Khasi ka-lynkor; Tembi tenga_la, Malay tengala, tanga_la, Batak lingala, Makassar nankala Arrow: Skt. ba_n.a; Mon po_h, pah 'to throw the stones with a bow'; pno_h 'this bow'; Khmer, boh 'to throw, shoot to husk (the cotton); phno_h 'card for cotton'; Bahnar ponah, panah 'to draw the bow'; Curu: panan 'bow'; Kon-tu: panen 'cross-bow'; Sedang: ponen, monen 'cross-bow'; Halang: menen 'cross-bow'(Jean Przyluski, 1921, Non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan in, PC Bagchi, opcit, pp. 19-21). Sumerian pan 'bow'. Semantic cluster: coconut, mustard, rice, banana, betel, cotton Malay niyor (coconut), niyor (Sak. and Sem.); fruit: ple, phlei, etc., kolai (Tareng); kolai (Kontu); na_rikela may be derived from equivalents of niyor (coconut) and kolai (fruit), combined. cf. SK Chatterji, 1928, Some more austric words in Indo-Aryan, in PC Bagchi, opcit., p. xx. Skt. sarsapa = Pkt. sa_sava; Malay sesawi (husked rice) Skt. tan.d.ula, Beng. ca_ul; Middle Bengali ta_~r.ula, ta_ula, ca_ula; cf. cengrong, cen-er-oi, ceng-goi, ng-roi (Sakai); cendaroi (Senoi); jaroi, caroi (Sak.); cooked rice: caroi (Sak.), sro_ (Mon), srauv (Khmer). What are the likely early words for 'paddy'? We would suggest two candidate semantic clusters, all indigenous, autochthonous bharatiya; we will leave it to linguistic pundits to unravel the munda, ia and dravidian -- even South Chinese – genetic relationships (which we opine, are likely to be figments of linguists' imagination): val (pl. valkul) grain of unhusked rice (Kol.); valku pl. paddy, rice (Nk.)(DEDR 5287). varaku-c-campa_ a kind of paddy, sown in the months of a_n-i, a_t.i, and a_van.i, and maturing in six months (Rd.M.44); varaku-c-cir-u-kur-uvai a kind of paddy, sown in the season of a_van.i to ka_rttikai and maturing in four months (Rd.M. 45)(Ta.lex.) alaku grains of paddy, ear of paddy or other grain (Ta.); algu rice obtained from paddy without boiling it (Kui); alkhr.a_ parched rice (cyu_r.a_ (H.) th paddy is first steeped in tepid water, then parched, finally unhusked by means of a wooden pedal and winnowed)(DEDR 255). Boiled rice: lay boiled rice (Pe.);lay id. (Mand..); lahi id. (Kuwi); la_h'i boiled mand.eya grain (Kuwi)(DEDR 5186). Parched grain: la_ja parched grain (VS.Pali); la_ya id., dried rice (Pkt.); la_wa_ fried unhusked rice (N.); burst parched rice or other grain (Bi.); parched grain (H.); la_i_ id. (H.); la_hi_ parched rice or wheat (M.); lada parched grain (Si.)(CDIAL 11011). vri_hi_ (a type of paddy)(Car. Su.27.15,33). ir- an.kal variety of coarse paddy sown in July, and harvested after six months (Ta.lex.) arici-k-ka_n.am an ancient tax (I.M.P.Tp. 234); arici rice without husk;

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any husked grain (Tamir..na_. 22); vari (Te.); ari (Tu.); oruza (Gr.)(Ta.lex.) nakarai a kind of rice (Ta.); navarai a kind of paddy (Ta.); navira, naviri, nakara a rice that ripens within two or three months; navara id.; paspalum frumentaceum (Ma.); navara a kind of grain (Tu.); navare a kind of rice (Tu.); nivari, nivvari oryza (Te.); ni_va_ra wild rice (Skt.)(DEDR 3614). ni_vara wild rice (VS.); ni_varaka (Sus'r.); ni_va_ra wild rice (Pali); niwar a kind of hardy rice growing at high altitudes (K.); nya_r wild rice (H.); nava_r, nama_r rice growing spontaneously (G.)(CDIAL 7571). Contrast these with words used for husked paddy or rice: So. sArO/ sAr `paddy'. Sa. hoRo ~ huRu `paddy, the rice plant (Oryza sativa,L.)'.Mu. huRu(K) `rice'. !equals Mu. baba Bh. huRu `rice'.Tu. huRu `rice'.KW u`Ru`@(V244,M073) ca_ula_ pl., cavala rice (Pkt.)[Poss. of ultimately of same non- Aryan origin as tand.ula]; ca~_uru, ca~_varu a grain of rice (S.); ca~_uro pertaining to husked rice (S.); ca_val husked rice (L.P.); ca_vul (L.); ca_var (P.); ca_ul (P.B.); caul (P.); cau (WPah.); cau~l (Ku.); ca~_wo_w (Ku.); ca~_wal (N.H.); ca_mal (N.); sa_ul (A.); ta_ula (OB.); ca_l (B.); ca~_ul.a (Or.); ca_ul.a, ca_ura (Or.); ca_ur Bi.Mth.Bhoj.); ca_wal (H.); ca~_war (H.); ca_vala (OMarw.); ca_val. usu. pl. (G.)(CDIAL 4749). cauret.ha_, caurat.ha_ rice soaked and dried and pounded (Bi.); cauret.ha_ rice ground up with water (H.)(CDIAL 4750). s'a_li growing or unhusked rice (MBh.);grains of rice (R.); s'a_lika of rice (Skt.Pali); sa_li rice(Pali.Pkt.); sal, sali (Gypsy); salima (Ash.); seli_, salima_ (Wg.); sali (Kt.); growing rice (Dm.); sa_l (Pas'.); so_le (Wot..); sa_li_ (Kho.); se_l (Bshk.); sa_l (Tor.); shaeyl (Mai.); se_li_ (Phal.); sili_ rice (Pr.); sha_li_ (Bashg.); sa_ri_ unhusked rice (S.); saria~_ rice (L.); xa_li principal variety of transplanted rice (A.); sa_l, sa_il a kind of rice (B.); sa_l.i growing or unhusked rice (Or.); sa_ri (Bi.); sa_l (H.); sa_l. (G.M.); sa_l.iyu~ (G.); sa_l.i_ (M.); hal, al (Si.)(CDIAL 12415). buvva 'cooked food' used while feeding children (Telugu) So. ba.ba (M) `cooked rice'. !occurs only in children's speech Kh. ba? `rice in the hull, paddy'. Ju. bua `rice'. !perhaps from ba.ba Mu. ba.ba `the rice-plant, paddy (%Oryza_sativa,_Linn.), or rice in the husk'. Ho ba.ba `the rice-plant, paddy (%Oryza_sativa,_Linn.), or rice in the husk'. Ku. ba.ba `cauli rice'.@(V004) See baba in hond.e baba: hond.e the point to be reached in parboiling paddy before husking it; hond.e baba parboiled rice; hond.e to parboil paddy to prepare it for quick and easy husking (Mu.); ondna_ (Oraon)(Mu.lex.) Banana, plantain: kelui (gelui, glui), Sak. Kor. Gb; teluwi or keluwi. Sem. Jarum; telu_i. Sem. kedah; Skt. kadali_, kandali_ Betel: Alak balu, Khmer mluv, Bahnar bolou, Rongao bolou, Sue' malua, Lave melu, Stieng mlu, Kha blu, Palaung plu_; Sanskrit ta_mbu_lam, Pali tambu_li, tambu_lam, Prakrit tambolam, tambol. "A hindu caste of Bengal, which has for its main occupation the cultivation and the sale of betel, is called ba_rui < barai formed from *ba_r- a word which is no longer in use in Bengali, and the suffix –a-i which markes appurtenance. The name occurs in a village name Ba_rayi_pad.a_ in a copper-plate grant of Vis'varu_pa Sena, c. 12th-13th cen. Ba_rui, when Sanskritised, gives ba_ru-ji_vin 'who lies on *ba_ru.' There is also the word baroj which means the kind of pergola in which the betel vine is grown. Ba_r-, bar- evidently designates betel and is clearly related to the Indo-Chinese forms balu, etc." (Jean Przyluski, 1921, Non-aryan loans in Indo-Aryan in, PC Bagchi, opcit, p. 18). Cotton: Skt. karpa_sa; Crau: pac, bac; Stieng pahi; Khmer: ambas, amba_h; Bahnar: kopaih; Sedang: kope; Kuoi: kabas; Kco: kopas; Malayan, Javanese: kapas; Batak: hapas; Cam: kapah Semantic cluster: crab, peacock

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Skt. kamat.ha, karkat.a, Bengali ka_t.ha_, ket.e; cf. katam (Malay); khata_m (Mon); kedam, ktam (Khmer); kotam (Bahnar); tam (Stieng); kat-kom (Santali). Rigveda: mayu_ra 'peacock'; Santali marak; Savara mara; Cam amrak; Malay mera; Crau brak; Stieng brak; Mon mra_; rak' 'to weep, to beseech, the call, cry or note of a beast, bird or insect'; marak' rak' 'peacock-crow which is earlier than cock-crow'. Semantic cluster: man, woman Bengali ko_l 'man'; Munda: 'man' har., horol, har.a, hor., koro cf. galu 'man' (Sumerian) Woman: ku_r.i_, e_ra_, kor.i, kol (Munda); daughter 'kuri hapan' Semantic cluster: water/ocean A semantic cluster = water/shore is found in the following lexemes: bAr = water (Hindi); vAri = water (Sanskrit); bArAn = rain (Hindi); bArAni = land watered by rain (Hindi); bharu = sea (Pali, Sanskrit); maru = desert; sand-desert (Pali); mariyAdA = shore (Pali); [cf. Indo-European lexemes for sea: mare (Latin); muir (Irish); marei (Gothic); (are-)morica (Gaulish); mArEs (Lithuanian); morje (Slavonic). Jean Przyluski, in VaruNa, god of the sea and the sky (JRAS, July 1931, pp. 613-622) provides an etymological excursus to reconcile the occurrence of similar-sounding words in the north-western Indo-European dialects and also in Indo-Aryan by suggesting a proto-Austro-Asiatic root for the words. For e.g., he suggests "the non-Aryan word bharu, like its Sanskrit synonym kaccha, signifies low-lying land, shore, swamp; and, in fact, the compound bharu-kaccha designates a region adjoining the sea and the capital of that region. bharu(kaccha) and maru(bhUmi) form part of the geographical nomenclature of the mahAbhArata... After the tIrthas of the Sindhi the 'Bengali' recension (of dig-varNana of the rAmAyaNa) names maru and anumaru, referring probably to the deserts near the lower-course of the Indus. In the different recensions of the rAmAyaNa the description of the western region ends with the mountain asta 'the sun-setting', where is erected the palace of varuNa. This curious indication is in perfect agreement with 'Geographical Catalogue of the Yakshas in the mahAmayUrI" (ed. Sylvain Levi, Journal Asiatique, 1915, I, pp. 35 sqq.). In verse 17 we read -- bharuko bharukaccheshu... that is to say-- 'the yaksha bharuka dwells among the people of bharukaccha.' Now one of the two Chinese translators of this catalogue has rendered bharuka by shoei t'ien 'god of the water', which suggests varuNa". Semantic cluster: ocean/shore/low-lying land Przyluski hypothesizes a proto-indic root: bar; enlarged to bara (Sumerian) and baru (Austro-Asiatic), and by addition of the suffix -na, to get baruna, which is close to the Vedic varuNa. He also suggests that in certain austro-asiatic languages the initial undergoes complete reduction, e.g. Bahnar Ar, or. Delitzsch (Sumerisches Glossar, pp. 64-5) assigns the following semantic values to bar: (i) on the outside, outside; hence, bara = out, away; (ii) free space, desert (contrasted with human settlements); hence three derivatives in Sumerian: gu-bar-ra = free space, steppe, desert; ur-bar-ra = jackal; sgga-bar-ra = wild goat. Does this agreement between austro-asiatic and sumerian posit a palaeo-asiatic radical: bar? The austro-asiatic words cited by Przyluski are: baroh = low-lying country, sea-shore, sea (Malay); baruh = plain, flatland; baruk, barok = shore; bAruh = sea (dialects of Malay peninsula); Ar = marsh, swampy district; or = low-lying damp terrain near to watercourses (Bahnar); [cf. haor = delta marsh-land (Bengali); bahr = stretch of water(Gueze or classic Ethiopian); baraha = desert (Amharic)]; "Annamite has preserved the initial, but the final liquid has become i : *bar - bai = coast, shore, strand". [Could the final liquid also explain the equivalent Tamil word: neytal?]

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Arabic word bahr = sea, large river (Nile is called bahr by the natives). "The Noldeke (Neue Beitrage zur semitischen sprachwissenschaft, 1910, p.93) gives as the primary sense 'depression' (rather than 'surface'; cf. aequor); whence (1) sea, (2) land, low-lying land etc. A feminine form bahret has the sense of 'pool', 'basin', 'fish-pond', and also 'land', 'country-side'. Between bharu, maru, and bahr we have, therefore, in addition to the phonetic similarity, a quite curious accord in a double meaning, 'sea', 'low-lying land' or the like. Should not the word bahr, which does not belong to the Semitic in general, have the same origin as Sanskrit and Pali bharu?" (Father Paul Jouon cited in Przyluski, op cit.)

Indigenous language evolution and continuum in Bharatam

'One goes to the potter for pots, but not to the grammarian for words. Language is already there among the people' Patanjali in Mahabhashya

This work is an attempt at identifying the language which was already there among the people about 6500 BCE, a date with an emphatic evidence for a s’ankha wide bangle in an archaeological, stratigraphical context in the skeleton of a lady. S’ankha is an industry which continues even today in Bharatam in ki_r..akkarai, Tiruchendur on the Gulf of Mannar. (Tiruchendur is one of the six ar-upat.aivi_t.u – six army camps – of Skanda Karttikeya). Skanda is also associated in another ar-upat.aivi_t.u at Swamimalai where the bronze statue-making vis’vakarma continue to work using the techniques used by artisans of Sarasvati civilization (use of cire perdue technique).

Bharatiya languages are a unity in semantic essence, evolving from a Linguistic Area of Sarasvati Civilization (ca. 6500 BCE to 1500 BCE) of Bharatam Janam (People of the nation of Bharata, that is India) . The Linguistic Area is a continuum in Bharatam evidenced by semantic clusters compiled in the Indian Lexicon, evidencing a cultural continuum in the nation, comparable to other dominant cultural markers. Some such markers are:s’ankha, s’ankha industry as a maritime industry in vogue even today since 6500 BCE, veneration of s’ivalinga, the tradition of wearing sindhur at the parting of the hair, cire perdue technique for bronze casting of utsava bera, iron-smelters on Ganga river basin comparable to the copper smelters of Harappa on Ravi river basin. and the use of glyphs such as svastika, rim of short-necked jar, endless-knot motif, practice of yoga and yogic postures including the salutation namaste and the acharya wearing uttariyam leaving right-shoulder bare. The language evolution is indigenous from proto-vedic times on the banks of River Sarasvati (Mleccha, Bha_s.a_, Prakrits, Des’i, Chandas), Rivers Tapati and Narmada (close to Bhimbhetka caves and Nahali language-speakers), along the Indian Ocean Rim (Tamil, Austric or Austro-asiatic) and River Ganga (Munda) This work discovers the language of the Civilization (mleccha, meluhha), of Bharatiya (or Indic or Protovedic) language community and cracks the rebus (glyphs representing similar sounding words) code of Sarasvati civilization hieroglyphs (so-called Indus Script) as mlecchita vikalpa, the repertoire of metal-smiths of the Metals Age (metallurgical terms: minerals, metals, alloys, furnaces, skills, smelting, moulding technologies) emerging out of the Lithic (Stone) Age. This matched with the work of sea-faring merchants from Meluhha who traded their produced goods with

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neighbouring civilizations. The inscriptions constituted calling cards and bills of lading (describing the nature of the product) for shipments. Phonetic spectrumof Bha_s.a_ (Tamil, Munda, Prakrits, Samskr.tam)

Phonetic and Transcription/Transliteration Guide (Basic sounds of Bharatiya or Indic languages)

a rut,at a_ law

a~_ long

a~ un- i it i_ bee

i~_ been

i~ in u you u_ ooze u~_ boon

u~ june r. r.tam e bet e_ ate e~_ bane e~when,whey o obese o_ note o~_ bone,one m.

mum n: king

n~ nyet y you h-/k- what k kin kh lakh

g gun gh ghost c change c. so ch chance j jug jh jhansi t. town t.h t.hakkura t thick th wrath

d then dh dharma d. dot n now n. and n- new p pun ph phala b bat bh labham r- curl

r. rug r.. (zsh) l. rivalry l. pearl v view s fuse s. shut s' sugar h ha-ha

Vaidika variants include musical renderings including dhvani and svara (uda_tta, anuda_tta, svarita), apart from r._ (long r.), lr. which are not easy to transliterate. A unique sound, om, gets a unique glyptic representation. Language and Culture Language is a cultural expression of people. In Bharatiya tradition, language or bhaasha is also a divine manifestation of primordial consciousness, a spark, sphot.a, from the anvil of the supreme, the paramaatman. Bharatiya languages are a cultural expression of Bharatiya civilization. As we unravel the formation of Bharatiya languages in historical and proto-historic time-periods, we fathom the cultural and civilizational foundations evolved and expressed through the semantics of languages by a community called Bharatam Janam, that is, the people of the nation of Bharata.

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Jaati-kula are the bedrock of social organization and bharatiya culture. Guru-kula is a gan.a of people guided by an acharya (guru). Thus, kula is NOT a hereditary group but a community formed by choice of people – men and women – bound by parampara (tradition) Similarly, the term jaati connotes an identity larger than des’a (region) – for e.g., a nation. This is exemplified by Yogasutra: jaati des’a kaala samaya anavicchinnah saarvabhaumah tad vratam (Trans. Universal responsibility untrammeled by categories of nation, region; age, ethos). In Bauddha texts, the term jaati refers to all beings, e.g. humanity. Bharatiya languages or bhaasha are a composite cultural expression of jaati-kula as socio-cultural communities bound by the identity of Bharatam as a nation, as a karmabhumi. Panini refers to two language categories: Bhasha and Chandas. Bhasha is the lingua

franca and Chandas is the language of the mantra in Vaidika sacred texts. Chandas 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 3 1 1 4 6 4 1 1 5 10 10 5 1 The first six rows of Pascal's triangle (Meru-prastaara) Chandas will be presented as a separate study since chandas is a vedaanga together with niruktam (etyma), vya_karan.a (grammar), s’iks.a_ (learning). The roots of chandas trace back to the primordial s’abda, naada Brahman, aks.ara, OM. Chandas used for mantras are sacred sounds of va_k – the very sounds leading to formation of sentences conveying meaning -- representing personal and universal consciousness. Language is thus taken beyond mere linguistics and made an integral component of aadhyaatma -- an inquiry into the nature of Being to Becoming, as a maha_vratam in yoga. Aitareya Aranyaka cites 360 types, each set related to: consonants, vowels, sibilants. Va_k is the link between thought and action; the continuum of thought-speech-action is a cosmic inquiry, an inquiry into consciousness. As music aesthetically harmonises first five natural frequencies in acoustics and pours forth in rhythmic melody, a cosmic experience is communicated and realized. Pingala (ca. 5th century BCE) – contemporary of Pa_n.ini -- is the author of the first-known binary numeral system of long and short syllables in treatises on prosody or poetics: Chandas s’a_stra and Chandas su_tra. In this framework, the metrics constitute a binomial theorem, elaborated further by Halayudha, mathematician of the 10th century CE in meru-prastaara (staircase of Mount Meru) or the equivalent of Pascal’s triangle (which is a geometric arrangement of binomial coefficients in a triangle. Blaise Pascal wrote, in 1655, a Traité du triangle

arithmétique (Treatise on arithmetical triangle) using the results to solve problems of probability theory. It is noted that commentators of Halayudha’s work were aware that shallow diagonals of the triangle sum to the Fibonacci (1202) numbers (After

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starting values of 0 and 1, each number is the sum of two preceding numbers). In China, the triangle is called Yang Hui’s triangle. Chandas was important because the purity of utterance had to be ensured and hence, the use of many error-correction procedures for chanting of the mantras to ensure the integrity of the uttered sound. These systems of error-correction were called: padapa_t.ha, kramapa_t.ha and ghanapa_t.ha. Such a language can be transliterated only using mathematical equations and representations as demonstrated by the glyptic of Meru-prastaara (or Pascal’s triangle). Acharya Hemachandra (1089-1172), the kalika_la sarvagnya, who wrote on the grammars of Samskr.tam and Prakr.tam, had presented the Fibonacci numbers around 1150 CE. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hemachandra. Such is the legacy of bha_s.a_jnaanam – ancient language studies -- in Bharatam in a breath-taking integration of aethetics, poesy, acoustics and sacred, aadhyaatmika inquiry or yoga. Just as all natural phenomena are sacred, just as there is divinity in every phenomena, the primordial sound is also sacred, divine. This is the quintessence of Bharatiya civilizational heritage. Bhaashaa Bhaashaa in ancient Bharatam was subdivided into two spoken categories: mleccha vaacas and aarya vaacas, that is spoken tongue (vox populi, that is of janam, janajaati, people in all walks of life in a community, samajam) and literary language (vox literati, that is dialect of the men of letters). Gautama the Buddha and Mahavira conveyed their aadhyatmika messages in mleccha vaacas. It is remarkable that Gautama’s profound bauddha messages originally delivered in mleccha vaacas (Prakrits) got communited to regions as far as Bamian in Afghanistan on the West and Japan in the East, with a spectrum languages and dialects. This is a spectacular phenomenon in communication which essentially united a large community into understanding universal tenets of dharma-dhamma, esha dhammo sanantano (Gautama). This phenomenon calls for further detailed studies on austro-asiatic languages, Himalayan languages and languages such as Khmer, Lao, Thai which have links with many Bharatiya lexemes and the Bharatiya, Hindu-Bauddha continuum of cultural idiom, so eloquently evidenced by the epigraphs of Hinduised states of southeast Asia studied by the French savant, George Coedes. Mahabharata provides evidence for the use of mleccha as a spoken tongue in the context of cryptography used to convey information related to jaatugriha (shellac palace).

Mleccha had a script; Vatsyayana calls it Mlecchita Vikalpa (cryptography).

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Language-Culture continuum in Bharatam from ca. 6500 BCE

Mleccha was the language of the riverine-maritime Sarasvati Civilization from about 6500 BCE and Mlecchita Vikalpa was the script used for the inscriptions of the civilization, using the rebus principle (using glyphs to represent similar sounding words) to convey messages using Sarasvati hieroglyphs (both signs and pictorial motifs). Maritime contacts extended from Ropar at the foothills of Himalayas to the Tigris-Euphrates doab of Mesopotamian civilization area. The legacy of the writing system continued in Bharatam, evidenced by the bilingual inscription of the Sohgaura Copper Plate pre-Mauryan inscription and the devices used on punch-marked coins all over Bharatam, extending from janapada coins of Takshas’ila in the West to Sangm Age coins of Karur in the South.. Many Sarasvati hieroglyphs continue to be abiding symbols of Hindu civilization: symbols such as the svastika and the rim of the short-necked jar; the svastika glyph appears on about 50 inscribed objects including copper plates and the rim of the short-necked jar appears on over 1000 inscribed objects of the civilization. (kand. kanka, rim of jar; rebus: kand. fire-altar, smelter; khanaka ‘mined product’). Svastika even today adorns the doors of many mandirams and the rim of the short-necked jar is found on ancient manuscripts of the Yajurveda Samhita found in Gujarat. Mleccha were island-dwellers (dvi_pava_sinah), were sea-

faring merchants of Meluhha and were

lapidaries/miners/metallurgists working with mines, furnaces, minerals, producing ingots and artifacts made of metal and metal-alloys, creating a Metals Age, transiting from the Lithic Age.

Glyphs on Gundestrup Cauldron and parallels with Sarasvati hieroglyphs

One of the vivid images of the Gundestrup cauldron is a person seated in penance or in a yogic posture, holding a snake in his left hand. The 'snake' pictograph is equally vivid on the inscribed objects of the Bharatiya (Sarasvati) civilization. While browsing a number of 'pictographs' on inscribed objects and attempting to match the 'pictographs' with 'sound-bites' drawn from the lexemes of Bharatiya civilization (Vedic, Mun.d.a and Dravidian languages -- of the extensive linguistic area), an assumption was made that the inscriptions 'convey' metal weapons, tools and equipment of a warrior or a metalsmith -- either as property items possessed by the holder of the object or used as bills of lading of these products traded.

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Some of the images on the Gundestrup cauldron, almost all of which have parallels on many inscribed objects of Indian civilization (ca. 3500 to 1500 BC) will be evaluated further in archaeo-philological terms. The smith, the weapons

"VORTA, THE SMITH: It's always the same isn't it? Them that does the least shouts the loudest. What does meat give? - it gives strength - who needs strength most? - the smith does. Who makes the swords and the spears, the hammers and the tongs? Who sheds the wheel, and what cuts the meat? the knives I have fashioned - bent double all my life over the hot fire. Without iron we'd be nothing, hacking the ground with stones - there's no battle won without my sharp blades, no fast horses without my shoes upon their feet - they should all think of that when they shout and boast. Nothing's won without my metal, without these arms and hands and the knowledge I've learned over the years, given me by my father, learned by hammer and anvil, day after day, year in year out. Where would the warrior be without the weapon, the farmer without the plough, the chief without the torque around her neck, the Druid without his sickle, the butcher without his knife - all their boasts come to nothing without my iron - them that makes the knife cuts the joint to serve himself I say. Still, might as well bash my head against my anvil before I'11 ever get any thanks from this lot.| http://www.celtica.wales.com/arddangosfa/gof/index.english.html Celts in battle (225 BC): http://www.oakharbor.net/connolly/battle.htm Ancient Celts' clothing: http://www47.pair.com/lindo/Classical.htm Copenhagen, Nationalmuseet

The Gundestrup Cauldron discovered in 1891.

Kernunnos or Cernunnos is a solar divinity in Celtic art,

and was perhaps influenced by art from Bharatiya civilization. Kernunos is depicted on the Gundestrup cauldron sitting in meditation, in a

Yoga position. Many imageries of the Gundestgrop cauldron depicting Kernunnos surrounded by animals and snake, are paralleled in the inscribed objects of Sarasvati civilization. Almost all the glyphs on the cauldron (with the exception of riders on horse-back) are clearly taken from the epigraphs of the civilization. Slide 207 Tablet with inscription. Twisted terra cotta tablet (H2000-4441/2102-464) with a mold-made inscription and narrative motif from the Trench 54 area. In the center is the

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depiction of what is possibly a deity with a horned headdress in so-called yogic position seated on a stool under an arch.

Cenunnos, the Stag Lord and Pas’upati

It was beaten out of 10 kg of silver, probably in the second century BC, constructed from 13 heavily decorated rectangular panels and a plain bowl containing a 14th circular one (possibly a late addition). Its measurements are fourteen inches high, twenty-eight inches in diameter, and weighs twenty pounds. The Gundestrup Cauldron now stands in the Musee Lapidaire at Avignon.

Sometime around the beginning of the Common Era, it was taken to pieces and apparently just left on the ground in a bog near what is now the hamlet of Gundestrup in Northern Jutland, where it gradually became overgrown and covered with peat. It remained there until its discovery by peat cutters in 1891. The eight external panels (of which one is missing) each feature what appears to be the single face of a different divinity, male or female, surrounded by much smaller humanoids or beasts. The five interior panels each depict many characters, men, women, divinities and beasts, in what may be a story of a civilization which spread from Bharat into Europe. One of these panels depicts Cernunnos. He is seated cross-legged. He has antlers with seven tines (or points per horn), and is, unusually, depicted clean-shaven. He wears a torque and carries a second one in his right hand. He wears a tunic and bracae (Celtic trousers) which cover him from the wrist to above the knee, and a patterned belt. He wears sandals on his feet. His hair appears to be brushed straight back. In his left hand, he holds the ram-horned serpent. This serpent also appears on another two of the five interior panels. Surrounding him are many beasts. The nearest, on the left, almost touching horns with him, is a stag, itself of seven tines, indicating his special affinity with this beast. Close to him on the right is a dog. There are also two horned animals that may be ibexes, three long-tailed animals that could be lions, and a boy on a fish. The space between the beasts is decorated with a simple pattern of vegetation. The five internal panels are complex, and feature many characters who may be gods, godesses or heroes. All of these characters seem to appear also on one of the eight external panels, with the exception of Cernunnos, who clearly does not. Did his image appear on the lost eighth external panel ? Pas’upati

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The origins of the Celts are obscure, but it has been suggested that they lie far to the East around the Indo-European Plateau. If so, we should not be so surprised to find ancient divinities there who might be cousins of our own local horned deity. This ancient image came from Mohenjo Daro, in the North-West of modern Bharat on the River Sindhu, and is believed to have been made around 2,000 BCE.It is thought to be the seated figure of a very early version of Pas’upati, the Lord of the Animals in Hindu tradition, peacefully surrounded by his beasts. The resemblance is striking. "The Cernunnos face (on the left) is from Europe, whereas the Pas’upati mask (on the right) is from the Indus Valley. These two facial depictions of the horned God, created thousands of years apart, display only one distinct difference: their racial features." (Dr Jonn Mumford) Hindu Deities in Iron Age Denmark: The Religious Iconography and Ritual Context of the

Gundestrup Cauldron

Taylor’s paper considers aspects of the second century BCE iconography of the Gundestrup cauldron in relation to the idea of death in various frameworks of thought and belief: Shamanistic, Mithraic, Pythagorean, Hindu, Celtic, Orphic, and Christian. Following from this, some general theoretical considerations about the relationship of iconographic, ritual, textual, and oral religious modes are presented. In the light of this, a precise context for the cauldron's production and use is suggested. [Dr. Tim Taylor (University of Bradford). Univ. of Birmingham, Archaeology and World Religions, Session held on 19 December 1998]. http://www.bham.ac.uk/TAG98/pages/abs "The interior relief of the Gundestrup Caldron, a 1st-century-BCE vessel found in Denmark, provides a striking depiction of the antlered Cernunnos as "Lord of the Animals," seated in the yogic lotus position and accompanied by a ram-headed serpent; in this role he closely resembles the Hindu god S’iva in the guise of Pas’upati, Lord of Beasts. Another prominent zoomorphic deity type is the divine bull, the Donn Cuailnge ("Brown Bull of Cooley"), which has a central role in the great Irish hero-tale Táin Bó Cuailnge ("The Cattle Raid of Cooley") and which recalls the Tarvos Trigaranus ("The Bull of the Three Cranes") pictured on reliefs from the cathedral at Trier, W.Ger., and at Nôtre-Dame de Paris and presumably the subject of a lost Gaulish narrative." http://www.britannica.com/bcom/eb/article/4/0,5716,119804+5,00.html

The Gundestrup Cauldron

The Gundestrup Cauldron is believed to be of Celtic or La Tene art. It is thought to have been produced in the late La Tene period after 120 BCE because the ornamentation on it is not as extravagant as that of the earlier period. Due to the size of the vessel it is clearly recognized to have been used for sacrificial purposes. This is also in keeping with the Celtic religion of Druidism of that time.

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Some claim the figures on the sides of the cauldron amount to the primitive Celts' version of their own hell. But, others dispute this interpretation because of the peoples' Druidic religion by which they held a strong belief in reincarnation. The drawings may, however, account for these peoples' collective subconscious. Some may consider the cauldron grotesque and a depiction of the cruel nature of the early Celtic people, since one of the drawings on the cauldron depicts an uprooted tree-trunk being carried by sinister warriors to a priest who is pushing some man into the pot; but, the cauldron itself is in keeping with the nature of other magical cauldrons. This is especially true in connection of the folklore of ancient Ireland. The early Celts associated cauldrons with fertility, abundance, and the revival of the dead. This is why the Celtic god Cernunnous is depicted on the Gundestrup Cauldron since he is the divinity of all of these things. He was thought to be the divinity of fertility, abundance, death and rebirth. Cernunnous was the Horned Divinity of the Celts. He was associated with the hunt and fertility. Occasionally he was portrayed with serpent legs, torso of a man, a head of a bull or ram, or shown with stags wearing antlers. The name Cernunnous means horned. He is the lord of life, death and the underworld. Being the Sun to the Godess of the Moon, he alternates with her in ruling over life and death. With her, he cooperates in continuing the cycle of life, death and rebirth, or reincarnation. His own life is said to be circular. The Horned God is born at the winter solstice, marries with the Godess at Beltane (May 1), and dies at the summer solstice. His death represents a sacrifice to life. The Horned Divinity's origin possibly dates back to Paleolithic times, as evidenced by a ritualistic cave drawing found in the Caverne des Trois Freres at Ariege, France. The picture is with one of a stag standing upright on its hind legs, or a man dressed in a stag costume performing a dance. The wearing of animal clothes in rituals to secure game was practiced in Europe for thousands of years. He was worshipped by the Romans and Gauls who portrayed him with a triple head. Sometimes, the Romans depicted him with three cranes flying above his head. Other deities associated with, or claimed to be representative of Cernunnous are: Herne the Hunter, a ghost of Britian; Pan, the Greek god of the woodlands; Janus, the Roman god of good beginnings with his two faces looking in opposite directions representing youth and age, and life and death; Tammuz and Damuzi, the son- lover-consorts of Ishtar and Inanna; Osiris, the Egyptian lord of the underworld; and Dionysus, the Greek god of vegetation and the vine, whose cult observed rites of dismemberment and resurrection." The Celtic god Esus was analogous to Cernunnous. Similarly the animal of Esus was the bull. Esus was sometimes identified with Cernunnous. Supposedly Esus was also ruler of the underworld, but this did not keep his worshippers from considering him to be a divinity of plenty and portraying him holding a sack of coins.

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Most frequently, whenever Cernunnous was depicted or portrayed, he was shown as an animal, usually a stag, or surrounded by animals. In the Welsh tale "Owain" his role as a herdsman-god and a benign keeper of the forest is told. Here he summons all the animals to him through the belling of a stag. All the animals even serpents obediently came to him "as humble subjects would do to their lord." Some feel that the honoring of Cernunnous even continued in the early Christian era. Many of the early ascetics still had pre-Christian longings for nature. To substantiate this, there is the account of Saint Ciaran of Saighir. This humble man went into the wilderness to establish a cell that would eventually become a monastery. A boar came, seeing the man he was terrified, but later returned and was submissive to the man of God. Saint Ciaran considered the boar his first monk. The boar was later joined by a fox, a badger, a wolf and a stag. These animals left their liars to join the community. There are other tales such as this one that give rise to suspicions that caused early Christian writers and artists to associate Cernunnous with Satan, although some Christians never lost their love of nature. Saint Francis of Assisi is well known for his love of animals and birds. Cernunnous is still honored in some modern Druid organizations, in Neo-pagan witchcraft and by the Church of All Worlds http://www.themystica.com/mystica/articles/g/gundestrup_cauldron.html

The Gundestrup cauldron : its archaeological context, the style and iconography of its

portrayed motifs, and their narration of a Gaulish version of Tâain bâo Câualnge by Garrett S. Olmsted. Gundestrup cauldron was found in a bog near Gundestrup, Denmark.

See photos of the bodies found in the bog: http://jamesmdeem.com/bogphotos.htm Dutch early and middle Bronze age pictures: http://www.angelfire.com/me/ik/pics.html

The cauldron is forged and made of silver (96%) and consists of seven outer plates, five inner plates, and separate rim and base pieces. It is decorated with Celtic and exotic imagery using repousse and engraving techniques. Recent study has determined that no less than five crafts-workers worked on it, all using different tools for the moulding, engraving and assembly of the cauldron. It was not from Denmark originally, but probably made in the south-east of Europe for a Celtic clientele. http://www.celtic-cauldron.com/ Its typical Celtic decorations include an elephant. One of the panels with a figure having upraised arms on the Gundestrup Cauldron is accompanied by the wheel.

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"A romanized, female face with empty eyes (once filled with inlaid glass) and a buffer ended torc is flanked on each side by ox-heads. Two wild beasts flanking a triskele are found on the inner plate. Possibly made by more than one person, the symbolism is Celtic and it probably made its way to Denmark via trade or the warlike wanderings of the Cimbri. The torc is of a type that was current in France in the last years of the 1st century BCE or the early years AD.The most famous cauldron is, of course, the Gundestrap Cauldron whuch was found, dismantled, on the surface of a peat-bog in northern Jutland. With a combined weight of almost 9kg, five internal plaques, a basal disc, and seven out of eight square external plates survived. Recent study has shown that the plates were made by several different artists, perhaps by 2nd century Thracians. "Some of the iconography is Celtic: a cross-legged, antlered god, wearing a torc and holding another in his hand; warriors with helmets crested with boars or birds of prey; animal-headed war trumpets; circular harness mounts; shield-bosses of the Late La Tene type. Celtic dogs, wolves and bulls are seen, but so are more exotic animals - lions, dragons/griffons, elephants, and even a boy on a dolphin... "Processions of warriors, a squatting god with antlers and holding a snake and a torc, passively standing lions, ibex, griffons, elephants and leopards are some of the images found on the side plates of the cauldron. An oversized figure holding another, smaller, figure upside-down over a cauldron has been interpreted as possibly a god of war offering sacrifice or as a representation of the bringing a dead hero back to life by immersing the body in the 'cauldron of plenty'." Celtic Art - A Brief Overview by Tara NicScothach bean MacAnTsaoir http://clannada.org/docs/art.html

Cernunnos, 'the horned-one or the peaked-one' is named on an altar in Paris (carving made by sailors from the Gallic Parisii tribe). Or, Herni, the Celtic Forest God (?), who appears on the Gundestrup Cauldron and is seen sporting an antlered head dress.

The carnyces on the Gundestrup cauldron show what might appear as horns, but are really the cropped ears of the animal. On the latter the boar’s crests are very clear, as are the snouts. The symbolism of the boar is that of the underworld or the "deep" -- "dubno" in Celtic. Cernunnos is holding both a snake and a torc (variant of the ring). The snake in this context is...the cycles of the heavens. As for Hindu mythology, we can cite the serpent-king Sesha, who coiled, represents eternity. The ram-horned serpent is particularly interesting. The serpent occurs in myths all across the world, and is nearly always associated with knowledge. Torque or torc. In jewelry, metal collar, neck ring, or armband consisting of a bar or ribbon of twisted metal curved into a loop, the ends of which are fashioned into knobs ornamented with motifs such as volutes or depicting animal heads, or drawn out and bent abruptly so as to hook into one another. The torque is a unique neck ornament in that it is not flexible and was often of great size and weight.

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Achaemenidian jewelry made in Persia from the 6th to the 4th century BCE contains examples of torques, the terminals of which are made in the form of lions, ibex, rams' heads, or purely fantastic animals. The torque was a characteristic male neck ornament of such peoples as the ancient Teutons, Gauls, and Britons. The Romans, when they invaded Britain, were so intrigued with the torques that they awarded them to their soldiers for brave acts. http://www.britannica.com Slaying of a Bull: from the Bottom of

the Gundestrup Cauldron

Various beasts and fish-rider on right “The leaping

horned figure with a chariot-wheel as his weapon; he also leaps upon and breaks the neck of a horned serpent. This deified bull of fertility, is himself ritually slain. The Hop is associated with the wild wolf, which in Celtic mythology ruled over the winter months of the dead time. February was called the 'wolf month' and thus the wolf is associated with Imbolc. The Wolf has connections with underworld deities, and stands beside Cernunnos on the Gundestrup cauldron. The Greek Wolf-godess Leto gave birth to the sun-god Apollo - an underworld/winter deity giving birth to the new sun at the Winter solstice." [Excerpt from: "Herb Craft - a guide to the shamanic and ritual

use of Herbs" by Susan Lavender and Anna Franklin. Capall Bann Publishing 1996.] This detail from the Gundestrup Cauldron shows warriors on foot with shields and spears, and on horseback with decorated helmets. The style is simple with motifs referring to recognised Celtic mythology and legend.

Three aspects. Top: An ally and 3 riders try to jump the felled tree obstacle; next warriors and trumpeteers march; finally wrestling and drowning the enemy.

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The godess endows the sovereign with his powers and the Earth with fertility, rides upon her wheeled chariot in a sunwise direction. The elephants, the griffins and lion relate her as War Godess. The rich iconography of the Gundestrup cauldron also shows a dog underneath the cauldron in which a man or child is being immersed head-first - usually considered to be a sacrificial act. Sources: 'Thracian Tales on the Gundestrup Cauldron', Flemming Kaul, Ivan Marazov, Jan Best, Nanny deVries. Najade Press, Amsterdam, 1991. http://www.cyberwitch.com/wychwood/Temple/kernunnos.htm http://www.sniffout.net/home/simontodd/herne.htm http://www.realtime.com/~gunnora/vik_pets.htm http://www.swampfox.demon.co.uk/utlah/shift/wolfbane.html http://www.csp.org/chrestomathy/hallucinations2.htm http://www.indigogroup.co.uk/edge/bdogs.htm http://www.collect.com.au/_numismatics/00000016.htm http://sacredsource.com/gundestrup/ http://www.djames.demon.co.uk/celtic/cr01.htm http://www.celtic-cauldron.com/images/gcauld.jpg http://www.realtime.net/~gunnora/graphics/gundstrp.gif

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Glosses from Bharatiya languages

Many clusters of lexemes were scanned to establish a set of homonyms and their rebus representations which may help unravel the messages contained in epigraphs of the civilization. An attempt can be made to match the orthography of a glyph with a corresponding lexeme (based on the Indian Lexicon) which may describe it. A homonym rebus then establishes the substantive conveyed by the glyphs.

V244 ku_t.am = a room (Ta.lex.) ku_t.am = smith's sledge hammer, heavy hammer (Ta.)

kakkat.a = dagger (Ma.); kakkad.e, karkad.e = a kind of weapon (Ka.)

Language-Culture continuum in Bharatam from ca. 6500 BCE The word Bharatam for the nation comes from the Rigveda: The term used is: Bharatam janam which means ‘nation of the people of Bharata’. Rigveda (r.ca 3.53.12) uses the term, 'bha_ratam janam', which can be interpreted as 'bha_rata folk'. The r.s.i of the su_kta is vis'va_mitra ga_thina. India was called Bha_ratavars.a named after the king Bharata. (Va_yu 33, 51-2; Bd. 2,14,60-2; Lin:ga 1,47,20,24; Vis.n.u 2,1,28,32). A separate section discusses the evolution of semantics of the word Bharatam. ya ime rodasi_ ubhe aham indram atus.t.avam vis’va_mitrasya raks.ati brahmedam bha_ratam janam (RV 3.53.12) 3.53.12 I have made Indra glorified by these two, heaven and earth, and this prayer of Vis'va_mitra protects the people of the nation of Bharata. [Made Indra glorified: indram atus.t.avam-- the verb is the third preterite of the casual, I have caused to be praised; it may mean: I praise Indra, abiding between heaven and earth, i.e. in the firmament]. Terracotta toys found at Harappa and Mohenjodaro point to a continuity of yoga and greeting tradition.

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Terracotta figurines in Yogic asanas: 1-4, from Harappa; 5-6, from Mohenjo-daro. Mature Harappan Harappa: A terracotta figure greeting with namaste. Mature Harappan SSccuullppttuurree ooff aa sseeaatteedd AAcchhaarryyaa ffoouunndd aatt MMoohheennjjooddaarroo.. Material: white, low fired steatite Dimensions: 17.5 cm height, 11 cm width Mohenjo-daro, DK 1909 National Museum, Karachi, 50.852 Marshall 1931: 356-7, pl. XCVIII These are pictorial representations of Meluhhan who were authors of the civilization, of the writing system and thespoken tongue, the lingua franca, mleccha.

Braziers Bha_rati_ is a name of Sarasvati_, the godess of Speech, word, eloquence, literary composition, dramatic art; bha_rati_ means relating to Bha_rata, that is, India. In R.gveda (1.188.8), Bha_rati_, the godess of Speech is invoked with Il.a_ and Sarasvati_: bha_rati_l.e sarasvati. Bha_rati_ is also the name of a bird, a quail (Telugu). Thus, when a bull is depicted with a bird, the reference could be to bha_rati_ the bird with a rebus representation for the following substantive etyma:

bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharatal. = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhart-i_ya_ = a brazier, worker in metal; bhat., bhra_s.t.ra = oven, furnace.

The context for decoding inscribed objects is thus apparent. Tools of trade of metal-workers! The language is des’i or bha_s.a_ or Meluhhan! Yes, the Meluhhan which was understood by both Vidura and Yudhis.t.ira in the Maha_bha_rata. The people from Milakku are copper-workers, since milakku means ‘copper’ in Pali language. Meluhhans are referred to in the texts of Mesopotamian civilization.

Sumerian had words of a substrate language, for example, tibira,

‘merchant’ may relate to ta_m(b)ra, ‘copper’; san:gi, ‘priest’ could relate to sa_n:ghvi_, ‘pilgrim’s companion’ (Gujara_ti_). The key to decoding is, thus, provided by the ancient lexemes of the present-day languages of the region, with intense interactions, for example, Gujara_ti_, Punja_bi_, Kon:kan.i, Kannad.a, Telugu, Tamil, Brahui, Mundari, Santali. Substrate and ad-strate words of these languages of Bha_rata hold the key to unraveling the linguistic area of the civilization, ca. 3300 to 1500 BCE.

Evidence for the s’ankha culture of ca. 6500 BCE

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The tradition and ancient texts record that Parvati, wore conch shell bangles – s’an:khaka -- created by Sage Agastya Muni and Divine architect Vis’vakarma. S’an:kha is a Kubera’s treasure – one of the nine or nava-nidhi-s.

TURBINELLA PYRUM, S’AN:KHA KR.S’ANA (CONCH PEARL)Burial ornaments made of shell and stone disc beads, and turbinella pyrum (sacred conch, s’an:kha) bangle, Tomb MR3T.21, Mehrgarh, Period 1A, ca. 6500 BCE. The nearest source for this shell is Makran coast near Karachi, 500 km. South. [After Fig. 2.10 in Kenoyer, 1998]. From Gulf of Kutch and Saurashtra: Spiney murex, chicoreus ramosus (a), knobbed whelk, fasciolaria trapezium (b), and sawn fragments of the sacred conch

(s’an:kha), turbinella pyrum [After Fig. 5.21 in Kenoyer, 1998].

The Meluhhan being introduced carries an antelope on his arm -- a semantic and phonetic determinant. Cylinder seal impression,. Akkadian, 3rd millennium BCE, Sumerian tibira, tabira (Akkadian. LU2 URUDU-NAGAR =. "[person] copper-carpenter"); a word indicating borrowing from a substrate. In Pkt. tambira = copper. The substrate language was Meluhhan! ml.ekh = goat (Brahui); mr..eka, me_ka (Telugu); rebus: milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali);

mlecchamukha id. (Sanskrit.)]. Bronze murti of Somaskanda (S’iva) carrying an antelope on his left hand and a paras’u (axe) on the right hand. Mleccha was the spoken tongue. Samskr.tam was the literary language. Chandas was the Vaidika medium of inquiry. The so-called Indo-Aryan, Munda and Dravidian families of languages were part of an Indic or Bharatiya Linguistic Area, from about 8,500 years ago. The date of 6500 BCE (or, 8500 years ago) is chosen with reference to the evidence of a wide s’ankha (turbinella pyrum) bangle found in a woman’s burial at Mehergarh, 300 kms. north of Makran coast of the Indian Ocean Rim. This evidence is remarkable because the s’ankha and related s’ankha bangle industry is a continuing industry in Bharat, that is India, for about 8,500 years in a continuum of riverine-maritime Hindu civilizational area. Tradition of sindhur adornment

Somaskanda bronze vigraha shown carrying an antelope, on a hand which should have carried a weapon. See the antelope carried by a Meluhhan speaker on an Akkadian seal. Sindhur worn in the parting of the hair. Nausharo: female figurine. Period 1B, 2800 – 2600 BCE. 11.6 x 30.9 cm.[After Fig. 2.19, Kenoyer, 1998].

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Nausharo: female figurine. Period 1B, 2800 – 2600 BCE. 11.6 x 30.9 cm.[After Fig. 2.19, Kenoyer, 1998]. The two terracotta, painted dolls found at Nausharo, hair painted black, necklaces painted golden, and at the parting of the hair, sindhur painted in red. Hair is painted black and parted in the middle of the forehead, with traces of red pigment in the part.This form of ornamentation may be the origin of the later Hindu tradition where a married woman wears a streak of vermilion or powdered cinnabar (sindur) in the part of her hair. Choker and pendant necklace are also painted with red pigment, posssibly to represent carnelian beads. Ancient language and ancient writing system The validity of the semantic contours of archaic chandas will be proved by the mlecchita vikalpa, hieroglyphs used to record inscriptions of Sarasvati civilization. The underlying

spoken tongue is mleccha,

the dialect used by Vidura, Yudhishthira and Kanaka (the miner)

in the Mahabharata. Mlecchita vikalpa means ‘alternative representation in writing system by mleccha speakers’.

The meluhhan is shown on the Akkadian cylinder seal carrying an antelope ; this is an artistic style of depicting a phonetic determinant for the word read rebus : meluhha : mr..eka ‘antelope, goat’ (Te.) Meluhha-speaker, merchant. He is a copper merchant/smith. m229 (sealing), m1186a seal Furnace, ingot

m229 (sealing), m1186a seal m304A seal – Face shows a tiger’s mane: cu_l.a; rebus: cu_lha furnace (Pkt.)

mleccha-mukha (Skt.) = copper; milakkha (Pali) mu~hu~ = face (S.); rebus: mu_ha ‘smelted ingot’ [mũh opening or hole (in a stove for stoking, in a handmill for filling, in a grainstore for withdrawing)(Bi.)] Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Indus Script) are mlecchita vikalpa (cryptography). They record artisan guilds’ activities in a transition from chalcolithic to alloy (brass/bronze) phase of civilization for Bronze Age Trade.

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Mlecchita Vikalpa (Cryptography: Vatsyayana, Mahabharata); Meluhha - Baloch In the 64 arts listed by Vatsyayana in Vidyasamuddes’a, Nos.47, 48 and 49 relate to the art of communication: The three arts to be learnt by the youth are related to communication in society: The three arts relate to Communication systems of Ancient India: Sarasvati civilization heritage (47) aksara-mustika-kathana--art of expressing letters/numbers with clenched hand and fingers. “Dealers when bargaining in the presence of others from whom they wish to conceal their business, join their right hands under cover of the gown or sleeve of one of the parties; by touching the different joints of the fingers they note the numerals, and thus silently conclude their bargain.” (Burckhart, J.L., 1829, Travels

in Arabia, Comprehending an Account of Those Territories in Hadjaz which the

Mohammedans Regard as Sacred, London: H. Colburn, p. 191; cf. Karl Menninger, 1969, Number words and number symbols: a cultural history of numbers, MIT Press). This art of hand and finger expressions is also referred to as mudras in Hindu-bauddha traditions of dance and meditation.

The image of Vairocana is from a US Private collection posted at

http://tinyurl.com/fqv7r (Page 44) Thanks to Prof. Huntington for the exquisite slides related to bauddha mudra. Mudra in Nataraja bronze (Cosmic dance, ta_n.d.ava nr.tyam of S’iva). The science of mudras attains its pinnacle in Bharata’s Natyas’a_stra. Many mudras are shown in many sculptures of ancient India and in studies related to Yoga. http://www.stichtingpromise. nl/alternatieve/334.html

http://www.dharmanet.com.br/vajrayana/mudra.htm

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Shingon is Japanese for Chinese zhen yan (true word, could be derived from dhya_na). Both the lotus and the frog are from water bodies. “Shingon arose in Japan's Heian period (794-1185) when the monk Kukai went to China in 804 where he studied the tantra and returned armed with many texts and art works, and developed his own synthesis of esoteric practice and doctrine, centred on the universal Buddha Vairocana. “The teachings of Shingon are based on the Mahavairocana Sutra and the Vajrashekhara Sutra. These two mystical teachings are shown in the main two mandalas of Shingon, namely, the Garbhakosha-mahakarunodbhava mandala (jap. Taizo mandara) and the Vajradhatu mandala (jap. Kongokai mandara). Vajrayana (jap. kongojo) Buddhism is concerned with the ritual and meditative practices leading to enlightenment. According to Shingon, enlightenment is not a distant, foreign reality that can take eons to approach but our birth-right, a real possibility within this very life. With the help of a genuine teacher and through properly training the body, speech, and mind, we can reclaim and liberate this enlightened capacity for the benefit of ourselves and others. “ http://enc.slider.com/Enc/Shingon karma mandala are statues; samaya mandala are symbolic representations; maha mandala are anthropomorphic representations. “An ancient Indian Sanskrit syllabary script known as siddham (Jap. bonji 梵字) is used to

write mantras. A core meditative practice of Shingon is ajikan (阿字觀), "Gazing at

the Letter 'Ah'", which uses the siddham letter representing that sound as a visual focus. This is a practice cognate to others found in, e.g. Vajrayana Buddhism, such as a-khrid, as well as certain qabalistic meditative practices. Other Shingon meditations are Gachirinkan ("full moon" visualization), Gojigonshinkan (five elements visualization) and Gosojoshinkan (five step transformation)… Kukai held, along with the Hua-yen (Jp. Kegon) school that all phenomena were 'letters' in a 'world-text'. Mantra, mudra, and mandala are special because they constitute the 'language' through which the Dharmakaya (i.e. Reality itself) communicates. Although portrayed through the use of anthropomorphic metaphors, Shingon does not see the Dharmakaya Buddha as a god, or creator. The Dharmakaya is in fact a symbol for the true nature of things which is impermanent and empty of any essence. The teachings were passed from Mahavairocana via a succession of mythic and historical patriarchs.” Mantras, mudras and mandalas are communication media. Why are the seven winged-frogs shown at the base of the lotus on which Vairocana is seated? Kamat.ha means ‘frog’. Eraka means ‘wing’. Both the lexemes have rebus readings related to kammat.a ‘mint’; eraka ‘copper’. Vairocana is shown seated on a copper mint, the karmabhumi of an artisan. Hence, the reference to karma mandala and to vajradhatu (vajra mineral). Eight principal mudra-s of bauddham are analysed in an article at http://www.csuchico.edu/~cheinz/syllabi/asst001/fall98/pyatt/Pyatt1.htm (Janice Pyatt, A study of Buddhhist art: the forming of and meanings behind the eight principal gestures).

The roots of these mudra-s as media of communication can be traced to some images of Sarasvati civilization which show persons seated in yogic postures and terracotta toys showing hand gestures such as namaskara mudra.

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(48) mlecchita-vikalpa—cryptography, that is, writing system (e.g. mleccha hieroglyphs read rebus). This cryptography using mleccha language is described in Mahabharata jatugriha parva (shellac house with non-metallic killer devices). (49) des’a-bhasha-jnana—knowledge of spoken dialects or language study (mleccha is a spoken tongue, des’a-bhasha, dialect of indic language family)

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Mlecchita Vikalpa (Cryptography: Vatsyayana, Mahabharata); Meluhha – Baloch Every Baloch knows that his ancestors were of Hindu, Bauddha, Jaina or Zoroastrian traditions and even earlier maritime traditions which extended from Tigris-Euphrates to the Mekong delta in South-east Asia during the days of Mesopotamian Civilization and what cuneiform texts refer to as the region of Meluhha. The language of Baloch is cognate with Mleccha (Meluhha) which was the ancient spoken dialect of the region. The maritime contacts extended from Gandhara (Kandahar) to Bangkok, during the days of Mahabharata.

Meluhha lay to the east of Magan and linked wit carnelian and ivory. Carnelian! Gujarat was a carnelian source in the ancient world. What was the language the sea-faring traders with Mesopotamia spoke? Mleccha, meluhhan. [quote] "Baloch" is the corrupted form of Melukhkha, Meluccha or Mleccha, which was the designation of the modern eastern Makkoran during the third and the second millennia B.C., according to the Mesopotamian texts.6 Dr. Munir Ahmad Gechki, a history professor in Balochistan University, however, relates it to "Gedrosia" or "Bedrozia" the name of the Baloch country in the time of Alexander the Great (356-323 BC)".7 Muhammad Sardar Khan theorised that the term Baloch is a derivative of Belus, the title of Babylonian or Chaldian Kings. Nimrud, the son of Kush or Cush or Kooth, was called Nimrud the Belus.8 The followers of Nimrud were known as Belusis. Among the Arabs Belusis were pronounced Balos.9 Thus the word Baloch has come from Belusis or Balos, Sardar Khan and Marri argue. According to G. P. Tate10, however, the name has historically meant "nomads". It would therefore be a synonym for "bedouin". 6 J. Hansman, "A Periplus of Magan and Melukha", in BSOAS. London, 1973, p. 555; H.W. Bailey, "Mleccha, Baloc, and Gadrosia", in: BSOAS. No. 36, London, 1973, pp. 584-87.Also see, Cf. K. Kartrunen, India in Early Greek Literature. Studia Orientalia, no. 65,Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 1989, pp. 13-14. 7 Interview with Munir Ahmad Gichki. 8 Muhammad Sardar Khan Baluch, History of Baluch Race and Baluchistan, pp. 14-16. 9 Mir Khuda Bakhsh Bijarani Marri Baloch, Searchlight on Baloches and Balochistan. pp. 9- 10. 10 G. P. Tate, Seistan: A Memoir on the History, Topography. Ruins, and People of the Country, (in Four Parts, Part IV, The People of Seistan), Calcutta, 1912, p. 365. 11 That is also the case with other similar names such as Kurdistan (the Kurdish homeland), Arabistan (the Arab homeland), Uzbekistan, etc. In these names, the Persian affix "istan" meaning land or territory is added to the name of its ethnic inhabitants. [unquote] Source: Baluchistan nationalism: its origin and development –balochwarna.org

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Possehl locates meluhha in the mountains of Baluchistan and meluhhan use magilum-boat (Possehl, Gregory. Meluhha. in: J. Reade (ed.) The Indian Ocean in Antiquity. London: Kegan Paul Intl. 1996a, 133–208 sinda refers to date-palm. (cf. Landsberger, Die Welt des Orients 3. 261). Shu Ilishu’s personal cylinder seal showed him to be a translator of Meluhhan language. “Based on cuneiform documents from Mesopotamia we know that there was at least one Meluhhan village in Akkad at that time, with people called “Son of Meluhha” living there. Therefore, to find evidence of an official translator was no surprise, though it is nifty when archaeology can document this sort of thing…The presence in Akkad of a translator of the Meluhhan language suggests that he may have been literate and could read the undeciphered Indus script. This in turn suggests that there may be bilingual Akkadian/Meluhhan tablets somewhere in Mesopotamia. Although such documents may not exist, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal offers a glimmer of hope for the future in unraveling the mystery of the Indus script.” Source: G. Possehl, Shu-ilishu’s cylinder seal. http://130.91.80.97:591/PDFs/48-1/What%20in%20the%20World.pdf http://kalyan96.googlepages.com/brahui.pdf

Map showing locations of Mari and Ugarit. The trading route through Mari on the Euphrates to Ugarit

(Mediterranean Sea) and on to Haifa. This may explain the presence of Harappan script inscription on tin ingots found at Haifa, Israel ! [Map after Markus Wafler, 'Zu Status und Lage von Taba_l', Orientalia]. Meluhha and interaction areas (After Fig. 2 in P.R.S. Moorey, 1994, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, Oxford, Clarendon Press). Euphrates River was a link in the maritime trade of the eastern Mediterranean with that of the Gulf and Meluhha beyond. The Sumerian 'colonies' on the northern bend of the Euphrates were the conduits to carry the culture of Uruk to Egypt and linked the head of the Gulf to the Egyptian Delta through the Syrian ports (Moorey, 1990). The famous bilingual inscription of Sargon of Akkad (ca. 2234-2279 BC) sets out in geographical order from south-east to north-west the trading posts: Meluhha, Magan, Dilmun, Mari, Yarmuti, and Ebla: that is, from the Indus to the Taurus -- the Indus which was also linked with central Asia through Afghanistan. (Hirsch 1963: 37-8).

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Erythraen Sea and Meluhha

Fifth century BC Greek historian, Herodotus referred to the body of water which linked Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, Iran and the Indian subcontinent as the Erythraen sea. This sea includes the Red sea, the Gulf of Aden, Indian Ocean, Arabian Sea, Gulf of Oman and the Persian or Arabian Gulf. "The land of Melukkha shall bring carnelian, desirable and precious, sissoo-wood from Magan, excellent mangroves, on big-ships!" said a statement in the Sumerian myth, Enki

and Ninkhursag (cf. lines 1-9, trans. B. Alster). "In the late Early Dynastic period (about 2500), Ur-Nanshe, king of the Sumerian city-state Lagash, "had ships of Dilmun transport timber from foreign lands" to his capital (modern Tell al-Hiba), just as a later governor of Lagash, named Gudea, did in the mid-twenty-first century. In the early twenty-fourth century, Lugalbanda and Urukagina, two kings of Lagash, imported copper from Dilmun and paid for it with wool, silver, fat, and various milk and cereal products... That these (round stamp) seals were used in economic transactions is proven by the discovery of two important tablets bearing their impressions. One of these tablets was found at Susa, and dates to the first half of the second millennium. It is a receipt for goods, including ten minas of copper (about eleven pounds or five kilograms). The second tablet, in the Yale Babylonian Collection, is dated to the tenth year of Gungunum of Larsa (modern Tell Senkereh), that is, around 1925, and records a consignment of goods (wool, wheat, and sesame) prior to a trading voyage that almost certainly had Dilmun as its goal. Dilmun seals characteristically depict two men drinking what could be beer through straws, or two or three prancing gazelles...a merchant named Ea-nasir, who is identified as one of the a_lik Tilmun, or "Dilmun traders"... Ea-nasir paid for Dilmun copper with the textiles and silver that he received from the great Nanna-Ningal temple complex at Ur...The Mari texts contain several references to Dilmunite caravans...Melukkha was a source of wood (including a black wood thought to have been ebony), gold, ivory, and carnelian...Melukkha was accessible by sea...Sargon of Akkad...boasts that ships from Dilmun, Magan and Melukkha docked at the quay of his capital Akkad...While points of contact with other regions are attested, they can hardly have accounted for the strength and individuality of civilization in the subcontinent...Unmistakably Harappan cubical weights of banded chert (based on a unit of 13.63 grams) are known from a number of sites located around the perimeter of the Arabian GUlf, including Susa, Qalat al-Bahrain, Shimal (Ras al-Khaimah), and Tell Abraq (Umm al-Qaiwain)...an inscribed Harappan shard has been found at Ras al Junayz... Harappan pottery has been found at several sites throughout Oman and the United Arab Emirates...A "Melukkhan village" in the territory of the ancient city-state of Lagash, attested in the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Shulgi (2060), may have been a settlement of Harappans, if the identification with the civilization of the Indus Valley is correct...But...there is little evidence of a Sumerian, Akkadian, or Babylonian presence in the Indus Valley... That the language of Melukkha was unintelligble to an Akkadian or Sumerian speaker is clearly shown by the fact that, on his cylinder seal, the Akkadian functionary Shu-ilishu is identified as a "Melukkhan translator"...the word "Melukkha" appears occasionally as a personal name in cuneiform texts of the Old Akkadian and Ur III periods. "(Potts, D., 1995, Distant Shores: Ancient Near Eastern Trade, in: Jack M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. I, pp. 1451-1463).

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Dilmun, Makkan, Meluhha

"Around 2500 BC, Dilmun is first referred to as a supplier of wood, by Urnanshe, King of Lagash. His successors, Lugalanda and Uri'inimgina (before 2350 BC) dispensed various textiles, resins, oil and silver out of the state storehouses to merchants of Lagash. The merchants were to trade the goods in Dilmun for copper and other wares, such as onions, linen, resin and bronze 'marine spoons'... During the succeeding Old Akkadian Period (2334-2193 BC) the Mesopotamians were no longer the only traders to visit Dilmun. The seas were open to all contries and seafaring merchants from the distant lands of Dilmun, Meluhha and Makkan tied up at Akkad's quay, during Sargon's reign (2334-2279 BC). Copper was shipped directly from Makkan; people from Meluhha are mentioned in written sources as interpreters and seamen. During the reign of Gudea of Lagash, copper, diorite and wood were delivered from Makkan and Meluhha delivered rare woods (such as Sissoo wood), gold, tin, lapis lazuli and carnelian to Lagash. Naramsin warred against Makkan; Mesopotamia strove for predominance in the area... “Ships from Makkan did not sail to the north. It appears that one or more trading centers in Makkan were visited during the voyages where Makkan wares-- chiefly copper-- and luxury items from Meluhha were bartered. Therefore it appears that many wares referred to in the written sources as 'Makkan goods', actually were materials originally brought from Meluhha. Through trans-shipment in Makkan, these goods were then later referred to as coming from Makkan; the same confusion occurs later with materials from Dilmun... Both the goods and the foreign merchants trading in Dilmun's markets influenced forms of trade. The cuneiform characters had been taken over from the Sumerians, but the system of weights used in barter derived from the Indus Valley culture. (Michael Road, Weights on the Dilmun Standard, Iraq, vol. 44, 1982, 137-141). Spreading out from Dilmun, this system of weights became very popular and was used as far away as Ebla in Syria... Dilmun is mentioned for the last time in written records, during the reign of Samsu'liluma in the year 1744 BC, with the entry...'12 measures of purified copper from Alasia and Dilmun'. With this notice, the new supplier of copper is also mentioned; Alasia (Cyprus) would control the Mediterranean and Near Eastern market for copper for the next millennium. Alasia's rise did not occur in isolation; obviously a lengthy series of crises led to the collapse of the existing system in the East. Unlike Dahlak, Dilmun did not cease to exist; Tukulti-Ninurta refers to himself as 'King of the Upper and Lower Seas' and ruler over Dilmun and Meluhha. However, Meluhha and Makkan are no longer referred to in written records in the old sense. "...More recent arcaheological researches in East Arabia have brought to light many finds which are related to the presence of Indus valley people. In the settlements of Hili 8 and Maysar-1, both of which have been investigated, Indus valley pottery is frequently found. Seals with Indus valley script and typical iconography indicate influences in Makkan down to the level of business organization. Marks identifying pottery in Makkan were taken from those used in the Indus valley, including the use of the signs on pottery used in the Indus valley. The discovery of a sea-port-- which may be ascribed to the Harappans-- at Ra's al-Junayz on Oman's east coast by an Italian expedition would seem to indicate that trade routes should be viewed in a more differentiated fashion than has been done upto now."

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[Sege Cleuziou, Preliminary report on the second and third excavation campaigns at Hili 8, Archaeology in the United Arab Emirates, vol. 2/3, 1978/79, 30ff.; Gerd Weisgerber, '...und Kupfer in Oman', Der Anschnitt, vol. 32, 1980, 62-110; Gerd Weisgerber, Makkan and Meluhha- 3rd millennium copper production in Oman and evidence of contact with the Indus valley, Paper read in Cambridge 1981 and to appear in South Asia Archaeology 1981; Maurizio Tosi, A possible Harappan seaport in Eastern Arabia: Ra's al-Junayz in the Sultanate of Oman, Manuscript]. Gerd Weisgerber, Dilmun--a trading entrepot; evidence from historical and archaeological sources, 135-142 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the archaeology, London, KPI, 1986. [Simo Parpola/Asko Parpola/Robert H. Brunswig, The Meluhha village. evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the later third millennium Mesopotamia?, Journal of the Economic and

Political History of the Orient, vol. 20, 1977, 129-165. 'If the tablets and their sealed envelopes had not been found, in fact, we might never have suspected the existence of a merchant colony.' (T. Ozguc, An Assyrian trading outpost, Scientific American, 1962, 97 ff.) cited after Lamberg-Karlovsky 1972).] The acculturation of Meluhhans (probably, people from the Sarasvati-Sindhu doab and coastal regions of Makran Coast, Gulf of Kutch and Gulf of Khambat) residing in Mesopotamia in the late third and early second millennium BC, is noted by their adoption of Sumerian names (Parpola, Parpola and Brunswig 1977: 155-159). "The adaptation of Harappan motifs and script to the Dilmun seal form may be a further indication of the acculturative phenomenon, one indicated in Mesopotamia by the adaptation of Harappan traits to the cylinder seal." (Brunswig et al, 1983, p. 110).

Identification of Makkan, Magan

"Oman peninsula/Makkan lies half way between the two main civilization centres of the third millennium Middle East: Mesopotamia and the Indus valley... an increasing influence of Harappan civilization on Eastern Arabia during the last two centuries of the third millennium. This influence seems to strengthen during the early second millennium where proper Harappan objects are found all over the Oman peninsula: a cubic stone weight at Shimal, sherds of Harappan storage jars on several sites including Hili 8 (period III). Maysar and Ra's Al-Junayz bears a Harappan inscription and Tosi (forth.) has emphasized the importance of this discovery for the knowledge of Harappan control over the Oman Sea." [Serge Cleuziou, Dilmun and Makkan during the third and early second millennia BC, 143-155 in: Shaikha Haya Ali Al Khalifa and Michael Rice (eds.) Bahrain through the ages: the

archaeology, London, KPI, 1986.] A series of articles and counters had appeared in the Journal of the Economic and social

history of the Orient, Vol.XXI, Pt.II, Elizabeth C.L. During Caspers and A. Govindankutty countering R.Thapar's dravidian hypothesis for the locations of Meluhha, Dilmun and Makan; Thapar's A Possible identification of Meluhha, Dilmun, and Makan appeared in the journal Vol. XVIII, Part I locating these on India's west coast. Bh. Krishnamurthy defended Thapar on linguistic grounds in Vol. XXVI, Pt. II: *mel-u-kku =3D highland, west; *tel.man. (=3D pure earth) ~ dilmun; *makant =3D male child (Skt. vi_ra =3D male offspring. [cf. K. Karttunen (1989). India in Early Greek Literature. Helsinki, Finnish Oriental Society. Studia

Orientalia. Vol. 65. 293 pages. ISBN 951-9380-10-8, pp. 11 ff et passim. Asko Parpola

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(1975a). Isolation and tentative interpretation of a toponym in the Harappan inscriptions. Le

dechiffrement des ecritures et des langues. Colloque du XXXIXe congres des orientalistes, Paris Juillet 1973. Paris, Le dechiffrement des ecritures et des langues. Colloque du XXXIXe

congres des orientalistes, Paris Juillet 1973. 121-143 and Asko Parpola (1975b). "India's Name in Early Foreign Sources." Sri Venkateswara University Oriental Journal, Tirupati, 18: 9-19.] Mleccha trade was first mentioned by Sargon of Akkad (Mesopotamia 2370 BCE) who stated that boats from Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha came to the quay of Akkad (Hirsch, H., 1963, Die Inschriften der Konige Von Agade, Afo, 20, pp. 37-38; Leemans, W.F., 1960, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, p. 164; Oppenheim, A.L., 1954, The seafaring merchants of Ur, JAOS, 74, pp. 6-17). The Mesopotamian imports from Meluhha were: woods, copper (ayas), gold, silver, carnelina, cotton. Gudea sent expeditions in 2200 BCE to Makkan and Meluhha in search of hard wood. Seal impression with the cotton cloth from Umma (Scheil, V., 1925, Un Nouvea Sceau Hindou Pseudo-Sumerian, RA, 22/3, pp. 55-56) and cotton cloth piece stuck to the base of a silver vase from Mohenjodaro. (Wheeler, R.E.M., 1965, Indus Civilization) are indicative evidence. Umma seal impression shows a Meluhha trader in Mesopotamia; there is no comparable evidence of a Mesopotamian trader in Meluhha. Babylonian and Greek names for cotton were: sind, sindon. This is an apparent reference to the cotton produced in the black cotton soils of Sind and Gujarat.

Location

of Amri, Nal and Sohr Damb [Paul Yule Silver Grave Goods from the Sohr Damb near Nal, Pakistan

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Map source: http://www.ufg-va.uni-hd.de/forschung/yule3/yule3.htm

Vratya

Mleccha-s could be related to the vratya-s of Magadha. Reference to Satvants of the Chambal valley may relate to the term, satvata, used in the pan~cara_tra tradition and vra_tya-s are associated with the people of Magadha. "The literature is replete with the names of clans. The most powerful among them, commanding the greatest respect, was the Kuru-Pañcala, which incorporated the two families of Kuru and Puru (and the earlier Bharatas) and of which the Pañcala was a confederation of lesser-known tribes. They occupied the Upper Doab and the Kuruksetra region. In the north the Kamboja, Gandhara, and Madra groups predominated. In the middle Ganges Valley the neighbours and rivals of the Kuru-Pañcalas were the Kasi, Kosala, and Videha, who worked in close cooperation with each other. The Magadha, Anga, and Vanga peoples in the lower Ganges Valley and delta were outside the Aryan pale and regarded as mlecchas. Magadha (Patna and Gaya districts of Bihar) is also associated with the vratya people, who occupied an ambiguous position between the aryas and mlecchas. Other mleccha tribes frequently mentioned include the Satvants of the Chambal valley and, in the Vindhyan and northern Deccan region, the Andhra, Vidarbha, Nisadha, Pulinda, and Sabara. The location of all these tribes is of considerable historical interest, because they gave their names to the geographic area." http://www.britanica.com/bcom/eb/article/9/0,5716,121169+2+111197,00.html

Consistent with a reference to mleccha as dvi_pava_sinah (islanders) in Mahabharata, Balochistan has an island called Astola (Haft Talar) Island It is a small, uninhabited island about six kilometres in length, with an isolated rock a short distance to the south. The island lies about 25 km south of the desert coast of southern Balochistan, and is the only significant offshore island along the north coast of the Arabian Sea. It is part of Balochistan, Gwadar district. An aura of mystery and

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legend has always surrounded Astola Island. According to the Balochistan Gazetteer, printed in the beginning of the 20th century, the island is held in extreme veneration by the Hindus and pilgrims from all parts of the country visit in increasing numbers. It is said that goats are taken to the island for sacrifice; only the blood is spilt at the shrine while the flesh and entrails are thrown out to the sea. The island, also known as 'Satadip' among Hindus, houses the remains of an ancient temple of the divinity, Kali Devi. http://www.ramsar.org/ris/ris_pakistan_astola.htm Hingol Park is1,650 square km² and is the largest of National Parks of Pakistan and lies on the Makran coast in Balochistan and approximately 190 km from Karachi. A 109-kilometre stretch of the Makran Coastal Highway lies within the Hingol National Park, home to the Hinglaj shrine, which is dedicated to a divinity known as Nani to the Muslims and Parvati, Kali or Mata to the Hindus. Two active mud volcanoes are Chandragup (100 m. high) and Jebel-u-Ghurab; an offshore mud volcano emerged on Malan Island in March 1999. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hingol_National_Park http://www.volcanolive.com/makran.html Hinglaj is a s’aktapi_t.ha. Based on Kalika Purana and Hevajra Tantra, the list of ancient pi_t.has are identified as located in an area which extends from Gandhara in the west to Ka_ma_ks.ya in the east is at http://www.yoniversum.nl/dakini/pithalist.html

Mleccha vaacas, aarya vaacas

There is no reference in ancient texts to ‘Dravida’ as a language group. It appears that 'dravida' according to Patanjali's Mahabhashya simply means a group of people or region where tamarind is part of the staple food habit. It has nothing to do with language or people's ancestry. Tamarind (tamarindus indica) comes from the Arab word meaning: tamar hindi, that is, date from Hindusthan. O.Fr. tamarinde (15c.), from Arabic tamr hindi, lit. "date of India." First element cognate with Heb. tamar "palm tree, date palm." Naming a region based on flora is not uncommon. For example, jambu-dvi_pa comes from the word jambu which is a tree native to tropical regions of western Bharatam. There can be speculation if the word damira (early

form of Dravida) is also related to 'tamar' palm (Hebrew). In Sus'ruta, the word used for trees with acid leaves is: amla-varga (flora such as lime , orange , pomegranate , tamarind , sorrel) . What could the etymology of the word amla be? In Munda, ti.tin, tentur-i means 'tamarind'.

Texts attest to the distinction between mlecha vaacas and arya vaacas – mleccha tongue, aarya tongue – as a distinction between lingua franca and the refined literary idiom, a distinction between Prakritam and Samskr.tam, but related to the bharatiya bhasha as archaic chandas or, simply an ancient Indian family of languages

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- the bharatiya or indic or protovedic language. This obviates the need for postulating a ‘Language X’ to explain the presence of over 80% agricultural terms in most of the bharatiya languages which have no Indo-European cognates, rendering them as purely indigenous, autochthonous evolutions in an expanding semantic repertoire, consistent with the evolution of civilizational technologies, harnessing of agriculture and other basic resources, and use of tools and skills by people to achieve abhyudayam (general welfare). This archaic chandas, this proto-vedic, these ancient bharatiya language substratum, roots, are the reason why there are over 400 lexemes of Munda in Samskr.tam. These are also the reasons why (1) Gautama and Mahavira conveyed their adhyatmika inquiries in Bauddha Hybrid-Samskr.tam and Pali or Ardhamagadhi and (2) early brahmi inscriptions are presented in spoken tongues of Pali or Ardhamagadhi or Tamil.

Origin of Brahmi script

There is evidence for the diffusion of scripts from Bharat to eastern parts of Asia, during the historical periods. Researches on the origins of early scripts of Bharat are ongoing and there is no consensus on the origins of Brahmi, while there is agreement that the use of Brahmi is dated to 5th century BCE. There are some scholars who argue that Brahmi was an invention in Bharat, based primarily on the syllabic nature of the script and the inconsistencies in the formation of glyphs for aspirate consonants. "Several recent publications have questioned prevailing doctrines and offered new views on the antiquity of writing in early India and on the source and early development of the Indian scripts (Brâhmî and Kharo.s.thî). Most of the new studies agree in assigning the origin of these scripts to a later period, i.e. the early Mauryan era (late 4th- mid 3rd centuries BC), than has generally been done in the past, and in deriving them from prototypes in Semitic or Semitic-derived scripts. The main works to be evaluated here are Oskar von Hinüber's Der

Beginn der Schrift und frühe Schriftlichkeit in Indien and Harry Falk's Schrift im alten Indien.

Ein Forschungsbericht mit Anmerkungen . Also discussed are two recent articles on similar topics, Gérard Fussman's "Les premiers systèmes d'écriture en Inde" and Kenneth R. Norman's "The Development of Writing in India and its Effect upon the Pâli Canon," as well as some other relevant publications. The authority and significance of this new trend toward assigning a late date of origin for the Indian scripts is evaluated and placed in the context of broader historical and cultural issues... Bühler argued for an early origin of writing in India and posited an extensive pre-history, going as far back as the 8th century BC, for the Brâhmî script, which he derived from the Phoenician script... In general, some form or other of Bühler's essential thesis that Brâhmî was developed out of a Semitic prototype in pre-Mauryan India has been accepted by most scholars in the west, but rejected by the majority of South Asian experts, who generally argue for a separate and indigenous origin for the Indic scripts, often by way of derivation, direct or indirect, from the Indus script. . Kenneth R. Norman's article on "The Development of Writing in India and its Effect upon the Pâli Canon" follows a more traditional path. He analyzes certain patterns of textual variation in

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Pali texts (e.g. hatthivattika / hattivatika , pp.239--40, and samaya / samâja , p.241) which seem to reflect an early redaction in a script which did not represent geminate consonants or differentiate vowel length, and identifies this script as an early prototype of Brâhmî used in Magadha in pre-Mauryan times (p.243). Norman finds it "difficult to accept that Brâhmî was devised as a single complete writing system at one and the same time during the reign of Candragupta" (p.245), and considers it "even less likely that Brâhmî was invented at the time of Ashoka for the specific purpose of writing his inscriptions... there is no concrete evidence that the writing referred to by observers such as Nearchos and Pâ.nini in northwestern India in and around the 4th century was Aramaic, rather than Indian, i.e. Kharo.s.thî; here von Hinüber (quoted above) has wisely left the door open by allowing for the possibility of a "very early form" of Kharo.s.thî..." (p.246)... Still, we should not fall into the trap of thinking that the last word has been spoken. Admittedly, it hardly seems likely, after all the years of waiting, searching, and the dashing of false hopes, that some major archaeological discovery will reveal a whole new picture of the origins of writing in the Indian heartland, or reveal a sustainable (rather than purely hypothetical) connection with the Indus script. Nevertheless, it would be unwise to rule out surprises in the future, and we should leave the door open, as does Falk (p.340), to discoveries that could revive theories of an early development of Brâhmî. But we must also agree, if reluctantly, with his final sentence: "Zur Zeit erscheint dieser Fall jedoch kaum zu erwarten" (p.340)."(Richard Salomon, On the origin of the early Indian Scripts: A review article, Journal of the American

Oriental Society 115.2 (1995), 271-279). Falk’s observation in German can be translated as: “At the time this case, however, seems hardly to be expected.”

Diffusion of scripts from Bharat

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The land Gautama and Mahavira walked is the land of the Metals Age, of people working with minerals, metals, fire-altars and smelters to create alloys (aya, ayas), as distinct from dha_tu (mineral). Cognate lexemes of ayas (semantic: metal) of Rigveda are: aduru ‘iron’ (Santali), aduru ‘unsmelted, native metal, meteoric iron’ (Kannada), ajirda karba ‘black iron’ (Tulu), ayir ‘iron’ (Tamil). An evidence is also provided by the substrate lexeme in Sumerian: tibira ‘merchant’; cognate ta(m)bra ‘copper’ (Santali) and by the substrate lexeme meluhha in Akkadian; cognate milakkhu ‘copper’ (Pali), mleccha-mukha ‘copper’ (Samskr.tam). The surprising result of the work is the identification of the lexemes of mleccha (meluhha), the spoken tongue of sea-faring merchants and smiths of meluhha whose writing system was referred to by Vatsyayana in vidya_samuddes’a s’loka (ka_masu_tra) as mlecchita vikalpa (cryptography). It is no coincidence that cryptography was used in the conversions recorded among Vidura, Yudhishthira and Kanaka related to the attempted annihilation of Pandavas in exile using the jaatugriha or lakshaagriha (shellac palace). A comparative lexicon has been compiled covering all the languages of India (which may also be referred to, in a geographical/historical phrase, as Greater India (or, the Indian subcontinent or, to use the phrase which is the title of George Coedes’ work on epigraphs of Southeast Asia: Hinduised States of Southeast Asia). http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati/html/indlexmain.htm Repertoire of textual resources for Bharatiya language studies

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While linguists of Indo-European languages have attempted to reconstruct a proto-indo-european language based on hypothesized phonetic/linguistic laws, Bharatiya language studies have a phenomenal resource base which reduces the need for hypotheses and speculations about ancient forms of lexemes and related semantics. The textual sources (both oral and written) including Tamil Sangam Age literature, Bauddha and Jaina works, epigraphs including early Tamil inscriptions using brahmi script and Gandhara, Khotan, Kroraina manuscripts using Kharoshthi script for Gandhari language of the Prakrit language family, nighant.u-s (specialist dictionaries), studies such as the Encyclopaedia Mundarica, epigraphical glossaries of the type constructed by George Coedes for inscriptions found in what he calls ‘hinduised states of southeast asia’, dictionaries of present-day languages, research studies related to austro-asiatic languages, ancient works such as Hemachandra’s Des’i_naamamaala and the intimations of ancient sciences and technologies available in a variety of sources constitute the resource base. The first observed use of Kharoshthi as a script is found on the rock edicts of As’oka, found near the areas of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra and the script was used approximately upto 3rd century CE.

Pinnow-map of Austro-Asiatic language speakers http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/aa.html See http://kalyan97.googlepages.com/mleccha1.pdf

Bronze Age sites of eastern Bha_rata and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2. Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6. Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa; 8. Mohenjo-daro; 9. Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11. Navdatoli; 12. Inamgaon; 13. Non Pa Wai; 14. Nong Nor; 15. Ban Na Di and Ban Chiang; 16. Non Nok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age

of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press].

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The areal map of Austric (Austro-Asiatic languages) showing regions marked by Pinnow correlates with the bronze age settlements in Bharatam or what came to be known during the British colonial regime as ‘Greater India’. The bronze age sites extend from Mehrgarh-Harappa (Meluhha) on the west to Kayatha-Navdatoli (Nahali) close to River Narmada to Koldihwa-Khairdih-Chirand on Ganga river basin to Mahisadal – Pandu Rajar Dhibi in Jharia mines close to Mundari area and into the east extending into Burma, Indonesia, Malaysia, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Nicobar islands. A settlement of Inamgaon is shown on the banks of River Godavari.

This, together with the islands in Balochistan, Amri-Nal on the Makran coast and settlements in the Rann of Kutch and Gujarat , broadly corresponds to the Bharatiya Language Community of mleccha-speakers. Mleccha as island-dwellers ! Ca.2000 BC, there were movements of people in search of minerals and metals. From Meluhha, there were copper mining and smelting expeditions to Oman. At Namazga IV-V (Turkmenia), a number of alloys were experimented with. (Kohl, P., 1984, Central Asia:

palaeolithic beginnings to the Iron age, Paris, Editions Recherchedes Civilisations, p. 113, 169; Harappan artefacts are found at Altyn-depe in the latest levels; the suggestion is that 'contact was strongest on the eve of the collapse of the site'). At Hissar were found arsenic-bronze, lead-bronze, lead, silver and gold. (Tepe Hissar III, 3rd millennium BCE.: a seal shows a four-spoke wheel). Jarrige reports the find of a vented furnace at Sibri. On the Baluchistan and Afghanistan border, Dales found 'miles of slag and furnaces' (Dales, G.F., 1973, Archaeological and Radioactive chronologies for protohistoric south Asia, in: South Asian

Archaeology, N. Hammond ed., London, Duckworth, p. 167). The resource base is verily the nidhi of bharatiya bhashaa jnaana which can guide us to pursue studies in the evolutionary history related to every bharatiya language. It is apposite to record a tribute to the late Sudhibhushan Bhattacharya who initiated studies on Munda etymology , to the late Kuiper for his work on Nahali etymology and to the work of Norman Zide on Munda numerals. See full bibliography at http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/faculty/stampe/AA/Munda/BIBLIO/biblio.authors

Based on his works, Aryans in the Rigveda (Amsterdam, 1991), and Proto-Munda Words (1948), F.B.J. Kuiper finds the presence of over 380 words in Sanskrit traceable to the substrate, Munda. From this list, it appears that Munda-speakers were present in Northwest India in the Sarasvati river basin which is the locus indicated in the Rigveda.

Contributions to General Semantics The Indian Lexicon is a contribution to general semantics. It helps in researching on the origins of Samskr.tam and every Bharatiya language and can be used for national communication among various language speakers of the nation and also language speakers in the nations along the Indian Ocean Rim. It will also help in language teaching with particular reference to evolution of meaning and evolution of language competence in a child.

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With Bhartr.hari, it is recognized that a sentence is the unit of meaning. The meaning assigned to specific lexemes in the lexicon is only by convention and as sanctioned by use of the language(s) by the people living in a socio-cultural complex. Such meanings are gleaned principally from lexicons and textual sources which authenticate meanings of specific lexemes in a textual/literary context. The author assumes full responsibility for the semantic and etymological judgements made and the errors that might have crept in with thousands of database iterations in organizing the semantic clusters found in the word lists (The lexicon includes over half-a-million words). The author is indebted to Prof. Krishnamurthy who first observed from a review (1994) of an earlier draft of the Lexicon (alphabetically sequenced) that the model of Carl Darling Buck's work for Indo-European languages may also be adapted. The author hopes that with the impossibility of 'dating' the origin of a word, all its inherent limitations, the omissions, intentional or otherwise and errors that will in due course be pointed out by scholars specialized in their fields, the Indian Lexicon will be a tentative, but bold start of a skeleton dictionary of the Indic of Bharatiya linguistic area ca. 3000 BCE and will be expanded further to include modern words. This is a comparative study of the 'semantics' of lexemes of all the languages of India (which may also be referred to, in a geographical/ historical phrase, as the Indic or Bharatiya linguistic area – spanning the Prakrit, Tamil, Munda language families). The objective of the lexicon is to discover the semantic repertoire of India ca. 3000 BCE. to further facilitate efforts at deciphering the inscriptions and script of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization. The lexemes of the lexicon are used to read the script and decipher the inscriptions of the civilization of the ancient period. This use authenticates an Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area, ca. 3000 BCE. This Indian lexicon seeks to establish a semantic concordance, across the languages or numeraire facile of the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area: from Brahui to Santali to Bengali, from Kashmiri to Mundarica to Sinhalese, from Marathi to Hindi to Nepali, from Sindhi or Punjabi or Urdu to Tamil. A semantic structure binds the languages of India, which may have diverged morphologically or phonologically as evidenced in the oral tradition of Vedic texts, or epigraphy, literary works or lexicons of the historical periods. This lexicon, therefore, goes beyond, the commonly held belief of an Indo-European language and is anchored on proto-Indian sememes. The work covers over 8,300 semantic clusters which span and bind the Indian languages (including lexemes from epigraphy from cluster 8095 to 8390). The basic finding is that thousands of terms of the Vedas, the Munda languages (e.g., Santali, Mundarica, Sora; cf. Munda lexemes in Sanskrit), the so-called Dravidian languages and the so-called Indo-Aryan languages have common roots. This belies the received wisdom of cleavage between, for example, the Dravidian or Munda and the Aryan languages.

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The idea of a semantic dictionary Carl Darling Buck, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal Indo-European

languages: a contribution to the history of ideas, 1949, Univ. of Chicago Press. "The associations underlying semantic changes are so complex that no rigid classification of the latter is possible. Many changes may be variously viewed. In a sense, each word has its individual semantic history... in the history of words for domestic animals the conspicuous feature is the frequent interchange between classes of the same species, as when words of the same cognate group denote in different languages 'bull', 'ox', or 'cow', and in another species 'ram, wether', or 'lamb', or show a shift from 'wether', through an intermediate generic use, to 'ewe'. "Semantic borrowing" refers to the borrowing not of the formal word but of some special meaning. There are, of course, great numbers of actual loanwords, some in Greek from pre-Greek sources, many in Latin from Greek, still more in most of the European languages from Latin or in many cases more specifically from Frenh; again from early Germanic and later from German in Balto-Slavic and from Slavic in Rumanian. But besides these there are "translation words". A special use of a familiar foreign word was adopted for the usually corresponding native word. Thus Lat. na_vis 'ship' came to be used in Christian times for the 'nave' of a church... Semantic word study may proceed from two opposite points of view, form or meaning. For example, on may study the history of Lat. di_cere 'say' and its cognates in Latin, or, with enlarged scope, its cognates in all the Indo-European languages; in other words the diverse uses of derivatives of the Indo-European root *deik- and its probable sense. Such is the material brought together in the etymological dictionaries of the usual type. Conversely, one may start from the notion 'say' and study the history of words used to express it in different languages... By the study of synonyms, their etymology and semantic history, one seeks to show the various sources of a given notion, the trails of its evolution... also presents an interesting picture of word distribution... Even for the Indo-European field anything like a complete semantic dictionary is beyond probable realization at present... The specialist can recognize these, and at the same time is aware of how of how large a proportion of the current etymologies, even in most of the best etymological dictionaries, are uncertain, with varying degrees of probability or plausibility... and it is best to let the facts speak for themselves in each case." This is a lexicon with a difference. It is a comparative semantic (sic) lexicon of synonyms from Indian languages. See list of the languages of India surveyed in the Indian Lexicon. Indian Lexicon goes beyond the concept of a comparative lexicon or an etymological dictionary. It is a search for synonyms in ancient forms of Indian languages. Hence, it may be called a semantic lexicon and not an etymological lexicon. This search has taken the compiler 20 years to accomplish using a powerful computer processor to compile the database of semantic clusters, working on an average, for 4 hours daily.

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The lexemes of all Indian languages are organized in two major categories: Alphabetical sequence The Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (DEDR) uses the order of the Tamil alphabet to sequence etymological groups, assuming Proto-Dravidian phonemes in the reconstructed PDr roots or stems involved, with the order of the Tamil alphabet applied of these phonemes. Tamil phonemes do not serve as PD reconstructions in all cases. The Indian Lexicon is a first step towards the compilation of an Indian Etymological Dictionary. Proto-Indic construction of phonemes of Proto-Indic roots or stems involved has not been attempted. Lexemes from the Indian languages are clustered based primarily on 'semantics' and secondarily on 'phonetics'. The Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages (CDIAL) provides many reconstructions of Proto-Indo-Aryan phonemes prefixing the root or stem involved with an * as has been attempted, in superb other works in philology, for the reconstruction of Indo-European etyma. Semantic sequence The semantic problem has been handled vigorously and the Indian Lexicon includes many borrowings among and between languages. This approach has resulted in clustering as many as over 3000 etymological groups of DEDR with the comparative groups of CDIAL, together with thousands of lexemes of Santali, Mundarica and other languages of the Austro-Asiatic linguistic group. There could be many opinions among linguists on semantic developments of a language.

Ancient Bharatam or Ancient India as a Linguistic Area

It is assumed that there were homophones in a Proto-Indic language which was the lingua franca of the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization, ca. 2500 BCE; this assumption, coupled with the Mesopotamian links, provides some hope for deciphering the inscriptions of the Sarasvati (Indus) Script. There is a Sarasvati River running parallel to River Banas and joining the Little Rann of Kutch. There is a Sarasvati River joining the River Luni near Pushkar, Ajmer. There is a Sarasvati (Haraqaiti) in Afghanistan, a tributary of the River Kubha. All these rivers may have been so-named reminscing the days of the civilization days of the Ghaggar-Hakra-Nara wadi's which constituted the Sarasvati River joining the Arabian Sea near Lothal. Some indologists note that Helmand of Afghanistan was the Rigvedic Sarasvati. But, RV 10.75.5, says, that the river was between the Yamuna and Sutlej (imam me

Gange Yamune Sarasvati Sutudri stotam sachata Parusnya…). RV 3.23.4 adds that the Drishadvati and Apaya were its tributaries (Drishadvatyam manusa Apayam

Sarasvatyam revadagne didihi… ). Further, RV 7.95.2 clearly refers to Sarasvati flowing from the mountains to the ocean (ekachetat Sarasvati nadinam suchir yati

giribhya a samudrat… ). There are no rivers named Yamuna and Sutlej, near Helmand; there are also no rivers called there Drishadvati and Apaya. There is no ocean in Afghanistan. The Sarasvati River of Rigveda has to be the river delineated in

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Bharatam, as a scientific fact. That Sarasvati was a river more important than the Sindhu river may be noted from the following observations of John Marshall (1931, pp. 1-6): "(Mohenjodaro) stands on what is known locally as the 'The Island'-a long, narrow strip of land between the main river bed and the Western Nara lop, its precise position being 27.19N by 68.8E, some 7 miles by road from Dokri... Twelve centuries ago, when the Arabs first came to Sind, there were two great rivers flowing through the land: to the west, the Indus: to the east, the Great Mihran, also known as the Hakra or Wahindah. Of these two rivers, the eastern one seems to have been the more important... Major Raverty, the foremost authority on the subject, concluded that at the time of the Arab invasion the main channel of the Great Mihran flowed a line roughly coincident with the existing Eastern Nara canal, which was once an important rive rbed (i.e. it passed close by the city of Alor...flowed...west of Umarkot, and so the Rann of Cutch (then an estuary of the sea) and by the Kori creek to the Arabian Sea. Cf. Raverty, The Mihran of Sind, and its tributaries, JASB, Vol. LXI, 1892, pp. 156-508). According to him, the terminal course of the Indus, which flows by Mohenjodaro, was then a subsidiary branch of the Mihran, buts course was not the same as at present... the existence of two important Chalcolithic sites of Mohenjodaro and Jhukar, the one in the near vicinity of the Indus, the other of the Western Nara loop..." "Griffin Vyse recalls observations that Alexander the Great had also sailed to the great lake and to the sea by this 'eastern branch of the Indus'...'the eastern or greater arm of the Mikran described by Rashid-ud-deen as branching off from above Mansura to the east, to the borders of Kutch, and known by the name of Sindh Sagara (Elliot, Vol. I, p. 49). This ancient river is also identical with the Sankra Nala which was constituted by Nadir Shah the boundary between his dominions and those of the Emperor of Delhi." A note is given below which recounts Prof. Emeneau's postulation of an Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area, together with some briefs on the key dates related to the desiccation of the Sarasvati River.(Note on Key dates of the Sarasvati River and the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area) This provides the underpinnings for a hypothesis that many entries in this Indian Lexicon are likely to provide the phonemes which were current for a millennium, starting circa 3000 BCE This hypothesis will be tested by an attempt to decipher the inscriptions of the civilization which sustained the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area. The civilization sites in Punjab, Rajasthan, Cholistan, Kutch and Saura_s.t.ra can be explained by the Sarasvati river as a navigable channel right from Ropar to Lothal, ca. 2500 BCE. M.B.Emeneau, Linguistic Prehistory of India [PAPS98 (1954). 282-92; Tamil Culture 5 (1956). 30-55; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and

Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 155-171]. "In fact, promising as it has seemed to assume Dravidian membership for the Harappa language, it is not the only possibility. Professor W. Norman Brown has pointed out (The United States and India and Pakistan, 131-132, Cambridge, Harvard

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University Press, 1953) that Northwest India, i.e. the Sarasvati and adjoining parts of India, has during most of its history had Near Eastern elements in its political and cultural make-up at least as prominently as it had true Indian elements of the Gangetic and Southern types. The passage is so important that it is quoted in full: 'More ominous yet was another consideration. Partition now would reproduce an ancient, recurring, and sinister incompatibility between Northwest and the rest of the subcontinent, which, but for a few brief periods of uneasy cohabitation, had kept them politically apart or hostile and had rendered the subcontinent defensively weak. When an intrusive people came through the passes and established itself there, it was at first spiritually closer to the relatives it had left behind than to any group already in India. Not until it had been separated from those relatives for a fairly long period and had succeeded in pushing eastward would I loosen the external ties. In period after period this seems to have been true. In the third millennium BCE the Harappa culture in the Sarasvati was partly similar to contemporary western Asian civilizations and partly to later historic Indian culture of the Ganges Valley. In the latter part of the next millennium the earliest Aryans, living in the Punjab and composing the hymns of the Rig Veda, were apparently more like their linguistic and religious kinsmen, the Iranians, than like their eastern Indian contemporaries. In the middle of the next millennium the Persian Achaemenians for two centuries held the Northwest as satrapies. After Alexander had invaded India (327/6-325 BCE) and Hellenism had arise, the Northwest too was Hellenized, and once more was partly Indian and partly western. And after Islam entered India, the Northwest again was associated with Persia, Bokhara, Central Asia, rather than with India, and considered itself Islamic first and Indian second. The periods during which the Punjab has been culturally assimilated to the rest of northern India are ew if any at all. Periods of political assimilation are almost as few; perhaps a part of the fourth and third centuries BCE under the Mauryas; possibly a brief period under the Indo-Greek king Menander in the second century BCE; another brief period under the Muslim kingdom of Delhi in the last quarter of the twelfth century CE; a long one under the great Mughals in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries CE; a century under the British, 1849-1947.' "Though this refers to cultural and political factors, it is a warning that we must not leap to linguistic conclusions hastily. The early, but probably centuries-long condition in which Sanskrit, a close ally of languages of Iran, was restricted to the northwest (though it was not the only language there) and the rest of India was not Sanskritic in speech, may well have been mirrored earlier by a period when some other language invader from the Near East-a relative of Sumerian or of Elamitic or what not-was spoken and written in the Sarasvati-perhaps that of invaders and conquerors-while the indigenous population spoke another language-perhaps one of the Dravidian stock, or perhaps one of the Munda stock, which is now represented only by a handful of languages in the backwoods of Central India. "On leaving this highly speculative question, we can move on to an examination of the Sanskrit records, and we find in them linguistic evidence of contacts between the Sanskrit-speaking invaders and the other linguistic groups within India...

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"...the early days of Indo-European scholarship were without benefit of the spectacular archaeological discoveries that were later to be made in the Mediterranean area, Mesopotamia and the Sarasvati... This assumption (that IE languages were urbanized bearers of a high civilization) led in the long run to another block-the methodological tendency of the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century to attempt to find Indo-European etymologies for the greatest possible portion of the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages, even though the object could only be achieved by flights of phonological and semantic fancy... very few scholars attempted to identify borrowings from Dravidian into Sanskrit...The Sanskrit etymological dictionary of Uhlenbrck (1898-1899) and the Indo-European etymological dictionary of Walde and Pokorny (1930-1932) completely ignore the work of Gundert (1869), Kittel (1872, 1894), and Caldwell (1856,1875)... It is clear that not all of Burrow's suggested borrowings will stand the test even of his own principles..." M.B.Emeneau, India as a Linguistic Area [Lang. 32, 1956, 3-16; LICS, 196, 642-51; repr. In Collected papers: Dravidian Linguistics Ethnology and Folktales, Annamalai Nagar, Annamalai University, 1967, pp. 171-186]. "'India' and 'Indian' will be used in what follows for the subcontinent, ignoring the political division into the Republic of India and Pakistan, and, when necessary, including Ceylon also... the northern boundary of Dravidian is and has been for a long time retreating south before the expansion of Indo-Aryan... We know in fact from the study of the non-Indo-European element in the Sanskrit lexicon that at the time of the earliest Sanskrit records, the Rigveda, when Sanskrit speakers were localized no further east than the Panjab, there were already a few Dravidian words current in Sanskrit. This involves a localization of Dravidian speech in this area no lather than three millennia ago. It also of course means much bilingualism and gradual abandonment of Dravidian speech in favor of IndoAryan over a long period and a great area-a process for which we have only the most meagre of evidence in detail. Similar relationships must have existed between Indo-Aryan and Munda and between Dravidian and Munda, but it is still almost impossible to be sure of either of these in detail... The Dravidian languages all have many Indo-Aryan items, borrowed at all periods from Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan and Modern Indo-Aryan. The Munda languages likewise have much Indo-Aryan material, chiefly, so far as we know now, borrowed rom Modern Indo-Aryan, though this of course includes items that are Sanskrit in form, since Modern Indo-Aryan borrows from Sanskrit very considerably. That Indo-Aryan has borrowed from Dravidian has also become clear. T. Burrow, The Sanskrit Language, 379-88 (1955), gives a sampling and a statement of the chronology involved. It is noteworthy that this influence was spent by the end of the pre-Christian era, a precious indication for the linguistic history of North India: Dravidian speech must have practically ceased to exist in the Ganges valley by this period... Most of the languages of India, of no matter which major family, have a set of retroflex, cerebral, or domal consonants in contrast with dentals. The retroflexes include stops and nasal certainly, also in some languages sibilants, lateral, tremulant, and even others. Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and even the far northern Burushaski, form a practically solid bloc characterized by this phonological feature...

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Even our earliest Sanskrit records already show phonemes of this class, which are, on the whole, unknown elsewhere in the Indo-European field, and which are certainly not Proto-Indo-European. In Sanskrit many of the occurrences of retroflexes are conditioned; others are explained historically as reflexes of certain Indo-European consonants and consonant clusters. But, in fact, in Dravidian it is a matter of the utmost certainty that retroflexes in contrast with dentals are Proto-Dravidian in origin, not the result of conditioning circumstances... it is clear already that echo-words are a pan-Indic trait and that Indo-Aryan probably received it from non-Indo-Aryan (for it is not Indo-European)... The use of classifiers can be added to those other linguistic traits previously discussed, which establish India as one linguistic area ('an area which includes languages belonging to more than one family but showing traits in common which are found not to belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families') for historical study. The evidence is at least as clear-cut as in any part of the world... Some of the features presented here are, it seems to me, as 'profound' as we could wish to find... Certainly the end result of the borrowings is that the languages of the two families, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, seem in many respects more akin to one another than Indo-Aryan does to the other Indo-European languages. We must not, however, neglect Bloch's final remark and his reasons therefor: 'Ainsi donc, si profondes qu'aient ete les influences locales, elles n'ont pas conduit l'aryen de l’inde... a se differencier fortement des autres langues indo-europeennes.' Trans. Thus, as deep were the local influences, they did not lead to Indo-Aryan ... but has to strongly be different from the other Indo-European languages." The profundity of these observations by Emeneau and Bloch will be tested through clusters of lexemes of an Indian Lexicon, which relate to the archaeological finds and the then extant socio-cultural-milieu of the civilization. These clusters of lexemes have been presented in a separate website together with the corpus of inscriptions of the civilization as aids to the process of deciphering the pictorials and signs on the inscriptions. http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati http://kalyan97.googlepages.com Semantic clusters There are over 8300 semantic clusters included in the Indian Lexicon from over 25 ancient languages which makes the work very large, yet comprehensive. Hence, to render the search faster, a meta-index has been constructed. The semantic sequence provided in the Indian Lexicon is like a meta-index of meanings (provided in English, using synonyms or near-synonyms of basic English words), while trying to separate English homonyms or near-homonyms. Botanical names (primarily Latin) have been used after Hooker to index flora, though some entries are also sequenced in the context of sememes related to cultural processes, for e.g. 'food'. Semantic clusters (1242 English words and Botanical species Latin) Economic Court: Flora and Products from Flora@

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Birds Insects Fauna Animate phenomena: birth, body, sensory perceptions and actions Visual phenomena, forms and shapes Numeration and Mensuration Economic Court: Natural phenomena, Earth formations, Products of earth (excluding flora clustered in a distinct category) @ Building, Infrastructure Work, skills, products of labour and workers (fire-worker, potter/ smith/ lapidary, weaver, farmer, soldier) Language fields Kinship Social formations Other semantic clusters The meta index consists of 1242 semantic clusters; it is a veritable compendium of the cultural categories, life-aspirations and knowledge systems sought to be represented through the lexemes of the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area. The range of semantic clusters encompassing the entire gamut of life-experiences related to natural phenomena and the environment involving flora and fauna point to an essential semantic unity among Bharatiya languages (languages of India or Indic languages) which evolved out of a riverine-maritime civilization engaged in creating a Metals Age, emerging out of a lithic age life-and-social-activity. The basic finding is that in this Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area, the proto-versions of words of the present-day languages of India (Tamil, Prakrit, Munda families) have concordant etyma in these 1242 semantic meta clusters – from butter to vermillion --, pointing to the cultural interactions which resulted in the creation of what may be called the Bharatiya Linguistic Area. The approximate dates of the creation of the Bharatiya Linguistic Area becomes evident after the decipherment of the script and inscriptions of the Sarasvati civilization (from circa 6500 BCE to 1900 BCE) using these semantic clusters related to the semantic category of the lexical repertoire of metallurgy, minerals, metals, smith, smithy, furnaces and skill sets of people who were sea-faring merchants from Meluhha (Bharat). Economic Court: Flora and Products from Flora

butter curdle flesh flour food grain honey liquor mahua molasses oil oilcake rice spice sugar supper tobacco wheat

bark cloth cotton drug flax fragrance fringe garland harvest granary glue hemp indigo itch kunda lac log medicine mouldy ointment peel poison pulp pungent raw reed resin root sandal scent seed sheaf sheath skein sow stick straw thorn thresh tip-cat

apple asparagus balsam bamboo banana barley basil basket betel bud camphor cardamom cashew celery chaff clearingnut clove bush cork coconut coffee creeper cucumber cumin ebony date fenugreek forest flower fruit garden garlic ginger gooseberry gourd hibiscus jackfruit jalap jujube leadwort

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leaf linseed lotus mango mushroom mustard palm orpiment pepper pericarp petal pomegranate raspberry saffron sago sprout tree tuber turmeric wax wood-apple

abies abrus acacia acalypha acampe acanthus achyranthes aconitum acorus adenanthera aegle aeschynomena aeschynomene agaricus agathotes agati ageratum aglaia aguilaria ailantus alangium aloe alosanthes alpinia amarantus albizzia amomum andropogon anethum anodendron anogeissus anthocephalus anthriscus antiaris areca aristolochia arka artemisia artocarpus arum atlantia averrhoea azima balanites barleria barringtonia basella bassia bauhinia berberis betula bixa blyxa bombax boswellia bryonia buchanania butea caesalpinia caesaria cajanus calamus calophyllum canarium cannabis canthium capparis carallia cardiospermum careya carissa carthamus carum caryota cassia cassytha cedrela cedrus celastrus celosia celtis cerbera ceropegia ceratonia chenopodium cicer cichorium cinnabar cinnamomum cinnamon citrus clarion cleistanthus clerodendrum clitoria coccinia cocculus colocasia colosanthes convolvulus cordia coriandrum costum costus cratraeva crocus crotalaria croton cucumis curculigo curcuma cyperus dalbergia datura desmodium dichrostachys dillenia dioscorea diospyros dodonea dolichos eclipta elaeocarpus elettaria eleusine ericybe erythrina erythroxylon eugenia eugenis euphorbia excoecaria feronia ferula ficus frankincense flacourtia garcinia galangal gamboge gardenia gaultheria gendarussa gentiana gloria gmelina grewia grislea gymnema gynandropsis gyrocarpus heliotropium hemidesmus hiptage holcus hopea hydnocarpus ichnocarpus ilex indigofera ipomoea jasminum juniper justicia kaempferia lagenaria lagerstroemia laurus lepidum leucas ligusticum linum lobellia lodhra luffa luvunga macaranga mangifera marsilia melastoma meliosma memecyclon mentha mesua millingtonia mimusops momordica moringa morus mucuna myrica myristica myrobalan myrtus nardostachys nauclea nelumbium nerium nyctanthes nymphaea ochlandra ochre ocimum odina olea ophioxylon oryza palmyra pandanus panicum papaver pavetta pavonia phaseolus phoenix phyllanthus physalis pimpinella pinus piper plumbago pogostemon polygala polygonum premna prunus psidium pterocarpus pterospermum pouzolzia prosopis quercus randia raphanus rauwofia rhizophora ricinus rottleria rubia rumex saccharum sal salicornia salvadora salvinia sandoricum santalum sapindus sarcostemma saussurea schleichera scirpus semecarpus sesamum sesbana sesbania shorea sinapis solanum soymida sphaeranthus spinachia sterculia stereospermum strobilanthes strychnos swertia symplocos syzygium tabernaemontana tamarindus tectona tephrosia terminalia thespesia tinospora tribulus tragia trapa trema trichosanthes trigonella trophis unquis utrica vaccinium veronia vitex vulpes wrightia xylia zizyphus

Birds

bird bluejay cock crane crow cuckoo dove duck eagle feather gizzard crest hawk heron kingfisher myna nest owl parrot pheasant quail robin shrike skylark snipe sparrow teal weaver-bird

Insects

bat beehive caterpillar chameleon cockroach crab frog insect lizard mosquito

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scorpion snake spider

Fauna

animal antelope, goat, deer, markhor, ram alligator bear buffalo bull camel dog elephant fish hare herd horn horse ivory lair lion lowing mongoose monkey musk-deer octopus pony porpoise rat rhinoceros shoal squirrel tail tiger tortoise yak yak-tail

Animate phenomena: birth, body, sensory perceptions and actions

abortion age amazed anger anus arrive ask attack back bald bathe behind beard beat beg being belly bile birth bite blink blood blow body boil bone breath bristle butt buttock care cheek chest chignon chin climb come copulate creep cross cry cut dance death decay doubt dream dumb dwarf echo elbow end excrement eye faeces fall fat finger fist flee fly frolic front funeral genus give gore groan hair hand hatch head heel hear heart herpes hiccup hide hit hunt hurt idle intoxicate invite itch jaundice joint juggler jump kick lame laugh lift leap leg lip listen liver look male mane meet mole mouth movement muscle nail navel neck nerve noise nose numb old penis perish phlegm plague pour pregnant pudendum pull pus push put raise rattle recite reply repress restrain rinse roar roll run rush scab scar scatter seize senses separate serve silence sing sink sit shoulder shrink slander slap sleep speak splash spleen split sprain squeeze stammer standing stay stirring stop strength suck surprise swallow sweep swell swing syllable take tame taste throb throw tired toe trunk tumour turning turn-back tusk twist udder urine vault vomit vulva waist walk woman word wrinkle young

Visual phenomena, forms and shapes

ball beauty bend bit black braid brown bubble chequered circle colour crack curve dense dot endless entangled extremity fitting flow fork full green heap hole hollow hump incline invert knob knot leak left line long loose middle ooze red slack slant small square straight stripe white

Numeration and Mensuration

account agreement audit average balance (scales) banker big broad centre cheap coin collect collection contain counting deficient divide eight finger five four half high increase joint knot lightness load mark marked market marking numeration one remainder six seven ten two three twelve twenty measure weight zero

Economic Court: Natural phenomena, Earth formations, Products of earth (excluding flora clustered in a distinct category)

barren basin borax brass bright bronze burst clay cloud cold collyrium crystal darkness dawn desert dew dry extinguish fire frost gem glitter gold (including soma) goods earth hail heat hill island lapislazuli lightning moon mud night north ocean ore pearl planet pleiades rain rainbow river ruby sand salt sediment shell silk silver sky smoke soap solstice south star stone sun tank tin thunder water wave wet wind zodiac

Building, infrastructure

arch brick bridge building bund cave chisel chop churn corner door drain fence fencing ford fort house kitchen lattice loft parapet pillar

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rafter roof shelf space stable wall wattle way (path, road)

Work, skills, products of labour and workers (fire-worker, potter/ smith/ lapidary, weaver, farmer, soldier) [The lexemes related to weapons and tools are so vivid and distinctive that the entire group has been clustered together to provide an overview of the skills developed which are reflected in semantic expansions related to weapon types and to wielding them. Thus, the clusters in the following list (e.g. awl, axe, bow, goad, razor, saw, sickle) are only to be treated as 'tool' samplers of a Metals Age, emerging out of a lithic age.] Weapons and Tools

awl axe bow goad razor saw sickle assembly amulet army axle badge bead bed bellows blanket boat bolt bore bracelet brazier break broken butcher camp cart carve censer cloak comb commonwealth convey crucible cymbals deliver dent depart dice distill drill drive drum edge embark engrave enter entreat erect fan fasten fatigue fear fell ferry filter fire flag flute forge fry furnace furrow glove gong groove guard guild hammer indra jacket join kill kiln kubera labour ladder ladle lamp land landless lathe leash leather lid lever loom lute manger mill mirror mould necklace net occupation oil-press ornament pannier patrol perforate pin plait plough pole pot potsherd potter pressed produce profession pure purity raft rope screen seat sew shackle script sling (bearing/ carrying) snare soldier spike spinner (weaver) spy stake stampsteam stirrup stool stopper store tablet trap treasury trough uproot vessel warrior wash water-lift well well-digger wheel whip winnow write

Language fields

grammar (Etymology, linguistics, grammar, particles, prepositions, adverbs)

arab tamil telugu

become near next now only other that there thus time until

augment consonant name no prefix riddle sign signature yes

Kinship

ancestor bride brother companion family father friend gentleman girl lead love marriage mistress mother self single sister wife

Social formations

abuse ambush auction authenticbard bawd brahma bravo buy chief class commend confidence conflict confusion cruel country court dedicate deity demon disgrace doctrine evil exile faith festival fop fraud free freedom game get gift goblin good gratitude guilt hindu honour idol justice law learn lease lend life load loan malice manner market meditate memorial mercy miser mystic oppose painting penalty place play please pledge pomp poor post power prank pride principal procession protect regularity regulation rich rob rogue royal rule sacrifice safety salutation scheme sell send shame sindhu stupid support surplus tax teacher temple terror theft tomb town trade tribe unruly useless value violence virtuous vow wager wicked win witness worship

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Other semantic clusters (including cognisance and lexemes which may indicate semantic expansion and may span many other semantic clusters; e.g. 'mix' cluster may relate to animate and inanimate clusters)

adhere begin blocked bold bundle clean clever close coax commence dangle deceit defeat deliberate desire detached dip dirty disgust dull enclose endure false forget hard inferior know mark marked marking mass means medley mix narrow neat need new notch opportunity outside overflow part particle paste pit pitfall ponder purpose quick quit ready remember rise rot rough rub ruin section shade shake similar slow strip thin think trace tranquil trouble truth unripe upper vermillion

Digital Search facility In addition to the alphabetic and semantic sequences, a general search facility is also provided. This search can be performed using ANY INDIAN WORD or ANY ENGLISH MEANING. While entering the Indian word (from any language), the simple transliteration rules have to be observed which will be obvious from a cursory review of the Indian Lexicon clusters. For the purposes of the preliminary decipherment effort, a search within the Semantic sequence lists using the search facilities provided on the Browser tool bar (Netscape or Internet Explorer) should be adequate. Discovery of Bharatiya or Indic language and evolution/differentiation of Bharatiya languages The lexicon discovers a Bharatiya or Indic language and indicates the semantic contours of the evolution and differentiation of ancient Bharatiya languages, many

of which continue to be used in Bharat, that is India and in many parts of the Indian Ocean Community area along the Indian Ocean Rim and along the Himalayan ranges which stretch from Teheran to Hanoi, even to the present day.

This lexicon seeks to establish a semantic concordance, across the languages or numeraire facilei of the Indian sub-continent: from Brahui to Santali to Bengali, from Kashmiri to Mundarica to Sinhalese, from Marathi to Hindi to Nepali, from Sindhi or Punjabi or Urdu to Tamil. A semantic structure binds the languages of India, which

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may have diverged morphologically or phonologically as evidenced in the oral tradition of Vedic texts, or epigraphy, literary works or lexicons of the historical periods. This lexicon, therefore, goes beyond, the commonly held belief of an Indo-European languageii and is anchored on proto-Indian sememesiii. Over 8,000 semantic clusters span and bind the Indian languages. The basic finding is that thousands of terms of the Vedas, the Munda languages (e.g., Santali, Mundarica, Sora), the so-called Dravidian languages and the so-called Indo-Aryan languages have common semantics, cultural roots. This belies the received wisdom of cleavage between, for example, the Dravidian or Munda and the Aryan languages. The lexicon seeks to establish an areal 'Indic or Bharatiya' language type, by establishing semantic concordance among the so-called Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda languages. The area spanned is a geographical region bounded by the Indian ocean on the south and the mountain ranges which insulate it from other regions of the Asian continent on the north, east and west. This lexicon is a tribute to the brilliant work done by etymologistsiv and scholars of Indian linguistics, and to a number of scholars who have contributed to unraveling the enigmav of the Indus Script and to the study of ancient Indian science and technology. The author believes that the work can contribute to/strengthen the unifying elements of Indian common cultural heritage and counter divisive forces which occasionally hold sway. The author also realizes that language is an extraordinarily emotional issue and is subject to a variety of possible interpretations. Language is also a philosophical problem par excellence. The justification for this comparative lexicon of languages currently spoken by over a billion people of the world can be provided at a number of levels: to bring people closer to the ancient heritage of a Indian language family of which the extant Indian languages (Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda language streams) are but dialectical forms; to generate further studies in the disciplines of (i) Indian archaeology, (ii) general semantics and comparative linguistics; (iii)design of fifth-generation computer systemsvi; and(to provide a basis for further studies in grammatical philosophy and neurosciences on the formation of semantic patterns or structures in the human brain -- neurosciences related to the study of linguistic competence which seems to set apart the humans from other living beings. The urgent warrant for this work is the difficulty faced by scholars in collating different lexicons and in obtaining works such as CDIAL (A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages) even in eminent libraries. In tracing the etyma (lit. truth in Greek) of the Indian languages, it is adequate to indicate the word forms which can be traced into the mists of historyvii. Hypotheses on Indian vocabulary

Some observations on general semantics and the Indian Linguistic Area The civilization sites in Punjab, Rajasthan, Cholistan, Kutch and Saura_s.t.ra can be explained by the Sarasvati river as a navigable channel right from Ropar to Lothal (and beyond upto Prabha_s Patan or Somnath), upto ca. 2500 B.C. The existence of this highway and links

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through the Persian Gulf and the coastline of Sindhu sa_gara (Arabian Sea) may explain the spectrum of languages covered by the linguistic area which had existed around 5,000 years ago. The evolution of the Pràkrits and dialectical sequences of changes in the region, governed by regional migrations of populations due to the desiccation of the Sarasvati river, ca. 1700-1300 B.C., will require further linguistic analytical work. For this purpose, extensive lexical and other language tasks based on epigraphical, textual and cultural evidences have to continue, following on the leads provided in the Indian Lexicon. Thus, the Indian Lexicon is only a small step to further understand the formation of Indian languages. Further work is necessary to identify lexemes of the substrate language used in cuneiform inscriptions of Mesopotamia, in the context of the re-interpretation of pictorials on cylinder seals with vivid motifs similar to those found in the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization area. Any language with a large number of speakers develops dialects. The major geographical barriers (apart from the Himalayas) separating groups of people in India are: the marusthali_ (Great Indian desert), the Suleiman ranges, the Brahmaputra and the Vindhya mountain ranges. The major geographical feature which overcomes these barriers is that the waters close to the long coastline of the peninsula, Arabian sea on the west and Bay of Bengal on the east, were navigable on a bagala or a san:gad.a. This explains the possibility noted by John Marshall that electrum from Kolar could have been used by the artisans of Mohenjodaro. Two dialects predominated as the standard form of language in Northern, Western and Eastern India: they emerges as Prakrit and Pali in the historical periods. The distinction between 'dialect' and 'language' is resolved viewing dialects as subdivisions of languages. It is a well-known fact that Mandarin, Cantonese and Pekingese differ in their spoken forms but share the same written language, thus making the former dialects of Chinese. Similarly, the so-called Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and Munda are viewed as subdivisions of a proto-Indian parole. (The concrete utterances produced by individual speakers of the speech community are related in the exercise of cracking the code of the writing system of the epigraphs of the civilization, treating all the examples provided by Indian lexemes in the Indian Lexicon, as merely dialectial variants.)

The following hypotheses govern the semantic clustering attempted in this lexicon. It is possible to re-construct a proto-Indian idiom or lingua franca of circa the centuries traversed by the Sarasvati civilization (c.2500 to 1700 BCE). India is a linguistic area coterminus with the riverine-maritime area nurtured in the cradle of the Sarasvati River Basin and along the coastline of the Indian Ocean Rim. The hypotheses reject two earlier linguistic assertions: (i) Sir William Jones's assertion in 1786 of an Indo-European linguistic family and (ii) Francis Whyte Ellis's assertion in 1816 of a southern Indian family of languages. These two assertions

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have resulted in two comparative or etymological dictionaries of the so-called 'Indo-Aryan' and 'Dravidian' languages. This cleavage between the two language families is rejected. The exclusion of the so-called Austro-Asiatic or Munda (or Kherwa_ri) languages is also rejected. Instead, it is proposed that there was a proto-Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area (c. 2500 BCE) which included these three language groups. The underlying assumption is that the so-called Dravidian, Munda and Aryan languages can be traced to an ancient Indian family by establishing the unifying elements, in semantic terms. This echoes Pope's observations made in a different context: '... that between the languages of Southern India and those of the Aryan family there are many deeply seated and radical affinities; that the differences between the Dravidian tongues and the Aryan are not so great as between the Celtic (for instance) and the Sanskritviii; and that, by consequence, the doctrine that the place of the Dravidian dialects is rather with the Aryan than with the Turanian family of languages is still capable of defence... the resemblances (appeared) most frequently in the more uncultivated Dravidian dialects... the identity (was) most striking in the names of instruments, places, and acts connected with a simple life...' (G.U.Pope, Indian Antiquary; loc. cit. R. Swaminatha Aiyar, Dravidian Theories, 1922-23, repr., Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1987, pp.11-12).

Aryan hoax

Note on William Jones: Aryan hoax was a British colonial creation. Evidence: William Jones shown on a marble panel on Oxford College Chapel wearing a skull-cap; that is, he was a christian missionary and no Sanskrit lover. He was no Justinian, no Law-giver of the Hindu. He did NOT understand dharma.

William Jones, the originator of Indo-European Linguistics (IEL) shown on a marble panel in a Chapel at Oxford College, UK. Sitting in front of him, at is feet, are crouching hindu scholars without any writing instruments. The panel notes that Jones is the law-giver. He is shown wearing a skull-cap.

Did he indeed sit at the feet of hindu scholars to learn about dharma s'astras? Why is he honored in a Chapel? Why the skull-cap? Was he indeed the law-giver? A telling tale of IEL as ideology and evangelism

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A defamatory insult to hindu sentiments, a panel which should be removed public display with due deference to the respect for truth in history.(Thanks to Rajiv Malhotra for the photograph. Thanks to Arindam Chakrabarti for unraveling the fraud.and etails provided.) http://www.sulekha.com/blogs/oldcolumn.aspx?cid=306016 A quote from Max Muller: “The translation of the Veda will hereafter tell to a great extent on the fate of India and on the growth of millions of souls in that country. It is the root of their religion, and to show them what the root is, I feel sure, is the only way of uprooting all that has sprung from it during the last 3000 years.” [Müller, F. Max. Three Lectures on the Science of Language, etc., with a Supplement, My Predecessors. 3rd ed. Chicago, 1899, p. 5. A letter to his wife, in reply to her concerns that he was undermining Christianity.] These two evidences related to William Jones who is considered the father of Indo-European linguistics and to Max Mueller demonstrate the underlying motives for studying ancient texts of Bharat, that is India which were NOT scholarly inquiries but proselytizing initiatives, governed by their belief in creationism based on Biblical authority. Both William Jones and Max Mueller were votaries of the Bible as a historical document and of Biblical beliefs. Biblical beliefs: • •4004 BCE: The world is created in six days. •2348 BCE: A flood submerges the apple orchard in the desert where humans inhabit. 600-year-old Noah escapes along with his 100-year-old son Japheth, goats, and other animals. •2200 BCE: The seven sons of Japheth (i.e., the seven Hindu sages mentioned in Hindu texts) lead one-third of humanity to the Caucasian region and populate it. There they build the world's first civilization called the Aryan civilization. • •1500 BCE: The male members of the Aryan Civilization get onto their chariots and ride to India. When they arrive in their thundering chariots, the men folk in North India are terrified by the neighing horses and run away to South India leaving behind the women! The Aryans then proceed to civilize India. Abbe JA Dubois, 1806, Hindu manners, customs and ceremonies; Eng. Trans. , 1816. Based on James Usher (158101656), Bishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. Date of Creation was given as 23 October4004, at 9 AM (King John Vrsion of Bible) Aryan, Dravidian are NOT races

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They are cultural idioms. Arya = ayya (Telugu, Tamil and many languages), a respectable person Dravida = a region where tamarind is eaten (Patanjali) They are not even separate languages. A linguistic area existed ca. 5000 years ago when languages interacted and absorbed features from one another and made them their own. Proof: Indian Lexicon (4000 of the so-called Dravidian etyma have cognates in Munda and Indo-aryan languages) Genetic evidence: • •North & South Bharatiyas Share mtDNA, Which Is Distinct From That of Europeans•Kivisild T, Bamshad MJ, Kaldma K, Metspalu M, Metspalu E, Reidla M, Laos S, Parik J, Watkins WS, Dixon ME, Papiha SS, Mastana SS, Mir MR, Ferak V,Villems R. Deep common ancestry of indian and western-Eurasian mitochondrialDNA lineages. Current Biol. 9, 1331-4 (1999). Disotell TR. Human evolution: the southern route to Asia. Curr. Biol. 9, R925-8 (1999). Analysis of the DNA sequences coding for the different forms of these proteins (alleles) demonstrate that while populations which are closely related, geographically or through known migrations, show similarities in their class I and II MHC antigens (y-chromosomes), the Asians and the Europeans are distinct, separate but equal, people. Arnaiz-Villena A, Karin M, Bendikuze N, Gomez-Casado E, Moscoso J, Silvera C, Oguz FS, Diler AS, de Pacho A, Allende L, Guillen J, Laso JM. HLA alleles and haplotypes in the Turkish population: relatedness to Kurds, Armenians and other Mediterraneans. Tissue Antigens 57, 308-317 (2001). Methodology and limitations of the work

The methodology to test the hypotheses will be based on the design of a vocabulary super-set (in semantic terms). The governing principle of this lexicon is that phonetic and grammatical laws are subordinate to semantic laws within a language family. Cognates do not have to be concordant in phonetic and morphological forms; cognates have to be concordant in phonetic and semantic forms to suggest linguistic affinity among dialects of a language family.

The compounded forms of sememes of the lingua franca of the Sarasvati civilization have been reconstructed from the following sources: lexical entries of Indian languages found in the comparative, etymological dictionaries: CDIAL (A

Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages) and DEDR (A Dravidian

Etymological Dictionary); eymological groups (as semantic super-sets) culled from lists of ancient verb forms such as those found in the dha_tupa_t.ha, Niruktam,

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Whitney's lexicon, Vedic lexicon; lists of ancient noun forms, such as materia medica found in nighan.t.u's and medical works, annotated with insights from botanical works, pharmacopoeia and works on pharmacognosy ; epigraphical records of many languages of the region which mainly record economic transactions; and language dictionaries of Indian languages.

Metaphors as semantic indicators: the sacred is the secular

In GK Chesterton’s Father Brown, the detective makes a perceptive observation: somehow, nobody notices a postman who quietly enters into a house, commits a murder and walks away; somehow, nobody notices a postman. This metaphor is apt in describing an attempt to unravel the language(s) of Bharat circa 5000 years ago spoken on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu. The postman, the language is mleccha! the lingua franca, the parole. Pre-history has not vanished, it is all around us. Using the epigraphs of Sarasvati civilization, it is possible to unravel the attributes of both the message and the messenger and relate them to archaeology and continuing tradition in Bharat. Sarasvati is a metaphor adored in ecstatic terms in brahma, the prayer invoked in over 70 r.ca-s of R.gveda. She is a mother, a divinity. She is reality, she is nadi_, river of the saptasindhu or region of seven rivers; she nurtured a civilzation on her banks. She is Bra_hmi, the glyptic representation of parole (bha_s.a_). She is va_k (parole); she is jn~a_na devi (wisdom divinity). Metaphor is an exquisite and powerful tool of general semantics. The central theses presented in the saptathi Sarasvati, are that in comprehending reality, metaphor is a powerful poetic, artistic medium which bursts forth in a r.ca or su_kta or a glyptic representation called mlecchita vikalpa (cipher writing). R.gveda, which is perhaps the oldest human document, which has been handed down as a heritage, with astonishing phonetic fidelity, like a tape recorder preserved and passed on from generation to generation, abounds in metaphors. The task of a seeker is to unravel the reality from the web (ni_d.am) of metaphors. The epigraphs of the civilization are composed of glyphs as metaphors. So are many sculpted mu_rti-s metaphors. Stone s’iva lin:ga found in Harappa and terracotta representations of lin:ga found in Kalibangan are metaphors, representing the shape of the summit of Mt. Kailas. The a_gama tradition of Bharat cherishes a metaphor of S’iva who sits in penance on the summit of Mt. Kailas. His consort is Pa_rvati, parvata putri_, daughter of the mountain. The mountain, the mighty Himalayan ranges – devata_tma_ himalaya according to the poet Ka_l.ida_sa -- is a reservoir, a veritable water tower holding life-sustaining, sacred waters, a_pah. As S’iva sits in penance, River Ganga emerges from the locks of his hair. It is a metaphor representing the flows of waters and alluvium into the plains of Bharat, sustaining a civilization. In the unique a_gama tradition of Bharat, a_yudha_ni carried by mu_rti-s sculpted by artisans, the vis’vakarma, are metaphors of the attributes of divinity which permeates every phenomenon. Life itself is a metaphor, a quest for understanding r.ta, the cosmic order and dharma, which holds this order together. Everything secular is enveloped in spirituality.

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There is no reality but the spiritual metaphor. The R.gvedic yajn~a is a metaphor. It is a representation of the reality of unity of cosmic and individual consciousness.

The Indian lexicon is organized primarily on a comparative basis and secondarily on a historical basis (and not on a genealogical basis, i.e. not trying to trace the changes in phonetic forms of a sememe)ix. Given the limitations of this organization, it has not been considered essential in this lexicon, to reformulate the old Indian phonetic form with an *x. The vocabulary is presented in groups of etyma taken from CDIAL, DEDR,

Encyclopaedia Mundarica, Tamil and other language lexicons of Dravidian, Aryan and Munda languages. The etymological groups are put together as semantic cognates and it will be left for future research work to determine the nature of the interactions (or what linguists call, using a pecuniary term: 'borrowing') between and among the languages which constituted the proto-Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area. The results of the research are restricted to the identification, in a comparative lexicon, of comparative sememes and morphemes, including many allomorphs (i.e. two or more forms of a morpheme). An attempt to conjecture or decipher the possible proto-Indian 'phonetic' forms will require further studies and research work. The results of these studies will help for e.g. (1) to eliminate duplicate semantic clusters included in this lexicon and (2) to re-group the clusters in a true syllabic sequencexi. For 'alphabetical` indexing or 'areal` (i.e. by geographical regions)sequencing, Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages (CDIAL),Burrow and Emeneau's A Dravidian Etymological Lexicon (DEDR), Pali, Sanskrit, Kannada,Tamil, Munda, Santali and other lexicons of Indian languages are unsurpassed sources. DEDR solves the problem of sequencing by using Tamil morphemes as the reference base for the entire group in Tamil syllabic order. In effect, the vocabulary of this lexicon, include many CDIAL and DEDR entries as sub-setsxii and constitute a semantic index to both CDIAL and DEDR which will continue to provide the basic references to areal etyma. The primary justification for choosing a simple sequencing based on a limited number of initial vowels/consonants and consonantal combinations (with intervening vowels or nasals)xiii is that each semantic cluster can be treated as a distinct monograph which may provide material for further study of the Indian language family in which there has apparently been an extraordinary semantic affinity between and among related languages. One substantive problem in organizing the semantic clusters was the problem of 'alphabetical' or 'syllabic' sequencing. It has been difficult to follow a strict alphabetical ordering in this work. This is due to the author's inability to pin down the ancient 'phonetics' of a sememe or to construct a proto-Indian form. This limitation has resulted in some duplication of terms in more than one semantic cluster. The idiosyncratic sequencingxiv is due to the limits of knowledge of the author; the result has been a number of semantic clusters included in the lexicon containing phonetic forms which may not correspond with the etymological grouping. Samuel Johnson refers to a lexicographer as an harmless drudgexv. What a

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pleasant and glorious drudge! An etymologist is also a drudge but may provoke, hopefully lively, linguistic disputes among the proponents of dialects of a language family, on issues such as 'true inheritance' or 'great antiquity'xvi! The disputes (or positive creative tensions), may also draw inspiration and guidance from the past linguistic studies of great scholars who have provided valuable insights into the phonological, grammatical and lexical aspects of a proto-Indian language family. An English semantic index has been included. The index is composed of (i) English meanings, and (ii) flora (names of botanical species in Latin terms), plants and products of plants (in English and vernacular terms which have entered the English lexicon). As in DEDR, no attempt has been made to state the equivalence of Latin flora terms; DEDR entries in a group of etyma record the equivalence found in Hooker at the end of the numbered etymological group. The index is primarily based on the elegantly designed index of A Dravidian Etymological Lexicon (DEDR). To quote from DEDR: (p.773) "This is an index of the more important meanings recorded for words in the Dravidian languages. No attempt has been made to list all the English meanings given in the entries, since such a procedure would have swollen this index beyond all reason. In fact, in any attempt to keep it within bounds, usually only one of a group of synonyms or near-synonyms has been listed: e.g. resemble is listed, but not similar and like... The derivational system of English words, since it does not coincide with that of Dravidian, has in general been ignored..." Organization of the lexicon work The dominance of economic activities in the lives of ancient Indians will be apparent from the semantic clusters compiled in this lexicon. Semantic clusters include words expressing cognate 'thoughts'xvii. The ancient economic court was dominated by plant products such as fragrances, incenses and exudations which were highly valued and in great demand. For example, the ancient Egyptian civilization records trans-continental expeditionsxviii to pw'nt (or punt) in search of such plant products which may be designated as Kubera's nava-nidhi or nine treasures of Kubera, in the yaks.a tradition of great antiquity. The inclusion of names of many plants and plant products in the lexicon, has a strong justification in terms of ancient life-styles. The etyma related to plants have been elaborated with cross-references on therapeutic effects described in works dealing with the subject of pharmacognosy and, in some instances, the references in pharmacopoeia of various countries have also been provided. Plants and plant products (gums, gum-resins, fragrances, incenses, plant exudations, bark, in particular) had an extraordinary place in the cultural processes of ancient civilizations (particularly in the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area, in the ancient Egyptian civilization and in the Biblical areas), including for example, the depiction of the so-called nine treasures of Kubera, all of which may relate to plant products. (i) The existence of many nighan.t.us principally devoted to materia medica of the ancient medical systems and (ii) the archaeological finds of viha_ras such as the

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Ajanta and Ellora caves which might have been used by medicine-men and to stock plant products justify further studies on the economic importance of plant products in cultural history. Vedic soma was comparable in economic importance to the plants and plant products. In an extraordinary process described eloquently in Vedic chants, soma was purchased, and went through a process kept secret from the seller.Soma was washed in water (yad-adbhih paris.ichyase mr.jyama_no gabhastyoh- : RV.ix.65.6), then pounded either with stone or in a mortar (RV. 1.83.6; RV.1.28.4); it had am.s'u (RV. ix.67.28); it yielded andhas, rasa, pitu, pi_yu_s.a or amr.ta; it was purifed through a strainer (antah- pavitra a _hitah- : RV. ix.12.5). It was not 'drunk' by mortals. Soma was the product of an activity using intense fire, and involving the participation of the entire household for days and nights. Soma was wealth. The dawn of urbanization and transition from agrarian economy to an economy dominated by artisans, are vividly reconstructed from the archaeological finds of the Sarasvati civilization which may also be called the Sarasvati _ civilization. A pen picture with exquisite photographs is provided in the Age of God-Kings: "About 2500 BC, a people of unknown origin started constructing a series of cities as remarkable as any the world had yet seen. Artisans set to work, trade flourished and a system of writing evolved. At its apogee, the Indus civilization encompassed nearly 1.3 million square kilometers; its boundaries stretched from the foothills of the Himalayas to the Arabian Sea and from the Ganges watershed to the Gulf of Bombay, just to the north of what is now Bombay. It was the largest cultural domain of its era... This people also perfected the art of casting objects in bronze, a breakthrough in technology that ranks among humankind's greatest early achievements... The pictographic script of the Indus people has not yet been successfully deciphered. The Southeast Asian rice farmers seem not to have developed a system of writing... the Indus people... built grand cities, centers of production and trade... One of these cities... Harappa... around 2300 BC, Harappa was home to 35,000 people... Another great city took shape 550 kilometers to the south, on the lower Indus... Mohenjodaro -- 'Hill of the Dead' in Sindhi... Two gateways provided access through the wall. Within the citadel were assembly halls, administrative offices and a number of residences for various officials and functionaries. Only an enormous collective effort could have created these two great urban centers of the Indus culture... The huge complexes at Mohenjodaro and Harappa that are believed to be municipal granaries covered thousand upon thousand of square meters. They had raised brick floors... and strong, timbered roofs to protect against the weather. The apparent threshing areas nearby were paved in brick and included circular pits where workers pounded the kernels with wooden staves to remove the husks from the grain... The harvest was probably a state monopoly, and the granaries served, in effect, as state treasuries... They were the world's first people to grow cotton and to weave its fibre into textiles... Trading posts were established far beyond the valley's fringes. The Indus people founded a settlement at Sutkagen Dor, west of Baluchistan and within reach of the Persian Gulf. To the south of the valley, a large seaport took shape at Lothal on the Gulf of Cambay... From Lothal, high-prowed, double-ended sailing vessels carried the gold, gems and timber products of southern India along the coast

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to the Sarasvati and beyond. The richest trade route from the valley lay to the west, through the Persian Gulf to Mesopotamia. Starting about 2350 BC, traffic with the urban centers of Sumer and Akkad expanded to become a prime source of revenue...Merchants used sets of cubical stone weights that never varied in value throughout the Indus region. The basic unit was 16, equal to 14 grams. The larger weights were multiples of 16 -- 32,64,128, and so on up to 12,800 (11 kilograms); the smaller ones were all fractions of 16... The Indus merchants, like their Sumerian counterparts, developed a method of record keeping and used carved stone seals to stamp their property. Every mercantile family had its own device, and probably every important citizen did also. More than 2,000 examples have been found in the Indus cities, and others have turned up in Mesopotamia, left there by overseas traders... One popular motif appears to have been a unicorn sniffing at an incense burner. The unicorn is probably a bull in profile, so that one horn hides the other. But why the creature has been offered incense is a puzzlement. In a seal from Mohenjodaro, both the unicorn and the incense brazier are being carried aloft in some kind of procession... the Indus tongue is lost in antiquity and none of the signs (on seals) corresponds to any used by the Egyptians or Sumerians. The seal inscriptions are brief -- one or two lines... The Indus people left no surviving histories, no religious texts, no literary epics... (Harappan merchants used the seals as a kind of trademark impressing them on clay tags to label their goods)... after each catastrophe (earthquake or flood), the citizens picked up their lives again. Some sections of Mohenjodaro were rebuilt as many as eight times. In each reconstruction, the architects re-created the previous construction virtually brick for brick... Sometime during the nineteenth century BC, however, the Indus cities began to slip into permanent decline... Scribes in Mesopotamia recorded rich shipments from the Sarasvati until around 1800 BC, when they suddenly ceased... The urban heritage was passed on to the east... somber notes of Harappan ideology would continue to reverberate through the coming centuries." (The Age of God-kings, 3000-1500 BCE, Amsterdam, Time-Life Books, 1991, pp.129-141). Archaeology and Language One approach suggested by Colin Renfrew is a correlation, however hypothetically, of language changes with demographic and social changes recorded by archaeology. Decipherment of the script is important to bring the civilization within the bounds of history, and to establish that the civilization should not remain categorized as 'prehistoric'. For, 'prehistoric' would mean 'prior to the use of writing.' (cf. Colin Renfrew, Archaeology and Language: the Puzzle of Indo-European Origins, Penguin Books, 1987, p.2). If this lexicon has established that the Indian language family had closely related members, it should be reasonable to hypothesize that the Indus Script was related to one or more dialects of this language, though there is no direct evidence to prove precisely which language was spoken between 2500 to 1700 BCE in the region traversed by this civilization.

"... (Archaeology) is beginning to interest itself in the ideology of early communities: their religions, the way they expressed rank, status and group identity. The question of language is important here... modern linguistics and current processual

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archaeology offer the opportunity for a new synthesis... (Sarasvati Civilization) was a literate civilization... some four hundred signs were found, fifty-three of them used commonly... this suggests that it must be a mixed hieroglyphic and syllabic script rather than a pure syllabic script like Minoan Linear B... not enough (signs) for a true pictographic script like that of the Egyptian hieroglyphs or the Chinese script... are the Sarasvati sealstone inscriptions in an early form of Indo-European?...there is no inherent reason why the people of the Sarasvati Civilization should not already have been speaking an Indo-European language, the ancestor of the Rigveda...Hypothesis A, then, would carry the history of the Indo-European languages in north India and Iran back to the early neolithic period in those areas... (Hypothesis B) outlines an alternative... which accepts the likelihood of local farming origins... (and) a process of elite dominance... by well-organized and mobile tribal groups, with a chiefdom organization... while we cannot expect to find direct evidence in the archaeological record for a specific prehistoric language or language group, we can indeed study processes or demographic and social change. It is these processes of change which we may seek, however hypothetically, to correlate with language change in those areas... it is perfectly possible that the languages used in the Indus Valley civilization as early as 3000 BC were already Indo-European... We are talking here of simple peasant farmers, with a restricted range of domestic plants and animals and a limited range of crafts. These may generally have included weaving and pottery-making and other farming skills, but theirs were egalitarian societies... 'segmentary societies,' laying stress on the almost autonomous nature of individual village or neighborhood communities. Naturally there were links and marriage exchanges between these... three issues now remain that we should look at: language origins, language dispersals, and the relationship between archaeology and linguistic studies... " (Colin Renfrew, op cit., pp. 5,7, 183-185, 190-191, 197, 205, 264. 271, 273). One approach to study changes in languages is to cluster the dialects of a language together. Such a clustering is attempted in this lexicon. These clusters provide the basis for further studies to correlate the changes in languages with the socio-economic changes established through archaeology. Language and Script An attempt to link the Indus Script to the Indian etyma, is a search for Indian linguistic roots. It is, in effect, a search for words which are 'as old as time`. Many scripts of the current Indian languages are syllabic in structure. It is notable that Tamil, in particular, utilizes a remarkably compact alphabet (syllabary derived via grantha forms from the Bra_hmi_ script); for example, the script symbol for the syllable, ka connotes a phonetic spectrum of ka, kha, ga and gha. The use of a limited number of script symbols for syllables is perhaps an indication that, even if the phoneme (for a given morpheme) had a ka, kha, ga or gha, the semantic content remained unaltered. This extraordinary economy (yet, diversity) in script form is, therefore, an indication that for effective linguistic communication of a message, phonetic formantsxix are subordinate to the semantic structure of morphemes.xx Many ancient scripts were evolved on the principle of 'ideographs', i.e. depicting a word as an image (logo, on a seal, for example) using a homophone (i.e. a similar sounding word). The importance of 'images' in formulating 'meaning' (in neuronal

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structures) or for designing 'scripts', is paralleled by a distinct semantic structural feature of Santali language in which words are not uniquely marked for specific functions such as noun or verb but most stems of words are multifunctional. There is no grammatical gender for nouns which may be lexically marked (using for example, herel for male; maejiu for female). There are no formal marks for grammatical class, a word can perform various functions: as noun, as adjective or as verb. In Santali, every stem or root (sememe) is potentially a verb. Qualifiers can be constructed by simply adding -n for e.g. kad.awa.n hor. a man who has buffaloes. (George L. Campbell, Compendium of the World's Languages, Routledge, London, 1991, p. 1199).xxi "In Santali, any word may (in theory at least) be used as a verb simply by adding a, which is the verbal sign, and other signs to signify tense, mood etc. The a alone signifies the general or future tense in the active voice -- used to make general statements, or statements referring to the future... The verb generally comes at the end of a sentence or phrase... (Santali language) consists of root words and various infixes, suffixes and particles, joined together or agglutinated in such a way as to form phrases and sentences... dalgot'kedeae... dal the root word, meaning to strike or striking; got' an adverbial particle giving the sense of quickly or suddenly; ked the sign ket', denoting the past tense of the active voice, modified to ked... e ...signifying an animate object -- him, or her... a the verbal sign, showing that the idea of striking is used verbally; e the short form of the 3rd personal pronoun, singular... denoting the subject -- he, or she." (R.M. Macphail, An Introduction to Santali, 1953, p.2). Taking into account, this historical factor which governed the evolution of alphabets and the important part played by 'root word'xxii in Santali (a member of the ancient Indian family of languages) this lexicon attempts to identify 'sememes' and also provide an aid to epigraphists or scholars interested in deciphering the Indus script. For this purpose (and based on the assumption that the Indus script may be related to the Indian language family), many semantic clusters in this lexicon include, what are titled as, 'image' words, i.e. word forms which could have been represented graphically, as in the symbols and signs used in the as-yet undeciphered Indus scriptxxiii. Such 'image' clusters are sequenced close to the other substantive clusters which are related to life-activities of ancient civilizations as evidenced by archaeological finds and artifacts. The titles provided to many semantic clusters with the prefix 'image' refer to a number of images provided by the pictographs and signs of the seals and tablets containing Indus script. Such pictographs and signs will be clustered to aid those interested in deciphering the script. At this stage of the author's knowledge, it has not been possible to include some thoughts on 'alternative interpretations' of these 'ideographs' of the Indus script. A start for decipherment has been made assuming that each pictograph is a homonym (i.e. an image of a similar sounding 'substantive' word). Many 'substantives' are indeed based on the economic activities of an evolving civilization. On the problem of the Indus Script, it is important to refer to one message on a sealing from Umma, since no bilingual script messages have so far been found: "...an imprint of (indus) seal upon the fragment of a clay label from a bale of cloth had also been published by Father Scheil (Revue d'Assyriologie, Vol. 22: 56), and this was said to come from the site of Umma, the neighbor city of Lagash...No.1. First among the seals discovered at

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Ur (in 1923) is the unique object ...in the British Museum...On the face stands, below, the figure of a bull with head bent down...the inscription...is in archaic cuneiform writing...of a period before 2500 BCE There are three signs and very probably traces of a fourth, almost obliterated; the three preserved are themselves scratchy and rather worn, though not ill-formed. Hence their reading is doubtful--the choices are, for the first SAG(K) or KA, for the second KU or possibly LU, while the third is almost certainly S'I, and the fourth, it existed at all, is quite uncertain...using the commonest values of the signs, sak-ku-s'i--(with possible loss of something at the end) may be pronounced the best provisional reading...It does not, at least, seem to be any Sumerian or Akkadian name...(the seal is) probably, a product of some place under the influence both of Indus and of the Sumerian civilizations." (Gadd, 1932, pp.3-32.)

Umma seal or Gadd Seal 1 If the cuneiform reading of this seal is: sak kasi, the lexemes may connote: sak 'shell or conch' and kasi 'cassiterite'. The bull may be read as: d.han:gar 'smith'. Thus the message of

the seal is the possession of the smith or the commodities traded by the smith: shell and copper. Gadd Seal 1 Seal impression and reverse of seal from Ur (U.7683; BM 120573); image of bison and cuneiform inscription; cf. Mitchell 1986: 280-1 no.7 and fig. 111; Parpola, 1994, p. 131: signs may be read as (1) sag(k) or ka, (2) ku or lu or ma, and (3) zi or ba (4)?. The commonest value: sag-ku-zi Or, SAG.KU(?).IGI.X or SAG.KU(?)P[AD]?

Adding an assumed syllable TU at the end, the value of the message reads: sakku-s'i-tu. Hunter noted that three round seals with Harappan characters found in Mesopotamia may not be in Harappan language since there were marked differences in the sequence of letters. (Hunter, 1932, p.469.) Analogously, an Indus-type seal (squarish with a perforated button on the ridged back) with cuneiform characters may be surmised to relate to a non-Harappan language. The non-Harappan origin is surmised for a glazed steatite cylinder seal found at Tell Asmar, which shows an Indus motif: procession of an elephant, a rhinoceros and a crocodile. (Frankfort, 1933, pp.50-53; Asthana, 1979, p.40.) Ur III texts indicate the need for interpreters to translate the Meluhhan language. sak means 'head'. kusi_tu is a 'king's garment' of the "Neo-Assyrian kings similar to those worn by images of the gods." (Oppenheim, 1964, p.98.) It is unclear if the s in the word should be pronounced s'. kusi_da in Vaidik means ‘money-lender, rich person’. The semantic content of the entire message in archaic cuneiform script may be given the value: king's [head] garment. An alternative interpretation may be that, the kus'itu was a money-lender (cf.Vedic.lex.) ?sak = ?saha partner?xxiv sak meant

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probably, a principal (trading partner) in relation to an agent. Or, it could be sag, an archaic form of san.gha or society. Could the inscription mean : sag kos'a or the treasury of the society?These are tentative interpretations which will have to be further validated by an evaluation of the entire (though, very limited -- only a few thousands) sample of messages without committing what Gilbert Ryle calls a 'category mistake.' xxv An approach to a resolution of the decipherment problem will be attempted in a separate section, using, mainly, the semantic and image clusters of this lexicon. Semantics and Poets' search for the supreme language To aid researchers in linguistics and neuro-scientists interested in the study of brain functions related to linguistic competence, some principal sememes of ancient speechxxvi are listed in separate sections (listed at the end of this section). This is consistent with the principal focus of this lexicon which is to: cluster together word forms with comparable semantic content and establish the essential semantic unity among the Indian languages. In this process of semantic clustering, attention is paid to concordant phonetic forms. In evaluating the development of pronunciation and sense of words of the languages of the Bharatiya or Indic Linguistic Area, an effort has been made to avoid duplicating the functions of lexicography. The focus is on 'meaning' of words,xxvii extensions of meaning and on phonetic transforms cognate with the basic words. Lexicographers have attempted to define the phonetic structure of a morpheme in a language, with care and integrity, given the constraints of the phonetic symbols used for the script of the chosen language. This lexicon proceeds on the assumption that the language lexicons which are its source books, are based on painstaking social surveys and provide a commonly accepted form (i.e. through social contract) of the phonetic variants of various dialects of any one language. Since the focus is on semantics, the author has exercised a degree of freedom to coalesce the phonetic variations and as necessary, repeated some etyma in more than one semantic cluster. Speakers of every language and poets, in particular, of every language do possess enormous degrees of freedom for verbal creativity to anchor life experiences, but subject to the social contract on sememes or the 'meaning' of morphemes used in inter-personal verbal or written communication. Take for instance, the rules of Sanskrit language, codified by the linguistic genius, Pa_n.ini and obeyed through literary media for over a millennium. Pa_n.ini's phonological and morphological canons are hypostatized (attributed real identities to a concept) aphorisms. Pa_n.ini was held in such awe that later linguists would not refer to what Pa_n.ini 'says' but use the verb 'pas'yati' referring to his aphorisms [i.e. referring to what Pa_n.ini 'sees', as a r.s.i or seer]. Pa_n.ini opposes the bha_s.a_, defined by him as an archaic chandah-(cf. S.Le'vi, J.A., 1891, II, p. 549; Me`moires de la Socie'te de

Linguistic de Paris, XVI, p.278-279; loc. cit. Bloch, The Formation of the

Mara_t.hi_Language, 1914, p.3). "... in the enumeration of Bharata (XVII, 48): ma_gadhyavantija_pra_cya_su_ yasenyardhama_gadhi_ba_hli_ka_da_ks.in.a_tya_ca sapta bha_s.a_h- praki_rtita_h-" six out of seven are geographically determinable

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and three out of these four (ma_gadhi, s'auraseni_, maha_ra_s.t.ri) are mentioned by Vararuci. Later on Dan.d.in adds to these three La_t.i_'and similar other ones' (Ka_vya_dars'a, I,35)... Later on Vararuci situates the Pais'a_ci_on the same level as the three great Pra_krts with a geographical name... the language of braj is used for the cycle of Kr.s.n.a, that of Bundelkhand for that of A_lha_-u_dal, that of Avadha for that of Ra_ma and generally speaking for the Epic... No region of India has imposed its language on the entire country... within each dialect there is a large quantity of words or series of words which have had a history independent of the dialects where they have been found in use. This history, which can be established with some difficulty even in the case of well-known languages as those of Europe, is altogether impossible, at least provisionally, in India... " (Bloch, op cit., pp. 11-12; p.45). In making bold to attempt this 'impossible' task through semantics, one dominant structural characteristic of the Indian language family can be noted with confidence: the use of 'echo words' identified as such in this lexicon. (Pa_n.ini calls such words a_mred.ita or repeated : Bk. VIII. Ch. 1.2). The tendency to repeat words or with fine initial consonantal variations is a characteristic that runs across the entire family of languages, a characteristic that was also noted by Vararuci. The ancient linguists tried to delineate this 'refined' language as the 'perfect' language (whether divinely inspired smr.ti remembered or s'ruti heard); yet, the spoken word was governed by the inexorable laws of neurosciences and social contract -- as evidenced by the Pra_kr.ts (original or natural forms) which did not obey these 'rules' of the grammarian though adored by the linguists. The Pra_kr.ts (including Pali) continued to diverge from the 'perfection' of Sanskrit and were socio-linguistically accepted in Sanskrit drama in the early centuries of the Christian era, though not spoken by gods or heroes in the dramas, but only by the proletariat! Women sang in Maha_ra_s.t.ri_pra_kr.t, spoke in S'auraseni pra_kr.t and people in the lower rungs of the social ladder spoke ma_gadhi_pra_kr.t. Many pra_kr.ts were written in Kharo_s.t.hi script. Buddha (c. sixth century BCE) perhaps preached in ardhama_gadhi_pra_kr.t (Pali), written in Bra_hmi_ script. Mun.d.a_ri_and Santali (grouped as Kherwari or Austro-Asiatic) perhaps ante-date the Indo-European or the so-called Dravidian linguistic presence in India. The Indian language family also includes Gypsy (Romany; gypsy ~~ Egyptian; ethonym: roma). Gypsies popularly believed to have come from Egypt, emigrated from India towards the end of the first millennium CE via Iran into Anatolia, South Russia, and the Balkans, to reach western Europe by the fifteenth century, Britain by the sixteenth; via Iran, Syria and the Mediterranean into north Africa and the Iberian peninsula. (George L. Campbell, Compendium of the World's Languages, Routledge, London, 1991, p.1164). Ya_ska (6th-4th c. BCE), Pa _n.ini (5th c. BCE), Ka_tya_yana (3rd c. BCE), Patanjali (c. 150 BCE) have laid the foundations of Sanskrit etymology and grammar. The su_tras of Pa_n.ini analyze Sanskrit into a system of roots, stems and suffixes.Ka_tya_yana's va_rttikas explain, criticize and supplement these rules. Patanjali's bha_s.ya explains the rles of Pa_n.ini and Ka_tya_yana and is often severely critical of the latter. Kaiyat.a commends Patanjali of the three since he has observed more numbers of actual forms : (II.4.26) munidvaya_c ca bha_s.ayaka_rahprama_n.ataram adhikalaks.yadars'itva_t : the author of the commentary (i.e. Patanjali) has greater authority than the other two sages because he has observed more linguistic usage. Grammatical rules were formulated, perhaps, for the benefit of 'immigrants' or as

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teaching aids to students of a language. In this process of delineating grammatical rules, the phonetic and morphological structures of each of the Indian languages were codified and frozen as 'rules' of the language. (cf. the example of Tolka_ppiyam for Tamil or As.t.a_dhya_yi for Sanskrit). Pa_n.ini also called Gonadri_ya/ Gonika_putra) is perhaps the oldest grammarian of the worldxxviii. His As.t.a_dhya_yi (lit. 8 chapters with 3,996 mnemonicsu_tras)xxix and later critical evaluation/defence by Patanjali (also called, Da_ks.i_putra in his Maha_bha_s.ya or Great Prose Work) countering Ka_tya_yana's criticism in the Va_rttika_s (explanatory tracts of words) are unsurpassed ancient linguistic explorations into the etyma of and rules governing the Sanskrit language. Pa_n.ini traces with stunning precision and scholarly excellence, the . individual phonetic and morphological changes throughout the language which may be called a language that spanned both Vedic and Classical Sanskrit.xxx (For a good survey of works on Pa_n.ini cf. George Cardona, Pa_n.ini : A Survey of Research, 1976; for an excellent reader on the Sanskrit grammarians, cf. Stall, J.F. (ed.), A Reader on the Sanskrit Grammarians, Cambridge, M.I.T. Press, 1972). It would be inappropriate to call Pa_n.ini's Sanskrit brahminical or Aryan; for he notes (Ch. VI, 62,58) that there were non-Aryan brahmins as well! The contributions made by ancient Indian linguists are echoes of the oral tradition of padap_t.has (i.e. the word texts which give every word of the sam.hita_xxxi free from euphonic combinations and analyze compounds into their component morphemes) of the Vedic chants which are as old as civilization. There are other linguistic tracts, in particular in the so-called Dravidian family of languages and in the socalled Austro-Asiatic family of languages (exemplified in India by Mundarica and Santali languages), which preserve the echoes of the ancient speech which sustained ancient civilizations such as the Sarasvati civilization. Ya_ska is perhaps the first etymologist of the world. His Nirukta treats etymology as a complement of grammar (tad idam vidya_-stha_nam vya_karan.asya ka_rtsnyam : N. i.15) and is a principal aid to understanding Vedic texts.According to Ya_ska, grammatical rules are not universal; too much importance should not be attached to the grammatical form because, the complex formations(vr.ttayah-) have many exceptions; he is a bold etymologist who derives is.t.i (sacrifice) from √yaj (to sacrifice) based on the meanings of words in the context of their use. His principal rule is direct: 'If their meanings are the same, their etymologies should be the same, if the meanings are different, the etymologies should also be different (N. ii.7); 'words are used to designate objects with regard to everyday affairs in the world, on account of their comprehensiveness and minuteness (N. i.2)[Durga, the commentator, explains 'comprehensiveness' as a psychological process (manifest and unmanifest states of consciousness) to apprehend meaning through the instrumentality of the spoken word; the process is elaborated: manifest consciousness is expressed through an effort of exhalation of breath, modification of speech-organs to produce the word; the word pervades the unmanifest consciousness of the hearer, makes it manifest and the meaning is apprehended. Durga also comments on the term 'minuteness': movements of hands and the winking of the eyes etc.are also comprehensive; they will express the meaning and in this manner there will be no need to study grammar and the Vedic texts! But these are not minute, i.e. these communication modes are not definitive (or accurate) and are not economical in the effort in production.] Ya_ska notes the four word classes, noun, verb, preposition and particle and adds: ...

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S'a_kat.a_yana holds that nouns are derived from verbs. This, too, is the doctrine of the etymologists. 'Not at all,' says Gargya and some of the grammarians, 'but only those, the accent and grammatical form of which are regular and which are accompanied by an explanatory radical modification. 'Those (nouns), such as cow, horse, man, elephant etc. are conventional (terms, and hence are underivable)(Ni. 1.12). Pa_n.ini combines particles (avyaya, 195 in number) and prepositions into one category, nipa_ta (Bk. I, Ch. IV, 56)xxxii.According to Ya_ska, particles are of three types: (i) of comparison (upama), (ii) of adding or putting together of the senses or ideas (karmopasam.graha or semantic sub-clusters), (iii) of expletives which do not express any meaning (kam, i_m, id, u and iva). Ya_ska notes that the verb has 'becoming' as its fundamental notion; and that the noun has 'being' as its fundamental notion and recalls that according to Audumbara_yan.a speech is permanent in the organs only. This statement of Audumbara_yan.a is fundamental in understanding the neural bases of linguistic competence.Tamil (a primary member of the so-called Dravidian languages) is an ancient language.xxxiii This lexicon contains a number of references from Tamil works, acknowledging the antiquity of the language and its importance as a dominant member of the Indian language familyxxxiv. Similar references are provided from Vedic texts in many etyma groups. The rich ancient Tamil literature (which dates back to the San.gam age of c. the first millennium CE) includes Tolka_ppiyamxxxv (?c. 5th century CE), a grammar and socio-linguistic tract; the fifth-century work, Tiruval.l.uvar's Tirukkural., s'aiva religious works such as Tiruva_cakam and Tirumantiram; existential expositions such as Pur-ana_n-u_ru,Akana_n-u_ru (400 poems each on social and family lives); Pattuppa_t.t.u (ten songs) and Et.t.uttokai (eight anthologies) delineating love and war as facets of life. To quote Caldwell who relates a study of this language to the comparative grammatical structures of a family of the so-called Dravidian languages: "Does there not seem to be reason for regarding the Dravidian family of languages, not only as a link of connection between the Indo-European and Scythian groups, but -- in some particulars, especially in relation to the pronouns --as the best surviving representative of a period in the history of human speech older than the Indo-European stage, older than the Scythian and older than the separation of the one from the other... The orientalists who supposed the Dravidian languages to be derived from Sanskrit were not aware of the existence of uncultivated languages of the Dravidian family, in which Sanskrit words are not at all, or but very rarely, employed... Another evidence consists in the extraordinary copiousness of the Tamil vocabulary, and the number and variety of the grammatical forms of Shen-Tamil. The Shen-Tamil grammar is a crowded museum of obsolete forms, cast-off inflexions, and curious anomalies... It is a different question whether some of the Dravidian forms and roots may not have formed a portion of the linguistic inheritance, which appears to have descended to the earliest Dravidian from the fathers of the human race." (Caldwell's Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Family of Languages, p.x, p.45, p.82). In Tolka_ppiyam, Tamil does include the so-called vat.acol (or northern words): vat.acor- kil.avi vat.a l.er. .ut tori_i er. .uttot.u pun.arnta colla_kumme : Tol. Col. 395, i.e. 'northern' words are those words which shed their scripts and are adapted; this is distinguished from 'dialectical' words (centamir. . ... ticai-c-cor- kil.avi) in vogue in the twelve territories of the Tamil land with regional variations

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and two other kinds of words: iyar--col, tiri-col (primitives and derivatives) used in poetry (ceyyul.). Tamil language, thus, provides a corpus of lexemes concordant with Munda and Prakrits, making the language a continuum, a living repository of what Pa_n.ini called archaic, sacred chandas (mantra or prosody or metrics or poesy) sung in dhvani, svara (udaatta, anudaatta, svarita) -- or what may be called Proto-Vaidika or Proto-Vedic ! The addition of dhvani and svara features make the Vedic chants impossible of being reduced to any writing system; hence, the remarkable oral transmission with error correction techniques to ensure accuracy in transmission of syllables with extraordinary fidelity, like a tape-recording of chanted mantra-s. If Vedic chants have to be reduced to writing, a new method comparable to musical coding system has to be invented. Chandas may be viewed as mathematical theorems as in Pingala’s binary chandas. The word is embedded in Chandogya Upanishad which refers to Soma in metaphoric terms: esha somo raajaa tad devaanaam annam tam devaa bhakshyanti; trans. This soma is raajaa; it isannam for deva; deva eat it. Surely, the shining one (raajaa) is not a drink for mortals ! No wonder, many Munda words are found in the Chandas (Vaidika language as distinguished from bha_s.a_) and in Sanskrit. This lexicon establishes the possibility of tracing the etyma for both the agglutinative and inflexional types of languages. The inflexional languages such as Sanskrit and languages influenced significantly by Sanskrit show a myriad morphological variants. Unlike CDIAL which breaks out the inflexional variants under 'head words' based on assumed 'root words' with an *, this lexicon clusters the variants under semantic clusters. [Thus, for example, √vijxxxvi (move suddenly) can be clustered with ve_ga

speed and √vi_j or √vyaj fan and vizun to sift, winnow (K.) As far as practicable, only words listed in the language lexicons are included in the semantic clusters of this lexicon, without making any attempt to derive the ancient phonetic form of the Indian sememe or a proto-Indian reconstruction of a morpheme with an *.] This lexicon, as does R.L. Turner's A Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan languages

(CDIAL), includes a number of words from the Vedic textsxxxvii, attesting to the great antiquity of many semantic clusters which are also concordant with the archaeological artifacts unearthed from the Sarasvati civilization and other Indian archaeological explorations. An early attempt to trace the 'sememes' was made in works such as the Dha_tupa_t.ha for Sanskrit and in the brilliant work of the Vedic scholars of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (following the tradition of Sa_yan.a in the Rigvedabha_s.yabhu_mika_of an earlier century) who have successfully established the semantic contents of the Vedic textsxxxviii, proving Ya_ska right: Vedic stanzas are significant, because (their) words are identical (with those of the spoken language)..." (Nirukta 1.16). Sa_yan.a makes a similar comment in his preface to the Rigveda: va_kya_rtho_lo_kave_dayo_ravis'is.t.ah-(the meaning of expressions of the Vedic Sanskrit and of the popular speech is not different) and also notes: 'abhidha_ne_rthava_dahthere isa figurative description in such expressions... this is very frequently employed in poetical compositions. For instance, a river is described as having a pair of cakrava_ka birds for her breasts, a row of swans for her teeth, a ka_sa plant for her garment, and moss for her hair. Similarly, the Vedic texts

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invoking inanimate objects should be construed as implying praise...' It can be hypothesized that soma was a similar 'figurative description'. Grammatical philosophy Some leads are available to explore further the concept of 'meaning' in philosophical and linguistic terms. "homo foneticus indicus was no mere crosssectioned larynx sited under an empty cranium... on the contrary, the whole man, belly, heart and head, produced voice" (J.E.B. Gray 1959, "An Analysis of Nambudiri R.gvedic Recitation and the Nature of the Vedic Accent", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and

African Studies 22, pp. 499-530) A word points to an external object, as a semantic indicator; it also refers to the intention of the speaker. One technical term is 'artha' which may be a synonym of 'meaning'. "For the grammarian, 'artha' does not mean the external reality but whatever the word brings to the mind. Artha does not mean vastvarttha but s'abda_rtha, not reality, but, the meaning of words. Individual words bring something to the mind and the sentence as a whole also brings something to the mind. But these things are included in the expression 's'abda_rtha'. Grammar studies both these things in order to evolve notions which will explain the forms of the language. Grammar is satisfied if these notions conform to what we understand from words, no matter whether they conform to reality or not. Grammar does not look at reality directly in the face. As Hela_ra_ja puts it: s'abdaprama_n.aka_na_m.hi s'abda eva hi yatha_rtham abhidhatte tathaiva tasya_bhidha_nam upapannam; na tuvastumukhapraks.ataya_: for to those whose authority is the word, the word designates what it corresponds to, and its designation is accordingly appropriate; but it is not for looking reality directly in the face (Hela_ra_jaon Va_kyapadi_ya III. Sam.. verse 66)... Thus while explaining the different conceptions of Time mentioned by Bharttr.hari in the Ka_lasamuddes'a such as thatit is an entity which exists apart from the mind or that it is a mere construction of the human mind, Hela_ra_ja says that Bharttr.hari is not really concerned with what time is philosophically, but that he is anxious to examine and analyze that something which is responsible for our putting the Sanskrit verb in different tenses as in abhu_t (was), asti (is) and bhavis.yat (will be).That something may not be able to stand close philosophical scrutiny, but if it serves the purpose of explaining the different tenses, one would have to accept it (Hela_ra_ja on Va_kyapadi_ya. III. Ka_. 58). Similarly in the kriya_samuddes'a, the question is: What is action? The answer given by Bharttr.hari on the basis of the Bha_s.ya passages is that it is a process, something having parts arranged in a temporal sequence. It is not directly perceptible, but it is to be inferred... These parts may be further subdivided and the smaller parts will also be actions. There will come a time when the part cannot be further sub-divided. It cannot then be called action at all. Only that can be called action which has parts arranged in a temporal sequence. After having clearly explained all this, Hela_ra_ja adds that for grammarians the real question is not whether an action has actually parts or not, but whether the verb presents it as such. The answer is that verbs do present action, however momentary, in nature, as something having parts which cannot co-exist but are arranged in a temporal sequence. And Vaiya_karan.as go by what the words present to us. (Hela_ra_ja on Va_kyapadi_ya. III. Kri. 10)." (Subramania Iyer, K.A., "The Point of View of the Vaiya_karan.as", Journal of Oriental

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Research, 18, pp.84-96, 1948).Vya_d.i (Sarvadars'ana-sam.graha, Bibliographica Indica, pp. 140-4) notes that since letters by themselves cannot convey meaning, a unifying factor can be hypothesized; the factor (sphot.a) which is all-pervading and exists independent of letters. sphot.a is the idea which bursts out or flashes on the mind when a sound is uttered, the impression produced on the mind at hearing a sound: budhairvaiya_karan.ah- pradha_na bhu_ta sphot.a ru_pavyan.gyanjakasya s'abdasyadhaviniriti vyavaha_rah kr.tah (Ka_vyapraka_s'a. 1; it is also the eternal sound recognized by the Mi_ma_m.sakas or inquirers (Skt. lex.) It connotes the relationship between sounds and meaningful words. sphut.ati praka_s'ate'rtho' sma_d iti sphot.o va_caka iti ya_vat (Kon.d.abhat.t.a, Vya_karan.a-bhu_s.an.a (Bombay, 1915, p.236); Na_ges'abhat.t.a, Sphot.ava_da (Adyar Library, 1946), p.5). Ma_dhava, Sarvadars'anasam.graha (ed. Abhyankar, p. 300), gives the double explanation that the sphot.a is revealed by the letters, and itself reveals the meaning: sphut.yate vyajyate varn.air iti sphot.ovarn.a_bhivyan.gyah-, sphut.ati sphut.i_bhavaty asma_d artha iti sphot.o' rthapratya_yakah-. "The sphot.a then is simply the linguistic sign in its aspect of meaning-bearer (bedeutungstrager). The term sphot.a occurs first in the Maha_bha_s.ya, Na_ges'a ascribed the doctrine to Sphot.a_yana, who is quoted by Pa_n.ini (vi.1.123) on a point of morphology... the sphot.a (the unchanging substratum) is the word, the sound is merely an attribute of the word. How? Like a drumbeat.When a drum is struck, one drum-beat may travel twenty feet, another thirty, another forty. But the sphot.a is of precisely such and such a size, the increase in length is caused by the sound... Patanjali's sphot.a (except in so far as it is for him the meaning-bearer) is really comparable to Bharttr.hari's pra_kr.ta-dhvani. The commentators, being acquainted with the later theory, naturally point out that the speed of utterance belongs to the vaikr. ta-dhvani... Bharttr.hari (Va_kya-padi_ya i.44 : dva_v upa_da_nas'abdes.u s'abdau s'abdavido viduh- eko nimittam. s'abda_na_m aparo'rthe prayujyate : in meaningful language, linguists recognize two (entites which can be called) words: one isthe underlying cause of words, the other is attached to the meaning... The Nya_ya philosophers for example, held that the meaning of a word was presented to the mind by the last sound, aided by the memory-impression of the preceding sounds... Va_kyapadi_ya i. 75-8: sphot.asya_bhinnaka_lasya dhvanika_la_nupa_tinahgrahan.opa_dhibhedena vr.ttibhedam. pracaks.ate; svabha_vabheda_n nityatve hrasva-di_rgha-pluta_dis.u pra_kr.tasya dhvaneh- ka_lah- s'abdasyety upacaryate; varn.asya grahan.e hetuh- pra_kr.to dhvanir is.yate vr.ttibhede nimittatvam. vaikr.tah- pratipadyate; s'abdasyordhvam abhivyakter vr.ttibhede tu vaikr.ta_h- dhvnayah- samupohante sphot.a_tma_tair na bhidyate: According to the differences in the specific cause of its comprehension (in individual instances), men attribute differences in speed of utterance (vr.tti) to the sphot.a which is not divided in time, and merely reflects the time of the sound. Similarly, in the case of the short, long, and prolate vowels-- since, on the view that these are permanent, they are intrinsically distinct-- it is the time-pattern of the primary sound which is metaphorically attributed to the word (the sphot.a) itself. The 'primary sound' (pra_kr.ta-dhvani) is defined as the cause of the perception of the letters (phonemes), the 'secondary sound' (vaikr.ta-dhvani, literally 'modified') is the causal factor underlying differences of diction. But it is only after the word has been revealed that the secondary sounds are presented to the mind as

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differences of diction; hence (a fortiori) the essential nature of the sphot.a is not disrupted by these... Ma_dhava's statement : varn.a_tiriktovarn.a_bhivyan.gyo' rthapratya_yako nityah- s'abdah- sphot.a iti tadvido vadanti may be translated as 'the abiding word which is the conveyor of the meaning... is called the sphot.a by the grammarians'..." (Brough, John "Theories of General Linguistics in the Sanskrit Grammarians", Transactions of the Philological Society, pp. 27-46, 1951). The padapa_t.has break down the sam.hita_into its constituent words; Ya_ska's Nirukta studies the meaning of some of such words. Thus the phonetics of a word and its meaning are integral components of Vedic studies. Va_rttika defines a grammatical sentence as eka-tin. i.e. possessing one verb. (Va_kyapadi_ya ii.3). "The Bha_t.t.a school (of the later Mi_ma_m.sa) on the whole seems to preserve the more primitive attitude. According to them words have in themselves meanings, and as the words are uttered in a sentence, each word performs its task of expressing its meaning, and the sentence is the summation of these meanings. The Pra_bha_kara school, on the other hand, held the more sophisticated theory that the individual words did not express any meaning until they were united together into a sentence. This was upheld by an appeal to the method whereby a child learns its own mother tongue. They pointed out that it was by hearing sentences 'fetch the cow', 'fetch the horse', and so forth, that the child came gradually to understand that the animal which he saw on each several occasion was, in fact, either a cow or a horse and that the action performed by his elders was the act of fetching. These two views were named respectively abhihita_nvaya-va_da and anvita_bhidha_nava_da, terms which are troublesome to translate by concise English expressions.Roughly speaking, the first is the theory that the sentence is 'a series of expressed word-meanings', and the second is that the sentence is 'the expressed meaning of a series (of words)' ... At the beginning of the second book of the Va_kyapadi_ya, Bharttr.hari gives a list of definitions and quasidefinitions of a sentence. Five of these are grouped by the commentator under the traditional Mima_m.sa_designations. Thus the view that the sentence is a unified collection (sam.gha_ta) and the view that it is an ordered series (krama) are aspects of the abhihita_nvaya-va_da; while the other three belong to the anvita_bhidha_na-va_da. These are, that the sentence is defined by a verbal expression (a_khya_ta-s'abda) or by the first word (padam a_dyam) or by all the words taken separately with the feature of mutual requirement or expectancy superadded (pr.thak sarvapadam. sa_ka_n.ks.am). All these views, of course, imply the feature of expectancyxxxix, and the first and second are to be explained with reference to this feature, since the verb or the first word is only what it is in view of its ties with the other words in its own sentence. All these theories are adversely criticized by Bharttr.hari... The occurrence of homophones in a language has always provided grammarians with an interesting problem... Bharttr.hari gives a list of such factors, of which the most important are va_kya, sentence-context, and prakaran.a, situational context...historical and comparative studies frequently enable us to glean from texts in related languages useful hints towards this understanding (of meaning)... In the end the utmost that can be said of the meaning of a sentence according to Bharttr.hari is that it is grasped by an instantaneous flash of insight (pratibha_)(Va_kyapadi_ya, ii.119,145)... And when we have understood a sentence, we cannot explain to another the nature of this understanding. (Va_kyapadi_ya,ii.146: idam. tad iti sa_nyes.am ana_khyeya_katham.cana :

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pratya_tmavr.ttisiddha_sa_kartra_pi na niru_pyate : This (pratibha_) cannot in any way be explained to others in terms such as 'it is this'; its existence is ratified only in the individual's experience of it, and the experiencer himself cannot describe it)." (Brough, John, "Some Indian Theories of Meaning", Transactions of the Philological

Society, 1953, pp. 161-176)xl. There is no supreme language; all languages are personal and social experiences of a community. Yet, every language is governed by an extraordinary phonetic repertoire orchestrated by 'neuronal laws' of the human brain. The neuronal structures in which verbal creativity is embedded are the common substratum; they are language-neutral. This means, that irrespective of the language used by a speaker, or the language heard by a listener, the neurons and neuronal networks pulsate, governed by the as-yet undefined semantic laws of neurosciences. Man can create poetry; if the poem has to convey meaning to the audience, the poet has to abandon his search for the 'perfect' language and bow to the superior wisdom of the common parlance which is,in effect, the linguistic social contract for which words are but social memory-markers, or 'nume'raire facile.' The private memory-markers in the private language of a speaker's or listener's brain are the product of his life-history which can be 'emotionally' or 'neuronally' experienced. No scientific technique is relevant, no language is adequate and no poet is competent to communicate the emotions of the 'private language' of the brain. Prakrit or Indic (Bharatiya) family of languages: Family or Community? It has been said that to communicate to the scholars engaged in linguistics, the terminology of linguistics should be used. I defer to this guidance with reluctance, since I do not accept the origin of organisms or species model to analyses of language changes.

The commonly used terminology in linguistics are: genetic relationship, family. These terms will be used in this section even though I would have preferred to use the term: language-community. Language-community Since 1956, there has been a paradigm shift in IE linguistics as applied to the area called ‘India’ using terms such as areal linguistics, sprachbund, linguistic area. The credit for using the term ‘linguistic area’ goes to MB Emeneau, even though he used the term as a translation of ‘sprachbund’ invented by HV Velton in 1943.

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The term sprachbund was used in 1931 by Nikol Trubetzkoy and Roman Jakobson when they discussed the long-recognized linguistic areas such as the languages of the Caucasus or of the Balkans. The following works have been reviewed: Language

and Linguistic Area, Essays by Murray B. Emeneau, (selected and introduced by Anwar S. Dil), 1980, Stanford University Press, California (which includes: Emeneau, MB, 1956, India as a linguistic area, in: Language, 32.3-16 Kuiper, FBJ, 1967, The genesis of a linguistic area, Indo-Iranian Journal 10: 81-102 Masica, Colin P., 1976, Defining a linguistic area, South Asia, Chicago, niversity of Chicago Press (Based on the author’s thesis, 1971). Linguistic Area as Language-community Linguistic areas are areas in which ‘languages belonging to more than one family show traits in common which do not belong to the other members of (at least) one of the families’.The methodology used to recognize a linguistic area is a bifurcate one. First, a typological feature is established as pan-Indic and at the same time not extra-Indic. Second, the historical diffusion of features throughout the languages of the linguistic area are investigated through questions of lexical lists, phonology, syntactic, morphological and semantic development and sociolinguistic questions. (Emeneau, opcit., pp.1, 2). Emeneau recognizes that ‘…it is rarely possible to demonstration this (Indo-Aryan to Dravidian) direction (except for diffusion of lexical items). Features investigated In this investigation, a staggering list of features are involved. Some features listed by Colin Masica are as follows: (From Appendix A, Colin Masica, opcit., pp. 187-190)

Phonological 1. retroflex consonants, esp. stops 2. aspirated onsonants 3. nasalized vowels 4. affricatin opposition ta/ts 5. syllabic structure and phoneme distributions? 6. tendency to initial stress? B. morphological 1. absence of prefixes 2. verbal prefixes 3. two stems in personal pronouns 4. same case morphemes added to singular and plural stems 5. dative in k-/g- 6. morphological causatives 7. anticausatives 8. negative conjugation 9. phonaesthetic forms a)repludicated; b) in –k 10. echo words C. syntactic

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1. conjunctive participle 2. quotative c.p. ‘having said’ a) w. phonaesthemes 3. agentive (quasi-ergative) construction, esp. ‘impersonal’ type 4. numeral classifiers 5. enclitic particle –api/-um; ‘even/also/indefinite/and’ 6. dative-subject construction 7. absence of verb have 8. word order features SOV, AN, GN, demN, Po, SMAdj, etc. 9. explicator compound verbs 10. recapitulation of final finite V by initial conjunctive ppl. in following sentence 11. relative participle Based on an investigation of these features of languages of Bharat (of Indo-Aryan, Munda and Dravidian families), the conclusion drawn by Emeneau and Masica is that Bharat constitutes a linguistic area, as defined by Emeneau. FBJ Kuiper’s paper, ‘The genesis of a linguistic ara’ (1967, Substratum influence on (Rig-vedic) Sanskrit?

Studies in the Linguistic Sciences, University of Illinois, 5, 76-125) was published in a 1974 volume 3 of International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics (ed. VI Subramoniam, Trivandrum) and was devoted to Contact and Convergence in South Asian Languages. The volume also had a paper by Franklin C. Southworth, ‘Linguistic stratigraphy of North India’. Kuiper investigated the existence of retroflex phonemes in Sanskrit, even in the earliest Vedic language in terms of bilingualism, the use of gerunds in the Rigveda and the use of iti as a marker found already in the Rigveda. This analysis of Kuiper should convince anyone that ‘pre-indo-aryan’ was not a ‘language spoken in a vacuum’ (p.86). Emeneau argues further that the sources for the borrowed traits could be Dravidian and not a lost language family; that the three traits noted by Kuiper are of the highest antiquity in the record. (Emeneau, opcit., p. 175). A critique of South Asia as a linguistic area is Heinrich Hock (1975) who stretches himself to find Indo-European antecedents or parallels for some of the alleged areal features and points to Indo-Aryan to Dravidian direction of influence, to native Indo-Aryan developments uninfluenced by substratum contacts. “This is to downgrade the striking Indianization which Indo-Aryan has undergone, and in at least the case of retroflex consonants to find perverse a century and a half of scholarly endeavor.” (Emeneau, opcit., p. 5). This is subdued but vehement denunciation of Hock’s heroic effort at debunking 150 years of scholarship. Emeneau goes on to argue: “Hock’s skepticism (88,114) as to ‘whether Proto-Dravidian did in fact, as is generally assumed (at least implicitly), antedate the arrival of the Indo-Aryans’ seems unjustified, based as it is on a rejection of the glottochronological method of relative dating – this is merely the negation of results based on a method which is otherwise dubious in its results, and no argument can be based on it. Another attempt, archaeological, to put a late date on Dravidian was, I argued, based in part on a prioristic linguistic arguments…The 2000-year record of Tamil in its present position and the certainty that Tamil is not equitable with Proto-Dravidian require an intervention of a long period between PDr. and Tamil, as is clear fom the tree-

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diagram now given for the Dravidian family (whatever the details of the diagram) – but of course the question is: ‘how long a period?’ ” (Emeneau, opcit., fn.1, p. 14). India and linguistics “It was…the linguistics of India of more than two millennia ago that was the direct germinal origin of the linguistics of the Western world of today…the (collection of Vedic) texts has as their basic operative principle the revealed words themselves. They could bring their desired benefits only if the words were correctly enunciated; they could even harm their utterers if they were mishandled. How to achieve this correctness over the centuries in the face of relentlessly encroaching linguistic change? This problem which has engaged other communities as well, seems to have been better solved by the Hindus than by any others. They became very exact phoneticians at a time (was it the beginning of the first millennium BC, or was it a litter earlier or a little later?) when all other peoples either had made no advances in this direction or were only the most hopeless fumblers. It is thought that the phoneticians were actually responsible for the text of the Rigveda as we have it today. Their phonetic handbook (pra_tis’a_khya) to this Veda is warrant indeed that three millennia have produced only the most insignificant of changes in the text and the pronunciation of the text. But it was not only phonetics that had to be developed. Meanings were important, and the transmitters of the Veda composed lists of words (nighan.t.u) which served as partial glossaries to the Vedic text; as meanings became more difficult for later generations to be sure of, lists grew fuller and commentaries were added. Morphological and syntactic matters too were important in arriving at an understanding of the purport of the old texts, and that such matters received treatment is certain, even though none of the old treatises have survived…Intellectual thoroughness and an urge toward ratiocination, intellection, and learned classification for their own sakes should surely be recognize as characteristic of the Hindu higher culture. It has often been pointed out that the Hindu is spiritual, i.e. concerned with his soul and its relation to the universe, and that his philosophy is a means of salvation whereby his soul may be released from the bonds of the phenomenal and may attain to union with the spiritual element of the universe..Since, notoriously, philosophers cannot agree, a large number of philosophical substructures have emerged from the Indian thinking – monist, modified monist, dualist, and pluralist, theist and atheist, based on a soul and denying a soul, concentration on the substantiation of evidence and relatively neglectful of this... (the Hindus) became grammarians, it would seem, for grammar’s sake…the language described by Pa_n.ini became India’s literary language because of his description… Respiration and digestion are automatic but not learned, gesture and speech are automatic but the result of learning. Hindu culture was so much interested in all these things that techniques both of investigation and of manipulation were developed… This is essentially a raising of the subliminal to full consciousness. This too is the essence of the classical Hindu dance – a codification of the learned but subsconscious use of gesture, and addition to and elaboration of it…And surely the study of language is but another example of the raising to consciousness of an acquired but subliminal activity – for analysis of the activity and for normative manipulation of it…The only type of description that is adequate qua

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description, for any body of data, is one that attempts to identify all similarities that are to be found in the data, and to organize the similars into classes and those into more inclusive classes, and so on until the most inclusive classes of classes are found…The native medieval Greek and Latin phonology is immature and inept compared with the Hindu phonetic, phonemic, and morphophonemic analysis…One point of contrast may be made with Greek grammar; the Hindu analysis of relations between allomorphs in terms of gun.a and vr.ddhi is a prefiguring of the Indo-European ablaut system, taken as far as it could go, considering that Sanskrit had lost the qualitative ablaut and considering too that the Hindu grammarians did not know…any other Indo-European language with which to make comparisons. The Greek language, on the other hand, preserved both qualitative and quantitative ablaut relations in a remarkably transparent form, and yet the Greek grammarians, and those who followed them in the West until the nineteenth century, were unable to construct a system of relations comparable to that seen in Pa_n.ini.” (Emeneau, opcit., pp. 19-20; emphasis added). If Emeneau and IE linguistics had pursued this inclusive definition of description -- to identify all similarities that are to be found in the data, and to organize the similars into classes – to a logical conclusion of the analysis of the features of bharatiya languages would have led to define Prakrit as a language family of Bharat. But alas, it was not to be, because the linguistics had to carry the baggage, the received wisdom which had already straight-jacketed an IE family of languages (including of course, Vedic and Sanskrit, given the wealth of literature and the texts which were available to develop the discipline). Emeneau (p. 89) argues that in regard to retroflex (domal or cerebral) consonants which is a pan-indic feature, the later Indo-Aryan developments are due to a borrowing of indigenous speech habits through bilingualism, and “to the well-ground suspicion that even the early development of retroflexes from certain Indo-European consonant clusters results from the same historic cause. (This doctrine is held by, e.g. Jules Bloch, Sanskrit et dravidien, Bull. Soc. Ling. Paris 25.1-21 esp. 4-6 (1925); SM Katre, Some problems of historical linguistics in Indo-Aryan, Bombay, 1944, pp. 135 ff.; Gundert in 1869, Ztsch. Deutsch. Morgenlandischen Ges. 23.517 ff.”) Prima facie, it should be clear from the Indian Lexicon which absorbs over 4000 of the etyma of Dravidian Etymological Dictionary and over 1000 words of Munda with concordant semantic clusters of Indo-Aryan (cf.http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati) that there was a virile culture that had developed on the Saptasindhu region (exemplified by the discovery of the Sarasvati Civilization, ca. 3500 to 1500 BCE), and that the nomadic looters and cattle-reivers if they ever came into the Saptasindhu region from elsewhere already found a high level of Hindu culture. IE linguistics was unduly focused on finding etymologies from the vocabularies of the Indo-European languages rather than understanding the substructure of languages which flourished and continue to the present day in the Saptasindhu region and larger Bharat. Even a cursory inspection of the glossaries will suggest at least some borrowings from Munda and Dravidian into Sanskrit or versions of Indo-Iranian. Emeneau notes that the Sanskrit etymological dictionary of Uhlenbeck (1898-99) and the Indo-European etymological dictionary of Walde and Pokorny (1930-32) completely ignore the work of Gundert (1869), Kittel (1872, 1894), and Caldwell (1856, 1875). Even the earliest Sanskrit texts show features which are historically un-Indo-European in their nature. (Emeneau, opcit., p. 110). “Vocabulary loans…They are in fact all merely

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‘suggestions’. Unfortunately, all areal etymologies are in the last analysis unprovable, are ‘acts of faith’ (as Meillet and Jules Bloch said of non-obvious etymologies in general), in contradistinction to the etymologies within a family which are probable through their conformity to phonetic correspondenced. The areal etymologies fit on a sliding scale of plausibility…it is always possible, e.g. to counter a suggestion of borrowing from one of the indigenous language families by suggesting that there has been borrowing in the other direction.” (Emeneau, opcit. P. 177). The most significant aspect of the work done so far related to linguistic areas is that “…it will not be neglected henceforth when the question is raised whether linguistic features, especially those of morphology and syntax, can diffuse across genetic boundaries… Certainly the end result of the borrowings is that the languages of the two families, Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, seem in many respects more akin to one another than Indo-Aryan than to the other Indo-European languages.” (Emeneau, opcit., pp. 119-120). Thus, after an analysis of Bharat as a linguistic area, a remarkable conclusion emerges: Bharatiya languages may be related or akin to one another. And thus, constituting a Prarkrit Family of languages of Bharat. If the areal features are treated isoglosses (e.g. retroflexes, non-finite verb forms such as gerunds, pronominal siffixes), lines encircling the languages which have the features may be drawn on a map. Such a linguistic areal feature line can itself become an isogloss for classifying language families. Pashto of Peshawar has many words of uncertain origin (so Morgenstierne) and is largely indianized in its phonetic system. Similarly, about 40 percent of the agricultural terms in Hindi cannot be traced to any known family and hence get assigned to ‘Language X’.Language families

Sea- faring meluhha Sarasvati

merchants

Map of Sapta Sindhu (Nation of Seven Rivers): Theatre of Pan~cajana_h,Five Peoples Marius Fontane, 1881, Histoire Universelle,

Inde Vedique (de 1800 a 800 av. J.C.), Alphonse Lemerre, Editeur, Paris

Sea-faring early Sarasvati, Meluhha Culture, Map of Amri-Nal sea coast settlements “…inhabitants were well acquainted with the sea and its resources” (After Fig. 4.124 in G. Possehl, 1999, p. 618) How is a language family recognized? Many textbooks cite Greenberg’s table of Language relationship of Major European

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languages (1957). The lexemes used are related to the semantics: one, two, three, head, ear, mouth, nose. (Hans Henrich Hock, 1991, Principles of Historical Linguistics, New York, Mouton de Gruyter, p. 10). It is from such rudimentary lexemes that families began to be recognized. It will be a tough call for an linguistics student to question the sanctity of these ‘families’ already categorized. The only hope is to come up with synonyms such as ‘linguistic area’ or ‘sprachbund’. An ancient bharatiya text record the nature of speech of at least some of the speakers in the following terms:te ‘sura_ a_ttavacaso he lavo he lava iti vadantah para_babhu_vuh tatraina_mapi va_camu_duh upajijn~a_sya_ sa mlecchastasma_nna bra_hman.o mlecchedasurya_ hais.a_ va_g “The Asuras, deprived of (correct) speech, saying he lavo, he lavah, were defeated. This is the unintelligible speech which they uttered at that time. Who speaks thus is a mleccha. Therefore a bra_hman.a should not speak like a mleccha, for that is the speech of the Asuras.” (S’atapatha Bra_hman.a 3.2.1.23-24) Conclusion about the IE ‘linguistic doctrine’ A linguistic area is a euphemism for a language family. The Indian linguistic area recognized in linguistic studies is in fact a recognition of the Prakrit Family in Bharat, exemplified by the language called mleccha, a Prakrit language. Emeneau who popularized the phrase, ‘linguistic area’ makes an honest admission of bias in the following terms: “At some time in the second millennium BC, probably comparatively early in the millennium, a band or bands of speakers of an Indo-European language, later to be called Sanskrit, entered India over the northwest passes. This is our linguistic doctrine which has been held now for more than a century and a half. There seems to be no reason to distrust the arguments for it, in spite of the traditional Hindu ignorance of any such invasion, their doctrine that Sanskrit is ‘the language of the god’, and the somewhat chauvinistic clinging to the old tradition even today by some Indian scholars. Sanskrit, ‘the language of the gods’, I shall therefore assume to have been a language brought from the Near East or the Western world by the nomadic bands.” (Emeneau, opcit., p. 85).This is the fundamental problem with IE linguistics which holds the entry of nomadic bands into Bharat as the ‘linguistic doctrine’. With such a non-linguistic framework supporting the edifice of IE linguistics, one has reason to be skeptical of the integrity of the discipline itself.

Annex A: Ardhasamskr.tam and semantic Clusters from Indic family of languages and Annex B: How to study bhasha (language)? Annex C: Legacy of Sarasvati Writing System Annex D: Mleccha and Mlecchita Vikalpa Annex E: History of Bharatiya languages as recorded in Bharata’s Natyashastra Annex F: Karkotaka > Krakatoa and maritime migrations creating Hindu civilization Annex G: Comparisons between Avesta and Post-vedic of sutra periods Annex H: Glyphs and meanings

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Annex A

Ardhasamskr.tam and semantic Clusters from Indic family of languages On the meaning of ardhasamskr.tam While discussing the rules for the use of solid instruments, Bharata in Natyas’astra defines the term, saindhavaka as a regional dialect. Saindhavaka is dependent on the Prakrit language current in the region of Sindhu. It should have musical accompaniments and songs. The va_dya should be of the varieties of vitasta and a_lipta ma_rgas. Here there should not be any text (for representation). Abhinavagupta notes that it consists of harsh and coarse language. It is in this that poets compose regional plays like D.ombika, Bijaka etc. which are the pastimes of the folk. (31.359-360) Abhinavagupta notes that ra_saka called ra_dha_vipralambha composed by Bhejjala uses mainly saindhava language. (R.S. Nagar III, p. 70). In the context of the use of language for Dhruva_ songs, Abhinavagupta explains the use of the term ardhasamskr.tam by Bharata in 32.397. In 32.396 to 397, Bharata notes: "Generally the language for the Dhruva_ is s'auraseni_. For Narkut.a the language is Ma_gadhi. For celestials the Dhruva_ song is prescribed in Sanskrit and for men the language should be half Sanskrit (meaning the mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit or any regional language)." Abhinavagupta explains that ardhasamskr.tam refers to the mixed language used in Kashmir by the name S'a_t.akula and the language used in daks.in.a_patha by the name of Man.iprava_la. NP Unni notes that a 14th century text of Kerala titled Li_la_tilakam in Malayalam is also known as Man.iprava_lalaks.an.a. This work is said to defined Mani.prava_la language as 'bha_s.a_samskr.tayogo man.iprava_lam'. Thus, s'a_t.akula and man.iprava_la may be cited as examples of ardhasamskr.tam. In 27.48 in the chapter related to siddhi-vyañjakam (indication of success), Bharata notes one of the characteristics of arbitrators who will assess the virtues and blemishes of dramatic performance is that they should be knowledgeable in matters of dress, pious by nature and proficient in regional languages, apart from expertise in arts and artifacts. The technical term used by Bharata is: des'abha_s.a_vidha_najna_h. Tarlekar notes: "The use of the Prakrit dialects in Sanskrit plays of the classical period points to the fact that these, together with Sanskrit were intelligble to the spectators. The hero speaks in Sanskrit and the heroine responds in Prakrit and the hero further goes on in Sanskrit. All this would not have been possible if both were not intelligible to the characters concerned and the spectators. In the popular plays like Prahasana, the people's language, that is, Prakrit was dominant." (G.H. Tarlekar, 1975, Studies in the Natyas'astra, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, p. 38).

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ran:ga, ran: pewter is an alloy of tin lead and antimony (an~jana) (Santali). ran:ku 'tin' (Santali) Tin, solder: ran:ga tin (Skt.); ram.ga (Pkt.); ra~_g pewter, tin (P.H.); ra~_ga_ pewter, tin (P.H.); solder (Or.Bi.Mth.); ra_n. tin, solder (Ku.N.A.B.); ra~_k (Ku.); ra_n.o (N.); ra_n:ga tin (Or.); ra_n:ga_ solder (Or.); ra_m.ga (OAw.); ranga tin (Si.)(CDIAL 10562). ra_n.(g)ta_ tinsel, copper-foil (B.)(CDIAL 10567). [cf. ren. cement for metallic objects (G.); ren.i_ ingot (L.)(CDIAL 10639).] ran: t.odor a wristlet of pewter (Santali.lex.) ran:ga = tin; splendour, brilliance, glow and glitter (Ka.lex.) ran:garincu = to mix or rub with the finger, as any liquid and a solid or semi-solid substance (Te.lex.) ran:ga, ran:gada borax (Skt.); run. saline ground with white efflorescence, salt in earth (Kho.)(CDIAL 10563). run:got solution of saline earth (Kho.)(CDIAL 10573). rakamu = an item or article (of an account); an amount of money; an appointed quantity; a piece (Ka.M.H.); rakamu va_ru = article by article, piece by piece (Ka.M.H.)(Ka.lex.) rakam (Arabic rakm) an item; an article; a sum, an amount, a number (G.lex.) rakam upa_d.vi_ to borrow a sum of money; rakam na_me lakhvi_ to sell on credit a sum of money or an article of value, and enter it in the account-book (G.lex.) 805.Tin, solder: ran:ga tin (Skt.); ram.ga (Pkt.); ra~_g pewter, tin (P.H.); ra~_ga_ pewter, tin (P.H.); solder (Or.Bi.Mth.); ra_n. tin, solder (Ku.N.A.B.); ra~_k (Ku.); ra_n.o (N.); ra_n:ga tin (Or.); ra_n:ga_ solder (Or.); ra_m.ga (OAw.); ranga tin (Si.)(CDIAL 10562). ra_n.(g)ta_ tinsel, copper-foil (B.)(CDIAL 10567). [cf. ren. cement for metallic objects (G.); ren.i_ ingot (L.)(CDIAL 10639).] ran:ga = pewter; ran: pewter; ran: t.odor a wristlet of pewter (Santali.lex.) ran:ga = tin; splendour, brilliance, glow and glitter (Ka.lex.) ran:garincu = to mix or rub with the finger, as any liquid and a solid or semi-solid substance (Te.lex.) rakha = a secret term for three (G.lex.) [Three long linear strokes is a recurrent motif in inscriptions of the civilization and appear in contexts where the 'sign' should be read not as a numeral but as 'rakha', tin or made of tin + copper, i.e .bronze]. r-an:ku, ran:ku = fornication, adultery (Te.lex.) ranja a small bough for supporting climbing plants, a large peastick (Kui); branch (Kuwi)(DEDR 5162). [Note the imageries of a horned-person and a bough]. ra_ji streak, line, row (S'Br.); id. (MBh.); line (Pali); ra_i_ (Pkt.); wood, thick grove (M.); rada line (Si.)(CDIAL 10686). The meaning, 'thick grove', in Mara_t.hi_ is concordant with the etyma in DEDR 5162: small bough supporting climbing plants). ra_n:kava belonging to the ran:ku deer (MBh.); made from the hair of the ran:ku deer, woollen (R.); coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100); a woollen cover or blanket (MBh.R.); ra_n:kava ku_t.a s'a_yin lying on a heap of woollen rags (MBh.); ra_n:kavajina a woollen skin; ra_n:kavastaran.a a woollen coverlet (R.); ra_n:kavastr.ta covered with a woollen rug (Skt.); ra_n:kavaka coming from raN;kiu (sai of men) (Pa_n. 4.2.134); ra_n:kava_yan.a coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100). ran:ku = a species of deer (Skt.); ran:kuka id. (Skt.); ra~_go buffalo bull (Ku.N.)(CDIAL 10559). ra_n:kava made from the hair of the ran:ku deer (Ka.lex.) ra~_kat. big and boorish (M.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ran:ka slow, dull (Skt.)(CDIAL 10538). cf. ro_hi a kind of deer (R.)(CDIAL 10870). rauhis.a, ro_his.a a kind of deer (Ka.lex.)

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ran:ku ‘antelope’ (Santali) ran:ku = a species of deer (Skt.); ran:kuka id. (Skt.)(CDIAL 10559). ra_n:kava belonging to the ran:ku deer (MBh.); made from the hair of the ran:ku deer, woollen (R.); coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100); a woollen cover or blanket (MBh.R.); ra_n:kava ku_t.a s'a_yin lying on a heap of woollen rags (MBh.); ra_n:kavajina a woollen skin; ra_n:kavastaran.a a woollen coverlet (R.); ra_n:kavastr.ta covered with a woollen rug (Skt.); ra_n:kavaka coming from ran:kiu (said of men) (Pa_n. 4.2.134); ra_n:kava_yan.a coming from ran:ku (said of animals) (Pa_n. 4.2.100). ran:ku a species of deer or antelope (Skt.lex.) ran:ku = a species of deer or antelope, the spotted axis (mare)(Ka.lex.) kurunga = a kind of antelope; kurunga miga = the antelope deer (Pali); kulunga, kulanga (Skt.)(Pali.lex.) kulan:ga (MaitrS.); kulun:ga (TS); kuran:ga, kurun:ga (Pkt.); kuram.ga (Pali); kuran:g (P.); karam.gi_ (OG.); kura~g (G.); kurunga (Si.); kurangu the elk Rusa aristotelis (Si.)(CDIAL 3320). cf. kuran:g light chestnut colour (Kho.)(CDIAL 3321). kuran:ga = a species of antelope, antelope or deer (in general); kulun:ga = an antelope (VS 24; TS 5); kuran:gaka, kulan:ga = antelope; kuran:gama = an antelope; kuran:ga_yate to take the shape of an antelope (Skt.lex.) kurahu antelope (Kuwi), kuran:ga (Ka.) kulanga, kulunga = going in a herd, antelope (VS.); kulmi = a herd (TS. ii.4.5.2) kut.hi = pubes. kola ‘foetus’ [Glyph of a foetus emerging from pudendum muliebre.] kut.hi = the pubes (lower down than pan.d.e) (Santali.lex.) kut.hi = the womb, the female sexual organ; sorrege kut.hi menaktaea, tale tale gidrakoa lit. her womb is near, she gets children continually (H. kot.hi_, the womb)(Santali.lex.Bodding) ko_s.t.ha = anyone of the large viscera (MBh.); kot.t.ha = stomach (Pali.Pkt.); kut.t.ha (Pkt.); kot.hi_ heart, breast (L.); kot.t.ha_, kot.ha_ belly (P.); kot.ho (G.); kot.ha_ (M.)(CDIAL 3545). kottha pertaining to the belly (Pkt.); kotha_ corpulent (Or.)(CDIAL 3510). Kot.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha inner part] the stomach, the belly (G.lex.) ku_ti = pudendum muliebre (Ta.); posteriors, membrum muliebre (Ma.); ku.0y anus, region of buttocks in general (To.); ku_di = anus, posteriors, membrum muliebre (Tu.)(DEDR 188). ku_t.u = hip (Tu.); kut.a = thigh (Pe.); kut.e id. (Mand.); ku_t.i hip (Kui)(DEDR 1885). gu_de prolapsus of the anus (Ka.Tu.); gu_da, gudda id. (Te.)(DEDR 1891). kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, as seen in fig. 1, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.)

Foetus karuvu, karugu (Te.) [Rebus: -ga_re 'important person, worker'. See the glyph of foetus emanating from a woman with her thighs spread out and lying upside down. kut.hi

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'pubes'; rebus: kut.hi 'smelting furnace'; hence, the composite glyph connotes: kut.hi ga_re = furnace worker.] Rebus reading: ka_ruvu = mechanic, artisan, Vis'vakarma, the celestial artisan (Te.); -ga_re = affix of noun denoting one who does it, e.g. samaga_re = cobbler (Tu.); garuva (Ka.); gar_uva = an important man (Te.) garia = in comp. Possessed of; doer or agent; badgaria = wise; bal garia = strong (Santali.lex.) gar [Skt. kr.; karavum = to do] a suffix found at the end of compounds, showing the ‘doer of an action’; soda_gar = a seller; ka_ri_-gar = an artisan (G.lex.) If the pubes of the woman with spread out thighs are connoted by kut.hi, ‘furnace’; the pictorial motif together with a foetus emerging out of the thights is intended to connote a furnace-artisan: kut.hi-gar_uva (pubes, foetus) or, alternatively: kut.hi-garu (furnace-mould).

ka_ruvu = mechanic, artisan, Vis'vakarma, the celestial artisan (Te.); ga_re = affix of noun denoting one who does it, e.g. samaga_re = cobbler (Tu.); garuva (Ka.); gar_uva = an important man (Te.) cf. –ka_ra suffix. 'worker' (Skt.)

Bristles, erection of hair of the body: garu, gaguru (Te.) [Note the imagery of bristles on the face of the seated person, almost looking like a tiger’s mane. The tiger's mane is: cu_l.a; rebus: cu_l.a 'furnace, kiln' + bristles 'garu'; rebus: ga_re 'important person, worker'; thus the composite glyph can be read as: cu_l.a ga_re 'furnace-kiln worker']. See also: Mane ul.a (IL 1240) ur..a = king’s paraphernalia (Ma.) [The semantica of ‘bristles’ is relatable to the pas’upati seal where tiger’s mane is shown with bristles; thus the pictorial motif on that seal denotes a cu_l.a ‘tiger’s mane’; garu ‘bristles’ rebus: ka_ruvu ‘artisan’; hence, cu_l.a ‘furnace’ worker or furnace artisan; it also denotes embossed work artisan; cf. karu = embossed work, bas-relief.] karu = embossed work, bas-relief (Ta.); karukku (Ta.) karavi, karu, garu = a mould (Tu.) karuvi = tool (Ta.)[Thus, when tablets are embossed with glyphs to create objects in bas-relief, the artisan is trying to denote the nature of the function carried out by the –ga_re 'important person'; for example, when a tree is so depicted, it may represent kut.hi ga_re 'furnace worker'.]

badhia = castrated boar (Santali) bat.a = a quail, or snipe, coturuix coturnix cot; bon.d.e bat.a = a large quail; dak bat.a = the painted stripe, rostraluta benghalensis bengh; gun.d.ri bat.a = a small type, coloured like a gun.d.ri (quail); ku~k bat.a = a medium-sized type; khed.ra bat.a = the smallest of all; lan.d.ha bat.a = a small type (Santali.lex.) bat.ai, (Nag.); bat.er (Has.); [H. bat.ai or bat.er perdix olivacea; Sad. bat.ai] coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain-quail; two other kinds of quail are called respectigely: hur.in bat.ai and gerea bat.ai (Mundari.lex.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (G.lex.) vartika_ = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vat.t.aka_ quail (Pali); vat.t.aya (Pkt.); bat.t.ai (N.)(CDIAL 11361). varta = *circular object; *turning

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round (Skt.); vat.u = twist (S.)(CDIAL 11346) bat.er = quail (Ku.B.); bat.ara, batara = the grey quail (Or.)(CDIAL 11350). bat., bat.e = a road; bat. par.a = a highwayman, a spy (Santali.lex.) bhat.akavum [Skt. bhra_nta wandered fr. bhram to wander] to roam, to wander; bhat.aka_m pl. wanderings (G.lex.) bhat.au to go about, to go here and there, as a dog in heat (Santali.lex.) bha_t.iyo = a class of va_nia_s; a milkman; a vegetable-seller; bha_t.hela_ pl. a class of bra_hman.as (G.lex.) dobat.ia ‘cross roads, the junction of two roads’ (Santali) bat.oi traveller (Ku.); bat.ohi (N.); ba_t.oi, ba_t.ei (N.); bat.ohi_, bat.ohia_, bat.ohini (Mth.); bat.o(h)i_ (H.)(CDIAL 11367). bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali) bat.hi furnace for smelting ore (the same as kut.hi) (Santali) bhat.a = an oven, kiln, furnace; make an oven, a furnace; it.a bhat.a = a brick kiln; kun:kal bhat.a a potter's kiln; cun bhat.a = a lime kiln; cun tehen dobon bhat.aea = we shall prepare the lime kiln today (Santali); bhat.t.ha_ (H.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhart-i_ya_ = a barzier, worker in metal; bhat., bhra_s.t.ra = oven, furnace (Skt.) me~r.he~t bat.i = iron (Ore) furnaces. [Synonyms are: me~t = the eye, rebus for: the dotted circle (Santali.lex) bat.ha [H. bat.t.hi_ Sad.] any kiln, except a potter’s kiln, which is called coa; there are four kinds of kiln: cunabat.ha, a lime-kin, it.abat.ha, a brick-kiln, e_re_bat.ha, a lac kiln, kuilabat.ha, a charcoal kiln; trs. Or intrs., to make a kiln; cuna rapamente ciminaupe bat.hakeda? How many limekilns did you make? Bat.ha-sen:gel = the fire of a kiln; bat.i [H. Sad. bat.t.hi, a furnace for distilling) used alone or in the cmpds. Arkibut.i and bat.iora, all meaning a grog-shop; occurs also in ilibat.i, a (licensed) rice-beer shop(Mundari.lex.) bari_ = blacksmith, artisan (Ash.)(CDIAL 9464). bar.ae = bad.ae (Santali.lex.) bar.ae = a blacksmith. “Although their physique, their language and their customs generally point to a Kolarian origin, they constitute a separate caste, which the Mundas consider as inferior to themselves, and the Baraes accept their position with good grace, the more so as no contempt is shown to them. …In every Munda village of some size there is at least one family of Baraes…The ordinary village smith is versed in the arts of iron-smelting, welding and tempering, and in his smithy, which is generally under one of the fine old large trees that form the stereotyped feature of the Mundari village, are forged from start to finish, all the weapons and the instruments and implements the Mundas require. There are of course individuals who succeed better than others in the making of arrows and various kinds of hunting-axes and these attract customers from other villages… they dig the kut.i (smelting furnace), they prepare and lay the bamboo tubes through which the air is driven from the bellows to the bottom of the furnace, they re-arrange the furnace after the lump of molten metal has been removed from it, and then the smith starts transforming it into ploughshares, hoes, yoking hooks and rings, arrow-heads, hunting axes of various shapes and sizes, wood axes, knives, his own implements, ladles, neat little pincers to extract thorns from hands and feet, needles for sewing mats and even razors. Formerly, he was also forging swords…susun-kanda (dancing-sword)…If it appears too bold to attribute the invention of iron smelting and working to some of the aboriginal inhabitants of this, in many respects so richly blessed part

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of India (Chota Nagpur), it is certain that no land in the world is better qualified to push man to this invention. The excavations made recently (in 1915) by Mr. Sarat Chandra Roy, the author of the Mundas and their Country have shown conclusively, that it was inhabited by man in the stone age, the copper age and the early iron age. Baraes are also found in the villages of Jashpur, Barwai, Biru, Nowagarh, Kolebira and Bano from which the Mundas have been either driven out by the Hindus or crowded out by the Uraons. There they have adopted the Sadani dialect but retained their own social and religious customs. In the districts named above they are called lohar or loha_ra, but in Gangpur they go under the name of Kamar. These Kamars are animists like the Lohars, but they use tanned hides for their single bellows, which they work by bulling, like the blacksmiths in Europe. The Lohars say that is is on account of this that they do not intermarry or eat with them any more. Baraes, Kamars and Lohars must not be confounded with the Aryan blacksmiths also called Lohars. These latter differ not only in race from the first but also in their methods of working. The Aryan blacksmith does not smelt iron, and uses only the single-nozzled hand bellows. He is met with only in such Chota Nagpur villages, where colonies of Hindu or Mohammedan landlords, merchants, money-lenders and native policement require his services, especially to get their bullocks and horses shod…The account the Baraes, Lohars and Kamars generally give of themselves is as follows: they say that they descend from Asura and Asurain, i.e., Asur and his wife, and that they were originally of one and the same caste with the Mundas. In this the Mundas agree with them… If the iron smelters and workers of the legend really belonged to the Munda race then their trade and art must in the beginning have given them a prominent position, such as is held in some ancient races by smiths…Like the Mundas they formerly burnt their dead, the bones of those dying out of their original village were carried back to it in a small earthen vessel into which some pice were placed, and this was then dashed to pieces against a rock in a river…Like the Mundas they practise ancestor worship in practically the same forms. Like them they worship Sin:bon:ga, whom the Lohars call Bhagwan… They also worship Baranda Buru whom the Sadani-speaking lohars call Bar Pahari…bar.ae-ili = the rice beer which has been brewed by the whole village, one pot per house, in honour of the Barae, and is drunk with him, at the end of the year; bar.ae-kud.lam = a country-made hoe, bar.ae-mer.ed = country-smelted iron; in contrast to cala_ni mer.ed, imported iron; bar.ae-muruk = the energy of a blacksmith.” (Mundari.lex., Encyclopaedia Mundarica, Vol. II, pp. 410-419). bar.hi, bar.hi_-mistri_, bar.u_i_, bar.u_i_-mistri_ (Sad.H. barha_i_) = a professional carpenter. This class of artisans is not found in purely Munda villages because every Munda knows carpentry enough for all his own purposes; trs. caus., to make somebody become a professional carpenter; intr., to call someone a carpenter; cina ka_m koko bar.hi_akoa? What kind of artisans are called carpenters; bar.hi-n rflx. v., to train oneself for, or to undertake, the work of a professional carpenter; bar.hi_-o, v., to become a professional carpenter; bar.hi_ kami = the work, the proession of carpenter, carpentry; bar.hi_-mistri_ a professional carpenter (Mundari.lex.) bad.hi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ (Santali) bar.ae = a blacksmith; bar.ae kudlam = a country made hoe, in contrast to cala_ni kudlam, an imported

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hoe; bar.ae mer.ed – country smelted iron; bar.ae muruk = the energy of a blacksmith (Mundari.lex.) bar.ae = bad.ae (Santali.lex.) bari_ = blacksmith, artisan (Ash.)(CDIAL 9464). The occurrence of bari_ in Ash. (CDIAL 9464) and bar.ae in Mundari and of vardhaka in Skt. point to the early phonetic form: bard.a; barduga = a man of acquirements, a proficient man (Ka.) bad.ohi = a worker in wood, a village carpenter; bad.hor.ia = expert in working in wood; bad.hoe = a carpenter, worker in wood; bad.horia = adj. Who works in wood; (as a scolding to children who use a carpenter’s implements) mischievous (Santali.lex.) ba_r. blade of a khukri (N.); badhri_, badha_ru_ knife with a heavy blade for reaping with (Bi.); ba_r.h, ba_r. = edge of knife (H.); va_d.h (G.); ba_r.h = book-binders papercutter (Bi.); brdha_n.u_ = to sheer sheep (WPah.)(CDIAL 11371). vardha a cutting (Skt.); vad.hu a cut (S.)(CDIAL 11372). vardh- = to cut (Skt.); vardhaka carpenter (R.); bardog, bardox axe (Kho.); wadok (Kal.); wa_t. axe (Wg.); wa_t.ak (Pas'.)(CDIAL 11374). bad.gi, bad.gya_ carpenter (Kon.lex.) bad.hi, bar.hi mistri, bad.hoe, bad.ohi, kat. bad.hoe carpenter (Santali.lex.) bad.agi, bad.a_yi, bad.iga, bad.igi, bad.ige, bad.igya_, bad.d.agi (Tadbhava of vardhaki) a carpenter; bad.agitana carpentry (Ka.lex.) Image: stick: bar.ga, bar.iya stick (Kuwi); bur.ga stick, club; badga walking stick (Kuwi); bar.ga, bad.ga, bad.d.e, bad.d.i, bar.iya, war.iya_ stick (Go.); bar.iya stick (Pa.); vat.i small cane or stick; vat.ippu iron rod (Ta.); vat.i stick, staff, club or armed brahmans, shaft, stroke; vat.ikka to strike; vat.ippikka to have the measure struck (Ma.); bad.i, bad.e, bod.i, bod.e to beat, strike, thrash, bang, pound; n. beating, blow, castration, a short thick stick, cudgel; bad.ike beating; bad.ige stick, staff, cudgel, hammer, mallet; bad.isu to cause to beat; bad.ukatana beating, etc.; ba_y bad.i to prevent one from speaking, silence one (Ka.); bad.i (bad.ip-, bad.ic-) to hammer, pound; ba.y bad.i- to bawl out (Kod..); bad.ipuni, bad.iyuni to strike, beat, thrash; bad.u stick, cudgel (Tu.); bad.ita, bad.iya, bad.e thick stick, cudgel (Te.); bed.ta club; bad.ya walking stick (Kol.); bad.iga big walking stick; bad.ga stick (Kond.a); bad.ge stick, staff (Pe.); bad.ga stick (Mand..); bad.ga_ cudgel, stick; bad.vin.e~ to bruise, beat (M.)(DEDR 5224). bharia a carrying stick (Santali.lex.) vad.aga_ a stick, staff (M.); bad.iko_l a staff for striking, beating or pounding; bad.i-man.i an instrument for levelling a surface by beating; bad.iho_ri a gelded young bull (Ka.)(Ka.lex.) vardhaka =in cmpd. = cutting (Skt.); ci_vara-vad.d.haka = tailor; vad.d.haki = carpenter, building mason; vad.d.hai_ = carpenter (Pkt.); vad.d.haia = shoemaker (Pkt.); ba_d.ho_i_ = carpenter (WPah.); ba_d.hi (WPah.); bar.hai, bar.ahi (N.); ba_rai (A.); ba_r.ai, ba_r.ui (B.); bar.hai_, bar.ha_i, ba_r.hoi (Or.); bar.ahi_ (Bi.); bar.hai_ (Bhoj.); va_d.ha_ya_ (M.); vad.u-va_ (Si.); vardhaki carpenter (MBh.); vad.d.haki carpenter, building mason (Pali)(CDIAL 11375). vad.hin.i_ cutting (S.); vardhana cutting, slaughter (Mn.)(CDIAL 11377). vad.d.ha_pe_ti cuts (moustache)(Pali); badhem I cut, shear (Kal.); so_r-berde_k custom of cutting an infant's original hair (Kho.); bad.n.o_ to cut, (K.); vad.han.u (S.); vad.d.han. to cut, reap (L.); ba_d.hna_ to cut, shear (H.)(CDIAL 11381). va_d.ho carpenter (S.); va_d.d.hi_, ba_d.d.hi_ (P.)(CDIAL 11568). bed.i_r sledgehammer (Kho.); bad.il (Gaw.); bad.i_r (Bshk.); bad.hi_r axe (Phal.); sledgehammer (Phal.)(CDIAL 11385). Abhidha_na Cinta_man.i of Hemachandra states that mleccha and mleccha-mukha are two of the twelve names for copper: ta_mram (IV.105-6: ta_mram

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mlecchamukham s'ulvam rakt tam dvas.t.amudumbaram; mlecchas'a_varabheda_khyam markata_syam kani_yasam; brahmavarddhanam varis.t.ham si_santu si_sapatrakam). milakkhurajanam (The Thera andTheriga_tha_, PTS, verse 965: milakkhurajanam rattam garahanta_ sakam dhajam; tithiya_nam dhajam keci dha_ressanty avada_takam; K.R.Norman, tr., Theraga_tha_: Finding fault with their own banner which is dyed the colour of copper, some will wear the white banner of sectarians).[cf. Asko and Simo Parpola, On the relationship of the Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha, Studia Orientalia, vol. 46, 1975, pp. 205-38)]. Amarakos'a (2.9.97; K.G. Oka, The Amarakos'a, repr. Delhi, 1981, p. 155) reads: atha ta_mrakam, s'ulvam mlecchamukham dvyas.t.a varis.t.h odumbara_n.i ca: four words are given as synonyms: ta_mraka, s'ulva, mlecchamukham, udumbaram. The section appended to the Vedic Kalpa or S'rautasu_tra on the rules of making fire-altars, their diagrams and geometry is referred to as s'ulbasu_tra; if s'ulva refers to copper, the su_tra or rajju, the measuring rope should be interpreted as copper wire. Another interpretation could be: rules for copper (in alchemical terms). Kaut.ilya's Arthas'a_stra (ca. 3rd cent. BCE)recognizes s'ulba means (1) copper (2.13.16 and 44; 2.14.20-22 and 30-31); and (2) underground vein of metal ore (2.12.1) or water (2.24.1) (Kangle, R.P., 1960, The Arthas'a_stra, Bombay.). cf. Edgerton, P., 1970, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, repr. Delhi, p.531: ta_mraloham ca sulvam; p. 533, sasulbika = coppersmith.

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Annex B

How to study bhasha (language)? Study of Bharatiya languages: s'abda as Brahman A new method falsifiable in science, has to be evolved, a method radically different from the failed methods of Indo-European linguistics which have produced only unfalsifiable assumptions. A rich source for evolving this method and testing it is in the study of ancient languages of Bharatam. A beginning has been with the construction of a comparative lexicon of 25+ ancient languages of Bharatam. (http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati/html/indlexmain.htm) The suggested method is premised on language as a socio-cultural reality and has to be analysed only based on recorded evidence without attempting any hypothetical reconstructions or unfalsifiable deductions. The use of the method has to be integral and to follow on the works of savants, Panini, Yaska, Patanjali, Tolkaappiyan, Bhartrhari using the research triad of: s'ruti, tantrayukti, anubhuti (that is, purvapaksha, research design of the type used in Kautilya's Arthas'astra or Ayurvedic texts, and experience recording the speech forms of many kula, gan.a, jaati and janajaati). Such a method will unravel the essential continuity of the languages of Bharata from the days of Proto-Vedic times, consistent with the cultural continuity and indigenous evolution evidenced by archaeological discoveries. The operative principle is that languages conserve and are products of a continuing cultural tradition and are not mere chroniclers of change, not mere mimickry of biological change. What languages did the kula, gan.a, jaati and janajaati mentioned in the Mahabharata speak? There is one hint that Yudhishthira and Vidura spoke in mleccha. It would appear that there were two dialects in vogue: mleccha and samskr.tam. Mleccha as a language is also mentioned in the brahmanas and by Manu. Sources for the study of evolution of bharatiya languages are abundant and the literary texts, epigraphs and orally transmitted caarana. and other folk saahitya through communication forms such as yaksha gaana, apart from the texts such as jaataka tales and works of jaina muni-s are the primary sources for use by any researcher in bharatiya linguistics (bhasha s'iksha). The linguistic tradition of bharatam is an unparalleled legacy and heritage which should provide the impetus for a fresh look at the problem of delineating the language of, say, Sarasvati civilization. Elsewhere, the epigraphs of the civilization have been analysed as Sarasvati hieroglyphs related to the metallurgical repertoire of the artisans: furnaces, minerals, metals and alloys produced and traded across an extensive civilizational contact area. The work done by Bharatiya savants is an extraordinary study of languages in various facets ranging from dhvani to s'abda Brahman, explaining the essential unity of s'abda and Brahman, transcending from phonetic, phonemic, morphemic, semantic analyses – s'abda, dhvani, naada, vaakya, artha -- to language as one manifestation of consciousness, s'abda Brahman or vaag vai brahmeti. S'abda is nitya, artha is nitya. And, their inter-relationship, vaacya-vaacaka-bhaava is also nitya. (siddhe

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shabdaarthasambandhe lokato arthaprayukte shabdaprayoge shaaStreNa dharmaniyamaH yathaa laukikavaidikeSu || MahaabhaaSya, Vol.1. 6.) The spectrum of language analyses provided, therefore, are breath-takingly expansive and incisive. The purvapaksha provides the framework for further studies related to the historical evolution of languages of present-day Bharatam, from mleccha through Prakrits to Samskr.tam and the present-day languages and dialects in vogue both as spoken forms and as literary forms. This tradition dating back to the Rigveda and attempts at understanding the import of the veda provide a framework for a paradigm which is a lot difference from the 'linguistic' studies in vogue in academia through subjects such as comparative or historical linguistics or general semantics. That mleccha is a reality is clearly identified in the practices of spreading the word of the Buddha using local languages and dialects. Gautama advised his disciples, the monks: "I allow you, O monk, to learn the word of Buddha each in his own language…undue importance should not be attached to the dialect of a particular janapada, i.e., a monk should be accommodating to dialectical variations, and not insist upon the use of a particular word," (Gard, Richard. (Ed.) 1961, Buddhism. New York: George Braziller, Inc., p. 67). This mleccha has to be recognized in the dialects used by extended family or kinship groups recognized as jaati or janajaati in bharatiya tradition. "When the Saora yarn is ready it is taken to a Pano neighbour for weaving". The interactions among the jaati have to be studied as part of a study of the true socio-cultural itihaasa of bharatam janam (a term used by vis'vamitra gathina in the Rigveda, referring to the nation of the people of Bharata). The interactions in a linguistic area among Andamanese, Austro-Asiatic, Dravidian, Tibeto-Burman, Prakrits (mleccha) and Samskr.tam have to be delineated in extensive studies of evolution from proto-versions of present-day languages and dialects such as Nahali or Munda or Tamil or Sindhi or Bengali, "The concept 'to cross' /daatu/ in Kannada has several contextual meanings in Jenu Kuruba, i.e., 'to cross', 'to climb up', 'to climb down', 'jump', etc. Among the several small tribes, the 'concepts' for 'color' and 'numerals' are limited to their eco-system. Similarly, concepts for land, animals, plants, soil, wind, weather, social relations and supernaturals are different." (Jennifer Marie Bayer, Sociolinguistic perspectives of cultures in transition Indian tribal situation) http://www.languageinindia.com/march2005/jennifertribal1.html As explained in Bharata's Natya s'astra, dheera (hero), sage, brahmana, bauddha uses samskr.tam, and almost all others such as children, persons possessed by evil spirits, mendicants, ascetics, persons in disguise, speak in Prakrit. Specifically, Kirata, Dravida, and Andhra speak in dialects of Saurasena or dialects of the areas in which the natya is performed; sellers of spirits, guards of prisons, and diggers of underground constructions are speak in Odri. These speech identities point to the underlying unity among the languages and dialects and the ability of a natya to communicate the message across the entire bharata varsha. While discussing the rules for the use of solid instruments, Bharata defines the term, saindhavaka as a regional dialect. Saindhavaka is dependent on the Prakrit language current in the region of Sindhu. It should have musical accompaniments and songs. The va_dya should be of the varieties of vitasta and a_lipta ma_rgas. Here there should not be any text (for representation.) Abhinavagupta notes that it consists of

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harsh and coarse language. It is in this that poets compose regional plays like D.ombika, Bijaka etc. which are the pastimes of the folk. (31.359-360) Abhinavagupta notes that ra_saka called ra_dha_vipralambha composed by Bhejjala uses mainly saindhava language. (R.S. Nagar III, p. 70). In the context of the use of language for Dhruva_ songs, Abhinavagupta explains the use of the term ardhasamskr.tam by Bharata in 32.397. In 32.396 to 397, Bharata notes: “Generally the language for the Dhruva_ is s’auraseni_. For Narkut.a the language is Ma_gadhi. For celestials the Dhruva_ song is prescribed in Sanskrit and for men the language should be half Sanskrit (meaning the mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit or any regional language).” Abhinavagupta explains that ardhasamskr.tam refers to the mixed language used in Kashmir by the name S’a_t.akula and the language used in daks.in.a_patha by the name of Man.iprava_la. NP Unni notes that a 14th century text of Kerala titled Li_la_tilakam in Malayalam is also known as Man.iprava_lalaks.an.a. This work is said to have defined Mani.prava_la language as ‘bha_s.a_samskr.tayogo man.iprava_lam’. Thus, s’a_t.akula and man.iprava_la may be cited as examples of ardhasamskr.tam. In 27.48 in the chapter related to siddhivyanjakam (indication of success), Bharata notes one of the characteristics of arbitrators who will assess the virtues and blemishes of dramatic performance is that they should be knowledgeable in matters of dress, pious by nature and proficient in regional languages, apart from expertise in arts and artifacts. The technical term used by Bharata is: des’abha_s.a_vidha_najna_h. The study of languages in bharatiya tradition is NOT abstract formulations but the study of reality, recognized in speech, in an uttered and recognized sentence. The perceived form of speech is vaikharee, manifested in the form of phonemes and heard in the form of sounds. (paraiH samvedyam yasyaaH shrotraviSayatvena pratiniyatam shrutirUpam saa vaikharI. vrtti on Bk. 159.) Speech has preceding stages: in the mind of the speaker (madhyamaa vaak) and a formless merger of word form and its meaning (pas'yantee), the inner light, the subtle word and the imperishable, (avibhaagaa tu pashyantI sarvataH samhrtakramaa svarUpajyotirevaantaH sUkSmaa vaaganapaayInI. Bk.167). This may be a synonym of pratibhaa or prakriti, the undifferentiated form of speech. In Bharatiya tradition exemplified by Panini and Patanjali, grammar is s'abdaanus'aasanam (science of words). The sense, meaning or semantics is found in the use of words in common parlance. Comprehending this reality is the object of bhasha s'iksha. Patanjali notes: LokataH arthaprayukte Shabdaprayoga shaastre dharmaniyamaH. That is, s'abdaanus'aanam or grammar, only determines the use of correct words with a view to achieve merit. In DhaatupaaTha, Dhaatuvrttikaara [xiii] clearly mentions that 'bhaaSaa vyaktaayaam vaaci.' Language means uttered speech. (Satyakaama Verma, BhaaSaatattva aur VaakyapadIya. p.23). S'abda is also viewed as a sentence spoken by a reliable person (aapta vaakyam), which is taken as authority or testimony, [aaptopadeshaH shabdaH, Vaatsaayana BhaaSya] Anirban Dash recognized Bhartrhari as the father of Indian semantics with the following words: " Semantikos is a Greek word derived from 'sema' (sign) going back to the Indo-European 'dhiei' (to see), which is paralleled by 'OIA dhyaanam' (introspection) and the reduplicated form from Persian 'deedan' (to see). Sign has come to mean a word, which is the symbol of expression, the symbol denoting an

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object. In this connection we can also compare the word ' varNa'- which originally meant 'colour' a sign, and then a sound or a letter… According to Bhartrhari, the sole purpose of speech is to help someone to express his own self… sphoTa or explosion is dependent solely on the unit of the sentence. Hence only the sentence may be called as the true semantic minimum, or the unit of speech… His Vaakyapadeeya marks a beginning of the tradition that was solely devoted to arthaprakriyaa (meaning analysis)." http://www.languageinindia.com/april2004/anirban2.html Sphot.a may be viewed as an auditory image of sound, a representation of a class of sounds, while dhvani connotes a particular sound. Recognizing two aspects of s'abda, Patanjali notes that while sphota. is grasped by the intellect, dhvani (sound) is heard by the ears. If sphot.a is the initial sound of the drum, dhvani is the reverberation of the initial sound. Naada is a gross form of accumulation of dhvani-s. An object is recognized through a detection of the word associated with it. And hence, the word is recognized first, stated as the s'abdatattva. Knowledge and the word are a unity. Vaak in Rigveda is a creation of deva and animals of all forms speak her. Mahavira's teachings recorded in Suraseni Apabhrams'a are said to have been understand by animals of all forms. devI vaacamajayanta devaastaam vishvarUpaaH pashavo vadanti (RV viii. 89.11) In Rigveda, vaak is raashtree devaanaam. (RV 8.89.10), "yaavad brahma viSTitam taavat Vaak'' (RV 10.144.8) notes that vaak and Brahman are a unity. Aitareya Brahmana equates Brahman with vaak. (ABr. 4.21.1) Brihadaranyaka Upanishad says: vaag vai Brahman ( Br.U. 4.1.20) Bhartrhari elevates the study of language to a philosophical system, s'abdaadvaita 'language monism'. The ultimate goal of language study is the attainment of the Brahman. S'abda and Brahman are a unity, the consciousness. 'the whole cosmos as manifestation of word (s'abda) and that cosmos is evolved out of the Veda.'[Bk. 124; RV 10.125, vaak manifests itself in everything, vaak is everything in the universe.] "Without beginning or end, is of the nature of word (shabdatattva). All the objects as well as cosmos are manifested from it. This Ultimate Reality is one, but manifests itself as many due to its various powers. Even though it is not different from its powers, it appears to be different. Among its many powers, time is the most important. It is one, but divisions are super-imposed on it. All the different kinds of changes depend on it, which causes multiplicity in the Being. The Ultimate, which is one, contains the seeds of all multiplicity. It manifests itself as the experiencer, the experienced one, and the experience itself." [Bk. from Verse1 to 4, four kaarika-s] W. Norman Brown explains the importance of vaak in the following terms: "Vaak produced the raw material of the universe, the means for organizing it and taught the gods how to use those means. The capstone of the process was the provision that the instruction should be imparted to men so that they could constantly renew creation and thus perpetuate the existence of the universe." (loc.cit., Bishnupada Bhattcharya, Bhartrhari's VaakyapadIya and linguistic monism, BORI, pp.3-4.) As a philosophical proposition to acquire knowledge, reality is comprehended through pramaan.a (something measured)of three sorts: 1. pratyaksha pramaan.a 'direct perception through sense organs'; 2. 'anumaana' 'inference'; 3. s'abda pramaan.a 'aagama or verbal understanding from an uttered speech'. In such a perspective, study of language, bhasha s'iksha, becomes a philosophical quest. Panini's grammar, for example, is considered 'the greatest monument of human intelligence' by L. Bloomfield because Panini abstracts, with extraordinary economy

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or brevity of expression through sutra (threads), about 4000, the rules of the language, Sanskrit, from a structural analysis of the language use. The linguistic reality is in the sentence and not in the words. The meaning of a sentence is recognized in a flash of insight or intuition, pratibhaa. While a sentence is indivisible, the words constituting the sentence are used only popular, convenient, explanatory tools. For example, the root 'pac' meaning, 'to cook', is abstracted from the words used in a sentence such as pacanti, pakvavaan. This is the doctrine of Bhartrhari, governing study of bharatiya languages through s'iksha. Therefore, the word does not exist as more than its phonemes, nor is there is a sentence existing as more than the phonemes and the words. padavede'pi varNaanaamekatvam na nivartate vaakyeSu padamekam ca bhinneSvapyupalabhyate || Bk. 72 || There are no phonemes in the word nor are there parts in the phonemes. There is no absolute difference of the words from the sentence. na varNavyatirekeNa padamnyacca vidyate | vaakyam varNapadaabhyaam ca vyatiriktam na kiñcana || Bk. 73 || (See K. A. S. Iyer, English translation of VP., 1965, Pune, Deccan College, pp.75-77) For Bhartrhari, in jaatisamuddes'a explains that all words and even parts of words denote jaati, the universal. Grammatical categories, as tools of analysis, of Bhartrhari discussed in his third chapter are: Jaati (universal), dravya (substance), sambandha (relation), guNa (quality), dik (direction), kriyaa (action) saadhana, (participants in action), kaala (time), samkhyaa (Number), purusha (grammatical Person), linga (grammatical gender), upagraha (meaning of Atmanepada and parasmaipada endings) and vrtti (complex formation). Time (kaala) is an independent, creative power (shakti) of s'abdabrahman: kaalaakhyaa svaatantryashaktirbrahmaNa iti tatra bhagavadbhartrharerabhipraayaH |Prakaasha on PK. 9.62|| Bhartrhari notes that the apabhrams'a or apas'abda forms have been handed down uninterruptedly, clearly pointing to the evolution of Sanskrit with the Prakrita base. ubhayeSaamavicchedaadanyashabdavivakSayaa | yo'nyaH prayujyate shabdo na so'rthasyaabhidhaayakaH ||BrahmakaaNDa.183 || K.A.Subramaniyam Iyer notes: "for Bhartrhari, the word apabhrams'a does not stand for a particular stage in linguistic evolution as it does for modern Indian linguists for whom it represents that stage, which follows the praakrta and precedes the development of modern Indian languages." In the study of evolution of bharatiya languages, the apabhrams'a words can be used as the substrate which explain the correct or standard form evolved in Sanskrit as noted by Vyaad.i: s'abda prakritih apabhrams'ah, (Satyakaama Verma, BhaaSaatattva aur Vaakyapadiya , Satyakaama Verma, p. 13.) When an incorrect form 'apas'abda' is used, its meaning is inferred by recollecting the correct form as in the example given by Bhartrhari of indistinct forms uttered by a baby due to deficiencies in unevolved vocal cords. Anirban Dash notes that the word, 'apabhrams'a' occurs first in Tandyabrahmana with the meaning of 'falling down'. [loc.cit. vishvaaH prtanaa abhibhUtarantara ityajagati varSiyayashcchanda aakramate'napabhramshaaya || TaaNDyaBraahmaNa 1.5; July, 2004, Apabhrmsha – an introduction || http://www.languageinindia.com/july2004/anirbanapabrahmsa1.html ] In the context of study of bharatiya languages, ther term, 'apabhrams'a' [sometimes called apas'abda, apa meaning 'going away'] connoted an 'incorrect, grammatically vulgar or crude' or 'desi' form as distinct from 'samskr.tam' – 'correct or standard' form.

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Naamisaadhu notes in Kaavyaalamkaara that apabhrams'a is nothing but prakrita. [prakritameva apabhrams'a: Apabhramsha Hindi Dictionary , Dr. Naresha Kumar, p. xviii. ] A good example of distinguishing correct or standard forms and variants (apabhrams'a) is provided by the form: gauh and its variants: gaavi, gon.i, gotaa , gopatlikaa…( Mahabhashya, Mbh. 1.1 ,p.2) Hence, apa- 'going away from the roots'. The correct form of use of words and formation of sentences was mandatory in the utterance of mantra during yajna or puja. This requirement is exemplified in the s'iksha method used to orally transmit the Vedas with extraordinary fidelity with due regard to s'abda, dhvani, svara (udaatta, anudaatta, svarita) and chandas. In bharatiya tradition bhasha s'iksha is a sacred vratam, a sacred responsibility in the brahmacarya a_s'rama of a student's stage of life. Such a standard language is distinguished as daivi language by Bhartrhari. Pali of Gautama and Ardhamagadhi (or Suraseni Apabhrams'a) of Mahavira can be looked upon as dialects which evolved from the substrate languages and dialects of Bharatam from Paleolithic times, in a continuum paralleling the continuity evidenced by archaeological discoveries in cultural facets from Paleolithic to historical time periods. The proto-versions of Pali and Ardhamagadhi (or, Suraseni Apabhrams'a) may constitute the mleccha language which was used by Yudhishthira and Vidura in their conversation on the non-metallic killing devices set up in laakshaagriha. Both Mahavira and Gautama, the Buddha may be looked upon as savants who established the reality of the spoken languages of ancient Bharatam, mleccha as distinct from Samskr.tam. The recorded teachings of Mahavira and Gautama thus provide rich sources for unraveling the evolution of languages in Bharatam. "One of the most significant aspects of Buddhism is that it embraced dialects without any hesitation as fit vehicles for its scriptures. Gautama Buddha, thus, inaugurated a linguistic revolution. This position of Gautama Buddha was against the tradition of holding Sanskrit as the most sacred, if not the only sacred language, for Hindu Scriptures. Early Buddhist scriptures were all written in Pali, perhaps the dialect spoken by Gautama Buddha himself. Although Pali, thus, acquired an important place in Buddhism, the Buddhist monks and scholars were encouraged to use the dialects and languages of the people whom they were trying to lead to the Buddha Marga… Original Pali words and the adaptations of these words were common in Buddhist texts used in Sinhalese, Myanmarese, Cambodian, Laotian, Mon, and Thai languages. Use of original Sanskrit words and their adaptations are common in Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Tibetan, and Mongolian. While Pali is the language of Theravada Buddhism, Sanskrit and Chinese, and to some extent Tibetan, are the languages of Mahayana Buddhism… For example, Sanskrit word dharma is written and pronounced dhamma in Theravada texts." (M.S. Thirumalai, Language use in

Buddhism) http://www.languageinindia.com/oct2002/buddhismandlanguage.html Edgerton (1954) reports, "Thousands of words were used which are unknown in Sanskrit, or not used there with the same meanings. To this curious language, which became widespread in North India, I have given the name Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. … there is no reason to assume any single 'original language of Buddhism.' And whatever the dialects of the missionaries may have been, the sacred texts were soon adapted to the speech native to each locality" (cited in Gard 1961:47). [Edgerton, Franklin. 1954. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Language and Literature. Benares : Benaras

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Hindu University . Gard, Richard. (Ed.) 1961. Buddhism. New York: George Braziller, Inc.] Sauraseni apabhrams'a was the dialect in which Mahavira rendered his thoughts formulating jaina dharma flowing from sanatana dharma (dharma eternal, which Gautama the Buddha called esha dhammo sanantano). In a study of the evolution of bharatiya languages, the prakrita or apabhrams'a as desi or bhasha represents the spoken dialects with many variations in vogue in many parts of Bharatam. The sources for the formation of Sanskrit (Samskr.tam) language have, therefore, to be found in the desi or bhasha. Hemacandra called his Prakrit lexical work, 'des'inaamamaalaa'. The variant forms of a language are recognized by Panini as 'optional' forms, by "referring to the region in which a particular word is exclusively used; and referring to grammarians of different region and mentioning the variations acceptable to them." [Deepti Tripathy, "Apabhramsha in Sanskrit Grammar," Aligarh Journal of Oriental Studies, No.3: p.81-92]. [Source: These notes are substantially based on the references and arguments advanced by Anirban Dash and MS Thirumalai, in a series of articles in 'Language in India' website.]

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Annex C Language and culture as intertwined legacies The legacy of Bharatiya language community is consistent with the other cultural facets of legacy of Bharatam Janam (Bharatiya language community). Allchin observes that this indigenously evolved village culture continued into historical periods in Bharat: “The Indus legacy survived and was passed on more widely at the fold and village level, in almost all regions, while the learned tradition mainly survived in the Panjab, whence it spread eastwards with the spread of settlements in Post-Harappan times. The surviving tradition, an amalgam of Indus and Aryan elements was already active before the re-emergence of cities in the Ganges valley and in North India more generally during the first millennium B.C>, and served as the ideological basis upon which the cities produced their own distinctive ideology.”(F.R. Allchin, 1982, On the legacy of the Indus civilization, in: Gregory L. Possehl, ed., Harappan Civilization: A contemporary perspective, Warminster, pp. 325-333).

• Legacy of architectural forms

• Legacy of metallurgy and the writing system on punch-marked coins

• Legacy of continued use of cire perdue technique for making utsava bera (bronze murti)

• Legacy of the writing system on Sohgaura copper plate • Legacy of glyphs continuing on as.t.amangalaha_ra

• Legacy of the writing system on Bharhut ligatures

• Legacy: S’rivatsa glyph metaphor; S'rivatsa and s'risuktam • Legacy: Engraved celt tool of Sembiyan-kandiyur with Sarasvati hieroglyphs: calling-

card of an artisan • Legacy of s’ankha (turbinella pyrum) industry

• Legacy of sindhur worn by ladies on the parting of the hair

• Legacy of worshipping s’ivalinga as a metaphor of the summit of Mt. Kailas (Manasarovar)

• Legacy of acharya wearing uttariyam leaving right-shoulder bare

• Legacy of yoga and form of respectful greeting ‘namaste’ and form of addressing a person respectfully as: arya, ayya (Ravana is also referred to as arya in the Great Epic Ramayana)

• Legacy of glyphs on Gundestrup cauldron River Sarasvati is adored in the R.gveda and in the Mahabharata. It is dotted with ti_rthastha_na and a_s’rama of many r.s.i-s, the Veda dras.t.a_. At these places mela are held even today venerating the Vaidika rishi.

Place Name R.s.i Chandi Cyavana S’ri Kolayatji Kapila Pehoa (Pr.thu_daka) Vasis.t.ha

Markanda River Ma_rkan.d.eya Jageri, Bikaner Ya_jn~avalkya, S’aunaka Beas River Vis’vamitra

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The day is not far off when Balarama’s pilgrimage along the tirthasthana and rishi as’rama on the banks of River Sarasvati will be revived with Sarasvati’s children from all parts of the globe paying a homage to naditame Sarasvati.

h352C Dotted circles. The legacy of the writing system which started as Sarasvati hieroglyphs (mlecchita vikalpa) seems to have continued in the later-day scripts of Kharos.t.hi and Bra_hmi. The exact nature of the transmission of the legacy is an area for further researches. The dotted-circle is used in Bra_hmi to represent the sound: t.ha. Maybe, this glyph was taken from the retroflex d. ending in kand. ‘fire-altar’; kand.i ‘piece, perforated bead’. Cf. med.ha ‘antelope’

(Skt.) Legacy of architetural forms

Nahali pet.e ‘to sit’ pet.e-wa ‘will sit. Perhaps a ‘proto-Indian’ root, cf. Skt. pi_t.ha ‘chair, seat, bench’ (which was an early date borrowed

into Munda, cf. Kurku pitom), unless the primary meaning was ‘platform’. Cf. Skt. pin.d.ika ‘bench for lying on’, Oriya pin.d.a_, Santali pin.d.a ‘a raised veranda’, pin.d.ha ‘ridge, raised border between rice-fields’. Pin.d.aprada_nam may indeed refer to the offering on a vedi into fire !

Part of the brick platform on which the original timber (?warehouse) of Mohenjo-daro once stood.

Padri: Structure Complex: Rooms including a coppersmith's room with a circular platform,circular furnace and copper implements. Early Harappan Phase (c.3,000-2,600 BCE).

The same pattern of constructing a pi_t.ha continues in the early architectural legacy of constructing a stu_pa with foundations laid as walls arranged in a circle as in the Harappa or Padri workers’ platforms.

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Cylindrical stupa of the Kushana period found at Sanghol (Dist. Fatehgarhsahib Punjab) with three concentric rings of rick masonry with intervening space divided by radiating spokes of similar brick masonry at regular nervals. At Sanghol site the core is made of a thick circular wall of brick masonry filled with earth. At Sanghol was discovered a carved lid of the relic casket with an

inscription in Kharoshti script dated to circa 1st century BCE; the epigraph reads: Upasakasa Ayabhadrasa.

The architectural legacy may also be seen in the arched form used for the roof of a Toda house in Nilagiri hills of Bharatam, a building in the marshes of Iraq (called mudhif reed-house) or on entrances of Bhaja (Pune, Maharashtra) caitya man-made cave (ca. 150 BCE) in Bharatam.

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These architectural forms are comparable to the arched-roof shown in the impression of a cylinder seal from Mesopotamia. Note the unicorns (one-horned bulls and heifers) emerging out

of the mudhif. A cognate set of lexemes for ‘reed’

is: muli thatching grass (Tu.); mliu a reed-like grass (Kui); mali a kind of reed of which arrow shafts are made

(Malt.)(DEDR 4984).

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Legacy of glyphs continuing on as.t.amangal.aka haara

as.t.aman:galaka ha_ra

Necklaces with a number of pendants Man:galaka ha_ra depicted on a pillar of a gateway (toran.a) at the stu_pa of Sa_n~ci, Central India, 1st century BCE. [After VS Agrawala, 1969, The deeds of Harsha (being a cultural study of

Ba_n.a’s Harshacharita, ed. By PK Agrawala, Varanasi: fig. 62] The ha_ra or necklace shows a pair of fish signs together with a number of motifs indicating weapons (cakra, paras’u, an:kus’a), including a device that parallels the standard device normally shown in many inscribed

objects of SSVC in front of the one-horned bull. (cf. Marshall, J. and Foucher, The Monuments of Sanchi, 3 vols., Callcutta, 1936, repr. 1982, pl. 27). The first necklace has eleven and the second one has thirteen pendants (cf. V.S. Agrawala, 1977, Bha_rati_ya Kala_, Varanasi, p. 169); he notes the eleven pendants as: sun, s'ukra, padmasara, an:kus'a, vaijayanti, pan:kaja, mi_na-mithuna, s'ri_vatsa, paras'u, darpan.a and kamala. "The axe (paras'u) and an:kus'a pendants are common at sites of north India and some of their finest specimens from Kausambi are in the collection of Dr. MC Dikshit of Nagpur." (Dhavalikar, M.K., 1965, Sa_n~ci: A cultural Study, Poona, p. 44; loc.cit. Dr.Mohini Verma, 1989, Dress and Ornaments in Ancient India: The Maurya and

S'un:ga Periods, Varanasi, Indological Book House, p. 125).

Unprovenanced Harappan-style cylinder seal impression; Musee du Louvre; cf. Corbiau, 1936, An Indo-Sumerian cylinder, Iraq 3, 100-3, p. 101, Fig.1; De Clercq Coll.; burnt white agate; De Clercq and Menant, 1888, No. 26; Collon, 1987, Fig. 614. A hero grasping two tigers and a buffalo-and-leaf-horned person, seated on a stool with

hoofed legs, surrounded by a snake and a fish on either side, a pair of water buffaloes. Another person stands and fights two tigers and is surrounded by trees, a

markhor goat and a vulture above a rhinoceros. Text: 9905 Prob. West Asian find Pict-117: two bisons facing each other.

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Kang = furnace; rebus: khag = rhinoceros; aba_ru = eagle; abru = lead (Akkadian)

Legacy: S’rivatsa glyph metaphor; S'rivatsa and s'risuktam

S’ri_vatsa or Nandipa_da glyphs are derived from a pair of fishes as seen on many artifacts and on the necklaces worn by yakshi on sculptures.

S’ri_vatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized

variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi

(Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th

to 14th

cent. BCE on

inscriptions: The symbol occurs in Mathura (ca. 2nd to 1st cent. BCE) and in Sa_n~ci_ (ca. 2nd –1st cent.

BCE).

Sarnath, Va_ra_n.asi, UP, Railing fragment, Sarnath Museum, No. 422 (AIIS, VNS, A27.33)[Pl. XX, 8]

Bharhut Stu_pa, south gate corner pillar, c. 2nd cent. BCE, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 27.72, (AIIS, VNS, 242.34)[Pl. XX, 9] Sarnath, Rail post, c. 1st cent. BCE, Sarnath Museum No. 420 (AIIS, VNS, 200.13)[Pl. XX, 10] A Nasik cave inscription has s’ri_vatsa superimposed on

nandipa_da symbol and is ascribed to ca. 2nd cent. BCE. [Note: nandipa_da is made up of two fish-tails joined together; s’ri_vatsa encloses a fish within two fish-tails]. The evolution of the s’ri_vatsa symbol is vividly described as related to a pair of ‘fish’. This is apparent from the two fish-tails exquisitely sculpted on Sa_n~ci_ Stu_pa (c. 2nd cent. BCE) and also in Sarnath railings and Bharhut stu_pa:

Such a composite, ligature glyph is cakra-tris'u_la, a pictograph which is part of the as.t.aman:gala-ha_raka: 1. sa_n~ci (cf. Fergusson Vol. I, p. 124); the wheel is above the panel depicting the life of Buddha in four parts; the wheel has eight petals and twelve spokes, representing the as.t.aprakr.ti and ana_hata

cakra; within the trident, two lotuses are inlaid; 2. amara_vati sculpture; two triangular petals are shown near the trident.

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Sa_n~ci_ stu_pa 1, Northern toran.a, east pillar, c. 1st cent. BCE (AIIS, VNS, 321.29). A pair of fish tails ligatured to form nandipa_da. The association of s’ri_vatsa with ‘fish’ is reinforced by the symbols binding fish in Jaina A_ya_gapat.as (snake-hood) of Mathura (late 1st cent. BCE). S’ri_vatsa symbol seems to have evolved from a stylized glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the sa_n~ci stu_pa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘sri_vatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina a_ya_gapat.a, a fish is ligatured within the s’ri_vatsa glyph, emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph with s’ri_vatsa glyph.

Apart from s’ankha and cakra (nave of spoked-wheel), four other motifs have continued in the bharatiya tradition, right from the days of Sarasvati hieroglyphs: svastika, s’rivatsa (fish), elephant, endless-knot (entangled). Rebus: kole.l = temple in Kota village; koyl. = harvest; kulme = furnace (Ka.); kwala.l = Kota smithy (To.); kole.l = smithy (Ko.); kolimi = furnace (Te.); kol = blacksmith (Ta.); kolla (Ka.); koluva = forge (Te.)

This lexeme, kol, may also yield the compound kaula mengra ‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) xola_ = tail ko_l = arrow (Ta.Ma.Ka.) kolli (Ma.), gullo (Tu.), golla-dondu (Te.), koleji (Tu.), ko_la_n = needle-fish (Ma.) ko_la (Ta.) dve, be = two (Skt. Santali); rebus: div = to shine, to enlighten (Skt.); deva = divinity (Pkt.) The hieroglyph composition thus denotes both wealth-producing furnace or smithy and divine manifestation. And, hence, the depiction of the s’rivatsa glyph on the Stupa and also the rendering of Rigveda khila sukta called S’risuktam. ko_lam = ornamental design

As hieroglyphs, these motifs have been explained in the context of metallurgical tradition: era ‘nave of wheel’; rebus: era ‘copper’; svastika (sathiya_ (Pkt.); rebus: satva 'zinc' (Ka.); zasta, ‘zinc’(H.), s’rivatsa (depicted as tied fish: bed.a hako = me~r. ayo ‘metal iron’), elephant (ib ‘iron’; ibha ‘elephant), d.ombe ‘entangled’ (Santali); rebus: d.ab, d.himba, d.hompo ‘lump (ingot?)’, clot, make a lump or clot, coagulate, fuse, melt together (Santali)

The entwined two fishes evoke the term d.ombe of Santali, semantic: entanglement. This is a reference to the stu_pa as may be seen from the following homonymous lexemes and thus the tying up of the fish can be read rebus as d.ombe, ‘entanglement’; rebus: thube stu_pa (As'.); thuba, thuva (KharI.)(CDIAL 13702). thoba round piece of earthenware (K.); thobunu short and thick tree (K.); thubu tuft (S.); thuba_ bunch (B.); tubu tail of an animal

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(Si.); thobi_ flagstone placed over fire for baking bread on (S.); thoba_, thobi_ lump of mud used in building a wall (L.); thobba_ lump of mud (P.); thob, thubi bud (A.); thoba_ bunch, cluster (B.)(CDIAL 13703). thum ridge of a mountain, space round a hilltop (N.); thu~_ba_ lump of earth (H.); thumr.u~ a collection of ears of corn (G.); tho~b clump (M.)(CDIAL 13705). us'tum pillar (Wg.); thumi wooden or masonry pillar to support roof (Ku.); thumar.o, thumar.i prop, pillar; thumi post for churning curds (Ku.); thum pillar (A.); thu_m, thumbha_ pillar supporting the wood which supports the woof; thu_mhi_ support of a broken wall (Bi.); thu_mhi_ wooden pillar supporting roof (Mth.)(CDIAL 13707).

S’ri_vatsa symbol seems to have evolved from a stylized glyph showing ‘two fishes’. In the sa_n~ci stu_pa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘sri_vatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina a_ya_gapat.a, a fish is ligatured within the s’ri_vatsa glyph, emphasizing the

association of the ‘fish’ glyph with s’ri_vatsa glyph. s'ri_vatsa symbol variants found at Kankalitila, Mathura, late 1st cent.

BC: Jaina a_ya_gapat.a; in these five specimen, a fish is shown in the middle apparently bound by two snake-hoods on either side; apparently, this ligatured pictorial formed the

basis for the evolution of the s'rivatsa symbol almost looking like a stylized trident. (After Pl. 30 C in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols, Numismatic Evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan; cf. Shah, U.P., 1975, Aspects of

Jain Art and Architecture, p. 77). An idential symbol is depicted at sa_n~ci stu_pa (Smith, VA, Jaina Stu_pa, p. 15, Pl. VII, L. Buhler, Epigraphica Indica II, pp. 200, 313; Agrawala, VS, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 4). The s'ri_vatsa also appears on the chest of a small Jina figure on a_ya_gapat.a (Shah, UP, FIgs. 11-12, J. 250 and J. 252, Lucknow Museum). Note the glyphs of two deer at the base; two heads

are ligatured to one body, an echo of the orthographic style evolved during the mature periods of the Sarasvati Sindhu civilization. Yaks.a and Buddhist symbol, toran.a, Sa_n~ci (Ananda K. Coomarawamy, Part I, 1980, Yaks.as, 2nd edn., Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Plate 10, 2,

p.40). Upper part of north toran.a, Sa_n~ci, with a cauri_-bearing yaks.a; showing also a symbol (often but wrongly styled vardhama_na). There was originally a Buddha triad consisting of a Dhammacakka between two Yaks.as. First of first century BC. S'ri_vatsa symbol is the centre-piece on this panel. Yaks.i_ or Devata_, from Bharhut found at Batanmara; va_hanam, a running dwarf. India Office photograph. (Ananda K. Coomarawamy, Part I, 1980, Yaks.as, 2nd edn., Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, pp. 39,.40, Pl. 4, Fig. 1). The s'ri_vatsa symbol adorns her necklace close to her neck.

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The s’rivatsa on Sanchi torana unravels. The centre-piece is the glyph as shown on Jaina

a_gamapat.t.a: a fish tied with a rope to two enclosing glyphs (obverse S). This tail of the fish on this centre-piece gets split into two fish-tails as an enclosure on either side of the tied-fish glyph. Thus, the whole composite glyph becomes the s’rivatsa – the beloved of s’ri, the giver of wealth. Sa_n~ci_ Stu_pa (Raisen, MP), c. 1st cent. BCE, Northern toran.a (AIIS, VNS, 321.11) showing the compound glyph: s’ri_vatsa.

Sa_n~ci stu_pa with a glyph of two fish tails ligatured. S’ri_vatsa symbol seems to have evolved from a stylized glyph showing ‘two fishtails’ merging into one tied

‘fish’. In the sa_n~ci stu_pa, the fish-tails of two fishes are combined to flank the ‘sri_vatsa’ glyph. In a Jaina a_ya_gapat.a, a fish is shown exactly as on the Sanci stupa ligature of s’ri_vatsa glyph, emphasizing the association of the ‘fish’ glyph, fish-tail glyphs and the process of tying-up resulting in the s’ri_vatsa glyph. Glyptic showing a fetter tying up the fish in the middle as shown in the a_yagapat.a

Grapheme: be_d.i = a chain, a fetter (Ka.Te.) be = two (G.) be_d.a = one-eighth part; two-anna piece (Te.) Glyph: bed.a hako = fish (Santali) hako = axe (Santali) be_d.isa = a sort of carp, the silver-fish, cyprinus chrysoparius (Te.) Rebus: bed.a = either of the sides of a hearth. Thus, s’ri_vatsa symbolism is a evolved from mithuna or a pair of ‘fishes’ bound together. The pair of fishes is also a symbol included in the as.t.aman:galaka ha_ra together with other weapons, suggesting that the pair of ‘fishes’ are relatable to a category of weapons; hake = axe; hako = fish (Munda languages). The pair of fishes may be a symbolic representation of a double-axe. There are symbol variants of nandipa_ta (triratna) which also are an evolution from the

symbolism of two fish-tails joined together, as in the case of s’ri_vatsa symbol. This is seen from the Jaina a_ya_gapat.as of Mathura where a circle is ligatured to the nandipa_da symbol. [It is possible that the fourth glyph on top row – Bhimbetka – is comparable to the ‘siddham’ glyph on an early gold coin, called the as’vamedha coin. DC Sircar also notes that

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the early form of ‘siddham’ glyph is comparable to the s’rivatsa glyptic orthography. If so, this fourth glyph on top row may have yielded the ‘siddham’ glyph which is the invocatory word of hundreds of early inscriptions.] [Pl. 33, Nandipa_da-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sa_n~ci_, Sarnath and Mathura]

M0488B m507B (Copper tablet) m1356 [See svastika on a Yaudheya coin http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati/indianarms.htm ] Note on some rebus homonyms, glyphs: era, eraka = nave of wheel (Ka.); rebus: era, eraka ‘copper’ (Ka.); alternative: kun.d.= the opening in the nave or hub of a wheel to admit the axle (Santali); rebus: gun.d.amu fire-pit; (Inscr.) (Te.) Bed.a hako (ayo); rebus (1): mer.ed, me~r.ed iron; enga mer.ed soft iron; sand.i mer.ed hard iron; ispa_t mer.ed steel; dul mer.ed cast iron; i mer.ed rusty iron, also the iron of which weights are cast; bicamer.ed iron extracted from stone ore; balimer.ed iron extracted from sand ore; mer.ed-bica = iron stone ore, in contrast to bali-bica, iron sand ore (Mu.lex.) The fetter that ties the fish is be_d.i = a chain, a fetter (Ka.Te.) bed.a = either side of a hearth (G.); be = two (G.) bed.a hako = fish (Santali) ; rebs (2): aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). For aduru: acar-u mud, mire; acumpu soft mud, miry place; ayam mud, mire (Ta.); ayam id. ayar-u manure (Ma.); asalu mud, mire (Te.)(DEDR 41). The semantics of ayam ‘mud, mire’ are cognate with the semantics of kardama, cikli_ta (mud, mire) in S’risukta (RV khila).

ayas metal, iron (RV.); ayo_, aya iron (Pali); aya (Pkt.); ya (Si.)(CDIAL 590). yakad.a iron (Si.)(CDIAL 591). yakul.a, yavul.a sledge-hammer (Si.); ayo_ku_t.a, ayaku_t.a (Pkt.)(CDIAL 592). ayas'cu_rn.a powder prepared from iron as a vermifuge (Sus'r.); yahun.u iron filings (Si.)(CDIAL 489).

Native metal, (meteorite or washed) ron ore

Substantive (Washed iron ore): aduru native metal (Ka.); ayil iron (Ta.) ayir, ayiram any ore (Ma.); ajirda karba very hard iron (Tu.)(DEDR 192). For aduru: acar-u mud, mire; acumpu soft mud, miry place; ayam mud, mire (Ta.); ayam id. ayar-u manure (Ma.); asalu mud, mire (Te.)(DEDR 41). ad.usu, ad.alu, ad.lu, had.lu, ad.i, ad.e, at.il, at.la mud, clay (Ka.); ad.usu mud,mire (Tu.)(DEDR 82). ayavu washing; ayakan washerman (Ma.) asaga, agasa, agasiga washerman (Ka.)(DEDR 36). Cf. stone sand: bali iron ore, stone sand ore; bali hasa earth containing iron; cf. luhui sand stone (Santali)

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Kalibangan032a Glyph: adar, adar d.an:gra a brahmini bull, a bull kept for breeding purposes and not put to work (Santali) adar. odor., adar udur fat and naked, over-grown, unwieldy; adar. odor.e

calaoena he waddled away (Santali) kambala dewlap (VarBr.S.); kam.bala dewlap of an ox (Pkt.); kamari dewlap (S.); ka~_bal. (M.)(CDIAL 2772). Metath. galma_ dewlap of cattle (L.)(CDIAL 4071). Bull: kambalin, ka_mali (EI 24.IEG.) a bull; prob. a levy on prize bullocks; yamali-ka_mali, yamala-kambalin, yamalikambali, yamalika_mbali a tax known from the Ga_had.ava_la records (HRS.IEG.); yamala-patra treaty of alliance (LP.IEG.); yamala two (IEG.) In Sarasvati-Sindhu valley archaeological sites, iron objects have been found from 2600 BCE (Possehl, G.L., and Gullapalli, P., 1999, The early iron age in South Asia, in: V. Pigott, ed., The

Archaeometallurgy of the Asian Old World, Philadelphia, The University Museum Monograph 89, MASCA Research Papers on Science and Archaeology, Volume 16, University of Pennsylvania, pp. 159-161). Iron ore has been attested in eight sites together with some items of everyday use, made of iron. It is unclear if the iron items were smelted: “None has been analyzed to determine their technical properties and we do not know which of them is meteoric and which (if any) were smelted.” (Possehl, G.L., and Gullapalli, P., 1999, opcit.) Five iron items (dated ca. 2600 to 2100 BCE), including a copper/bronze bell with an iron clapper, two iron ‘buttons’ on a copper/bronze rod, an iron button on a copper/bronze mirror, and two lumps of ‘carbonates of iron’ were found in Mundigak. At Said Qala Tepe, ‘ferrous lumps’ were found (dated to ca. 2700 to 2300 BCE); at Ahar two iron arrow heads were found (dated to ca. 1275 BCE); at Chanhu-daro an ‘iron artifact’ is reported; at Mohenjo-daro, lollingite, an iron bearing mineral which may have been used in copper smelting has been found; at Lothal was found a fragmentary piece of metal (dated to ca. 2500 to 1800 BCE); in Swat valley at Katelai Graveyard, a piece of iron was found (dated to ca. 1500-1800). (Possehl, G.L., and Gullapalli, P., 1999, opcit., p. 159). The discovery of iron smelting in Ganga River Basin dated to early second millennium BCE introduces the imperative of a radical revision of the bronze-iron age sequence. It appears that bronze and iron ages coalesced in Bharat, with bronze used extensively on Sarasvati-Sindhu river valley and iron used in Ganga-Yamuna doab. (Rakesh Tewari, 2004, The origins of iron-working in India: new evidence from the Central Ganga Plain and the Eastern Vindhyas, in: Antiquity, UK, Nov. 2003, http://antiquity.ac.uk/ProjGall/tewari/tewari.pdf “As discussed elsewhere (Tewari et al. 2000) the sites at Malhar, the Baba Wali Pahari, and the Valley are archaeologically linked to the area of Geruwatwa Pahar which appears to have been a major source of iron ore. The Geruwatwa Pahar situated to the southeast of the Baba Wali Pahari, is full of hematite. Villagers reported (as a tradition passed down from several generations), that the agarias(a particular tribe known for their iron smelting skills) from Robertsganj side, used to come in this area to procure iron.”

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[After Figure 6. Damaged circular clay furnace, comprising iron slag and tuyeres and other waste materials stuck with its body, exposed at lohsanwa mound, Period II, Malhar, Dist. Chandauli, p. 542.] These discoveries point to the semantics of ayas in R.gveda as iron, metal. It should

therefore, be possible to find homonymous glyphs among Sarasvati hieroglyphs, for example, aes ‘scales of fish’, apart from cognates in Tamil, for example ayir ‘iron’ (Ta.); ajirda karba ‘iron’ (Tulu); aduru ‘native, unsmelted metal’ (Ka.) The iron objcts found in Sarasvati civilization area can now be presumed to have been smelted.

The motifs of property or wealth of vis’vakarma tradition become abiding metaphors on punch-marked coins, and in vais.n.ava, bauddha, jaina traditions, into the historical periods. Some evidences of these continuing metaphors are presented in this note. Of 24 tirthankara in the jain tradition, who are normally depicted as seated in yogasana postures, 10th tirthankara s’italanatha has the s’rivatsa symbol (digambara tradition) http://www.herenow4u.de/Images/24_Symbols_for_Tirthankara/10.jpg This image shows four curved W motifs surrounding a circle. See: Srivastava, A. L., 1979. The Srivatsa Symbol in Indian Art. In: EW, N. S., Vol. XXIX(1-4): 37-60. Bapat, P. V., 1953. Four Auspicious Things of the Buddhists: Srivatsa, Svastika, Nandyavarta and Vardhamana. In: Indica, The Indian Hist. Res. Inst. Silver Jubilee Comm. Vol., Bombay, pp. 38-46. Divinity Narayana is also shown wearing s’rivatsa motif on his chest on a bronze s’ilpa. This is an evocation of S’ri associated with divinity Narayana in the s’rivaishnava tradition. http://www.exoticindiaart.com/product/EM89/ (cache) bronze statue 14.5" X 8" X 4"; 9.6 Kg A dhruva beram (standing s’ilpa used as utsava beram) of Tirumala Venkates’wara has s’rivatsa motif shown on the chest. The motif may represent the material objects of enjoyment in the form of ornaments and weapons. Parasara rishi, Vishnu Purana 1.22.69 in what is referred to as astrabhu_s.an.a_dhya_ya. S’rivatsa as a metaphor, is often referred to as Prakriti s’rivatsa. In fact, the s’rivatsa motif is shown on the chest of all tirthankara. It is so important. (See fn. 37 “Shrivatsa in the earlier images is generally a vertical line with an S-

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shaped mark on its left, and its mirror image on the right. Later the symbol changed into a lozenge shaped four-petalled flower. In Hinduism it represents "Shri" the Goddess of fortune. It is the special mark of Vishnu. In Jainism Shrivatsa is found on the chests of Tirthankaras all over Northern India but not in South India. The symbol appears sometimes on the images of the Buddha but not on the chest. (C. Siva Ram Murti in Ancient India, No. 6, pp. 44-46).” (loc. cit. Ashok Kumar Roy, 1984, A History of the Jains, New Delhi, Gitanjali Publishing House). Ebook at http://wwwedit.cs.wayne.edu:8080/~manishk/JainismDocuments/HistoryOfJainism.pdf S’risuktam is a sukta of 15 verses and is a Rigveda khila. Sayana, Prithvidhara and Nanjiyar have commented on this sukta. One view of the sukta is that it is a tribute to the metal, gold – associating s’ri with wealth. Listen to the suktam rendered by MN Venkata Sastry: http://www.ee.duke.edu/%7Evkp/audio/sree.mp3 Also at http://www.divyajivan.org/realaudio/sri_suktam.ram The suktam and translation are at http://www.srividya.org/slokas/HTML/sri_suktam.htm S’ri is said to have two children: kardama and ciklita. Association is with a_pah, ‘waters’. The very first line refers to: s’ri_m as hiran.yavarn.am, harin.i_m, suvarn.a rajata srajam. This evokes association with gold and silver. The sukta is also an invocation to soma (interpreting cikli_ra as cikri_ta, ‘the purchased one, that is soma’. The literal meanings of kardama and cikli_ta are ‘mud’ and ‘mire, ooze’. At Arikamedu was found one square copper coin with the motifs: an elephant, a ritual umbrella, S’rivatsa symbol, and the front of a horse.[ K. V. Raman, “A Note on the Square Copper Coin from Arikamedu” in The Ancient Port of Arikamedu, p. 391-392.] A stone s’ilpa of matsya in Dhaka museum may be seen at the exquisite Huntington Archive http://huntington.wmc.ohiostate.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30020643&detail=large Suvarn.a matsya or a pair of fishes with their noses touching each other with uplifted tails is an auspicious motif of the bauddha tradition. It is interesting that a metal magnet was called matsya mantra to determine direction while on high seas, indicating the association of matsya with metal. In Pali texts, matsya people are associated with Surasena. Matsya is a mahajanapada mentioned in the bauddha tradition of 16 janapada. “How can You be purified, therefore, by the dust of the path traversed by the brahmanas, and how can You be glorified or made fortunate by the marks of Srivatsa on Your chest? “ (Srimadbhagavatam, Canto 3, Chapter Sixteen, ‘The two doorkeepers of Vaikuntha, Jaya and VIjaya, cursed by the sages’. Right quadrant of ayagapatta showing s’rivatsa motif Site: Manoharpura (on the Delhi-Jaipur highway), Kusana late 1st-3rd century, 50 CE - 299 CE Red sandstone, Lucknow state museum (A curving fish-tail enveloping the tied fish in the center, that

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is, one S motif and its inverse on either side tie up the fish in the center). http://huntington.wmc.ohiostate.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30000348&detail=large This is the cental motif of twin fish enveloping the central motif, thus constituting the s’rivatsa. The second image of the second section of the ayagapatta also found at Manoharpura, is now at National Museum, New Delhi. http://huntington.wmc.ohiostate.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=30000353&detail=large These images are definitive indicators of the evolution of the s’rivatsa (or curved W motif) in bharatiya metaphors across the entire gamut of panthas of dharma-dhamma continuum in relating the motif to Narayana, the Buddha (Bauddha) or the Tirthankaras (Jaina). http://depts.washington.edu/uwch/silkroad/museums/delhi/dm_begram2_th.jpg S’rivatsa on Jain votive plaque. Ayagapata. Mathura UP, Kankali Tila. Kushana (2nd c. CE). 65 x 57.5 cm. J249 (Cleveland Museum of Art, 1985), no. 39, p. 105 S’ri_vatsa or Nandipa_da glyphs are derived from a pair of fishes as seen on many artifacts and on the necklaces worn by yakshi on sculptures. S’ri_vatsa symbol [with its hundreds of stylized variants, depicted on Pl. 29 to 32] occurs in Bogazkoi (Central Anatolia) dated ca. 6th to 14th cent. BCE on inscriptions: The symbol occurs in Mathura (ca. 2nd to 1st cent. BCE) and in Sa_n~ci_ (ca. 2nd –1st cent. BCE). Sarnath, Va_ra_n.asi, UP, Railing fragment, Sarnath Museum, No. 422 (AIIS, VNS, A27.33)[Pl. XX, 8] Bharhut Stu_pa, south gate corner pillar, c. 2nd cent. BCE, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 27.72, (AIIS, VNS, 242.34)[Pl. XX, 9] Sarnath, Rail post, c. 1st cent. BCE, Sarnath Museum No. 420 (AIIS, VNS, 200.13)[Pl. XX, 10] A Nasik cave inscription has s’ri_vatsa superimposed on nandipa_da symbol and is ascribed to ca. 2nd cent. BCE. [Note: nandipa_da is made up of two fish-tails joined together; s’ri_vatsa encloses a fish within two fish-tails]. The evolution of the s’ri_vatsa symbol is vividly described as related to a pair of ‘fish’. This is apparent from the two fish-tails exquisitely sculpted on Sa_n~ci_ Stu_pa (c. 2nd cent. BCE) and also in Sarnath railings and Bharhut stu_pa. [Pl. 33, S’rivatsa, Nandipa_da-Triratna at: Bhimbetka, Sa_n~ci_, Sarnath and Mathura]

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swastika seal, Mohenjodaro, steatite. National Museum, Karachi. http://huntington.wmc.ohiostate.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=25001555&detail=large Gold amulet, beaded svastika. Sirkap. ca. first century BCE to fourth century CE, 100 BCE - 300 CE, National Museum, Karachi. http://huntington.wmc.ohio-state.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=10954&detail=large Architectural fragment with svastika. Sarnath. Beige sandstone. ca. seventh century CE, 601 CE - 700 CE. Sarnath site museum, Uttarpradesh. http://huntington.wmc.ohiostate.edu/public/index.cfm?fuseaction=showThisDetail&ObjectID=2932&detail=large

Anthropomorph with ‘fish’ sign incised on the chest and with curved arms like the horns of a ram. Sheorajpur (Kanpur Dist., UP, India). State Museum, Lucknow (O.37) Typical find of Gangetic Copper Hoards. 47.7 X 39 X 2.1 cm. C. 4 kg. Early 2nd millennium BCE. The fish incised on the copper anthropomorph (ram) may represent kola_ ‘fish’; kol ‘pancaloha, alloy of five metals; kolami ‘smithy’); kor-r-a ‘ram’; rebus: koru ‘a bar of metal). Thus it may connote an alloyijng smithy.

kor-r-a = black murrel (Te.), kur_icci = a fish many sharp bones (Ma.) kur-avai = murrel (Ta.) kor-r-a = ram (Ma.) [kura = bull calf (Go.)] Substantive: koru a bar of metal (Tu.) bed.a = either of the sides of a hearth (G.) be = two (G.)

Sign 59 Glyph: bed.a hako = fish (Santali) be_d.isa = a sort of carp, the silver-fish, cyprinus chrysoparius (Te.) Grapheme: be_d.i = a chain, a fetter (Ka.Te.) Legacy of glyptic art in epigraphs

Anthropomorph, ca. 1500 B.C. India, Uttar Pradesh Copper; 8 1/4 x 11 9/16 in. (21 x 29.3 cm) “In India, find spots for ancient copper objects are located primarily in the basin of the Ganges River in modern-day Uttar Pradesh. The hoards, which contained celts, harpoons, rings, and figural sculptures loosely identified as anthropomorphs, date to a period of Indian history about which little is known. Although it is now generally assumed that these copper objects were made by indigenous people living in the area, the function and meaning of the

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objects remain unclear. Made from molds and then embellished with hammering, anthropomorphs are characterized by semicircular heads resting directly upon the shoulders, volutelike arms held akimbo, and pointed open legs.”• ca. 1900–1300 B.C. The "Late Harappan" period is characterized by the breakdown of the previously integrated culture of the Indus Valley region into small, localized groups. This period coincides with the development and spread of the Indo-

Gangetic tradition, from circa 1900 to 800 B.C.” http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/ht/02/ssa/ht02ssa.htm The pictorials in inscriptions are composed of both signs and field symbols (glyphs). Many signs of the script are clearly derivatives from pictorial motifs (glyphs). For example, there are over 50 seals depicted in the Parpola pictorial corpus containing the motif, svastika as a field symbol. Similarly there are inscriptions containing the motif of a dotted circle which has not been recognized as a sign of the script by the corpus compilers. Many pictorial motifs which recur on inscribed objects of Sarasvati Civilization are seen on ancient seals of the historical period of Bha_rata. It is notable that most of the later-day seals using the motifs of Sarasvati Sindhu Valley Civilization (SSVC) are relatable to royalty or military offices, to crafts and trade: nigama, kulika, ta_mboli_, ca_turvidya (learning of the

four Veda). The devices such as the jar, cakra, zebu, persons seated in yogic posture, dotted circle, tree, svastik_, water-carrier, three-hills seem to have attained auspicious connotations, since the devices are apparently unrelated to the inscriptions mostly in Bra_hmi script (as also evidenced in the as.t.aman:galaka ha_ra on Bharhut

sculptures of Yaks.i]. Sealing, yu_pa in railing and man with a bahangi (water-carrier paralleling the SSVC pictorial motif) and a hollow cross, Sonpur, Directorate of Mus. And Arch., Bihar Govt., Patna. Copper signet, Kaus’a_mbi, Allahabad Museum, no. 100: seal impression [After Pl. 1,1b in: Kiran Kumar Thaplyal, 1972, Studies in Ancient Indian Seals, Lucknow, Akhila Bharatiya Sanskrit Parishad] The device is a pair of antelopes with their heads turned back. There are many epigraphs of the civilization with such glyphs of antelopes with their heads turned backwards. Sealing of king Abhaya (legend: Ra_jn~(o) Abhaya(sya), Rajghat, Bharat Kala Bhavan, no. 6049. Device: humped bull (Zebu?)[After Pl. II,4 in: Thaplyal, 1972]

Clay lump bearing impression of the seal of the offices of (a) kuma_ra_ma_tya and (b)

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bala, Ahichchatra_, Antiquity section of the ASI, New Delhi, No. AC II 4448. 2. Sealing of the military office attached to the Yuvara_ja-bhat.t.a_raka, Basarh, Indian Museum, Calcutta, No. A 11315—NS 6159.

Sealing of the Ca_turvidya of Ra_jagr.ha, Nalanda, Indian Museum, Calcutta. The device includes two persons seated in yogic posture paralleling similar postures on SSVC inscribed objects. [After Pl.XXVII, 5 in: Thaplyal, 1972]

Divinity

Double-spiral on a copper pin at Manda, Himachal Pradesh (c. 3rd millennium BCE)

This double-spiral motif occurs both at Harappa and Ur in the context of depicting a godess. Head-dress of a terra-cotta godess figurine.(Left) Harappa. Right: Double-spiral, a symbol of a Babylonian godess. [After Pl.IV, 7 and 8 in: Gregory L. Possehl, ed., 1979, Ancient Cities of the Indus, Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.]

The most remarkable feature of the civilization during all its phases from 7000 to 1000 BC is the homogeneity of monuments and artifacts; the agreement among Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Kalibangan, Dholavira, Banawali, Kunal and Lothal is striking indeed, while regional variations are overshadowed by the preponderant shared features of life such as domestication of animals, cultivation of wheat and barley, canal irrigation and use of wells, house-building, organization of towns, weaving of textiles, wheel-turned pottery, river navigation, use of carts, metal-working, ornament-making using faience, ivory, bone, shell and semi-precious stones and use of inscriptions to facilitate trade. (cf. Marshall, John, 1931, The age and authors of the Indus Civilization. in: Marshall, John, ed., Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilization, 3 vols., Arthur Probsthain, London: 102-12). The homogeneous nature of the culture was evolved and sustained over the largest Bronze Age civilization of the world, covering an estimated area of 1,310,000 square kilometers. This is in comparison with the Mesopotamian Civilizzation which covered an estimated area of 400,000 square kilometers during the Akkadian Dynasty and with the Egyptian Civilization which covered a small area of ca. 17,100 square kilometersduring the Old Kingdom. (Butzer, Karl W., 19776, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A study in Cultural Ecology, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, Prehistoric Archaeology and Ecology Series: 83). The region covered the entire drainage system of the Sarasvati River, the northern Ganga-Yamuna doab in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, western fringe of southern and central Rajasthan, Gujarat, almost the whole of Pakistan (excepting for the northern mountainous areas) and southern Afghanistan. That homogeneity in culture was maintained over such vast distances given the

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transport systems of river crafts and bullock-carts (and perhaps pack-animals) is an era of peaceful coexistence unparalleled in the history of human civilization. For example, the mature Harappan pottery was seen over all parts of the civilization area and so were the seals, styles of beads, brick sizes and weights commonly shared. This lends credence to the possibility that this entire area was truly a Linguistic Area and given the legacy which continued in India into the historical periods, the decipherment of the inscriptions have to be related to the essential semantic unity of languages currently spoken in many parts of India also as a legacy of the cultural unity sustained during ancient times. On the aspects of cultural unity, Possehl notes (1999, p. 157): “From the archaeological record one senses that in spite of this differentiation, we are still seeing a single ancient culture at some level of abstraction. How were the norms of this culture maintained over such immense distances? What kept it all together? The answer to these questions is obviously ‘communication’, either direct, face to face contact, or a more indirect form. Without some convention of communication, areas that are geographically removed from one another tend to take their own course of cultural change and gradual differences will emerge. The two most obvious mechanisms that can be documented that would have sustained the mid-range and longer communication networks are the movements of pastoral nomads, and other itinerants, some of which are tied to seasonal changes, and the internal commerce of the Indus Age.” Microlithic sites in India and neighbouring regions and the areas of the substrate

languages of Naha_li, Irul.a, Vedda and Rodiya (After Schwartzberg, Joseph, ed.,1978, A historical atlas of South Asia, Chicago; loc. cit., Parpola, 1994, Fig. 8.9) It is likely that many lexemes of the Pra_kr.ts were derived from the hundreds of such languages which should have constituted the substratum of the Linguistic Area in Indic protohistory. A common lingua franca which is traceable to later day bharatiya languages bound these people together in their communications. This is in consonance with the continuity of culture in Bharat, right from the microlithic times through the days of Sarasvati civilization. Pre-IE substratum in Indo-Aryan: Proto-Munda

Proto-Munda, may explain many IA words: e.g. mayûra, "peacock" was derived from Munda *mara and in its turn yielded Tamil mayil. Another substratum source could be Language X. Colin Masica's list of agricultural loans in Hindi (1979), allotted non-IE origins to Indo-Aryan words. Masica (1979) had found no known etymologies for 31% of agricultural and flora terms in Hindi. About 40% of agricultural terminology in Hindi is derived from Language X (Colin P. Masica). The importance of Gujarat in unravelling the linguistic area of Bha_rata is stated in the following terms by Colin P. Masica: "...the entire Indo-Aryan realm (except for Sinhalese) constitutes one enormous dialectical continuum...The speech of each village differs slightly from the next, without loss of mutual intelligibility, all the way from Assam to Afghanistan....Mitanni kingdom... Indo-Iranians appear in northern Syria a full half millennium before their appearance in western Iran. How did they get there?...To call these Mitanni kings 'Indo-Iranians', however, is to beg an important question...Some have held

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that these linguistic fragments are specifically Indo-Aryan. Others including Burrow (1955) held they represent undifferentiated Indo-Iranian, before the split between Iranian and Indo Aryan...An Indo-Aryan identification would demand an earlier dating of the Iranian/Indo-Aryan split; with it have also been associated speculations regarding the route taken by the Aryans to India (e.g., the Asia Minor route...), or, possibly a back migration of Aryans from India. (If the latter, the date of the Aryan settlement of India would have to be moved back far enough to allow not only for them to reach Syria by 1500 BC, but also for their language to have died out by then, leaving only the terminological residue noted...)...the philological evidence alone does not allow an Indian origin of the Aryans...there is the matter of the nature of the common vocabulary shared by Sanskrit with the rest of Indo-European, which points to a more northerly ultimate home...The native Dravidian vocabulary has not been

reconstructed. Burrow and Emeneau's Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (1960) only

assembles materials for it... The civilization seems to have continued peacefully in Gujarat until a comparatively late period, i.e. 800 BC (Fairservis 1975: 307), after which it dissolved into the subsequent culture, which makes that area one of prime importance in detecting any Harappan influence on Aryan language and culture." (Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan

Languages, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991).-

Nahali, Proto-Indo-Aryan substratum

Is it reasonable to assume that the region was a linguistic area ca. 3500 - 1500 BCE? [Say, with speakers of: Nahali, Burushaski, Prakrits (Proto-Indo-Aryan), Munda, Dravidian dialects]? Let us look at the evidence of agricultural terms in the languages of the region, terms for agricultural implements, cultivation of the soil, and food items. “In 1936 Wilhelm Brandenstein concluded from the fact that the Indo-Iranian branch had not taken part in common PIE semantic developments in the field of agricultural terminology that the Indo-Iranians must have lost contact with the main body of PIE speakers at a time when agriculture had not yet developed among them. When the Aryans entered Indoa, accordingly, they would still have been pastoral nomads. Nowadays, however, the lexical difference is explained by the ‘polycentric origin of the IE agricultural knowledge from two or three earlier food producing centres by cultural – and partly also by lexical – differences’ (Makkay, J., 1988, Cultural groups of SE-Europe in the Neolithic: the PIE homeland problem and the origins of the Proto-greeks, AION, 10, p. 125; see also Masica, C.P., 1979, Aryan and non-Aryan elements in North Indian agriculture, in: M.M. Deshpande and PE Hook, eds., Aryan and Non-Aryan in India, Ann arbor, p. 57). The process of borrowing has continued over the centuries. In modern Hindi 80 percent of the terminology is, as Masica’s fundamental study has made clear, of foreign origin: ‘The surprising thing is that only a small proportion of the remainder is either Dravidian or Austroasiatic, even by generous estimates’ (1979: 131). See also Schlerath, B., 1989, Viehzuchtertum and Ackerbau, GGA 241, 41 ff.” (Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, Aryans in the Rigveda, Amsterdam, Rodopi, p. 15). Kuiper cites from Southworth the following examples of glosses, testifying to a ‘strong foreign impact’: ku_t.a, ‘house’; kun.d.a, ‘pot, vessel’; u_rdara, ‘a measure for holding

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grain’; apu_pa, ‘cake’; odana, ‘rice dish’; karambha, ‘a kind of gruel’; pin.d.a, ‘a lump of flesh’; ulu_khala, ‘mortar’; ka_rotara, ‘sieve, drainer’; camris., ‘ladle’; kos’a, ‘cask, bucket’; kr.s’ana, ‘pearl’; ki_na_s’a, ki_na_ra, ‘ploughman’; khilya, ‘waste piece of land’; la_n:gala, ‘plough’; si_ra, ‘plough’; pha_la, ‘ploughshare’; tilvila, ‘fertile, rich’; bi_ja, ‘seed’; pippala, ‘berry of the ficus religiosa’; mu_la, ‘root’; khala, ‘threshing floor’; r.bi_sa, ‘volcanic cleft’; kevat.a, ‘cave, pit’; kr.pi_t.a, ‘thick or firewood’; s’akat.i_, ‘cart’; a_n.i, ‘linch-pin’; va_n.i, ‘swingle tree’; kulis’a, ‘axe’; ku_t.a, ‘mallet’.(cf. Southworth, F.C., 1979, Lexical evidence for early contacts between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, in: M.M. Deshpande and P.E. Hook, eds., Aryan and Non-Aryan in India, Ann arbor, pp.191-233). Kuiper goes on to list 383 ‘foreign elements’ in the Rigvedic vocabulary of words such as: aks.a, araru, alina, a_n.d.a, ku_la, krumu, gargara, chubuka, dr.bhi_ka, na_d.i_, phan.,

phaliga, bhala, man.d.u_ki, mayu_ra, mala, yaks.u, yadu, vis’pala_, s’akat.i_, s’akuna,

s’an.d.ika, s’abala, sini_va_li_, sr.bida. The approximately 380 ‘foreign words’ listed by Kuiper are computed to be nine percent of the Rigvedic vocabulary contained in Grassmann’s dictionary. “…many among these ‘Aryans’ had non-Aryan names and…this fact points to some inescapable conclusions…Statements to the effect that the Rigveda was no longer purely Aryan are therefore correct to the extent that they refer to the language and the ethnic components: both were ‘Aryan’.” (p. 96). The use of words such as ‘foreign origin’, ‘strong foreign impact’ for as much as 80 percent of agricultural terminology is based on the euro-centric perspective of incursion of Indo-European language into Bharat creating the Indo-Aryan. Kuiper concedes: “It should not be forgotten that it was Indo-Europeanists who began to study the non-Aryan languages of India, because to them it was quite evident that a not inconsiderable part of the Sanskrit vocabulary could not possibly be of IE origin. The preceding list was drawn up from an Indo-Europeanist’s point of view…The main point is that it should be recognized that Sanskrit had long been an Indian language when it made its appearance in history…A language in which simultaneously Dravidian calques arose and Indo-European laryngeals were still pronounced (viz. in tanuam, suar) was more progressive and, at the same time, more archaic than could be imagined a few decades ago.” (p. 94). From an autochthonous perspective, these examples of glosses point to an indigenous evolution of the Prakrits, later refined into Sanskrit. There is no basis to assume that the Bhils of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh originally spoke a non-IE language, probably Nahali, yet: "No group of Bhils speak any but an Aryan tongue. (...) it is unlikely that traces of a common non-Aryan substratum will ever be uncovered in present-day Bhili dialects." (von Fürer-Haimendorf 1956:x, quoted in Kuiper 1962:50).

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The motifs on Mitanni cylinder seals evoke some motifs of Sarasvati epigraphs. Paul Thieme demonstrated that the gods of the Mitanni treaties of ca. 15th century BCE, are specifically Vedic gods, and that they cannot be Proto-Aryan. All the four treaty gods are mentioned in one hymn of the R.gveda (RV. 10.125.1). Macdonnel is more emphatic: "It is a fact, however, that

this particular grouping of the gods Varun.a and Mitra, Indra and Na_satyau, with these forms of their names, can be traced only in the Veda. For this reason I agree with Jacobi, Konow and Hillebrandt in considering these gods to be Indian, Vedic deities and that there is no possible justification for any other view. We shall have to assume that, just as there were Aryan immigrations into India from the west, there must have been isolated migrations back to the west." (Macdonnel, opcit, 1927, p. 805). These treaties point to a movement of Vedic tradition from Sarasvati river basin, from east to west.

Legacy: Engraved celt tool of Sembiyan-kandiyur with Sarasvati hieroglyphs: calling-card of an artisan

This note is posted at the following URL together with the sources used to decode the epigraph engraved on a Neolithic celt tool discovered at Sembiyan-kandiyur: http://kalyan96.googlepages.com

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This section discusses the calling-card of an artisan in continuum of the bronze age trade and writing system into the Neolithic period. The name of the village is also instructive: sembiyan could be derived from cempu ‘copper’; kandiyur could be derived from kand. ‘fire altar’. The location of Sembiyan-kandiyur is not far from Swamimalai where the shrine of Subrahmanya (one of the arupat.aiveet.u, that is, one of the six camps of the commander) is called eraka-subrahmanya. Eraka !

Copper, metal infusion. At Swamimalai, the artisans make bronze murti-s in the vis’vakarma tradition – using cire

perdue technique (lost wax process) which was used by the artisans of Sarasvati civilization.

Sembiyan-kandiyur is a village in Mayiladuthurai Taluk in Nagapattinam district of Tamil Nadu where the celt tool with clear engraving was found. Mr. Muthuswamy, a regional officer of the Tamilnadu State Archaeology Department has identified the two stones found here as Neolithic polished stone celts of ca. 2000 - 1000 BCE. (Mahadevan, personal communication, 2006). This is an important discovery linking the Sarasvati civilization (3300

BCE) with megalithic cultures (1000 BCE) and Saptasindhu region with megalithic sites of southern Bharat extending upto Adichanallur and S’rilanka. This is consistent with the existence of Sarasvati hieroglyphs on Sohgaura copper plate, on punch-marked coins over an extensive area and the ligatures on sculptures of Sanchi and Barhut such as s’rivatsa or makara (discussed in the pages cited at the URL). A separate note has been posted on the naga people and links with Sankars.an.a Balarama related to the irrigation works around Vidisha (Sanchi). I agree with Iravatham Mahadevan’s identification of the epigraph as containing four Indus script signs. I also accept his identification of Sign 48 (discussed below) as orthographically evolved from the ribs of the backbone of a person sitting in a bowing posture. (See http://murugan.org/research/mahadevan.htm (1999, ‘Murukan’ in the Indus Script, The Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). Note: I do not accept his ‘reading’ of the sign as denoting ‘Murukan’ but read rebus as a set of Indic lexemes connoting the ribs of the backbone of a skeleton). See seal m1186 shown below of a person kneeling in adoration in front of a widemouthed pot decorated with ‘ficus’ leaves. The same sign 48 occurring a sign-sequence inscribed on a Kalibangan potsherd leads BB Lal to identify the direction of ‘writing’.

khara_di_ = turner (G.) karad.o, kara_d.i_ a goldsmith’s tool (G.lex.) kolami ‘forge, smithy’ (Te.) Rebus: gollemu ‘backbone’ (Te.) The following glyphs connote a turner, a goldsmith, karad.o : Kalibangan100

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Seated skeletal person (Sign 48) It will be seen from the sign variants that the artist is focusing on three characteristics: the

person is seated, the backbone is emphasized, the person wears a hair-do. The kneeling posture is clearly comparable to Sign 45 which shows a kneeling adorant, but Sign 48 is

evolved without the ligature of a rimless pot Sign 45 [Dh. Des. karod.iya_ from Skt. karot.ika_ the skull; cf. Hem. Des. kod.iyam fr. Skt. kos.t.ha the inner part] kod.iyum an earthen cup holding oil and a wick for a light (G.) Seller of earthenware, earthen goblets, smoking pipes etc. = kara_d.iyo, kara_l.iyo (G.) kot.ho an earthen vessel in which indigo is stored (G.) khora a kind of large brass bowl; the vessel which receives the juice of sugar-cane when being pressed (Santali)

karadamu = present to a superior (Te.lex.) karet.um = an annual offering and present to a godess or to an evil spirit (G.lex.) karavr.tti (Skt.)

m0478At m0478Bt

m0479At m0479Bt3224 Repetitive also occurs as texts: 2815, 3230.The text is repeated on three double-sided moulded tablets in bas-relief. The first sign of the text is a glyph depicting a kneeling person, in front of a leafless tree, making an offering, holding a rimless pot in his hands.

m0480At m0480Bt Tablet in bas-relief. Side a: Tree Side b: Pict-111: From R.: A woman with outstretched arms flanked by two men holding uprooted trees in their hands; a person seated on a tree with a tiger below with its head turned backwards; a tall jar with a lid. Is

the pictorial of a tall jar the Sign 342 with a lid?

Sign 45 seems to be a kneeling adorant offering a pot (Sign 328 )

Signs 45/46 seem to ligature the pictorial of a kneeling-adorant with sign 328

Evolution of Sign 48 can be explained from the orthography of a seal from Kalibangan (048) which clearly demonstrates that the artist is trying to emphasise the semantics of a backbone of a kneeling person, perhaps also making an offering.

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Kalibangan048 “The seated person is facing right (in the original seal), leaning forward. He has a large head and a massive jaw jutting forward. The complete ribcage is shown in clear detail with almost all the ribs in position, curving naturalistically on either side of the backbone. The deity appears to be holding a ladle (?) in his right hand. His knees are drawn up and he seems to be squatting on his haunches. The details are clearly visible in the highly enlarged photograph of the seal published in Pl. 275: Omananda Saraswati 1975. Ancient

Seals of Haryana (in Hindi). Rohtak.” (I. Mahadevan, 'Murukan' in the Indus Script, The

Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, March 1999). A three sign sequence including this ‘seated skeletal person’ is the most frequently occurring three-sign sequence among the inscribed objects. The occurrence is mostly on miniature tablets of Harappa It will be necessary to investigate the geological compositions of the Neolithic ‘blackstones’. It should also be noted that BB Lal had provided an insight into the continuance of the Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Indus script glyphs) in many megalithic finds. BB Lal notes, "eighty-nine percent of the megalithic symbols go back to the chalcolithic-Harappan times. Conversely, eighty-five percent of the Harappan-chalcolithic symbols continue down to the megalithic times".(1960, 'From the Megalithic to the Harappa: tracing back the graffiti on pottery') Cf. S. Seneviratne’s article on Frontline Volume 23 - Issue 01, Jan. 14 - 27, 2006 http://www.flonnet.com/fl2301/stories/20060127003610200.htm cf. Iravatham Mahadevan’s note at http://www1.shore.net/~india/ejvs/ejvs0801/ejvs0801.txt [2002, Aryan or Dravidian or Neither? A Study of Recent Attempts to Decipher the Indus Script (1995-2000)] One of the two celts is said to carry the engraving of the following four sign sequence: Sign 48-342-367-301 (The sign numbers and orthography of the signs are from Mahadevan, Indus Script corpus; list of hieroglyph signs and orthographic variants based on Mahadevan is attached). The four hieroglyphs are read from l. to r. rebus: Sign 48: skeleton, backbone, ribs: forge: kolami; smithy: pasra; artisan: barduga kolami ‘forge, furnace’; rebus: gollemu ‘backbone’; pasra ‘smithy’; panjara ‘skeleton’; barad.o = spine; backbone; rebus: bharatiyo = a caster of metals; a brazier; bharatar, bharatal, bharatal. = moulded; an article made in a mould; bharata = casting metals in moulds; bharavum = to fill in; to put in; to pour into (G.lex.) bhart = a mixed metal of copper and lead; bhart-i_ya_ = a brazier, worker in metal; bhat., bhra_s.t.ra = oven, furnace.

barduga = a man of acquirements, a proficient man (Ka.) bad.hi ‘a caste who work both in iron and wood’ (Santali)i bar.ae = a blacksmith (Santali); bharad.o ‘devotee of S’iva’; barot.i = twelve; as in: barot.i panjaram, adj. lit. = who has twelve ribs; important, who is able to get things done (Santali) A number of glyphs could represent the same semantics related to barduga, artisan: Sign 342: rim of narrow-necked jar: fire-altar for copper: kan.d. kan-ka kand. ‘fire altar’; kan- ‘copper’; rebus: Kand. Kan-ka ‘rim of jar’ Sign 301: eye-ball, squint: blacksmith: d.angar d.an:gar ‘ blacksmith’; rebus: t.agara ‘squinting’; rebus: tagara ‘tin’ Sign 367: three ingots ligatured to a wide-mouthed pot (with a spoon infixed): mint: kammat.a empty pot: barad.u; rebus: barduga ‘artisan’; iron spoon; ingot: d.aba kammat.a ‘mint’; kamat.ha ‘pot’; d.ab ‘ingot’; rebus: d.aba ‘iron spoon’; ta(m)bra ‘copper’; d.abbu ‘four paise’ (that is, copper coin); rebus: kolmo ‘three’; barad.u ‘empty pot’

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Thus the words read rebus by these four hieroglyphs read r. to l. are: kolmo, kammat.a, d.aba, barduga copper-mint-ingot-artisan d.angar : blacksmith kand. kan-ka: copper fire-altar kolami, pasra, barduga: furnace-forge-smithy-artisan The four sign-sequence thus connotes a calling-card of a professional metal-smith, of the bronze age trade tradition: smithy with furnace/forge; fire-altar for copper; blacksmith; mint (copper).

The lexical repertoire and orthography used in Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Indus script using these glyphs), together with alternative pairs of homonyms – all related to a smith. http://www.hindu.com/2006/05/01/stories/2006050101992000.htm

Legacy of Sarasvati Writing System One-horned heifer on early coins denotes copper artisan’s workshop: kod. ‘artisan’s workshop’; rebus: kod. ‘horn’; damra ‘heifer’; rebus: tam(b)ra ‘copper’. Lion in Akkadian is aru, aru_; rebus: ara ‘copper’ (Akkadian). Rebus: kod. = artisan’s workshop (Kuwi) kod. = place where artisans work (G.lex.) kod. = a cow-pen; a cattlepen; a byre (G.lex.) gor.a = a cow-shed; a cattleshed; gor.a orak = byre (Santali.lex.) got.ho [Skt. kos.t.ha the inner part] a warehouse; an earthen vessel in wich indigo is stored (G.lex.) kot.t.amu = a stable (Te.lex.)

Out of a total of 2906 inscribed objects (according to Mahadevan concordance), the one-horned, young

bull occurs on 1159 objects; on 900 of these objects, the young

bull is shown in front of a standard device. If the

inscribed objects ‘without texts’ are reckoned, the number of inscribed objects discovered according to Parpola concordance are 3692: Collections in India: 1537; Collections in Pakistan: 2138; West Asia: 17.

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Late seventh century BCE Electrum Stater from western Turkey561-547 BCE Silver stater attributed to Croesus, King of Lydia (ca. 560-547 BC) (After Kurt Regling, 1959, Ancient Numismatics, Chicago, Argonaut Inc.) Kuninda janapada coin, Himachal State Museum, Shimla. Thousands of such examples can be seen in the numismatic heritage of Bharatam. Opposition between the Lion and the One-horned Bull depicted on early silver coins The opposition beween the lion and the one-horned bull is a representation of ara_ (war, lion); rebus: ara = copper (Akkadian). Damr.i ‘copper, one-eighth of a pice’ (Te. Santali); damr.a = heifer, steer (Santali) Rebus: damr.i = copper; tamb(r)a = copper (Skt.); tamba = copper (Santali) Glyph: one-horned bull damr.a ‘steer, heifer’ Each of the heifers has one horn. Glyph: ko_t.u = horns (Ta.) ko_d. (pl. ko_d.ul) horn (Pa.); ko_t.u (in cmpds. ko_t.t.u-) horn (Ta.); ko.r. (obl. ko.t.-) horns (one horn is kob), half of hair on each side of parting, side in game, line marked out (Ko.); kwi.r. (obl. kwi.t.-) horn (To.); ko_d.u horn (Ka.); ko_r.. horn (Ka.); ko_d.u horn (Tu.); ko_d.u rivulet (Te.); ko_r (pl. ko_rgul) id. (Ga.); ko_r (obl. ko_t-, pl. ko_hk) horn of cattle or wild animals (Go.); ko_r (pl. ko_hk), ko_r.u (pl. ko_hku) horn (Go.); kogoo a horn (Go.); ko_ju (pl. ko_ska) horn, antler (Kui)(DEDR 2200).

Map of Metal Resources and Distribution Networks (After Fig. 5.20f, Kenoyer, 1998) A remarkable example of the continuity of the metallurgical tradition of Sarasvati civilization comes from a technique used to make bronze statues, a technique called cire perdue (lost-wax method). The bronze statue of a woman wearing bangles and holding a small bowl in her right hand, Mohenjo-daro (DK 12728; Mackay 1938: 274, pl. LXXIII, 9-11); was made using cire

perdue (lost wax) method, a method used by vis’vakarma-s in Swa_mimalai to make bronze

figurines of deities – vis’vakarma tradition lives on.

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Pre-mauryan punch-marked coins

Punch-marked coins from 5th cent. BCE, from many parts of Bharat, depict many glyphs, many of which are comparable to the glyphs depicted on inscribed objects of the Sarasvati Sindhu Civilization. This is the most emphatic evidence for discerning the cultural continuity into historical periods of the tradition whose roots are to be found on the banks of River Sarasvati, dating back to 5,500 years Before Present. As the hieroglyphic code unravels, the meaning of the glyphs and their importance in the context of the lives of braziers is reinforced. Many glyphs are property possessions of lapidaries and metallurgists and evoke the tools of trade – furnaces, minerals and metals -- used in the smithy. It is hypothesised that the inscriptions on copper plates and the symbols on punch-marked coins are the work of inheritors of the Sarasvati brazier-tradition. This cultural tradition explains why copper plates are used for property transactions during the historical periods and also explains why many symbols on punch-marked coins are directly comparable with the Sarasvati hieroglyphs.

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p.79 Kothari, Narendra, 2006, History and background of the coinage and the Ujjain symbol with catalog of Malwa, Avanti, Surasena, and Ujjain series of cast copper and silver punchmarked coins. 128p.

Ujjain coin (Obverse and reverse)

Punch-marked coin

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[Pl.38, Mountain range symbol on punch-marked coins in comparison with the symbol on

SSVC inscribed objects]

As seen from the last three rows of Pl. 38, the ligaturing of glyphs to the mountain ranges indicates that the ligature elements are minerals found in mountains. e.g. Substantive: aduru ‘native metal’; glyphs: adar ‘brahman.i bull’; ad.aru ‘twigs or branches of tree’. ke~r.e~ ke~r.e~ call of quail at pairing season; ce~r.e a bird; ke~r.e~ ko~r.e~ an aboriginal tribe who work in brass and bell-metal (Santali)

Taurine symbol [Pl. 35, on punch-marked, local, uninscribed cat coins and local coins]. The symbol is so intense in almost all cultural periods and in a large number of sites that the taurine symbol can be compared with the most frequently occurring sign of the SSVC inscribed objects: the ‘rimmed jar with a narrow-neck’ (kan.d.kanka – copper furnace).

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http://sarasvati97.spaces.live.com/photos/cns!A74A2ADBFA0A3358!529/ [Pl. 39, Tree symbol (often on a platform) on punch-marked coins; a symbol recurring on many tablets of SSVC].

[Pl. 2, N: Sahet-Mahet punch-marked coins symbols]

[Pl. 3, M,N: Singavaran punch-marked coin symbols]

Pl. 5, A to C, Amaravati punch-marked coin symbols]

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Pl. 5, D, Punch-marked copper coins, Madhipur]

[Pl. 5, E, Uninscribed cast coins]

[Pl. 5, F, G, Eran punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl.5, J, Ahichhatra, punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl.5, K, Kada, punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl. 5, L, Kanauj, punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl. 5, M, Mathura, punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl. 5, N, O, P, Taxila, punch-marked local coin symbols]

[Pl. 6, A, Shamiawala (Lucknow Museum) Uttara Pa_n~ca_la Ahicchatra (Type I) punch-marked coin symbols] [Pl.8, Local Tribal coin symbols: Ujjayini, Tripuri, Ayodhya, Almore, Pa_n~ca_la, Arjuna_yana (1-3), Ra_janya (3,6,8), Uddehika, Audumbara, Kun.inda, Kuluta, Vr.s.n.i, Yaudheya, Ks.atrapa, S’a_tava_hana]

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[After Pl. 10 to 13 in: Savita Sharma, 1990, Early Indian Symbols: Numismatic evidence, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan]

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[Pl. 27, Svastika_ symbol: distribution in cultural periods]

[Pl. 28, A, Ramnagar, Lotapur, Mamdar, Singavaran: Punch-marked coins]

[Pl. 28, B to E: svastika_ symbol on punch-marked/cast copper coins]

[Pl.28, F: Ujjayini, copper coins with svastika_ symbol]

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[Pl. 28, G to J, Taxila, Ayodhya, Arjunayana, Sibis, Kun.inda, Kuluta, yaudheya, S’a_tava_hana coins: Svastika_ symbol] Thomas Wilson, [curator, Department of Prehistoric Anthropology], notes: “(svastika_) is characterized by straight bars of equal thickness throughout, and cross each other at right angles, making four arms of equal size, length and style.” While not finding definitive clues

as to its time or place of origin, Wilson concludes that the svastika_ was perhaps the first symbol to be made with ‘a definite intention’ and a continuous or consecutive meaning, the knowledge of which passed from person to person. The view that the symbol may perhaps have represented a known object, is echoed by Ashley and Butts. H.J.D Ashley wrote: “In the first instance probably the svastika_ may have represented the course of the sun in the heavens revolving normally from left to right.” (1925, The Swastika: A study, The Quest, January 1925). Edward Butts noted: “…It is evident that the svastika_ figure is only

emblematic of what it originally was, from the fact that it must have been a more useful device and of very necessary application to have forced itself into the needs of so many widely distributed localities.” [1901, Statement No.1: The Swastika, Kansas City, Franklin Hudson Publishing Co.] Friedrich Max Mueller characterized the symbol with its hooks facing left-ward as suavastika, but there is no corroboration for such a lexeme. Wilson analyzed the occurrence of the symbol on artifacts – from funeral urns to spears – and attempted a classification by physical and symbolic properties to fathom some logic as to why the symbol has been prevalent in so many cultures for so long. It is difficult to surmise that the sign was just ornamental; it had some specific symbolic importance. Troy. Svastika_ with four birds. [Compare the two ducks shown with the symbol in Cyprus. Source: Dr. Henry Schliemann, 1885, Tiryns: the prehistorical palace of the kings of Tiryns, New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons]. “According to the migration theory (as opposed to the coincidence theory), the svastika_’s earliest known habitat is a wide territory beginning at the valley of the river Indus in India and extending westward across Persia and Asia Minor to Hissarlik (where the remains of ancient Troy were found) on the shore of the Hellespont…W. Norman Brown contented (1933, The Swastika: The study of the Nazi claims of its Aryan Origin, Emerson Books) that ‘for combined age, frequency, and perfect execution, the examples from the Indus Valley are the most interesting.’..Brown noted that the svastika_ was among India’s ‘first civilized remains, as early as 2500 BCE, possibly 3000 BCE, and appears in forms perfectly developed, in contrast with slightly older but primitive and less perfect forms found farther westward.’ More important, Brown concluded that it existed in India before the arrival of the Aryans. ‘Like other symbols which the Aryans of India used on coins and stone sculpture, it came to them from non-Aryan predecessors. It was a simple minutia of the spoils the victors had taken from those they had vanquished.’..The svastika_ was also discovered in the early 1930s in explorations of the ancient civilization in Baluchistan (in Central Asia)…The next chronological stratuth’ (as Brown calls it) for the svastika_ appears at Hissarlik, the site of Homer’s Troy, and many older cities that had risen

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and perished before it...According to Brown (and contrary to Schliemann’s assertion), it was at Hissarlik or elsewhere in Asia Minor that the Indo-Europeans may for the first time have met the svastika_, but this is only a supposition.” (Steven Heller, 2000, The Swastika: symbol

beyond redemption? New York, Allworth Press, pp. 28-33). W. Norman Brown who refuted the claim of Indo-European origins of the svastika_ was emphatic that the people who first used the symbol were the ‘Japhetic’ and the Indus Valley Peoples. “Whatever these various peoples were, they were not Indo-Europeans; and the Indo-Europeans, as far as our evidence indicates, did not know the svastika_ until a thousand years after the time of its earliest preserved specimens.” He further adds: “Egypt seems to have been without it (svastika_) until very late, when Greece had arisen. Ancient Assyria and Palestine, as far as I know, were also without it… Although by 2000 BCE it extended across to the Hellespont, it passed to the north of the great Semitic territory and missed that people. The jews did not use it. Early Christianity seems not to have known it. The Christians used the svastika_ only after their religion was well established in Europe.”

Many bronze articles with svastika_ sign; Dates: Unknown [Source: Thomas Wilson, Report of National Museum, 1894]. Celts who were proficient bronze- and gold-workers also used the svastika_ motif.

Bronze pin-head from the Caucasus

Marks of three svastika_ on black pottery from Caucasus Fragment of bronze

ceinture from

Necropolis of Koban, Caucasus Bronze pin from Bavaria Spearhead with svastika_, from Germany

Footprints of the Feet of the Buddha; note the svastika_ just below the fingers. [Source: Alexander Cunningham, 1962, The Stupa of

Bharhut: a Buddhist monument, Varanasi, Indological Book House].

Cypriot artifact with svastika_. Note the symbol on the stylized, flower-like wheel of the chariot. Ireland. Triskelion on carved wood.

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Cypriot artifact with svastika_ flanked by two ducks. Altar from south of France.

Cypriot artifact with svastika_ on the shoulder of the warrior holding a bull model in his left hand; his hind-part is the hind-part of a bull?

Ancient coins of Bharat with

svastikas, normal and ogee

(After Figs. 231 to 234 in

Thomas Wilson, opcit). The

coins were found by

Cunningham at Behat near

Shaharanpur. E. Thomas assigns them to about 330 BCE. (Edward Thomas, Jour. Royal

Asiatic Soc. (new series), I, p. 175). The svastika sign does not appear in Indo-Bactrian (ca. 300 to 126 BCE), Indo-Sassanian (from 200 to 636 CE) or later Hindu or Mohammedan coins. The sign of svastika becomes an integral part of the temple architectural tradition and becomes a sacred symbol of the Hindu, Buddha and Jaina traditions.

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http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/AA/pinnow-map.jpg The regions related to Munda languages are the regions with mineral resources and hence, the economic zones of early smiths (kaula mengro), mleccha-speakers.

mangar ‘crocodile’; rebus: mengro ‘smith’; kola_ ‘fish’; rebus: kol ‘metal’ (Ta.); rebus: kaula mengro ‘blacksmith’ (Gypsy) Legacy of the writing system on Bharhut

ligatures

Makara as a ligature of alligator, elephant, tiger, snail, fish-fin, wing; (it.ankar)

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makara, ibha, kol, kavd.a_, ayo, er-aka Rebus: (d.hangar) mengro ‘merchant, smith’, ib ‘iron’, kol ‘pancaloha’, kaulo ‘kolla, furnace’, ayas ‘metal’, eraka ‘infusion of metal’. Top register: pair of rams: med.ho ‘ram’; rebus: med. ‘iron’; barea ‘pair’; rebus: barea ‘merchant’ Photo of a cephalopod fossil. http://www.gc.maricopa.edu/earthsci/imagearchive/fossils.htm The coiled end of the cephalopod is mirrored on a makara glyph composition. Makara Bharhut, c. 100 BCE Indian Museum, Calcutta Something of the origin of the makara, or at least its early composition in India, can be seen here. The water beast, confined beneath a ledge with kneeling rams that represent the realm of land, is pictured here with the snout of a crocodile, the head and forequarters of an elephant, the body of a snake, and the fins and tail of a fish. http://www.art-and-archaeology.com/india/calcutta/cm13.html The shell component of this motif may be read as: ha_ngi snail (K.); sa~_khi possessing or made of shells (B.); ho~gi pearl oyster shell, shell of any aquatic mollusc (K.); ha_ngi snail (K.)(CDIAL 12380). gongha = snail’s shell (Santali). Cf. conch (English). Cypraea moneta or a cowrie used as a coin. Rebus: kangar ‘portable furnace’ (K.) A possible depiction of a kaula mangra ‘blacksmith’ working with s’ankha ‘shell’ and and indicaton of jhasa ‘fish’; rebus: jasa ‘prosperity, fame’. Kavd.a_ ‘cowrie; Kaulo-mengro, s. A blacksmith; Kaulo ratti. Black blood, Gypsy blood (Gypsy). Kerri mangro 'workman' (Gypsy) Kahlo / Kahli / Kahle – Black (male / female / Plural) (From Punjabi - 'Kahla' / 'Kahli' / 'Kahle') Spanish Romma call themselves 'Kahla' http://www.gypsyjournal.com/ForumReply.asp?ForumID=1 kola_ ‘flying fish’ (Ta.); ayo = fish; rebus: ayas ‘metal’ Pa. makara -- m. `sea -- monster'; Pk. magara -- , mayara m. `shark', Si. muvara, mora, Md. miyaru. -- NIA. forms with -- g -- ( e.g. H. G. magar m. `crocodile') or -- ng (S. mangar -- macho m. `whale', manguro m. `a kind of sea fish' } Bal. mangar `crocodile') are loans from Pk. or Sk. or directly from non -- Aryan sources from which these came, e.g. Sant. mangar `crocodile'. Early coinage and copper plate inscriptions in India as a survival of Sarasvati hieroglyphs of prehistoric Indian civilization. (Mirrored, together with slide show of figures mentioned in the text at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 )

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(Source: Map after Frits Staal, 2005, An unheralded contribution by Indian Brahmans and

Buddhist Monks, lecture delivered at Silpakorn University; subsequently published in Sanskrit Studies Central Journal, Journal of the Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn University, 2 (2006) 193-2007 http://fritsstaal.googlepages.com/soundbook ) Standing male, dotted circles, portable furnace, Tree and Svastika, Elephant and Svastika

glyphs on Srilanka punch-marked coins

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Ancient clay stamp seals and sealings have reportedly been found in Sri Lanka. http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1074122/posts

http://www.cbsl.gov.lk/info/03_about/a_8.htm#1 http://swastika-info.com/en/startpage/srilanka/1067686584.html Seals and sealings of the historical period

1. Sealing of Dan.d.ana_yaka Satya (vrata?), Rajghat, Bharat Kala Bhavan, no. 6372; 2. Sealing of Dan.d.ana_yaka Anuttara, Rajghat, Bharat Kala Bhavan, no. 6376; 3. Sealing of Dan.d.ana_yaka S'an:karadatta, Bhita, Indian Museum, Calcutta, no. A. 11227-NS 1547; 4a. Seal of Dan.d.ana_yaka Ksa (Ska)nda, Rajghat, Dept. of AIH,

C and Arch., BHU, no.1; 4b. Plasticine impression of (a).

Notes: "Several clay seals and sealings from Rajghat belong to a class of officers known as dan.d.ana_yaka-s...The letter (on 4a)ksha is, in all probability a mistake for ska. The peacock, va_hana of the god Skanda, was appropriately chosen by the namesake. Another sealing from the same site with a chakra flanked by a spear on the left aqnd a crescent on the right has the legend Dan.d.ana_yaka Anuttarasya in early Gupta characters (pl. IX,2). A third of the same provenance shows a bull recumbent on the left and the legend Dan.d.ana_yaka Satya(vratasya) (pl. IX,1)...All these are obviously derived from dan.d.a which means 'army', a 'rod' as well as 'punishment'. There is no unanimity among scholars regarding the exact connotation of these words. Stein, Marshall, Vogel and Bhandarkar interpret the expression to mean a police officer; Beni Prasad, Bloch, Mookerji, Banerji, Sankrityayan and Dikshitar interpret it to stand for a judge. Raychaudhuri, Fleet, Altekar and Dr. Sircar take it to denote an 'army officer' while Marshall, elsewhere, was undecided about its exact meaning and translated it as 'chief judge' or 'chief officer of police'. If bala_dhikr.ita (also maha_bala_dhikr.ita) and dan.d.apa_s'ika were officers of the army and police respectively, it would be reasonable to suppose that the dan.d.ana_yaka, in the main, was a judicial officer. Would the symbols on these seals and sealings help us in understanding the meaning of this term and the duties and office of that officer? It is significant that the eight dan.d.ana_yaka sealings from Bhita invariably bear the bull-la_n~chana. Apart from being a S'aiva device, the bull is also symbolic of Dharma. This symbol would really be the most appropriate for a judge who has to follow the tenets of the law scrupu;lously and enforce it

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impartially. The bulls on the two Gupta sealings have a spherical object between their horns (Pl. IX, 3)...But the sealings from other sites noted above bear either the same device (bull) or have a chakra, peacock, etc...the chakra being reminiscent of the sudars'anachakra of Vis.n.u and the peacock of the va_hana of Maha_sena-Ka_rttikeya, the General of the Gods...In literature and later epigraphs, the term dan.d.ana_yaka (or maha_dan.d.ana_yaka) has sometimes been used to denote a military officer or an administrator. Sometimes the term is found combined with other offices (e.g. with kuma_ra_ma_tya and sa_ndhivigrahika). The office could also be hereditary. The title was also, at times, used by the feudatories, perhaps as a mere honorific." (K.K. Thaplyal, 1972, Studies in Ancient Indian

Seals, Lucknow, Akhila Bharatiya Sanskrit Parishad, Pl. IX, Figs. 1 to 4; pp. 115-118).

1. Clay lump bearing impressions of the seal of the offices of (a) kuma_ra_ma_tya and (b) bala, Ahichchatra_, Antiquity section of the Arch. Surv. of India, New Delhi, no. AC II 4448; 2. Sealing of the military office attached to the Yuvara_ja-bhat.t.a_raka, Basarh, Indian Museum, Calcutta, no. A. 11315--NS 6159. (After K.K. Thaplyal, 1972, Studies in Ancient Indian

Seals, Lucknow, Akhila Bharatiya Sanskrit Parishad, Pl. XIII, Figs. 5 and 6; pp. 110-120).

Sealing bearing the device of a lion and the legend Sena_pati In(dra)...,

Bhita, Indian Museum, Calcutta, no. A 12247-NS. 1446. In front of the lion

is the symbol, s'ri_vatsa.

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http://www.lakdiva.org/coins/ocr/dpeh_es.html H. W. Codrington, Ceylon Coins and

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Currency, 1924, pp. 28-32; Plate I, Nos. 7, 8, 9; Supplementary Plate, Nos. 1 and 2. Cf. John Still, Some Early Copper Coins of Ceylon, JCBRAS Vol. XIX, No. 58, 1907, pp. 201 ff., and Plate, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and H. Parker, Ancient Ceylon, 1909, p. 482, Fig. 155, No. 54.

Sarasvati hieroglyphs and early coins of Asia Minor

(Mirrored at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 Sarasvati hieroglyphs and early coins of Asia Minor) This note reports on some parallel glyptic art themes found punched on ancient coins of Asia Minor and on Sarasvati hieroglyphs (a separate note has been posted on the parallels with punch-marked coins in India of historical periods). The impetus for this inquiry for early Lycia coins (gold/silver) showing a lion (tiger?) facing a one-horned bull. A remarkable statement is found in Num. Chron., 1906, p. 5, while reviewing some tetradrachms (also called Ionian coins) of 3rd century BCE, some of which have the following glyphs: a bee on the obverse; and on the reverse, forepart of stag with head turned back; behind it, a palm-tree, and, in front. The statement refers to Indian provenance of most of the tradrachms. “Indian provenance of most of the tetradrachms (Num. Chron., 1906, p. 5) makes it doubtful whether these coins, of purely Persian types, may not have been issued by Ionians in one of the eastern satrapies of the Persian empire shortly after Alexander's death; for, from the edicts of Asoka (circ. B.C. 250), we know that there were Ionian Greeks (Yonas = Ιωνες) among the rulers of Northern India during the previous half century or thereabouts. It is quite possible that some of these Ionian satraps may have issued the above-mentioned coins. [Ionia: British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins, Ionia, by B. V. Head, 1892; Babelon, Traité des Monnaies grecques et romaines, ii. 1; Macdonald, Hunter Cat., ii. pp. 321 sqq.; Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Münzen, i. pp. 49 sqq.] p, 574.” http://www.snible.org/coins/hn/ionia.html#Miletus Some of the themes found on the early coins of Asia Minor (island of Aegina, Miletus) are: s'ankha (turbinella pyrum)

· turtle, · scorpion (as on a 1/48th stater

http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?pos=-441) · warrior with a fish-shaped tunny

(http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?pos=-800), · lion facing a one-horned bull as on kroisos-type silver half stater/signos, · lion/tiger looking back, bird (with two or three surrounding pellets), · cock, eagle-head, (silver, Ephesus. 5th Cent. BCE Silver fraction (1/64th Milesian stater?). · entwined snakes in front of fire-altar Ephesus c. 89/8 BCE. Silver cistophorus. Obv. Cista

mystica with snake. Rev. ΕΦΕ; ΜΣ (year 46). Two coiled snakes, bow-case with aplustre ornament in centre, torch to r; above, headdress of Isis. Silver. Wt. 12.54 g; dia. 27 mm. (MAC Col.) http://online.mq.edu.au/pub/ACANSCAE/gallery.htm

· bull with pronounced dewlap (BC 410-390) Kherei - Drachm – 5 viewsKherei, Dynast, ca 410-390 BC. AR Drachm (4.17g, 16mm, 8h). Xanthos mint? Head of Athena R, wearing crested Attic helmet / Forepart of bull R; Lycian letters 'Kherei" above, within shallow incuse square. http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/thumbnails.php?album=262

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http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?pos=-1331) · winged lion (BCE 450-420), stater 8.57g.

http://www.asiaminorcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?pos=-1348 · boar (Commodus – 180-192CE, bronze, 2.69g.) · tree and antelope looking back (Ephesus. c.405-325 BCE. Tetradrachm, 15.5 g.) · radiating sun glyph, antelope (sometimes looking back).

http://rg.ancients.info/lion/miletos.html · Other themes are the presence of frigidarium of baths and changing rooms of Faustina at

Miletus. Surprisingly, some of these themes also occur on Sarasvati epigraphs/artifacts (including the Mohenjodaro bath with changing rooms which find their echo in the baths of Faustina). “The name, which is Miletos in the lonic dialect and Milatos in the Doric one, is said to be related to the city of Milatos situated on the island of Crete… The geographer Strabo and the historian Epheros have written that the city was first founded by Cretans, whereas according to Homer it was founded by Carians.” http://www.geocities.com/miletmuseum/miletus.htm Kroisos-type silver half stater/siglos (5.3g), minted by King Kroisos/Croesus or his Persian successors in Sardis, Lydia, Asia Minor (present-day Turkey), c. 560-546 BC or afterward, Sear Greek 3420/3424, SNG Cop. 456, SNG Kayhan 1024-1026, SNG Fitz. 1040-1044, SNG Lockett 2984, SNG Berry 1141, SNG von Aulock 2877-2879, SNG München 10-12, SNG Delepierre 2795, Dewing 2428-2430, Rosen 663-665, Davis 233 “Lion and bull coin types such as this were the world's first silver coins. Kroisos was the Lydian king of legendary wealth about whom the expression "rich as Croesus" was coined. The coin features a lion similar to that on the earlier Lydian electrum coins but without the "nose wart," as well as a bull, with the reverse being an incuse square used in the minting process of very early coins… Croeseids were produced in gold as well as silver, with the design the same with each metal.” http://rg.ancients.info/lion/kroisos.html See the picture of Laurium. Artificial cavernous trenches formed by the mines of leaded silver. Phoka, É., Valavanis, P., Peripatoi stin Athina kai tin Attiki, Topoi-Theoi-Mnimeia,Kedros Editions, Athens 1994, p. 137. Archaeological finds from excavations in the temple of Artemis in Ephesus determine the beginning of coinage in the last years of the 7th century BCE. http://www.fhw.gr/chronos/04/en/economy/index.html The island of Aegina was the first region of the Greek mainland that minted silver coins, the staters, in ca. 575 BC. The turtle and later the tortoise were chosen as symbols for the first mintings. The silver used for the first coins of Aegina came either from the Laurium mines, or from Sifnos. This initiative is probably associated with the fact that, since the island was the only Greek presence in the foundation of the trade community of Naucratis on the Nile Delta, the Aeginetans had got in touch with the peoples of the East and mainly with the Lydians, who invented coinage. Aegina's turtles were one of the most widespread coins of the Greek world for about four hundred years and they have been found in regions such as Egypt and Persepolis. The Aeginetan standard, with the didrachm stater weighing 12-13 grams, was widely used by other cities in Greece, in Crete and in Asia Minor. It is known that before Crete's cities minted their own coinage in the 5th century BC, they used Aegina's coinage as the official coin of their island. Some of the turtles were probably minted in Cydonia, a Cretan region conquered and colonized by the Aeginetans (Herodotus,

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Historia 3.59). After Aegina, Corinth and Athens were the next to mint silver coins in the Greek mainland… Coins of the Greek world, especially when they first circulated, are characterized by a huge variety of emblems. Creatures of land, sea and air are fully represented. There are also representations of plants, human and divine figures. Examples of emblems are the bull, the deer, the lion, the cock, the griffin, the dolphin, the seal, the ear of cereal plants, the rose, various human-like divinities etc. The first coins were significant, probably due to their value as objects made of a precious metal. This concept was prevalent among the Greeks, but mostly among the peoples living around the Greek colonies. When coins began to be used as a medium of transaction, those that were mostly used, were those that had been made of simple metal. The so-called dolphins or coins representing fish and made of copper in Olbia, on the Black Sea, were spread among the peoples of the surrounding region, in the beginning of the 6th century BC. Also, the small silver coins found in large quantities in the region of Colchis, the colchika, had been minted in the colony Phasis on the eastern Black Sea. Their content in silver varied to such a degree, that we conclude that they were probably used as currency. http://www.fhw.gr/chronos/04/en/economy/index.html Ancient Greek Coins of Miletus (Notes from the site of Robert J. O’hara) The ancient Greek city of Miletus in Asia Minor, on what is now the west coast of Turkey, was the intellectual and commercial center of the Greek world in the century before Athens rose to prominence. It has been called the birthplace of the modern world. These pages discuss the early history of coinage and describe a collection of ancient coins from Miletus and nearby areas. PAGES: Illustrated table of contents—History and weight standards—The electrum lion coins of the kings of Lydia (1)—The enigmatic “geometric” electrum series (1)—The sixth-century electrum lion coins of Miletus (2)—The electrum and silver lion/scorpion issues (2)—The silver eye-swirl/quincunx fractions (10)—The dotted lion mask series (4)—The archaic twelfth-stater series (18)—The silver Milesian-style lion/bird fractions (13)—The lion-head/lion-scalp series (2)—The fourth-century bronze lion/sun series (2)—The Rhodian silver and bronze Apollo/lion series (4)—Bronze issues of Alexander the Great (2)—The third-century silver and bronze Apollo/lion series (1)—The bronze facing-Apollo coinage (3)—The second-century silver and bronze Apollo/lion issues (3)—The wreathed bronze Apollo/lion series (6)—The bronze Apollo of Didyma series (2)—Puzzles, mysteries, and stylistic influences (4)—References and literature cited—Ancient coin dealers and online resources. Source: http://rjohara.net/coins/

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A common glyptic tradition seems to bind the themes used by early metallic mints in India and in Asia Minor. This is attested by Pallava coins, by the finds of coins from Asia Minor in Karur, Tamilnadu, India and by the early punch-marked coins of India and the glyphs depicted on early coins of Asia Minor, including Thrace, Greece, Crete, Aegina and Macedonia. The vis’vakarma artisan guild tradition and the metal guilds tradition of bharatiyo (= casters of metal -- Gujarati) seems to find their echo not only in the numismatic history of India but also in the early coins of Asia Minor. (This monograph is mirrored at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97/ Entry: Common glyptic themes in Asia Minor/Indian numismatic tradition). Was there an earlier gypsy migration out of India? The key is in the proto-indic lexeme: kavi, semant. 'smith, poet'. (Cognate, kayanian, cf. Christensen, A.,1932, Les Kayanides . Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Sellskab, Hist.-Filos. Meddelelser XIX.2. Copenhagen). In the first millennium BCE, Greece had city-states, just as Bharat had janapadas. (The word, bharatam, occurs as a reference to the nation n R.gveda). Dracham of Aegina island used the standard of 6 gms. While the tetradrachams (four drachams) of Athens used the standard weight of 17.4 gms. (cf. G. Grandjean, 1998, Coins of the Greek World, in: Osmund Bopearachi and Veerakkodi, Eds., Origin, Evolution and Circulation of Foreign Coins in the

Indian Ocean, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, p. 11). An indirect relation between trade and coinage were those of Athens and Thrace, Macedonia – coastal cities which exported silver (not as currency but as valuable artifacts of silver) to the East and to Egypt. Island of Aegina minted silver coins as staters circa 575 BCE. The glyptic design chosen was a turtle, later a tortoise.

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Tortoise is a glyph on a Harappa tablet. A few coins from Asia Minor have been found at Karur, Tamilnadu. One was from Thrace. Metal: Copper; Weight: 1 g.; Obverse: Head of Hermes bound with Taenia; Reverse: Caduceus, the staff of Hermes. The caduceus glyph is comparable to the ‘ma’ glyph on punch-marked coins. A coin from Thessaly found at Karur from the Amaravathi river bed. Metal: Copper; Weight: 1 gm; Obverse: Zeus?; Reverse: Standing ram. Ram is a glyph on many inscribed objects of Sarasvati civilization (so-called Indus inscriptions). Crete saw the development of Minoan civilization (2800-1450 BCE). Crete is an island separating the Aegean Sea from the Libyan Sea. The entire Mediterranean area was served by this island by supplying timber for ship-building activities. A Cretan copper coin weighing 1.6 gms. has been found at Karur which shows a human head on the obverse and a bull on the reverse. Bull is a glyph on many seals and tablets of Sarasvati civilization. Four coins (weighing between 1 gm. to 1.85 gms.) were discovered at Karur, called Rhodian Coins, from Rhodes or Rhodos which is an island in the southeastern part of the Aegean Sea, southwest of Asia Minor. A remarkable glyph of these four coins is the depiction of the glyph of a female head on the obverse and a glyptic paralleling the taberna montana flower on the reverse.

Taberna montana is a glyph found on inscribed objects of Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex and also on Sarasvati epigraphs. That the flower depicted is taberna Montana has been established by DT

Potts by reviewing the glyph which appears on an ivory comb. Taberna montana is called tagaraka in proto-indic; tagaraka is a hair-fragrance (and hence, its depiction on a comb); tagaraka also means ‘tin’, an essential alloying metal with copper to yield bronze. This glyph is also paralleled on a Hasmonean bronze coin also found at Karur.

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“…Indians also may have participated in the trade with the Hellenistic kingdoms. We learn that the Indian sailors were aware of the nature of unseasonable winds (akalavata) and the direct sea route from Barygaza (Barukaccha) in India to Mediterranean was known to them. (Supparaka Jataka IV 138-143, The Jatakas. See also, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. VI, p. 195; a number of Jatakas refer to ‘Sea-voyages, construction of ships, and the dangers to which navigators and passengers were subjected.’ S.R. Rao, 1970, ‘Shipping in Ancient India from the Earliest Times to 600 AD, in Lokesh Chandra (ed., opcit.), p. 92 and KS Ramachandran, 1970, Ancient Indian Maritime Ventures, in Lokesh Chandra, ed. India’s contribution to world thought and culture, Vivekananda Commemoration Volume, Vivekananda Rock Memorial Committee, Madras, pp. 71-82.) Arab and Indian sailors used monsoons ‘as early as the beginning of the 1st millennium BC.’ (Jean-Francois Salles, 1995, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea and the Arab - Persian Gulf, in Marie-Francois Boussac and Jean-Francois Salles, eds., Athens, Aden, Arikamedu: Essays on interrelations between India, Arabia and Eastern Mediterranean, Manohar, Centre de Sciences Humaines, New Delhi, p. 116, n.6). But, Nearchus came to know about the unfavourable nature of South-West monsoon for his return voyage by sea from an Indian. (Arrian, Anabasis, VI, 17, pp. 126-127.) It is again an Indian who is said to have guided the sailor, Eudoxus, when he attempted ‘firect expeditions by sea from Egypt to India’ between 120 and 110 BCE. (George F. Hourani, 1995, Arab seafaring in the Indian ocean in ancient and medieval times, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey, p. 24.) As early as 1924, Lassen called the discovery of monsoon winds ascribed to Hippalus as ‘rediscovery’, since he believed that the movement of south-west monsoon was known to Phoenicians.(Lassen, 1924, History of Indian Commerce, Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. X, p. 232)…trade between the west and India was not a sudden development during early Roman period. It was a gradual process from prehistoric times…Western trade with India was an enterprise in which the prosperous Hellenistic kingdoms, the Phoenicians, Arabs and Indians were involved…The Eastern Mediterranean coast was probably linked to India, apart from well known overlands routes, by three likely routes…The first route may have begun from the Phoenician cities, linked to places like Crete and Rhodes in Greece by sea, and reached Antioch on Orantes. The overland route from Thessaly and Thrace may have joined here. From Antioch, the route may have proceeded to Babylonia or Seleucia on the Tigris (modern Tel Umar) and from there to Charax at the junction of the rivers, Tigris and Eulaeus (Karun). It is from here that the sea route to India may have begun…Obviously, what the author has suggested above could only be tentative due to lack of unassaiblable evidences from archaeological sources.” (R. Krishnamurthy, 2000, Non-Roman ancient foreign coins from Karur in India, Chennai, Garnet Publishers, pp. 88-92). The link from Charax to Meluhha is attested in proto-historic times by the finds of cuneiform texts of Mesopotamian civilization which attest to the trade among Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun and by the presence of artifacts with Sarasvati hieroglyphs and use of a common weight-system across the Persian Gulf states. This hypothesis of continuity of maritime contacts between Meluhha and Asia Minor is validated by the finds of glyptic art themes which are common among Sarasvati hieroglyphs and glyphs impressed on coins of Asia Minor.

The continuity of the tradition which started with bharatiyo, casters of metal, of pre-historic Sarasvati-

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Sindhu river basins is attested by the presence of the Siddham glyph on golden dinara of the historical period (called the As’vamedha coin). (Prashant P. Kulkarni, 2004, As’vamedha: the yajna and the coins, Mumbai, Resha Books International). The Siddham glyph is a clear derivative from the most frequently occurring sign graph of Sarasvati epigraphs: the rim of a narrow-necked jar. It appears that the siddham glyph of this golden dinara coin is comparable to the rim-of-narrow-necked jar which is the most frequent sign used as a Sarasvati hieroglyph: khand. kan-ka (fire altar for kanaka, gold). According to DC Sircar, the earliest representation of siddham symbol is comparable to the s’rivatsa glyph. On many epigraphs of historical periods, the word siddham and svasti at the beginning of inscriptions are commonly found, though siddham gradually came to be represented by a symbol found at the beginning of numerous inscriptions. Among other auspicious symbols, occasionally we have the svastika (Archaeological Survey of South India, Vol. I, Plate 69; Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IV, Plate 49, Nos. 5-7, 9, 11, 13-14), the trident-on-wheel called triratna [ASWI, Vol. IV, Plate 49, Nos. 8, 10, 15; sometimes called nandipada (Rapson's catalogue, p. clxxv), British Museum Catalogue of the Coins of the Andhras, London, 1908], the s'ri_vatsa [together with the svastika symbol at the beginning of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kha_ravela (Select Inscriptions, Plate facing p. 208)], the tree-in-railing (at the end of the Hathigumpha inscription, ibid., Plate facing p. 209), and certain unidentified symbols (ASWI, Vol. IV, Plate 44-- Bhaja No. 7; Plate 45-- Kuda Nos. I,6,16; Plate 46-- Kuda Nos. 20, 22, 24, 26) in early inscriptions (cf. Epigraphica Indica, Vol. XXXIII, p. 247 and Plate facing p. 251)... A man:gala, i.e. a benediction or an auspicious word, at the beginning, in the middle and at the end of a composition was believed to ensure its completion and preservation. The auspicious word siddham is found at the beginning of numerous early records (cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 157, 160, 164, 165, 169, 176, 191, 193, 196, 200, 203, 204, 205; for the contractions sdha and sdhi cf. ibid., pp. 150, 156). This word was in later times generally indicated by a symbol of a varying shape. The symbols was sometimes followed by the auspicious word svasti which, in some cases, stands singly at the beginning of epigraphic records (ibid., p. 331, text line 1; p. 403, text line 1; Epigraphic Indica, Vol. XXVIII, Plate facing p. 62, text line 1). Sometimes the man:gala : siddhir-astu, having the same import as siddham, as also a bigger man:gala sentence beginning with svasty-astu, is found at the end of the documents (cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 298, text line 24; p. 385, text line 41; p. 409, text line 30; p. 327, text line 9; p. 397, text line 8; p. 441, text line 55; p. 455, text line 15). In some cases again a symbol, which is apparently a variant of the siddham sign, appears at the end of a document and, in rare cases, also in the body of its text especially at the end of a section of it (cf. Epigraphica Indica, Vol. III, p. 129, Plate, text lin3 24; Select Inscriptions, p. 457). Besides the siddham symbol, various other auspicious symbols also appear in inscriptions. "An inscribed fragment of a pillar was discovered in the village of Barli in Rajasthan by the late Pt. G.H. Ojha in 1912 (Ojha : Pra_ci_nalipima_la_ (Hindi), p. 2)... the first letter (form: O with a right loop on top) was read as vi_... Dr. K. P. Jayaswal... denied this mark as a sign for long medial i_... dated it to 374-373 B.C. (JBORS, 1930, p. 67-68)... Dr.D.C. Sircar... restores as siddham.. He places the record in the 1st century B.C." (C.S. Upasak, The history and palaeography of Mauryan Bra_mi_ Script, Nalanda, 1960, pp. 185-186).

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A single sign of the Indus script, possibly a sacred symbol to ensure a successful firing was traced on the wet plaster. (J.M. Kenoyer, 2000, opcit., p. 75). Glyptic art themes which parallel the Sarasvati hieroglyphs are found on early punch-marked coins (Dilip Rajgor, 2001, Punch-marked coins of early Historic India, California, Reesha Books International) and on Pallava coins (R. Krishnamurthy, 2004, The Pallava Coins, Chennai, Garnet Publishers). Some of these themes are:

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Boat Bull

S’rivatsa (which is an evolution from the binding of two fishes)

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Conch Snake

Lion /tiger

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Elephant /Tree/Dottd circles

Turtle /Fish

Nave of spoked wheel Corncob Yupa Radiating sun

Two one-horned heifers, deer/antelope

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Svastika

Dotted circles The finds of Pallava coins at Dvaravati of Thailand also attest to the continuing maritime tradition which began with the Sarasvati civilization. Cracking the code of Sarasvati hieroglyphs as rebus representations of proto-indian lexemes related to metallurgists’ repertoire of furnaces, minerals, metals and alloys helps unravel the reasons why some common glyptic themes exist over a vast region spreading from Haifa to Karur. At Haifa, a ship-wreck revealed two pure tin ingots (15 kgs. Each) – surprise! with Sarasvati hieroglyphs: ranku ‘antelope’; ranku ‘liquid measure’; rebus: ranku ‘tin’. The occurrence of common glyptic themes with the choice of images is not merely due to chance but explained by the presence of Meluhhan seafaring metalsmiths, vis’vakarma whose tradition continues even today in Swamimalai (eraka subrahmanya) in Tamilnadu where the cire perdue technique is used to make pancaloha statues using the same technique which was used to make the bronze statues discovered at Mohenjodaro. The evidence for the presence of a Meluhha merchant is presented by a cylinder seal of Metopotamia; the merchant carries an antelope on his hands (a phonetic determinative: mr..eka ‘goat’; rebus: melakkhu, mleccha ‘copper’) and is accompanied by a woman carrying a jar (kanda kanka = rim of a jar; rebus: gold fire-altar). The lexeme, bharatiyo attested in Gujarati is a give away. The semantic is: caster of metals. The gypsy metalsmithy tradition gets its echo in the movement

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of gypsy-speakers out of India to become doma, roma. The same tradition is echoed on many epigraphs of historical periods in India which refer to smiths as naanaa desiya (smiths from many regions); the glyptic themes on punch-marked coins are a pan-Indian phenomenon from Takshasila to Karur. In a search for minerals, tin in particular as an additive mineral to create the bronze alloy, the wandering gypsies of yore had gone far and wide as navigating and roving caravans. This search may explain the presence of Sarasvati hieroglyphs on the glyptic themes of Gundestrup cauldron. There are remarkable parallels between the Sarasvati heiroglyphs and the symbols used on punch-marked coins and on the sign graphs employed on Sohgaura copper plate inscription – which becomes an explanatory Rosetta stone in two scripts: Sarasvati hieroglyphs and brahmi script. Many examples have been taken from coin auction sites. Such a similarity has been noted by many scholars, some also suggested that the devices on punch-marked coins are a survival of the Sarasvati (Harappan) Civilization: Dr. Pran Nath had noticed the resemblance between the signs on punch-marked coins and the Sarasvati epigraphs (Indus inscriptions) and had published his study of punch-marked coins in the British Museum in: Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. vii, 1931, Supplement, pp. 11 f. Bhattacharya, P.N., A hoard of silver punch-marked coins from Purnea, MASI, No. 62, pp. 5ff; Durga Prasad, Classification and significance of the symbols on the silver punch-marked coins of ancient India, JASB, 1934, pp. 217 ff.; Observations on different types of silver punch-marked coins, their period and locale, JASB, 1937, pp. 322 ff.; Suryavamshi, Bhagwan Singh, Interpretation of some symbols of the punch-marked coins, Journal of the Oriental Institute of Baroda, Vol. XII, No. 2, Dec. 1962, pp. 152 ff.; Fabri, C.L., The punch-marked coins: a survival of the Indus civilization, JRAS, 1935, p. 307 ff.; Altekar, AS, Symbols on the copper band in the Patna museum, JNSI, Bombay, Vol. IX, Part II, pp. 88-92. K.N. Dikshit noted in Numismatic Society and United Provinces History Society meetings that certain metal pieces recovered during the excavations at Mohenjo-daro agreed in shape and in weight-system with the punch-marked coins. (Reported by KP Jayaswal in: JRAS, 1935, p. 721). Some excerpts from CL Fabri’s article which appeared in JRAS, 1935 (pp. 307-318) are presented hereunder: “Punch-marked coins are the earliest Indian archaeological ‘document’ that exists,” wrote Mr. EHC Walsh in 1923 in a thorough study of these interesting remains of Indian proto-historic times. (Indian Punch-marked Coins (a Public coinage issued by Authority), in Centenary Supplement, JRAS, 1924, pp. 175-189. At the time when he wrote his article, very litt,e if anything, was known of the freshly discovered prehistoric civilization in the Indus Valley, at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro…Mr. Walsh said in 1923: “Until our present sources of information are added to, the significance of the marks on punch-marked coins must remain the subject of speculation and surmise.”… “The significance of these symbols, however, is of paramount importance. That they have some meaning, no one doubts. It is obvious that a few of them are solar, lunar, and such-like symbols; but these are only a fraction of the great mass. It is not impossible that they hold the clue to early Indian history, and if one day scholars can ‘read’ these signs, they will be

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able, probably, to reconstruct a period of Indian history of which we do not know anything at present. I am writing not to explain these symbols, but to show that the solution of this problem is closely connected with the deciphering of the Indus Valley script. “While going through the signs published in the plates of Cunningham, Theobald, and Walsh, I was immediately struck by certain animal representations. The most frequent ones are those of the humped Indian bull, the elephant, the tiger, the crocodile, and the hare. Now all these animals occur also on the seals of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. Not only are the subjects similar, but there are similarities in such small details that one must necessarily suppose that they are not due to mere chance or to ‘similar working of the human mind’. “Here is, e.g., the surprising identity of subject and execution in Fig. 1 (presented in Punch1.jpg): a crocodile, holding a fish. The large open jaws show the teeth, and the fish is not shown between them, but in a somewhat peculiar way, ‘hanging’ as it were just in front of the mouth. Not only is the subject similar, but both animals face right, and a number of small details agree perfectly. “Both the humped and the non-humped bull are represented in Mohenjo-daro. The same is the case with the punch-marks. Fig. 2 (presented in Punch1.jpg) shows a ‘European’ bull before a ‘trough’ facing right. The parallel from Mohenjo-daro also faces right, and has a trough in exactly the same position as its late descendant. The humped bull occurs in many varieties, and we reproduce only one, in Fig. 3 (presented as Punch1.jpg), with an equivalent from the Indus Valley opposite it. “Elephants are represented in Fig. 5 (presented as Punch2.jpg); they never occur with a trough on coins, and in Mohenjo-daro, as far as I am aware of it, there is only one single seal where a trough is put before an elephant. Another remarkable agreement in detail. In Fig. 4 (presented as Punch1.jpg) humped bull is standing before or next to a tree or plant; a well-known element in the prehistoric civilizations of India and Mesopotamia. The two examples given will suffice to show that the old tradition was kept alive up to proto-historic times. Nor is the motif of the ‘Tiger and Sacred Tree’ unknown on the punched coins; Fig. 6 (presented as Punch2.jpg) presents what must be a tiger before a Sacred Tree in a railing. The parallel seal of Mohenjo-daro shows a tree, on a branch, of which a figure is seen – probably the Tree Spirit. Last but not the least, out of the many punch-marks that could be shown here, we reproduce in Fig. 7 (presented as Punch2.jpg) one more bull of the surprising similarity of the general arrangement with that of the Indus seals: a bull facing right; before him a trough, consisting of an upper and a lower portion; and, in the upper left corner, a ‘pictogram’, or, anyhow, all that is left of an old tradition! All these are placed in a square area, and the whole must strike everyone as a survival of the old seals. “Less convincing will be the representation of the hare as seen in Fig. 8 (presented in Punch2.jpg). No small details agree here, but the fact remains that the symbol of this animal appealed to the inhabitants of Mohenjo-daro as well as to those of proto-historic India. And if none of the above examples would carry persuasion if it stood alone, the sum total of the comparisons is certainly impressive… “We are able to recognize a large number of Indus script pictograms among the punch-marks published by previous writers – too large a number, indeed, to ascribe it to mere coincidence. It is well known that the ru_pas on the punch-marked coins are very numerous,

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and out of them I have selected only thirty-six that show a remarkable similarity to Indus Valley pictograms. “Here is the ‘fish-sign’, our Fig. 9 (presented in Punch3.jpg) found in three different varieties among the punch-marks, and in a number of similar ‘diacritic’ varieties in the Indus script (Nos. 331, 341 of the Sign Manual – from Mohenjo-daro, vol. iii). Fig. 10 (presented in Punch3.jpg) shows a collection of the ‘man-sign’; it will be seen that both in the punched coins and at Mohenjo-daro distinction is made among men with arms hanging down or raised, a man carrying an object, and a row of men holding each other’s hands (No. 371; cp. Also seal with six men, pl. cxvi, 1 or cxviii,7). It seems to me that all these little details must strike everyone as something more than accidental agreement. “The arrow sign (Fig. 11) has its counterpart in Indus sign No. 324; that an arrow is meant with this pictogram is evident from Sign No. 378, which I have added for ready reference. The mountain symbol is well known in punch-marks…; the Mohenjo-daro sign No. 157 (copied from seal 495, pl. cxiv) is as near an equivalent as possible. Our Fig. 13 shows the perfectly identical ‘comb-signs’; they have seven ‘teeth’ both in the Indus script and in the punch-mark. Fig. 14 is a very frequent symbol and coule be termed the ‘thunderbolt’ or ‘axe’ sign. (For this explanation see Contenau, Manuel, vol. I, figs. 144 and 145, and compare with these Theobald’s fig. 166). The whole illustrations, Figs. 9 to 14, presents a remarkable collection of similarities that would be difficult to explain as separate invention. “Fig. 15 (presented in Punch4.jpg) shows five different square punch signs with their pictographic equivalents, and Fig. 16 five round signs which all agree entirely in such minor details as the dots in the four compartments (No. 301), or the number of spokes in Nos. 73 and 77. I do not see how such differences can be explained by any other surmise but that they are ‘diacritic’ marks, or different pictograms; the squares certainly are neither lunar nor solar symbols. Then follows the so-called ‘taurine’ symbol (or is it a moon and a sun together?), the equivalent of which is probably No. 99 or 217 in the Indus script. Our Fig. 18 shows again two perfectly identical pictograms, the Mohenjo-daro sign being No. 200 of the Manual. “Birds are among the symbols shown upon punch-marked coins, either in a semicircle or as flying above a mountain (Fig. 19); there are quite a number of signs in the Indus script representing birds, and we reproduce here only two, viz., Nos. 364 and 355 of the List. Plants are figured rather similarly in Fig. 20; a ‘staff’ of three circles united in the middle or on the sides is a peculiar sign shown in Fig. 21. The snake is a symbol both on the coins and in the Indus script (No. 192). Figs, 23-4 show crosses of different description; but 23 will seem to be more convincing than the far-spread and common symbols of the cross and the svastika_. However, Nos. 25-6 show again two such peculiar signs that their invention cannot be easily be ascribed to mere coincidence. It will be seen that they have perfect equivalents in the Indus script in Nos. 53 and 178. “Bu certainly the most convincing one in this whole mass of evidence is the sign shown in Fig. 27 (presented in Punch5.jpg). The three signs in the left half of the drawing are ONE SINGLE PUNCH-MARK, and shown in Theobald’s plates as fig. 55. Their equivalents in the Indus script are shown in the right-hand compartment. It is obvious that none of the rather simple explanations offered for punch-marks by my predecessors can give a satisfactory

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interpretation to such a ru_pa. The fact is that we have here to do with a regular pictographic inscription, the significance of which must have been evident to all merchants, shroffs, and moneylenders… “There is another point worth mentioning. The seals, after all, were also a kind of instrument by means of which an impression was made. The same is the case with punching tool by means of which these punch-marks were made on the metal. Moreover, a number of copper plates have been found at Mohenjo-daro with signs similar to those of the seals; consequently, the same material has been used there already as in later times for the punch-marked coins. The question arises anew, whether the seals or sealings of the Indus Valley were intended to represent money, or, anyhow, some forerunner of currency, replacing barter. To this question, however, I feel unable to give a reply. But I must say that it does not seem impossible to me that these sealings were a sort of I.O.U. One cannot exclude this possibility, especially if we consider that a large number of early Mesopotamian documents were of a commercial character. “All these problems can only be solved when the Indus Valley script is deciphered. Our present paper does not bring this problem any nearer to its solution. Not is it intended to do so. It is intended to draw attention afresh to the early coinage of India as a survival of prehistoric Indian civilization. “There remains only one point to be dealt with. It is the question whether one can suppose that these signs could have survived 2,000 years or more. The answer is in the most emphatical affirmative. A large number of signs of Mesopotamia have remained practically unchanged for 2,500 years; here is our own capital alphabet, practically the same as was 2,000 years ago that of the Romans; the symbols of the zodiac are unaltered since 4,000 years; and there is Chinese writing, although slightly changed, still surviving after 3,000 years. The life of symbols, once accepted, is almost unlimited. The sand-glass, although used only as an egg-boiler now, is still the symbol of Time as it was in Athens 2,500 years ago; the Cross still has a sacred meaning for us; a sword is a symbol of war, and a palm-branch that of peace; even an illiterate person will understand that a heart means love and anchor hope, although this symbolism would not be quite as evident in another civilization. “And who knows, how old some of the punch-marked coins may be? In 327 BC Alexander the Great was already presented at Taxila with 80 Talents of this silver coinage. Cunningham says: ‘They were certainly current in the time of Buddha, that is, in the sixth century BC. But I see no difficulty in thinking that they might mount as high as 1,000 BC. They certainly belong to the very infancy of coinage.’ (Op. laux., p. 43). “We should like to add now that, in our opinion, they preserve a number of pictograms and symbols of the prehistoric period that preceded the Aryan invasion. (Sir Richard Burton kindly draws my attention to the fact that some of the symbols in the present article persist even on Muhammadan coins down to the eighteenth century. This is another good proof in fvour of my thesis that symbols have a very long life. If these symbols have been in use in historical times since about 600 BC up to AD 1800, then there is no reason to doubt that they could have lived two thousand years earlier already.) – January 1934. Source for Theoboald’s study: Notes on some of the symbols found on the punch-marked coins of Hindustan, in JASB, lix, pt.i, Nos. iii-iv, 1890.

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The arguments of Fabri are strong indeed to aver continuity of the writing system which evolved on Sarasvati epigraphs into the historical periods represented by the punch-marked coins. A remarkable feature of the punch-marked coins listed in a Catalogue of the British Museum (as coins issued by native rulers from the earliest times to about 300 CE) is that they come from all parts of Bharat. The majority of the weights of the punch-marked silver coins fall between 51.5 and 52.5 grains; some specimens are also found to be 54 grains and 50 grains. “The find spots…The first is in the extreme north-west: Peshawar, Taxila, Thatta, Shahpur, and Kangra. The second belongs to the Ganges valley: Indor Khera, Pa_d.ham, Paila, Etawa, Sankisa, Chiriyakot, Mirzapur, Ballia, Patna, Trogna, Belwa, Bodh Gaya, and Bhagalpur…In the west we have a third group: Palanpur, Tambavati Nagari, Jhalra Patan, Sarangpur, Besnagar, and Eran – in southern Rajputana and Malwa, the area between the Aravalli and Vindya mountains, drained by tributaries of the Jumna. The Hingaghat, Thaithari, Karimnagar, and Bimlipatan finds belong to the basin of the Godavari. The Kolhapur, Coimbatore, and Trichinopoli finds appear rather isolated in the south, although the two last are not so remote from each other. This tells us little more than that punch-marked coins are found in what were in ancient times also the most important and thickly populated parts of India.” (John Allan, 1936, Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum, London, British Museum, pp. liv to lv). See map after Dr. Dilip Rajgor on findspots of punch-marked coin hoards: http://www215.pair.com/sacoins/public_html/maps_chronology.htm]

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Sangam age ports A remarkable evidence of continuity of the hieroglyphs of Sarasvati civilization is provided by Sangam Age coins (dated to circa 300 BCE to 300 CE). Some scholars date the Sangam Age to c. 1000 BCE. Almost every glyph used on the coins is a legacy from Sarasvati hieroglyphs. "Muziris or Musiri (Kodungalur/Cranganore), Tondi (Kadalundi/Ponnani), Marandai, Naravu (Naura and Nitriyas, of the Greek writers), Balita (Varkkalai) and Porkad (Bakare) were the principal ports of the Cheras. Kaver-pum-pattinam (Khaberis), also known as Puhar, in the East Coast was the chief port of the Cholas until it was ubmerged, like Dwaraka of Mahabharata times, by the encroaching sea…The Pandyas had about three ports on the East Coast and they were, Korkai, Saliyur and Kaiyal…Mamular, a Sangam period poet mentions about the Magadhan capital, Pataliputra. He also refers to the treasures hidden in the river Ganga by the Nandas, the predecessors of Mauryas…The IInd and XIIIth rock edicts of Asoka Maurya (273-232 BCE) refers to Chola, Pandya, Satiyaputa (Satyaputra) and Keralaputa (Keralaputra or Chera)…Kharavela, the king of Kalinga (modern Orissa) in his Hathigumpha inscription (c. 155 BCE) boasts about his destruction of a large league of Tamil states, said to be 113 years old (155 + 113 = 268 BCE), at the time of the inscription." (pp. 5-9) Pandya coin 1 with Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Plate I, coin 1): silver, 1.1 X 1.1 cm. 1.4 gms. Obverse: The first symbol is Sun symbol with 12 rays. Second is six armed symbol or sadarachakra. Its structure is a circle with a dot on the centre and on the outside border there are three arrow heads and taurines placed alternatively. Third is a stupa like symbol. (kot.hagara like the glyph shown on Sohgaura copper plate). Fourth is a tree without railing. The fifth is a trisul wit an axe. Reverse: stylized fish symbol.

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Pandya coin 2 with Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Plate I, coin 2): silver, 1.3 X 1.5 cms. 2.46 gms. Obverse: the first symbol is sun. Second is sadarachakra or the six armed symbol. Its structure is a circle with a dot in the centre. Around the circle four out of six arms are seen. Arrow head and dumb-bell (taurines) alternate each other. The third symbol is a dog, seizing a young hare or rabbit. The fourth symbol is a square tank and within that are four square tanks. Out of the four, two tanks have taurine symbols and other two have fish symbols. The fifth is a duck. Reverse: Stylised fish symbol. The stylized fish symbol is comparable to the Sarasvati hieroglyph of a fish ligatured with an inverted V sign ^ on top. (The inverted V sign ^ also appears on the Dholavira sign-board inscription). Tortoise symbol is seen on the silver punch-marked coin hoards found in Amaravathi, Mambalam, Venbavur, Veerasigamani, Kauniankuttai, Taxila. Pandya coin 29 with Sarasvati hieroglyphs (Plate 3, coin 29): copper, 1.8 X 1.7 cm. 6.8 gms. Obverse: On the top left side a three arched hill; on the central portion five pillared structure (like the kos.t.hagara of Sohgaura copper plate), a three arched hill with a U-shaped graph above; in the lower portion on the left side a stylized standard device, an emephant and a tree in railing. Reverse: stylized fish symbol. Krishnamurthy compares the glyphs on Pandya coins with the glyphs shown on Audumbara Coin 5 (KK Dasgupta, A tribal history of Ancient India, p. 57). The Audumbara coin has on the obverse a tree in railing, an elephant facint it and a legend in Kharoshthi script. The reverse of the coin shows a three tiered structure and a trisula with an axe on the left and a legend in Brahmi script. The coin is assigned to c. 200 to 100 BCE. Chera coin 95. glyphs: tree, elephant, river, fishes, hill, standard, axe, six spokes, s'ankha Chola coin 277. glyphs: dotted circle, taurines, double-axe, elephant, tree, hill, river, fishes Source: R. Krishnamurthy, 1997, Sangam Age Tamil coins, Madras, Garnet Publications.

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Audumbara coin with 5 Sarasvati hieroglyphs Chera coin with Sarasvati hieroglyphs Chola coin with Sarasvati

hieroglyphs Pandya coins with Sarasvati hieroglyphs

Pandya coin with Sarasvati hieroglyphs bull, taurine, hill, tree, tortoises An average of five punches, of five symbols each, are found on the obverse of many coins, with another group of four punches are found on the reverse of some coins. Sohgaura copper plate inscription as a survival of Sarasvati hieroglyphs and writing system.

The Sohgaura copper plate refers to a pair of kos.t.ha_ga_ra (dva_ra kot.t.haka); the two storehouses described as tri-garbha (i.e. having three rooms) are illustrated on line 1. (Fleet, JRAS, 1907). The illustrations indicate that the three rooms are in three storeys, with supporting pillars clearly seen. The inscription refers to the junction of three highways named Manavati, in two villages called Dasilimita and Usagama. The storehouses were made

at this junction for the goods of people using the highways, which are indicated in line 3 by mentioning the three places to and from which they led. One of the names give is reognized by Fleet as Chanchu. (Fleet, JRAS, 63, 1894 proceedings, 86, plate, IA 25. 262; cf. Sohgaura copper plate/B.M. Barua. The Indian Historical Quarterly, ed. Narendra Nath Law. Reprint. 41) Some glyphs on line 1: kut.hi = tree; rebus: kut.hi = smelting furnace; kos.t.ha_ga_ra = storehouse; s'u_la = spear; cu_l.a = kiln; kan.d.kanka = rim of jar; rebus: copper furnace; bat.a = quail; rebus: kiln. The top line is a set of hieroglyphs (from left to right). Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’ Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara) Spear = cu_la; rebus: cu_lha ‘furnace’ Mountain-summit = ku_t.amu ; rebus : ku_t.a ‘workshop’ Wide-mouthed pot on mountain-summit = bat.i; rebus: bat.hi ‘furnace’)

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Rim of jar = kan.d.; rebus: kand. ‘fire-altar’ Tree = kut.i; rebus: kut.hi ‘smelter, furnace’ Bird on branch: bat.a ‘quail’; rebus: bat.a ‘furnace’; d.a_l. ‘branch of tree’; rebus: d.ha_l.ako ‘large metal ingot’ [The glyptic composition refers to a kut.hi which can produce metal ingots] Warehouse = kot. (kos.t.hagara) The brahmi epigraph on the lines following the top line refers to two kos.t.hagara set up for itinerant merchants (smiths?) at the junction of three roads. Some devices used on punch-marked coins also occur as the first line of the Sohgaura copper plate inscription. ( Fleet, J.F., The inscription on the Sohgaura Plate, JRAS, 1907, pp. 509-532; B.M. Barua, Sohgaura copper plate, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, 41). Sohgaura or Soghaura is a village on the right bank of River Rapti, about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur. The plate measures 2 ½ X 1 7/8 inches. The copper plate was cast in a mould. The writing is NOT incised, but in bold, high relief. (JRAS 1907, p. 527). “In the first place, this archaeological find affords the oldest known and clear example of the use of a copper-plate as a material for writing, especially for inscribing a record in Brahmi characters…Secondly, the record has its uniqueness and importance for the standard of Brahmi characters which it presents, the standard which, in the opinion of Dr. Fleet, ‘refers it to at any rate an early date in the Maurya period, BC 320 to about 180’… Non-religious nature of sign graphs on Sohgaura copper plate “Lastly, with regard to its subject-matter, the inscription is found to be a public notification about the judicious use of certain things in two storehouses by persons carrying on traffic along the high roads leading to S’ra_vasti, or it may be, by persons carrying on traffic by all the three kinds of vehicles along the high roads, in times of urgent need…What we owe to Dr. Fleet’s study of the nature of the devices (used on the top line of the copper plate) is the recognition in all of them a significance other than that of religious symbols. To quote him in his words: ‘Two of them obviously represent the storehouses themselves, which are shown as shed with double roofs. The lower roof in each case is supported by four rows of posts; and these perhaps stand for four rows of posts, the front posts hiding, those behind them. In the other devices I recognize, not religious emblems, Buddhist or otherwise, -- (I mean, not religious emblems employed here as such), -- nor Mangalas, auspicious symbols, but the arms of the three towns mentioned in L3 of the record.’…” (BM Barua, 1929, The Sohgaura copper-plate inscription, ABORI, vol. 11, 1929, pp. 31-48). The text of the inscription (which is considered by some to of pre-Mauryan days, i.e. circa 4th century BCE) refers to some famine relief measures and notifies the establishment of two public storehouses at a junction of three great highways of vehicular traffic to meet the needs of persons (apparently merchants and metal-workers) using these roads. The first line which is full of glyphs or devices should relate to the inscription and the facilities provided to the traders. Next to the symbol of the kos.t.haagaara is a s’u_la (spear). This is phonetically cuula ‘kiln’ for metals to be heated and copper/bronze/brass vessels and tools, worked on by metalsmiths. Similarly, the first glyph of a tree on a platform can be read as kuti ‘tree’;

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another word kuti in Santali means a ‘furnace’ for melting metals. The other devices are: three peaks mounted by a rimless pot, a rim of a jar, a tree branch with a bird perched on top. These can also be explained in the context of Sarasvati heiroglyphs and the context of metals/minerals-trade. The second symbol from the left and the second symbol from the right may refer to a kos.t.haagaara. Ko.s.thaagaara is a pair of storehouses are referred to by this name in the Sohgaura plaque inscription, and illustrated on the same plaque (Fleet, The tradition about the corporeal relics of Buddha, JRAS, 1907, pp. 341-363: I find a mention of a place named Chanchu, which I take to be the same one, in the Sohgaura plate (JASB, 63, 1894. proceedings, 86, plate; IA, 25. 262). That record, as I understand it, is a public notification relating to three great highways of vehicular traffic…It notifies that at the junction, named Manavasi, of the three roads, in two villages named Dasilimata and Usagama, storehouses were made for the goods of people using the roads. It indicates the roads by mentioning in line 3, the three places to and from which they led; as regards the junction of them.). They are described as trigarbha, having three rooms; Fleet discusses this at length, but it is evident from the illustrations that these rooms are on three storeys, for the storehouses are represented as small three-storeyed pavilions; it is true that the roof of the top storey is "out of the picture," but its supporting pillars can be clearly eeen. For another use of garbha as designating chambers of a many-storeyed building, see Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Indian Architectural Terms, Journal of the American Oriental

Society, Vol. 48, no. 3, SEPT 1928, pp.250-275. The devices on the top line of the Sohgaura copper plate can be read rebus as hieroglyphs, as in the case of Sarasvati hieroglyphs: 1. tree, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 2. tree twigs, kut.i (as smelting furnace); 3. cup, bat.i (as a furnace for melting iron ore); 4. bird, bat.a (as iron or metal); 4. two kos.t.ha_ga_ra (as storehouses), comparable to a sign graph with four posts used on Sarasvati epigraphs (so called Indus inscriptions); three mountains with a U graph on top summit. The presence of furnace facilities for working with metal tools in the two warehouses can be explained in the context of the types of conveyances, parts of which may require mending and to work/tinker on metallic articles and wares of itinerant merchants who need such publicly provided facilities in times of emergency as the s’a_sana in Brahmi writing notes. kut.hi kut.a, kut.i, kut.ha a tree (Kaus'.); kud.a tree (Pkt.); kur.a_ tree; kar.ek tree, oak (Pas;.)(CDIAL 3228). kut.ha, kut.a (Ka.), kudal (Go.) kudar. (Go.) kut.ha_ra, kut.ha, kut.aka = a tree (Skt.lex.) kut., kurun: = stump of a tree (Bond.a); khut. = id. (Or.) kut.a, kut.ha = a tree (Ka.lex.) gun.d.ra = a stump; khun.t.ut = a stump of a tree left in the ground (Santali.lex.) kut.amu = a tree (Te.lex.) kut.i, ‘smelting furnace’ (Mundari.lex.).kut.hi, kut.i (Or.; Sad. kot.hi) (1) the smelting furnace of the blacksmith; kut.ire bica duljad.ko talkena, they were feeding the furnace with ore; (2) the name of e_kut.i has been given to the fire which, in lac factories, warms the water bath for softening the lac so that it can be spread into sheets; to make a smelting furnace; kut.hi-o of a smelting furnace, to be made; the smelting furnace of the blacksmith is made of mud, cone-shaped, 2’ 6” dia. At the base and 1’ 6” at the top. The hole in the centre, into which the mixture of charcoal and iron ore is poured, is about 6” to 7” in dia. At the base it has two

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holes, a smaller one into which the nozzle of the bellow is inserted, and a larger one on the opposite side through which the molten iron flows out into a cavity (Mundari.lex.) cf. kan.d.a = furnace, altar (Santali.lex.) kut.i = a woman water-carrier (Te.lex.) kut.i = to drink; drinking, beverage (Ta.); drinking, water drunk after meals (Ma.); kud.t- to drink (To.); kud.i to drink; drinking (Ka.); kud.i to drink (Kod.); kud.i right, right hand (Te.); kut.i_ intoxicating liquor (Skt.)(DEDR 1654). The bunch of twigs = ku_di_, ku_t.i_ (Skt.lex.) ku_di_ (also written as ku_t.i_ in manuscripts) occurs in the Atharvaveda (AV 5.19.12) and Kaus'ika Su_tra (Bloomsfield's ed.n, xliv. cf. Bloomsfield, American Journal of Philology, 11, 355; 12,416; Roth, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 98) denotes it as a twig. This is identified as that of Badari_, the jujube tied to the body of the dead to efface their traces. (See Vedic Index, I, p. 177). bat.i = a furnace for melting iron-ore (Santali.lex.) bhat.t.hi_ = [Skt. bhr.s.ti frying; fr. bhrasj to fry] a kiln, a furnace; an oven; a smith’s forge; a stove; the fireplace of a washer-man;a spirit still; a distillery; a brewery (G.lex.) bat.i = a metal cup or basin; bhat.i = a still, a boiler, a copper; dhubi bhat.i = a washerman’s boiler; jhuli bhat.i = a trench in the ground used as a fireplace when cooking has to be done for a large number of people (Santali.lex.) bat.a = a quail, or snipe, coturuix coturnix cot; bon.d.e bat.a = a large quail; dak bat.a = the painted stripe, rostraluta benghalensis bengh; gun.d.ri bat.a = a small type, coloured like a gun.d.ri (quail); ku~k bat.a = a medium-sized type; khed.ra bat.a = the smallest of all; lan.d.ha bat.a = a small type (Santali.lex.) bat.ai, (Nag.); bat.er (Has.); [H. bat.ai or bat.er perdix olivacea; Sad. bat.ai] coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain-quail; two other kinds of quail are called respectigely: hur.in bat.ai and gerea bat.ai (Mundari.lex.) vartaka = a duck (Skt.) batak = a duck (G.lex.) vartika_ = quail (RV.); wuwrc partridge (Ash.); barti = quail, partridge (Kho.); vat.t.aka_ quail (Pali); vat.t.aya (Pkt.); bat.t.ai (N.)(CDIAL 11361). varta = *circular object; *turning round (Skt.); vat.u = twist (S.)(CDIAL 11346) bat.er = quail (Ku.B.); bat.ara, batara = the grey quail (Or.)(CDIAL 11350). bat.ai = to divide, share (Santali) [Note the glyphs of nine rectangles divided.] bat.a; rebus, bat.a ‘iron’ bat.a = a kind of iron (G.lex.) bhat.a = a furnace, a kiln; it.a bhat.a a brick kiln (Santali) This note has presented two continuities from Sarasvati civilization: 1. use of punches to mark devices on punch-marked coins and 2. use of copper plate to convey message related to an economic transaction. This continuity of tradition is linked by the metallurgical tradition of s’reni/artisan guilds working with metals, minerals and furnaces to create copper/bronze artifacts and terracotta or s’ankha bangles and ornaments of silver, copper or semi-precious stones such as agate, carnelian or lapis lazuli. The code of the writing system which was employed on Sarasvati hieroglyphs with 5 or 6 sign graphs constituting an inscription, is the same code which was employed on devices of punch-marked coins (produced in mints belonging to guilds) and on

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copper plate s’a_s’ana-s or historical periods of pre-mauryan times in India, like the evidence presented by Sohgaura copper plate. Since this plate contains a Brahmi inscription, this constitutes a Rosetta stone to explain the meanings of the sign graphs or glyphs employed on the top line of the plate in the context of the facilities provided in two warehouses to traveling caravan merchants or rive-faring merchants.

Ancient India Coinage

Silver karshapana of the Mauryan Empire

A hill, a bull and an elephant

Mauryan Empire, 3rd century BC

Northern India

The first coinages of India used the same technology as the

bent bars of the north-west regions, that is, pieces of

silver, of any shape but of a specific weight, were struck with punches on one side. The

earliest coins show great regional variation in design and in the number of punches used,

but under the Mauryans smaller round or square coins with five random punch marks

became standard. These coins circulated well beyond Mauryan borders; they have been

excavated at sites from northern Afghanistan to Sri Lanka. In Indian texts they are called

karshapana.

Two of the punches are always a sun and a six-armed symbol. The other three may include

representations of plants, animals, auspicious or religious symbols and everyday objects.

This coin, for example has a tree on a hill, a bull and the rear part of an elephant. According

to the Indian text Visuddhimagga, these marks enabled a money changer to know who

issued each coin and where it was struck.

P.L. Gupta and T.R. Hardaker, Ancient Indian silver punchmar (Nasik, 1985)

J. Williams (ed.), Money: a history (London, The British Museum Press, 1997) http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/cm/s/silver_karshapana_of_the_maury.aspx The first documented coinage is deemed to start with 'Punch Marked' coins issued between the 7th-6th century BC and 1st century AD. These coins are called 'punch-marked' coins because of their manufacturing technique. Mostly made of silver, these bear symbols, each

of which was punched on the coin with a separate punch. Punch Marked Coin, Silver Bentbar Issued initially by merchant Guilds and later by States, the coins represented a trade currency belonging to a period of intensive trade activity and urban development. They are broadly classified into two periods : the first period (attributed to the Janapadas or small local states) and the second period (attributed to the Imperial Mauryan period). The motifs found on these coins

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were mostly drawn from nature like the sun, various animal motifs, trees, hills etc. and some were geometrical symbols.

Description Obverse Reverse

Seven Symbols

Five Symbols

Five Symbols

Representative Symbols appearing on Punch Marked Coins

Description Coin

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Asmaka Janapada

Imperial Series

Imperial Series

Imperial Series

Silver Punchmarked Coins Satavahana

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The Satavahanas were the early rulers of the region between the rivers, Godavari and the Krishna. They were also referred to as the Andhras. They soon brought under their control, both the Western-Deccan and Central India. The dates of their coming in to power are contentious and are variously put between 270 BC to 30 BC. Their coins were predominantly of copper and lead, however, silver issues are also known. These coins carried the motifs of fauna like elephants, lions, bulls, horses, etc. often juxtaposed against motifs from nature like hills, tree, etc. The silver coins of the Satavahanas carried portraits and bilingual legends, which were inspired by the Kshatrapa types.

Coins of the Satavahana Western Kshatrapa The term Western Kshatraps alludes to the set of rulers who ruled Western India between the 1st and 4th Century AD. The legends on the coins were generally in Greek and Brahmi. Kharoshti too was used. The Western Kshatrap coins are reckoned to be the earliest coins bearing dates. The common copper coins are the 'bull and hill' and the 'elephant and hill' types.

Description Obverse Reverse

Rudrasimha I, 180-196 AD

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Viradaman, 234-238 AD

Coins of the Western Kshatrapas Other Coins In the interregnum between the fall of the Maurayans and the rise of the Guptas various tribal republics in the Punjab and monarchies in the Indo-Gangetic plain issued coins. Most coins were issued in Copper. The coins of the Yaudheyas were influenced in design and motif by the coins of the Kushans. They followed the weights of the Indo-bacterian rulers.

Coin of the Yaudheyas Gupta Gupta coinage (4th-6th centuries AD) followed the tradition of the Kushans, depicting the king on the obverse and a deity on the reverse; the deities were Indian and the legends were in Brahmi. The earliest Gupta coins are attributed to Samudragupta, Chandragupta II and Kumaragupta and their coins often commemorate dynastic succession as well as significant socio-political events, like marriage alliances, the horse sacrifice, etc (King and queen type of coin of Chandragupta 1, Asvamedha type, etc.), or for that matter artistic and personal accomplishments of royal members (Lyrist, Archer, Lion-slayer etc.).

Description Obverse Reverse

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King as Horseman

King as Lion Slayer

King & Queen Type

Fan-Tailed Peacock

Coins of the Guptas Post-Gupta Coinage Post-Gupta coinage (6th-12th centuries AD), is represented by a monotonous and aesthetically less interesting series of dynastic issues including those of Harsha (7th century AD, Kalachuri of Tripuri (11th century AD) and early medieval Rajputs (9th-12th centuries AD). Gold coins struck between this period are rare. These were revived by Gangeyadeva the Kalachuri ruler who issued the 'Seated Lakshmi Coins' which were copied by later rulers both in gold as well as in debase form. The Bull & Horseman type of coins were the most common motif appearing on coins struck by the Rajput clans. In western India, imported coins like the Byzantine solidi were often used reflecting trade with the Eastern Roman Empire.

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Description Obverse Reverse

Seated Lakshmi

Bull & Horseman

South Indian Coinage

The symbols and motifs on South Indian coin issues were confined to dynastic crests such as the boar (Chalukya), bull (Pallava), tiger (Chola), fish (Pandya and Alupas), bow and arrow (Cheras) and lion (Hoysala) etc. The Yadavas of Devagiri issued 'Padmatankas' with an eight-petalled lotus on the obverse and a blank reverse. Coin legends refer to names or titles of the issuer in local scripts and languages. Decorative features are rare and divinities are almost absent till the medieval Vijayanagar period (14th - 16th centuries AD).

Description Obverse Reverse

Coins of the Cheras 11th - 13th Centuries

Coins of the Cheras 11th - 13th Centuries

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Coins of the Cholas 9th - 13th Centuries

Coins of the Alupas of Udipi 11th - 13th Centuries

Padmatankas, Coins of the Yadavas of Devagiri 12th - 14th Centuries

http://www.rbi.org.in/currency/museum/c-ancient.html Audumbura coin

Pandya coins Chera coins

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Ujjain Jeweller’s 6 in. square seal (Showing three-peaks and vedika glyphs)

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Ancient and Medieval Indian Coins from an auction site @ www.AncientCoins.ca

RARE and superb! Earliest large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara (ca.600-500 BC) - FIRST Indian coin issue every struck! Long concave silver bar, 41mm long, 10mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.5 grams. Rajgor 540-545 var. Stock #24211 US$ 230.00

RARE and superb! Earliest large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara (ca.600-500 BC) - FIRST Indian coin issue every struck! Long concave silver bar, 41mm long, 10mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.5 grams. Rajgor 540-545 var. Stock #24210. US$ 225.00

RARE and superb! Earliest large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara (ca.600-500 BC) - FIRST Indian coin issue every struck! Long concave silver bar, 38mm long, 11mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.2 grams. Rajgor 540-545 var. Stock #24209. US$ 210.00

RARE and superb! Earliest large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara (ca.600-500 BC) - FIRST Indian coin issue every struck! Long concave silver bar, 37mm long, 11mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.5 grams. Rajgor 540-545 var. Stock #24212. US$ 240.00

Rare and superb silver cup-shaped 1/8th shatamana (shana) from Gandhara Janapada, ca.500-400 BC. Punchmark (6-armed Gandharan symbol with a dot between two of the arms) / blank. 15mm, 1.5 grams. Rare. Rajgor 578. Stock #24243.US$ 60.00 SOLD US$ 46.00

Rare! Early punch silver drachm, Kasala Kingdom, ca.600-470 BC. Irregular flat silver plachet. Number of various punched symbols / Various punch symbols. Nice quality metal. Rare pre-Maurian silver. 20x16mm, 3.0grams. Stock #24220.

First issue HUGE silver karshapana, Bhattiya to Ajatashatru (ca.550-461 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / Blank. HUGE silver sqaure planchet, rare 1st issue karshapana. 21x20mm, 3.4 grams. Gupta and Hadraker I XIV A 1 (#165). Stock #24208. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

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First issue HUGE silver karshapana, Bhattiya to Ajatashatru (ca.550-461 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / Blank. HUGE silver sqaure planchet, rare 1st issue karshapana. 22x25mm, 3.4 grams. Gupta and Hadraker I XXXVI A 2 (#259). Stock #24207. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

Extremely rare! Second issue HUGE silver karshapana, times of Uddayina (ca.461-445 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / blank. Large silver planchet, rare 2ndissue karshapana. 24x20mm, 3.5 grams. Gupta and Hadraker II IX A 2 (#281). Stock #24206. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

Rare early punch silver drachm, Magadha Kingdom, Successors of Ajatashatru (462 - 414 BC). 22mm. Irregular flat silver planchet. Traces of at least 9 punched symbols including: 2 suns; 6-armed symbol; elephant; dog surrounded by taurine symbols /Various bankers marks. VF, nice metal. Very nice and large! Rare pre-Maurian silver. These high quality large karshapanas are very rare and fairly expensive. Mitchiner ACW 3997v.; Gupta/Hardaker ISPC 305 var. Stock #23547.

Silver drachm of Ashoka (ca.272-232 BC), Mauryan Empire. Square punch drachm. Various marks and Ashoka's royal symbol / Ashoka's royal symbol. G/H-557. 11x16mm, 3.0grams. VF. Stock #23995.

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RARE and superb! Earliest large silver shatamana (double siglos or bent bar) issue, Gandhara (ca.600-500 BC) - FIRST Indian coin issue every struck! Long concave silver bar, 37mm long, 11mm wide, struck with a 6-armed Gandharan symbol on each end. 11.5 grams. Rajgor 540-545 var. Stock #24212. http://www.ancientcoins.ca/india.html

Rare and superb silver cup-shaped 1/8th shatamana (shana) from Gandhara Janapada, ca.500-400 BC. Punchmark (6-armed Gandharan symbol with a dot between two of the arms) / blank. 15mm, 1.5 grams. Rare. Rajgor 578. Stock #24243.

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Early punch silver drachm, Kasala Kingdom, ca.600-470 BC. Irregular flat silver plachet. Number of various punched symbols / Various punch symbols. Nice quality metal. Very nice and large! Rare pre-Maurian silver. 19x14mm, 2.7grams, Murphy Kasala IIIc.1.3.2. Stock #v181.

Early punch silver drachm, Kasala Kingdom, ca.600-470 BC. Irregular flat silver plachet. Number of various punched symbols / Various punch symbols. Nice quality metal. Rare pre-Maurian silver. 16x15mm, 3.0grams. Stock

#24221.

First issue HUGE silver

karshapana, Bhattiya to Ajatashatru (ca.550-461 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / Blank. HUGE silver sqaure planchet, rare 1st issue karshapana. 21x20mm, 3.4 grams. Gupta

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and Hadraker I XIV A 1 (#165). Stock #24208. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

First issue HUGE silver karshapana, Bhattiya to Ajatashatru (ca.550-461 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / Blank. HUGE silver sqaure planchet, rare 1st issue karshapana. 22x25mm, 3.4 grams. Gupta and Hadraker I XXXVI A 2 (#259). Stock #24207. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

Extremely rare! Second issue HUGE silver karshapana, times of Uddayina (ca.461-445 BC), Magadha. Five various punchmarks / blank. Large silver planchet, rare 2ndissue karshapana. 24x20mm, 3.5 grams. Gupta and Hadraker II IX A 2 (#281). Stock #24206. Note: A wonderful huge silver coin from the lifetime of Buddha. First issue Karshapanas are very rare, and are hard to find.

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Successors of Ajatashatru (ca. 445-414 BC)

Rare early punch silver drachm, Magadha Kingdom, Successors of Ajatashatru (462 - 414 BC). 22mm. Irregular flat silver planchet. Traces of at least 9 punched symbols including: 2 suns; 6-armed symbol; elephant; dog surrounded by taurine symbols /Various bankers marks. VF, nice metal. Very nice and large! Rare pre-Maurian silver. These high quality large karshapanas are very rare and fairly expensive. Mitchiner ACW 3997v.; Gupta/Hardaker ISPC 305 var. Stock #23547.

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Rare early punch silver drachm, Magadha Kingdom, Successors of Ajatashatru (462 - 414 BC). 28mm. Irregular flat silver planchet. Traces of at least 9 punched symbols including: 2 suns; 6-armed symbol; elephant; dog surrounded by taurine symbols /Various bankers marks. VF, nice metal. Very nice and large! Rare pre-Maurian silver. Mitchiner ACW 3997v.; Gupta/Hardaker ISPC 305 var. Stock #23548.

Eight Sons of Mahapadma Nanda (circa 340 - 320 BC)

Rare early punch silver drachm, Period of the Eight Sons of Mahapadma Nanda (circa 340 - 320 BC). At least 6 punched symbols: Sun, 6-armed symbol, plant on hill symbol, humped bull, elephant and taurine (?) symbol / A number of punchmarks. aEF, rare. Mitchiner ACW 4054v. Stock #23543.

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Early silver Karshapana. Period of Chandragupta (circa 321 - 297 BC). Various symbol / Four bull heads around pellet. aF, rare. Stock #23631. Early silver Karshapana. Period of Chandragupta (circa 321 - 297 BC). Various symbol / uncertain punch-marks on reverse. 13x17mm, 3.2grams. VF, rare. Stock #23985.

Early silver silver karshapana of Bindusara (ca.297-272 BC), Mauryan Empire. Round flat silver planchet (15mm, 3.3g). Various punch-mark symbols / A single small punch-mark. Scarce. G/H-519. Stock #23964.

Drachm of Ashoka (ca.272-232 BC), Mauryan Empire. Square punch drachm. Two symbols on obverse - an elephant, various marks around, and Ashoka's royal symbol / Ashoka's royal symbol, uncertain punch-marks on reverse. Unpublished!!! 16x10mm, 2.9grams. VF. Stock #23534.

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Excellent silver drachm of Ashoka (ca.272-232 BC), Mauryan Empire. Square punch drachm. Various marks and Ashoka's royal symbol / Ashoka's royal symbol. G/H-552. 14x14mm, 3.5grams. VF. Stock #23989.

Ujjain mint silver drachm, Period of Ashoka (272-232 BC), Mauryan Empire Five punched symbols: Sun, three-armed symbol, thee-arched hill, Ashoka's symbol and a figure of a warrior, holding spear and a small shield / Ashoka's symbol. 14x12 mm, 3.3 grams. Malwa mint (Ujjain). VF. Rare. Stock #23858

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Ujjain mint silver drachm, Period of Ashoka (272-232 BC), Mauryan Empire Five punched symbols: Sun, three-armed symbol, thee-arched hill, Ashoka's symbol and a figure of a warrior, holding spear and a small shield / Ashoka's symbol. 10x16 mm, 3.0 grams. Malwa mint (Ujjain). VF. Rare. Stock #23862

Silver drachm of Samprati (ca.216-207 BC), Mauryan Empire. Irregular square punch drachm. Various symbols on obverse / central dot surrounded with two crescents and two arrowheads. G/H 574 16x12mm, 3.4 grams. aVF, scarce this nice. Stock #23987.

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Later Sungas, bronze half karshapana (ca.150 BC-100 AD), Sunga Kingdom (187-75 BC). Cross left, three-arched hill (chaitya) with crescent, above; railed tree, right / Elephant left; symbol. 16mm, 3.0 grams. Mitchiner ACW 4381v. Stock #23946. US$ 18.00

Later Sungas, bronze half karshapana (ca.150 BC-100 AD), Sunga Kingdom (187-75 BC). Cross left, three-arched hill (chaitya) with crescent, above; railed tree, right / Elephant left; symbol. 16mm, 3.1 grams. Mitchiner ACW 4381v. Stock #22904. US$ 7.00

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Later Sungas, bronze half karshapana (ca.150 BC-100 AD), Sunga Kingdom (187-75 BC). Cross left, three-arched hill (chaitya) with crescent, above; railed tree, right / Elephant left; symbol. 16mm, 3.1 grams. Mitchiner ACW 4381v. Stock #22913.

maharajasya" / Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a

swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Kharoshti legend. Superb EF, rare, especially this nice! 18mm, 2.1 grams. MACW 4440-4441; ACC #4. Stock #24247. US$ 145.00

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Superb and rare silver drachm, Kuninda, 2nd century BC. 18mm. Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended by Lakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script): "Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya" / Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Kharoshti legend. Superb EF, rare, especially this nice! 18mm, 2.1 grams. MACW 4440-4441; ACC #4. Stock #24248. US$ 145.00

Superb and rare silver drachm, Kuninda, 2nd century BC. 18mm. Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended by Lakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script): "Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya" / Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Kharoshti legend. Superb EF, rare, especially this nice! Superb EF, rare, especially this nice! 18mm, 2.2 grams. MACW 4440-4441; ACC #4. Stock #24246. US$ 145.00 SOLD

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Superb and rare silver drachm, Kuninda, 2nd century BC. 18mm. Deer standing right, crowned by two cobras, attended by Lakshmi holding a lotus flower. Legend in Prakrit (Brahmi script): "Rajnah Kunindasya Amoghabhutisya maharajasya" / Stupa surmounted by the Buddhist symbol triratna, and surrounded by a swastika, a "Y" symbol, and a tree in railing. Kharoshti legend. Superb EF, rare, especially this nice! AIC pg. 146, 1; MACW 4442; Senior pg. 233. Stock #23696. US$ 160.00 SOLD http://www.ancientcoins.ca/india.html This is a Yadava-type silver coin of Bhoja Deva, the

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Paramara ruler of Vidarbha-North Telingana who was a Rastrakuta feudatory . The 'peacock' is a part of the Yadava-style lion, what one sees as the neck of the bird is actually a raised front leg, when turned upside down. The legend that appears above is 'Sri Bho ja De va'.

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1) Ruler : Shilaharas of Kolhapur , King Bhoja ? 2) Year : 12 th Century AD 3) Unit : Unknown , Silver 4) Obverse : Garuda standing to right, fighting with Serpent, three dots behind the head of Garuda. 5) Reverse : Inscription in Kannada script the larger is 'Bh' and the smaller, placed inside the larger, is ‘Ra’, which accompanied with Sun and Moon symbol.

Coins of Gandhara Janapada - 1/8 Satamana :

1) Ruler : Gandhara Janapada : Taxila-Gandhara region . 2) Year : 600 BC - 450 BC 3) Unit : 1/8 Satamana , Silver 4) Obverse : Circular design composed of six tridents and a pole radiating from a central

194

circle 5) Reverse : Blank , Counterstruck on rev http://www.geocities.com/ancientcoinsofindia/earlya.html Early Cast Copper Coins of Kausambi region :

1) Ruler : Unknown , Copper Cast Coin , Kausambi 2) Year : Unknown ? 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Elephant standing to left , Swastika , taurine , triangular headed standard 5) Reverse : Tree in railing , Wheel , Ujjain symbol ,

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1) Ruler : Unknown , Copper Cast Coin , Kausambi 2) Year : Unknown ? 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Elephant standing to left 5) Reverse : Ujjain Symbol Early Cast Copper Coins of Vidarbha region :

1) Ruler : Unknown , Copper Cast Coin , Vidarbha 2) Year : Unknown ? 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Hollow cross 5) Reverse : Tree in railing

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1) Ruler : Unknown , Copper Cast Coin , Vidarbha 2) Year : Unknown ? 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Hollow cross 5) Reverse : Blank Uninscribed coins of Narmada Valley:

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1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Narmada Valley 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : A group of four nandipadas with common orb with one ujjain symbol at the centre and two taurine symbols between each nandipadas 5) Reverse : Blank

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Narmada Valley 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Hollow cross with whirl ? inside , beaded square. 5) Reverse : Blank 6) Reference : Nil

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1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Narmada Valley 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Tree in railing , river below 5) Reverse : Blank http://www.geocities.com/ancientcoinsofindia/early7kau.html

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Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini :

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini : Anonymous/Symbol series 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. ( circa 150 - 75 BC ) 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Male and Female Figures standing , small dot between both figures River with fishes and tortoises/frog below . 5) Reverse : Ujjain symbol with taurine symbol in each orb . 6) Reference : Nil

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1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini : Anonymous/Symbol series 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. ( circa 150 - 75 BC ) 3) Unit : AE Half Karshapana (?) , Copper 4) Obverse : 6-armed symbol, railed tree to left, rectangle containing tortoises/frog and fish above, other symbols. 5) Reverse : Ujjain symbol

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini : Anonymous/Symbol series 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. ( circa 150 - 75 BC ) 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Hexaradiate symbol

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5) Reverse : Ujjain symbol with dot in each orb . 6) Reference : Nil

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini : Anonymous/Symbol series 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. ( circa 150 - 75 BC ) 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Swastika with bull head ends. 5) Reverse : 6-armed and Male figure holding spear ( Kartikeya ?). 6) Reference : Nil (Note : These issues found in Ujjain but are known from Saurashtra - Kathiawar region ) Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini ( Or Kathiawar ):

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1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Ujjain or Ujjaini : Anonymous/Symbol series 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. ( circa 150 - 75 BC ) 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Swastika with bull head ends. 5) Reverse : Taurine and other symbols. 6) Reference : Nil (Note : These issues found in Ujjain but are known from Saurashtra - Kathiawar region ) Uninscribed coins of Eran-Vidisha :

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Eran-Vidisha 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper

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4) Obverse : Tree in railing , Nadipada, Taurine in semicircle , Swastika , Triangular headed standard River with fishes and tortoises below . 5) Reverse : Blank 6) Reference : Nil

1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Eran-Vidisha 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Tree in railing , Nadipada, Taurine in semicircle , Swastika , Triangular headed standard River with fishes and tortoises below . 5) Reverse : Blank

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1) Ruler : Uninscribed coins of Eran-Vidisha 2) Year : 2nd- 1st Century B.C. 3) Unit : Unknown , Copper 4) Obverse : Tree in railing , Taurine in semicircle. 5) Reverse : Blank

Illustration of Coin (Reverse) 1) Ruler : City state of Bhadravati , Vidarbha region 2) Year : Unknown ( 200 BC ?) 3) Unit : Unknown ? , Copper 4) Obverse : Elephant standing to right , Standard above Elephant 5) Reverse : Tree in railing; Inscription: Bhadavati 6) Reference : Similar Coin was Published by Mr Prashant P Kulkarni in ICS Newsletter No 1 ( April 1990) as ' New Coins of Chhimuka Satavahana ' http://www.geocities.com/ancientcoinsofindia/ujain.htm

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Annex D Mleccha, language and Mlecchita Vikalpa, writing system Language history of Bharat, itihas bharati, circa 3rd millennium BCE A history of Bharatiya languages as recorded in Bharata’s Natyashastra is summarized in Annex E.

Archaeological discoveries, using radio-carbon and other innovative dating techniques, including marine archaeological explorations of the type in Dwaraka and Gulf of Khambat, have recorded, much higher chronologies for bharatiya history pointing to continuity of culture Paleolithic times. The conclusions of the archaeologists is that there is no trace whatsoever of any invasion into Bharat; the conclusions of scholars versed in bharatiya languages is that the word ‘arya’ as used in early texts such as the Rigveda does NOT connote a race but is only a character designation, something like, ‘sir’ as a respectful, civilized form of address. Mario Alinei also notes the conclusions of archaeology that “Neolithic cultures of Europe either are a direct continuation of Mesolithic ones, or have been created by Mesolithic groups after their Neolithization by intrusive farmers from the Middle East.” http://www.continuitas.com/intro.html The earliest appearance of the Black and Red ware is in Lothal (2200 BC) and next comes Ahar (2000 BC). The settlement evidence of this chalcolithic culture and the continuity of the Vedic traditions in all parts of India indicate an indigenous development of the civilization from ca. 3000 BC to 650 BC (Sonpur). Similar results are noted in Bharat of the spread of farming of rice, from Lothal eastwards coterminus with the expansion of black-and-red ware cultures. The language of the Rigveda, which most scholars accept is an indigenous development on the banks of Sarasvati River and sapta-sindhu region (one rica in the Rigveda refers to both as: sarasvati_ saptathi_ sindhu maataa – sarasvati, the seventh, the mother of rivers and ocean), evidences such an advanced stage of development in thought expanding into cosmic inquiries, inquiries of consciousness, the Vedic language should have had many centuries – perhaps 20 centuries -- of development from Proto-Vedic phases. The lingua franca used in the discourses of great savants, Mahavira and Gautama the Buddha in Ardhamagadi (or Suraseni Apabhrams’a) and Pali which are variant dialects of Prakrit (or mleccha) also attest to the parallel phases of evolution of spoken dialects together with the language used in vedic texts. Mleccha (Meluhha) is attested as a language in the Mahabharata, wherein Yudhishthira and Vidura converse in this language discussing the technical details of non-metallic and other killer devices of the laakshaagriha. A language substitution of the imagined scale by invading or migrating ‘aryan’ pastoral tribes is clearly unlikely given the stage of evolution of bharatiya languages which were the vehicles for expressing profound aadhyaatmika thought and expounding on sanatana dharma (or what the Buddha called esha dhammo sanantano). There is a possibility that there was a continuity of mleccha-samskr.tam in a cultural continuity from Paleolithic to metal ages (both bronze on Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins and iron smelting on Ganga river basin). This continuity is the generally accepted pattern of history. As Mario Alinei notes, James

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Mallory, probably the last archaeologist who defends the IE invasion theory, has had to concede: "the archaeologists' easiest pursuit [is] the demonstration of relative continuity and absence of intrusion" (Mallory 1989, 81).

There are indications that "89% of the Megalithic signs and symbols which appear on pottery down to the 9th century BC or thereabouts may be traced to Harappan and post-Harappan signs and symbols… the period dealt with spans virtually the entire millennium between the downfall of the Indus Civilization (c. 19th century BC) and the rise of the later Gangetic civilization (c.9th century BC)… direct continuity between the two is thereby implied; and this is suggested also by the many signs and symbols which recur between the Indus seals and the later punch-marked coinage," (B.B. Lal: "From the Megalithic to the Harappan", Ancient India 1960, esp. p.21-24; loc.cit., Mitchiner: J.E. Mitchiner, Studies in the Indus Valley Inscriptions, p.12).

Given the interdependent nature of Bharatiya samajam, there was a substratum spoken dialect, mleccha, which coexisted with the attested written languages used in texts. The interactions between mleccha and Samskr.tam have to be unraveled. This is the linguistic challenge to give voice to a Sarasvati hindu civilization which was the most expansive civilization of its time from ca. 6500 BCE to 1900 BCE (when the River Sarasvati desiccated due to plate tectonics and resultant migrations of Himalayan glacial tributaries)with archaeologically attested contacts with Mesopotamian civilization area. The burden of the argument is: arya and ana_rya were not distinct and isolated categories of languages or speakers of distinct languages. Thus, sanskrit and mleccha were two variants, one was a processed grammatically correct dialect, the other was a cluster of naturally evolved forms of Prakrit-s, des'i_bha_s.a_. This explains why Mahavi_ra and Buddha conveyed their doctrines in mleccha, in dialects called Pa_li and Ardhama_gadhi_. In this perspective, the later-day linguistic classification of language families becomes irrelevant at worst and of limited interpretative value for the history of hindu civilization, at best. It is suggested that a reconstruction of the languages of saptasindhu region or the linguistic area circa 3rd millennium BCE, may be attempted by reviewing the literary traditions of the historical periods. Rigveda refers to the creation of language by craftsmen (ka_ru): sam iva titauna_ punanto yatra dhi_ra_ manasa_ va_cam akrata atra_ sakha_yah sakhya_ni ja_nate bhadrais.a_m laks.mi_r nihita_dhi va_ci RV 10.71.2 When the wise create Speech through wisdom winnowing (it) as (men winnow) barley with a sieve, then friends know friendship; good fortune is placed upon their word. [Friendship: sakha_yah: sa, khya, sama_nakhya_na_ = stus.e, who possess knowledge of the s'a_stras].

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Alternative translation: Where, like men cleaning corn flour in a sieve, the wise in spirit have created language; there, friends see and recognize the marks of friendship. Their speech retains the imprinted beauty of blessing. Vedic culture in Sangam times There is a temple for Devi Sarasvati in a place called Basara (Vya_sapura) in Adilabad District

of Andhra Pradesh, located on the banks of the Godavari River. The sthala pura_n.a states that the Devi was installed by Vya_sa by taking three mus.t.is (handfuls) of sand from the river bed— an extraordinary affirmation indeed of the integrat link of Sarasvati as devi and Sarasvati as river. The appended maps indicate the patterns of ancient settlements right from the foothills of the Himalayas (Ropar) to the Gulf of Khambat (Lothal) and on the Arabian Sea Coast (Prabhas Patan or Somnath and Dwa_raka). It is also significant that Sangam literature of the Tamils notes the claim of the ancient Chera kings that they were the 42nd generation descendants from the rulers of

Dwaraka (Tuvarai) and the sage Agastya is revered as the ancient Tamil Muni and the author of the earliest grammatical work in Tamil. Sangam literature is replete with references to the support provided to the growth of Vedic Culture in the Tamil-speaking areas. An important article on the antiquity of relation between Tamil and Sanskrit is: Sharma, K.V. 1983, Spread of Vedic culture in ancient South India, Adyar Library Bulletin 47:1-1. “Among the interesting facts that emerge from a study of the progressive spread of vedic culture from the North-West to the other parts of India, is its infusion, with noticeable intensity, in the extreme south of India where, unlike in other parts, a well-developed Dravidian culture was already in vogue… Tolka_ppiyam which is the earliest available work of the sangam classics, is a technical text in 1610 aphorisms, divided into three sections, dealing respectively, with phonetics, grammar and poetics… The other available sangam works are three sets of collected poems, being, pattu-ppa_t.t.u (Ten idylls), et.t.u-ttokai

(Eight collections) and patineki_r..kan.akku (eighteen secondary texts), which last appears to pertain to the late period of the saμgam age. The ten poems are: tirumuruka_r.r.uppat.ai, porun.ara_r.r.u-ppat.ai, cir.upa_n.a_r.r.uppat.ai, perumpa_n.a_r.r.uppat.ai, mullaippa_t.t.u, maturaikka_n~ci, net.unelva_t.ai, kuriñcippa_t.t.u, pat.t.inappa_lai and malaipat.ukat.a_m. All the above idylls are compositions of individual poets, and, except for the first, which is devotional and possibly, pertains to late sangam age, are centred round the royal courts of the Cera, Cola and Pa_n.d.ya kings, depicting the contemporary elite scholarly society and youthful life. The second category consists of Eight collections: nar.r.in.ai, kur.untokai, ainkur.unu_r.u, patir.r.ujppattu, paripa_t.al, kali-ttokai, akana_n-u_r.u and pur.ana_n-u_r.u. All these collections are highly poetic and self-contained stray verses of different poets put together in consideration of their contents. The third category consists of eighteen miscellaneous texts, some of them being collections of stray verses of different poets and some composed

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by individual authors. They are: tirukkur.al., na_lat.iya_r, par..amor..i, tirikat.ukam, na_n-man.ikkat.ikai, cir.upañcamu_lam, ela_ti, a_ca_rako_vai, mutumor..ikka_ ñci, kalavar..i-na_r.patu, initu-na_r.patu, tin.aima_lainu_r.r.aimpatu, aintin.ai-y-er..upatu, kainnilai, aintin.ai-yanpatu, tin.aimor..i-y-aimpatu and ka_r.-na_r.patu. The verses in these works also refer to social customs and local sovereigns. The above works picture a well-knit and well-developed society having a distinct identity of its own. The frequent mention, in sangam poems, of the Cera, Cola and Pa_n.d.ya kings as the munificent patrons of the poets… and the archaeological evidence provided by 76 rock inscriptions in Tamil-Bra_hmi script which corrobate the contents of the sangam works, in 26 sites in Tamilnadu (Mahadevan, I., Tamil Bra_hmi inscriptions of the Sangam age, Proc. Second International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studies, I, Madras, 1971, pp. 73-106) help to fix the date of the classical sangam classics in their present form to between 100 B.C. and 250 A.D… reference to the Pa_n.d.yan kingdom by Megasthenes, Greek ambassador to the court of Candragupta Maurya (c. 324-300 B.C.?) are also in point. On these and allied grounds, the sangam period of Tamil literature might be taken to have extended from about the 5th century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D… It is highly interesting that sangam literature is replete with references to the vedas and different facets of vedic literature and culture, pointing to considerable appreciation, and literary, linguistic and cultural fusion of vedic-sanskrit culture of the north with the social and religious pattern of life in south India when the sangam classics were in the making… The vedas and their preservers, the bra_hmans, are frequently referred to with reverence (Pur.ana_n u_r.u 6, 15 and 166; Maturaikka_ñci 468; tirukat.ukam 70, na_n-man.ikkat.ikai 89, initu-na_r.patu 8). The vedic mantra is stated as the exalted expressions of great sages (Tolka_ppiyam, Porul. 166, 176). While the great God S’iva is referred as the source of the four vedas (Pur.a. 166), it is added that the twice-born (bra_hman) learnt the four vedas and the six veda_ngas in the course of 48 years (Tiru-muruka_r.r.uppat.ai, 179-82). The vedas were not written down but were handed down by word of mouth from teacher to pupil (Kur-untokai 156), and so was called kel.vi (lit. what is heard, šruti) (Patir.r.ippattu 64.4-5; 70.18-19; 74, 1-2; Pur.a. 361. 3-4). The bra_hmans realized God through the Vedas (Paripa_t.al 9. 12-13) and recited loftily in vedic schools (Maturaikka_ñci 468- 76; 656)… the danger to the world if the bra_hman discontinued the study of the veda is stressed in tirukkur.al. 560. If the sangam classics are any criteria, the knowledge and practice of vedic sacrifices were very much in vogue in early south India. The sacrifices were performed by bra_hmans strictly according to the injunctions of the vedic mantras (tirumuruka_r.r.uppat.ai 94-96; kalittokai 36). The three sacred fires (ga_rhapatya, a_havani_ya and daks.ina_gni) were fed at dawn and dusk by bràhmans in order to propitiate the gods (Kalittokai 119l Pur.a. 2; 99; 122; Kur.iñcippa_t.t.u 225). Paripa_t.al 2. 60-70 stipulates, in line with vedic sacrificial texts, that each sacrifice had a specific presiding deity, that pas’us (sacrificial animals) were required for the sacrifice and that the sacrificial fire rose to a great height. The vedic practice of placing a tortoise at the bottom of the sacrificial pit is referred to in Akana_n-u_r.u 361… Patir.r.uppattu 64 and 70 glorify the Cera king Celvakkat.unkovar..iya_tan- who propitiated the gods through a sacrifice performed by learned vedic scholars and distributed profuse wealth amongst them. Another Cera king, Perum-ceral Irumpor.ai is indicated in Patir.r.uppattu 74 to have performed the Putraka_mes.t.hi_ sacrifice for the birth of his son il.amceral irumpor.ai. The Cola ruler Peru-nar.kil.l.i was renowned as Ra_jasu_yam ve_t.t.a co_r..an- for his having performed the ra_jasa_ya sacrifice; another Cola ruler Nar.kil.l.i, too, was celebrated as a sacrificer (Pur.a. 363; 400). The Cola kings were also considered to have descended from the north Indian

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king S’ibi the munificent of Maha_bha_rata fame (Pur.a. 39; 43). The patronage accorded to vedic studies and sacrifices is illustrated also by the descriptive mention, in Pur.a. 166, of a great vedic scholar Vin.n.anta_yan- of the Kaun.d.inya-gotra who lived at Pu_ñja_r.r.u_r in the Co_r..a realm under royal patronage. It is stated that Vin.n.anta_yan- had mastered the four vedas and six veda_ngas, denounced non-vedic schools, and performed the seven pa_kayajñas, seven Soma-yajñas and seven havir-yajñas as prescribed in vedic texts. The Pa_n.d.yan kings equalled the Colas in the promotion of Vedic studies and rituals. One of the greatest of Pa_n.d.ya rulers, Mudukut.umi Peruvar..uti is described to have carefully collected the sacrificial materials prescribed in vedic and dharmašàstra texts and performed several sacrifices and also set up sacrificial posts where the sacrifices were performed (Pur.a. 2; 15). Maturaikka_ñci (759- 63) mentions him with the appellation pal-s’a_lai (pal-ya_ga-s’a_lai of later Ve_l.vikkud.i and other inscriptions), ‘one who set up several sacrificial halls’. The Pa_n.d.ya rulers prided themselves as to have descended from the Pa_n.d.avas, the heroes of Maha_bha_rata (Pur.a. 3; 58; Akana_n-u_r.u 70; 342)… God Brahmà is mentioned to have arisen, in the beginning of creation, with four faces, from the lotus navel of God Vis.n.u (Paripa_t.al 8.3; Kalittokai 2; Perumpa_n.a_r.r.uppat.ai 402-04; Tirumuruka_r.r.uppat.ai 164-65; Iniyavaina_rpatu 1). It is also stated that Brahma_ had the swan as vehicle (Innà-nàrpatu 1). Vis.n.u is profusely referred to. He is the lord of the Mullai region (Tol. Akattin.ai 5) and encompasses all the Trinity (Paripa_t.al 13.37). He is blue-eyed (Pur.a. 174), lotus-eyed (Paripa_t.al 15.49), yellow-clothed (Paripa_t.al 13.1-2), holds the conch and the discus in his two hands and bears goddess Laks.mì on his breast (Mullaippa_t.t.u 1-3; Perumpa_n. 29-30; Kali. 104; 105; 145), was born under the asterism Tiru-o_n.am (Maturai. 591), and Garud.a-bannered (Pur.a. 56.6; Paripa_t.al 13.4). Of Vis.n.uite episodes are mentioned his measuring the earth in three steps (Kali. 124.1), protecting his devotee Prahla_da by killing his father (Pari. 4. 12-21) and destroying the demon Kes’in (Kali. 103.53-55). S’iva has been one of the most popular vedic-pura_n.ic gods of the South. According to Akana_n-u_r.u 360.6, S’iva and Vis.n.u are the greatest gods. He is three-eyed (Pur.a. 6.18; Kali. 2.4), wears a crescent moon on his forehead (Pur.a. 91.5; Kali. 103.15), and holds the axe as weapon (Aka. 220.5; Pur.a. 56.2). He bears river Ganga_ in his locks (Kali. 38.1; 150.9) and is blue-necked (Pur.a. 91.6; Kali. 142). He is born under the asterism a_tirai (Skt. àrdra) (Kali. 150.20), has the bull for his vehicle (Paripa_t.al 8.2) and is seated under the banyan tree (Aka. 181). Once, while sitting in Kaila_sa with Uma_ (Pa_rvati), his consort (Pari. 5.27-28; Par..amor..i 124), Ra_van.a, the ra_ks.asa king shook the Kaila_sa and S’iva pressed the mountain down with his toe, crushing Ra_van.a and making him cry for mercy (Kali. 38). When the demon Tripura infested the gods, S’iva shot through the enemy cities with a single arrow and saved the gods (Kali. 2; Pur.a. 55; Paripa_t.al 5. 22-28). Pur.ana_n –u_r.u (6. 16-17) refers also to S’iva temples in the land and devotees walking round the temple in worship. God Skanda finds very prominent mention in saμgam classics, but as coalesced with the local deity Murukan-, with most of the pura_n.ic details of his birth and exploits against demons incorporated into the local tradition (Paripa_t.al 5. 26-70; Tirumuruka_r.r.uppat.ai, the whole work). Mention is also made of Indra. (Balara_ma) is mentioned as the elder brother of Lord Kr.s.n.a, as fair in colour, wearing blue clothes, having the palmyra tree as his emblem and holding the ;lough as his weapon, all in line with the pura_n.as (Paripa_t.al 2. 20-23; Pur.a. 56. 3-4; 58.14; Kali. 104, 7-8). Tolka_ppiyam (Akattin.ai iyal 5) divides the entire Tamil country into five, namely, Mullai (jungle) with Vis.n.u as its presiding deity, Kur.iñji (hilly) with Murukan- as deity, Marutam (plains: cf. marusthali_ Skt.) with Indra as deity, Neytal (seashore) with Varun.a as

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deity and Pa_lai (wasteland) with Kor.r.avai (Durga_) as deity… The sangam works are replete with references to the four castes into which the society was divided, namely, bra_hman.a, ks.atriya, vais’ya, and su_dra… bra_hman antan.a primarily concerned with books (Tol. Mara. 71), the ks.atriya (a-ras’a, ra_ja) with the administration (Tol. Mara. 78) and s’u_dra with cultivation (Tol. Mara. 81)… It is also stated that marriage before the sacred fire was prescribed only for the first three castes; but the author adds that the custom was adopted by the fourth caste also in due course (Tol. Kar.piyal 3)… one cannot fail to identify in sangam poetry the solid substratum of the distinct style, vocabulary and versification, on the one hand, and the equally distinct subject-matter, social setting and cultural traits, on the other, both of the Tamil genius and of vedic poetry. As far as the grammar of Dravidian is concerned, a detailed analytical study of Old Tamil as represented in Tolka_ppiyam, with the vedic s’iks.a_s and pra_tis’a_khyas, has shown that, ‘Tolka_ppiyan-a_r clearly realized that Tamil was not related to Sanskrit either morphologically or genealogically… that he deftly exploited the ideas contained in the earlier grammatical literature, particularly in those works which dealt with vedic etymology, without doing the least violence to the genius of the Tamil language’. (Sastri, P.S.S., History

of Grammatical Theories in Tamil and their relation to the Grammatical literature in Sanskrit, Madras, 1934, p. 231)… It would be clear from the foregoing that during the sangam age there had already been intensive infusion of vedic culture in south India… Both the cultures coexisted, the additions often affecting only the upper layers of society… For novel names, concepts and ideas, the Sanskrit names were used as such, with minor changes to suit the Tamil alphabet (e.g. akin-i for agni, vaicikan- for vais’ya, veta for veda, or translated (e.g. pa_pa_n- for dars’aka, ke_l.vi for s’ruti). When, however, the concept already existted, in some form or other, the same word was used with extended sense (e.g. ve_l.vi for ya_ga; ma_l or ma_yan- for Vis.n.u). Sometimes both the new vedic and extant Tamil words were used (e.g. ti_ for agni)… It is, however, important to note that the coming together of the two cultures, vedic and dravidian, was smooth, non-agressive and appreciative, as vouched for by the unobtrusive but pervasive presence of vedicism in the sangam works. The advent of vedic culture into South India was, thus, a case of supplementation and not supplantation… it is a moot question as to when vedic culture first began to have its impact on dravidian culture which already existed in south India… the age of this spread (of vedic culture) has to be much earlier than the times of the Ra_ma_yan.a and Maha_bha_rata, both of which speak of vedic sages and vedic practices prevailing in the sub-continent. Literary and other traditions preserved both in north and south India attest to the part played by sage Agastya and Paras’ura_ma in carrying vedic culture to the south. On the basis of analytical studies of these traditions the identification of geographical situations and a survey of the large number of Agastya temples in the Tamil country, G.S. Ghurye points to the firm establishment of the Agastya cult in South India by the early centuries before the Christian era (Ghurye, G.S., Indian acculturation: Agastya and Skanda, Bombay, Popular Prakashan, 1977)… the considerable linguistic assimilation, in dravidian, of material of a pre-classical Sanskrit nature, it would be necessary to date the north-south acculturation in India to much earlier times.” Proto-Vedic as a web of Munda, Dravidian and Mleccha in Saptasindhu region Another node of the Vedic-Tamil network web is the Tamil-Munda network web which has yet to be unraveled. A beginning was made by the late Sudhibhushan Bhattacharjee (cf.

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Bibliography) with a number of works pointing to the possible etyma of Munda languages and some links with Dravidian glosses. This inquiry will certainly take us into the contacts along the Hindumahasagar rim (Indian Ocean Rim) regions explaining why as noted by George Coedes, there are many early Sanskrit Brahmi inscriptions in places such as Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, Indonesia and Thailand, while the early epigraphs in Bharatam are in Prakrit Brahmi. Vedic Age relates to the period when the r.cas of the Rigveda were composed (as distinct from the time when the r.cas were compiled into Sam.hitas). According to Matsya Pura_n.a, there was only one Veda and later occurred the arrangement into four Vedas and the evolution of s’a_khas (which are also referred to as caran.a or bheda) in consonance with the development of the Vedic tradition. Eko vedas’catus.pa_dah sam.hr.tya tu punah punah (Matsya 143.10). There are also anus’a_khas or upas’a_khas which indicate the further development of the s’a_khas. (ityeta_h pratis’a_kha_bhyo hyanus’a_kha_ dvijottama: Vis.n.u P. III,4.25). The s’a_khas are books enshrining particular traditions (the Sam.hita_, Bra_hman.a and Su_tra traditions) which have been nurtured as sva_dhya_ya (consisting of mantra and bra_hman.a) and transmitted orally from generation to generation to regulate the performance of yajn~a. Many s’a_khas were locality specific. “That the Ka_n.va Sam.hita_ was prevalent in Kuru-country, is known from the line – es.a vah kuravo ra_ja_. Its equivalent in the Taittiri_ya S’a_kha_ is es.a vo bharato ra_ja_,” (Ganga Sagar Rai, 1990, Vedic S’a_khas, Varanasi, Ratna Publications). It will be apposite to recall the balanced views expressed by Maurice Winternitz in the context of Indian literary tradition in his work, A History of Indian Literature. “… The historical facts and hypotheses, such as mention of Vedic gods in the cuneiform inscriptions, and the relationship of Vedic antiquity to the A_ryan (Indo-Iranian) and Indo-European period, are so uncertain in themselves that the most divergent and contradictory conclusions have been drawn from them. Nevertheless, we have now such likely evidence of relations between ancient India and western Asia penetrating as far west as Asia Minor in the second millennium B.C.E., that Vedic-culture can be traced back at least to the second millennium B.C… The linguistic facts, the near relationship between the language of the Veda and that of the Avesta on the one hand, and between the Vedic language and classical Sanskrit on the other, do not yield any positive results… As all the external evidence fails, we are compelled to rely on the evidence arising out of the history of Indian literature itself, for the age of the Veda. The surest evidence in this respect is still the fact that Pa_rs’va, Maha_vi_ra and Buddha presuppose the entire Veda as a literature to all intents and purposes completed, and this is a limit which we must not exceed. We cannot, however, explain the development of the whole of this great literature, if we assume as late a date as round about 1200 BC or 1500 BC as its starting-point. We shall probably have to date the beginning of this development about 2000 or 2500 BC, and the end of it between 750 and 500 BC. The more prudent course, however, is to steer clear of any fixed dates, and to guard against the extremes of a stupendously ancient period or a ludicrously modern epoch.” (Maurice Winternitz, 1907, Geschichte der Indischen Literatur, tr. A History of Indian

Literature, 1981, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, pp. 287-288). Chronology and Contacts: Writing begins circa 3500 BCE “• ca. 6500–2600 BCE Early Neolithic communities are gradually linked in extensive trading networks across the Sarasvati Sindhu Valley region. The period is characterized by the

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elaboration of ceramics, the beginning of s'ankha (turbinella pyrum) industry (Nausharo, 6500 BCE), copper metallurgy, stone bead making, and seal carving. The beginning of writing is seen in the form of graffiti on pottery from circa 3500 BCE. A more complicated writing system seems to have developed out of or in conjunction with this pottery-marking system; examples exist from around 2800 BCE. • ca. 2600–1400 BCE An integrated urban culture flourishes in the northwest, producing large-scale settlements with advanced grid-pattern urban planning and an abundance of material remains, including terracotta, metal, stone sculpture, seals, and coins. Large cities such as Mohenjo Daro and Harappa in present-day Pakistan prosper through trade with cultures to the west, and smaller settlements expand through the plains of present-day Pakistan and Northern Bharat. Numerous seals, some copper plates and a few weapons have been found featuring a complex writing system. A seal was found in Daimabad (1400 BCE) with the unique glyph of a rimmed, short-necked jar. Some images on these seals—of bulls, horned headdresses, and figures seated in yoga-like postures—possibly relate to later cultural and spiritual developments in Bharat and use of copper plate inscriptions for recording property/economic transactions.

History of rice cultivation and dynamic Himalayas Fig.Kalibangan : An agricultural field, showing criss-cross pattern of furrows. Circa 2000 BC. Fig. and Fig. Around Kalibangan village. Left: The present system of ploughing the field, which also has the criss- cross pattern of furrows. Right: A present field with mustard plants in the widely-distanced furrows and those of chickpea in the others.

Fig. Map

showing a correlation between the Rigvedic areaand the spread of the Harappan Civilization, before 2000 BC. (After BB Lal, 2004, Sarasvati Flows on, Delhi, Aryan International). The map demonstrates the possibility of continued cultivation in the Southeast Asia and India regions (while most of Eurasia was covered in

deep snow and not a blade of grass

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would have grown in the glaciated regions during the ice age) during the period of Glacial Maximum between 22000 to 14000 carbon-14 years ago. The map concentrates on the time window slightly after the LGM, when aridity seems to have reached its most extreme point. Only slightly moister conditions prevailed for most of the period 22,000-14,000 14C y.a. (25,000-15,000 calendar years ago). A large area of extreme desert conditions existed across central Asia (dark red), surrounded by semi-desert (light red), under conditions much colder than the present-day. In the north, Siberia was colder and much more arid, with steppe-tundra (pink) and polar desert (grey). Ice masses (light grey) were present in north-western Siberia. In China, colder more arid conditions caused a retreat of forests, with grasslands (yellow) and open woodlands (medium green) in southern China and Japan. Forest steppe (violet) and conifer forest (blue green) may have predominated elsewhere. In south Asia, rainforest (darkest green) retreated and was replaced by grasslands (yellow) and monsoon forests and woodlands (lime-green). Scrub and open woodland (lighest green) probably existed in presently moist forest climates of Bangladesh and SW China. http://www.esd.ornl.gov/projects/qen/nercEURASIA.html

http://assets.families.com/Encyclopedias/efc_03_img0600.jpg “Rice is an integral part of many cultures folklore. In Myanmar, the Kachins were sent forth from the center of the Earth with rice seeds and were directed to a country where life would be perfect and rice would grow well. In Bali, Lord Vishnu caused the Earth to give birth to rice and the God Indra taught people how to raise it. And in China rice is the gift of animals. Legend says after a disastrous flooding all plants had been destroyed and no food was available. One day a dog ran through the fields to the people with rice seeds hanging from his tail. The people planted the seeds, rice grew and hunger disappeared. All of these stories and many others have rice as their foundation and for generations people have believed these lores of Rice. ” (Thomas L. Rost, 1997 http://www-plb.ucdavis.edu/labs/rost/Rice/introduction/intro.html ) Mekong delta

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http://pupius.co.uk/photos/travel/vietnam/mekong/rice_paddy.jpg Transporting rice husks on the Mekong river http://depts.washington.edu/alumni/gallery/d/4541-2/aac.jpg?

Mekong river, Laos

http://www.jacekphoto.com/laos/laos9.html

Rainfed rice cultivation in Soc Trang on

Mekong delta

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Compare with the figure on the left, the satellite image on the right shows progression of the cultivation in stages. In the rainfed single-cropped area is now flooded and appears dark. The wet direct seeded area now appears in mixture of dark and brighter red. The rice crops in the dry direct seeded areas around Soc Trang is in the end of reproductive stage and appears in reddish gray in the image. (Courtesy: S.C. Liew et al., 1998, Rice crops moitoring in the Mekong river delta using combined ERS and RADARSAT synthetic aperture radar, IEEE). http://www.crisp.nus.edu.sg/~research/research/forest/forest.html Mekong river, Laos-Cambodia border http://cantho.cool.ne.jp/mekong/photo/2s.html

Geological significance of the upper Mekong River and its tributaries Figure 3 . A global view of India’s collision with Asia (modified from Molnar 1986). By the mid 1970s, the theory that the Himalayas were produced by a collision between India and Asia was becoming widely accepted (Figure 3), but it raised major questions regarding the displaced mass of Asian crust. Since about 50 mya, it appeared that India had penetrated at least 2000 km into Asia, but it was not clear that the mass of the Himalayas and the thickened crust beneath the Tibetan Plateau were sufficient to account for the entire mass of displaced Asian crust. Using satellite images and seismic analysis, Molnar and Tapponnier

(1975) recognized major east-trending, left-lateral strike-slip faults emanating from Tibet. These faults sliced the areas east and southeast of Tibet, implying that crustal mass north of the Himalayas was shifting eastward and southeastward as India moved north (Figure 4).

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Figure 4. Major crustal blocks, age of uplift, and direction of motion in western China

(adapted from Tapponier et al. 2001).

Molnar and Tapponnier hypothesized that the Yunnan Plateau and the Shan-Thai Plateau are now much further southeast than they were before the collision (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Clay model illustrating the relationship between India’s northward

motion and east-southeast extrusion of southeast Asia (modified from Tapponnier et al.1982).

We decided that the Mekong River Canyon in western Yunnan

was the best region for examining faults to determine whether large blocks of southeast Asian crust were being extruded southward towards Indochina. The river crosses several faults in a canyon two miles deep in the stretch where it changes direction from south to southeast (Figure 6). We hoped to investigate the nature of these faults to determine their relationship to the development of the Himalayas and the uplift of the Tibetan Plateau. Figure 6. Satellite view of the

Mekong and Yangbi drainages in western Yunnan (Landsat photo). To achieve this objective, our plan was to determine the sense of shear in mylonites, to sample shear zones for radiometric dating, and to sample overlying Triassic red beds to measure paleomagnetic latitude and orientation. Mylonites are fault rocks, which are cohesive, characterized by a well-developed schistosity resulting from tectonic reduction of grain size, and commonly contain rounded porphyroclasts and lithic fragments similar in composition to the matrix minerals. Fine scale layering and an associated mineral or stretching lineation are commonly present. Brittle deformation of some minerals may be present, but deformation is commonly by crystal plasticity (Brodie et al. 2004).

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Figure 7. Geologic map of western Yunnan. A related objective was to take paleontological samples in hopes of justifying further research on patterns of environmental change as the rising Himalayas modified the climate of this area. Will was one of the oarsmen and the only paleontologist on the team. In southwestern Yunnan, the Mekong River weaves back and forth across the contact between metamorphic rock units and Mesozoic sedimentary strata (Figure 7).

According to Chinese geologists, the metamorphic rocks are of amphibolite grade, and therefore temperatures in them have exceeded 450°C. More importantly, the metamorphic rocks are strongly sheared, with a near vertical northwest-trending foliation and subhorizontal lineation characteristic of rocks that have experienced high shear. Neither the sense of shear nor their age was known. On Chinese maps, the sedimentary rocks were shown as Jurassic and Cretaceous shallow marine deposits in fault contact with the underlying metamorphic rocks. Determining the nature of this contact was an important part of our research proposal.

In summary, we planned to examine in detail the deformation and rotation of rocks exposed along the Mekong River in western Yunnan to characterize the age, style, intensity, distribution, and sense of crustal shearing induced by the collision and penetration of India into Asia. We hoped to constrain the extent and the timing of extrusion of parts of Indochina from an initially more northwesterly position and to place bounds on the amount

and distribution of shearing in western Yunnan due to India sliding northward past Yunnan. We believed that a detailed study of one key area was a better approach than a superficial examination of a large area. The stretch of Mekong that we planned to run appeared to offer a wide range of possible approaches to studying this deformation. Knowledge gained from this area would be fundamental to understanding areas of more complex deformation in northern Yunnan, western Sichuan, Tibet, and Qinghai. We hoped to expand our collaborative research program to these regions, concentrating on areas where our collective expertise could have been used to maximize the results of our research.

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Although Will’s scientific background and interest were generally limited to the paleontological aspects of this expedition, his role as an experienced whitewater river guide who could read, write, and speak Mandarin was critical to the success of the expedition. http://palaeo-electronica.org/2005_1/winn1/mekong.htm Indravarman III (1295 - 1307) at Angkor received Zhou Daguan, the envoy of the Chinese Emperor Khubilai Khan. Zhou noted that during the months from July to November, when the Mekong is in full spate, the Tonle Sap, its major tributary in Cambodia, reverses direction and flows back into a natural reservoir also called Tonle Sap ('Great Lake'). Angkor Wat (Nagara Vatika) is the largest vishnu mandiram in the world. The rice kernel discovered in the Yuchanyan cultural relics in Central China's Hunan Province may be the earliest cultivated rice specimen yet discovered – dated to 12000 years ago

Baba = rice (Korku); an-ab = husk (Gutob. Gorum); buvva = food (Telugu); cavali = uncooked rice (Korku) an-am ‘paddy husk’ (Gorum) pu_pa, pu_va cake (Pali); pu_vika cake-seller (Pali); pu_va, pu_viga_ (Pkt.); puwa_ cake of meal with ghee (Ku.); poi cake (Ku.); puwa_ (N.); pua_ (B.Or.); pu_a_ wheat flour and molasses cooked in ghee or oil (Bi.); pu_ (Mth.); cake made of flour and sugar and fried in ghee (H.); pua_ id. (H.); cake (Bhoj.Aw.); puva_ cake (M.); puva (Si.); pu_r.a_, pu_r.i_ batter cake (P.); pu_r.i_ a kind of cake or sweetmeat (Mth.H.); pu_ri_ wheaten dough for making cakes (Mth.); pu_r.a_ = pu_a_ (H.); pur.i_ cake (G.); pu_(v)ala, pu_(v)alia_, po_alaya a kind of cake (Pkt.); poli, poi cake (Ku.); pu_l.i sweet cake fried in ghee (Or.)(CDIAL 491). aboi~ flour (Pas'.); a_piya fit for cakes (Pa_n..);

apu_pi_ya meal (Pa_n..)(CDIAL 492). buvva, bu_va boiled rice (in children's language); ba_pu boiled rice (in the language of children)(Ka.lex) buvva food, rice (Te.)(DEDR 4311).

Annam bahu kurveetha, tad vratam: Anuvaka 9, Br.ghuvalli, Taittiriya Upanishad Rice-related lexemes of the Indic Linguistic Area tus.a chaff of grain (AV.) tu_ci, tu_cu dust (Ta.); tu_l.i husk (Ma.); tu.j dust (Ko.); du_su fine powder (Tu.); dhu_li dust, powder (Skt.)(DEDR 3283). tucchya empty, vain (RV.) pa_r..an.am paddy field, agricultural land, tank

(Ta.)(DEDR 4112). pa_r.a_ space left in ploughing; pa_r. hole (L.);

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pa_r.a_ space, space between two lines of ploughed land (P.); kan-pa_ro temple, brow, gill (N.)(CDIAL 8030). palala mud (R.); palal earth, clay (Ash.); pala_l (Wg.); pela_l (Kt.)(CDIAL 7953). hond.e the point to be reached in parboiling paddy before husking it; hond.e baba parboiled rice; hond.e to parboil paddy to prepare it for quick and easy husking (Mu.); ondna_ (Oraon)(Mu.lex.) odana (Un. ii , 76) , grain mashed and cooked with milk , porridge , boiled rice , any pap or pulpy substance RV. AV. o_dana

boiled rice (Ka_s'.on Pa_n..); boiled rice (Pali); o_dan.a, o_yan.a (Pkt.); o_n (Pas'.)(CDIAL 2552).

baihar. first class rice-land (Santali.lex.) bagar. coarse grass, a kind of red rice (P.); a kind of rice (Ku.); bagar.a_ a kind of coarse rice (N.); bagar., bagr.a_ rice roughly cleaned (H.); bagad. (M.)(CDIAL 9119). nakarai a kind of rice (Ta.); navarai a kind of paddy (Ta.); navira, naviri, nakara a rice that ripens within two or three months; navara id.; paspalum frumentaceum

(Ma.); navara a kind of grain (Tu.); navare a kind of rice (Tu.); nivari, nivvari oryza (Te.); ni_va_ra wild rice (Skt.)(DEDR 3614). ni_vara wild rice (VS.); ni_varaka (Sus'r.); ni_va_ra wild rice (Pali); niwar a kind of hardy rice growing at high altitudes (K.); nya_r wild rice (H.); nava_r, nama_r rice growing spontaneously (G.)(CDIAL 7571). tan.d.ula grain, esp. rice, after threshing and winnowing (AV.); husked rice (Pali.Or.)(CDIAL 5637); can.t.u chaff, broken chips of split straw (Ta.); straw (Ma.); can.t.i sediment, husks, dry leaves (Ma.); carat.a, cat.t.a extraneous matter separated by straining, sifting, or filtering (?Ka.)(DEDR 2317). campa_ boiled rice mixed with pepper powder, cumin, etc., offered to deity in temples; campa_-k-kat.t.al.ai provision for oblations of campa_ rice in a temple (Ta.lex.) A wild rice: sa~_wa_ a wild rice (Aw.); sua~_k, sa_u~k, sau~k wild rice (P.); sa_mo inferior kind of self-sown grain (G.)(CDIAL 12667). ca_ula_, pl. cavala rice (Pkt.); ca~_uru, ca~_varu a grain of rice (S.); ca~_uro pertaining to husked rice (S.); ca_val husked rice (L.P.); ca_vul (L.); ca_var, ca_ul, caul (P.); c.a_u, pl. cau (WPah.); cau_l, c.a~_wo_w (Ku.); ca~_wal, ca_mal (N.); sa_ul (A.); ta_ula (OB.); ca_ul (B.); ca_l (B.); cau~l.a, ca_ul.a, ca_ura (Or.); ca_ur (Bi.Mth.Bhoj.); ca~_wal, cawal, ca~_war (H.); ca_vala (OMarw.); ca_val. usu. pl. (G.)(CDIAL 4749). aval rice obtained from fried paddy by pestling it (Ta.Ma.); pound, beat; n. pounding, beating in a mortar (Ka.); avil rice bruised and dried (Ma.); kac av- to pestle (millet) second time (Ko.); avl-akki rice fried and each grain pounded flat (Kod..); abepuni, abeyuni, abecuni to beat or pound rice (Tu.)(DEDR 2391). Map showing the probably diffusion of the black-and-red ware techniques and rice cultivation, based on C-14 dates (given in brackets). The earliest appearance of the Black and Red ware is in Lothal (2200 BC) and next comes Ahar (2000 BC). The settlement evidence of this chalcolithic culture and the continuity of the vedic

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traditions in all parts of India indicate an indigenous development of the civilization from ca. 3000 BC to 650 BC (Sonpur). Black on red ware, Khiplewala, Bahawalpur province; Mughal, M.R., 1997, Ancient

Cholistan, Pl.58

Map showing late Harappan (Sarasvati Civilization) sites in Gujarat The expansion of cultivation of rice in India is directly relatable to the secular desiccation of River Sarasvati and consequent eastward migrations of people away from the Sarasvati River Basin. An encyclopaedic

work has been compiled on Sarasvati in 7 volumes (Dr. S. Kalyanaraman, Sarasvati:

Civilization, Rigveda, River, Bharati, Technology, Language and Epigraphs, 2003, Bangalore, Babasaheb (Umakanta Keshav) Apte Smarak Samiti). The work establishes the roots of Bharatiya civilization on the banks of River Sarasvati. The civilization is described with ample evidence as a maritime, riverine civilization. The encyclopaedic work is a septet; saptathi_, sindhuma_ta_. Sarasvati: Volume 1. River (Environment) Sarasvati: Volume 2. Settlements (Locus) Sarasvati: Volume 3. Arts and Crafts (Technology) Sarasvati: Volume 4. Bharati (People) Sarasvati: Volume 5. Contacts (Expanse) Sarasvati: Volume 6. Epigraphs (Writing) Sarasvati: Volume 7. Civilization (including Bibliography) About saptasarasvata ghats, Vaisampayana tells Janamejaya: “The seven rivers that have spread over this world belong to Sarasvati river. Invited by strong heroes, Sarasvati flowed to different places and gained the following names: Suprabha, Kanchanakshi, Visala, Manorama, Oghavati, Surenu and Vimalodaka.” He goes on to explain: Suprabha flowed into Pushkar; Kanchanakshi flowed in Naimisharanya; she flowed as Visala in Gaya; she appeared as Manorama to be meditated upon by Auddalaka of Uttara Kosala; she flowed as Oghavati in Kurukshetra on Vyasa’s invitation; she was Surenu in Rishabhadvipa; invited by Brahma, she flowed as

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Vimalodaka in the Himalayas. The place where waters of all these seven streams gather is saptasarasvata. Sarasvati is adored by Rishi Jamadagni: “May Bharati come speeding to our sacrifice and Ila hither awakening our consciousness (or, knowledge or perceptions) in human wise, and Sarasvati, -- three goddesses sit on this blissful seat, doing well the work.” (Trans. by Aurobindo). Sarasvati is adored by Rishi Vis’vamitra: “May Sarasvati, the purifier, rich in wealth – the intellect her treasure – desire our sacrifice Inspirer of the truthful, Rouser of the noble-minded, May Sarasvati, accept our worship. Sarasvati, mighty ocean, She rouses up with her light And brightens all intellects.” (Trans. by A.C. Bose) Rigveda is eloquent about two traditions: yajn~a and vrata. Vis'vakarma traditions of Bharat extolled in Vedic times continue into the Sarasvati civilization and into the historical periods of Bharatiya culture. These traditions are exemplified by (1) the use of pan~caloha (alloy of five metals) for casting bronze mu_rti; (2) the s'ankha (turbinella pyrum) industry which is vibrant even today in Gulf of Khambat and Gulf of Mannar; (3) the building of pus.karin.i-s in mandira; and (4) the a_gama tradition of worshipping Mahes'vara as s'iva linga. It is not mere coincidence that s'iva linga were found in situ in Harappa and terracotta images were also recovered in Kalibangan, a site on the banks of River Sarasvati. S'iva linga is shaped after the summit of Mt. Kailas where the metaphor presents S'iva sitting in penance, kamad.ha. Mleccha are vra_tya; they live in dvi_pa (islands). Mleccha are not ‘foreigners’, but those who do not fully adhere to the practices of yajn~a. Vra_tya are referred to in over 240 r.ca-s in the Rigveda. Atharva Veda notes that both vra_tya and yajnika are children of Prajapati. Vra_tya are ra_janya. They are ascetics and also given to organizing themselves with arms to defend themselves. Thus, the picture that emerges from Rigveda is that of people practicing both vrata and yajna. In fact, the yajna itself begins with a Mahavrata as described in the Aitareya Aranyaka.

There is archaeological evidence to show that the system of weights used in Meluhha (Sarasvati Civilization) was used in the Persian Gulf countries (Dilmun and Magan). There are also indications that Meluhhan merchants had settled in Mesopotamia. These merchants were seafaring merchants from Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins.

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Old Indic or Proto-Bharatiya Lingua Franca or parole (spoken tongue) There are hundreds of lexical isolates attested in ‘Indo-Aryan’ which are not found in other branches of Indo-European. These are clearly a substratum layer of Old Indic which was spoken by the people of Bharat on the Sarasvati-Sindhu river basins and on the coastal settlements of Sindhu sa_gara (Arabian Sea). Some of these people were called Meluhhan in Mesopotamian texts. The Austroasiatic components of this substratum have to be resolved further in the context of (1) ancestors of Brahui and Elamite; and (2) other Austroasiatic groups such as those in the Brahmaputra (Lohitya)-Meghna-Barak river basins and around the Bay of Bengal.The lingua franca (or parole, spoken tongue) of Bharat circa 5000 years ago is hypothesized as a continuum of dialects, evolving in tandem with the cultural setting and technological innovations. Since the civilization which emerged on and was nurtured on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu continues into the historical periods in Bharat, the language spoken circa 5000 years Before Present can be reconstructed from the languages of present-day Bharat and based on the lexical work done by philologists from the days of Yaska (circa 6th century BCE) upto the discovery of Bangani in the 20th century. "...the entire Indo-Aryan realm (except for Sinhalese) constitutes one enormous dialectical continuum...The speech of each village differs slightly from the next, without loss of mutual intelligibility, all the way from Assam to Afghanistan....Mitanni kingdom...Indo-Iranians appear in northern Syria a full half millennium becore their appearance in western Iran. How did they get there?...To call these Mitanni kings 'Indo-Iranians', however, is to beg an important question...Some have held that these linguistic fragments are specifically Indo-Aryan. Others including Burrow (1955) held they represent undifferentiated Indo-Iranian, before the split between Iranian and Indo-Aryan...An Indo-Aryan identification would demand an earlier dating of the Iranian/Indo-Aryan split; with it have also been associated speculations regarding the route taken by the Aryans to India (e.g., the Asia Minor route...), or, possibly a back migration of Aryans from India. (If the latter, the date of the Aryan settlement of India would have to be moved back far enough to allow not only for them to reach Syria by 1500 BC, but also for their language to have died out by then, leaving only the terminological residue noted...)...the philological evidence alone does not allow an Indian origin of the Aryans...there is the matter of the nature of the common vocabulary shared by Sanskrit with the rest of Indo-Europen, which points to a more northerly ultimate home...The native Dravidian vocabulary has not been reconstructed. Burrow and Emeneau's Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (1960) only assembles materials for it... The civilization seems to have continued peacefully in Gujarat until a comparatively late period, i.e. 800 BC (Fairservis 1975: 307), after which it dissolved into the subsequent culture, which makes that area one of prime importance in detecting any Harappan influence on Aryan language and culture." (Colin P. Masica, The Indo-Aryan Languages, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991).

The proto-versions of present-day languages of Bharat were a dialectical continuum, a linguistic area on the banks of Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu for the millennia starting from the 4th millennium BCE and match with the archaeological evidence and continuing tradition in Bharat.

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The delineation.of mleccha language as the language substrate which finds echoes through glosses in all ancient languages of Bharat and the ability to read the hieroglyphs as mlecchita vikalpa places presents a dramatically new picture of the language situation in Bharat on Sarasvati and Sindhu River Basins and in the coastal regions of Rann of Kutch, Gulf of Khambat, Makran coast and along the Persian Gulf. The substratum dialects constituting Mleccha can explain (1) the presence of many non-Indo-European words in an ancient text such as the Rigveda; and (2) the indigenous origins and autochthonous evolution of Bharatiya culture along the coastline of Sindhu sagara and in the Sarasvati River Basin which is dotted with over 2,000 (out of 2,600) archaeological sites of the ‘Harappan’ culture.

The language created by craftsmen is echoed in Va_tsya_yana's list of 64 arts which includes mlecchita vikalpa 'cypher writing' (of metalsmiths, mleccha).

Two dominant cultural unity markers of itihaasa bharati or Hindu civilisation which evolved indigenously are: 1. languages of Sanskrit and Prakrits and 2. ja_ti. The history of languages in Bharat and the history of ja_ti in Bharat are two sides of a cultural unity, the same cultural idiom related to the doctrines of vrata, dharma, r.n.a., yoga and karma. No wonder, Maha_vi_ra explains jaina ariya dhamm in mleccha. Mleccha of the linguistic area circa 5000 years Before Present with an intense interaction among munda, Dravidian, and indo-aryan dialects, differentiates into the present-day language kaleidoscope of Bharat. [Kalyanaraman, Srinivasan, 2005, Prakrit Languages and Jaati, in: Rita D. Sharma and Adarsh Deepak, eds., 2005, Contemporary Issues in constructive Dharma, Volume II:

Epistemology and Hermeneutics, Hampton, Virginia, Deepak Heritage Books. See also Sarasvati hieroglyphs decoded as mleccha, summaries at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 ]

Jaati is an extended kinship group which evolved out of the interactions related to the core doctrines. No wonder, Mahavi_ra explains jaina ariya dhamma in mleccha (ardhamagadhi), which differentiates into the present-day language kaleidoscope of Bharat. It is not a mere accident that the discourses of the Buddha were in Pali, a lingua franca of the times. automatic transformation of ardhama_gadhi speech into the languages of the listeners is a way of affirming the nature of the lingua franca, Prakrit, when Mahavira communicates Jaina dhamma as ariya dhamma. There is explicit permission to use Prakrit, as a non-ariya language, that is non-use of grammatically correct Samskr.tam, to communicate to all people: This is categorically stated in Kundakunda's Samayasa_ra, verse 8: yatha n.a vi sakkam an.ajjo an.ajjabha_sam vin.a_ du ga_hedum taha vavaha_ren.a vin.a_ paramatthuvadesan.am asakkam This is a crucial phrase, vyavaha_ra or vavaha_ra, the spoken tongue in vogue, or the lingua franca, or what french linguists call, parole. The use of vyava_hara bha_sa, that is mleccha tongue, was crucial for effectively communicating Mahavira's message on ariya dhamma.

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It can be posited that there was a dynamic interaction among janajaati of Bharat which resulted in the patterns and practices of Bharatiya culture and identity. Redfield Robert and Milton B. Singer, The cultural role of cities, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 1954 note: "This ¦is perhaps the most important conclusion of recent anthropological studies of Hinduism…the unity of Hinduism does not exclusively reside in an exemplary set of norms and scriptures, such as those defined by Sanskritic Hinduism, or in an alternative 'lower level' popular Hinduism of the uncultivated masses. The unity is to be found rather in the continuities that can be traced vin the concrete media of song, dance, play, sculpture, painting, religious story and rite that connect the rituals and beliefs of the villager with those of the townsman and urbanite, one region with another, and the educated with the uneducated." Irawati Karve (Hindu Society: an interpretation, 1961, Poona, Deccan College) contests the received wisdom that the proliferation of jaati in Bharat is the result of fission, sub-fission of a limited number of varn.a. The alternative view offered by her is that jaati is an extended family or kin group, an exogamous kinship, normally tied to a hereditary occupation and that the birth of jaati as an institution preceded the birth of varn.a framework in society.

The cultural idiom expressed by these markers are related to the core doctrines of vrata, dharma, r.n.a., yoga and karma. Sanskrit and Prakrits are the grammatically-correct and spoken streams flowing out of the interactions among munda, dravidian and indo-aryan dialects operating in a linguistic area circa 5000 years Before Present. In ancient Bharatiya texts, mleccha, a Prakrit, was recognised as an early speech form, a dialect referred to in S'atapatha Brahman,a and Mahabharata, a dialect which required a translator for a Mesopotamian transacting with a sea-faring Meluhha merchant of Saptasindhu region. Ja_ti is an extended kinship group which evolved out of the interactions related to the core doctrines. No wonder, Maha_vi_ra explains jaina ariya dhamma in mleccha (ardhama_gadhi_, apabhrams’a), which differentiates into the present-day language kaleidoscope of Bharat. Sanskrit and prakrits

Sanskrit and Prakrits are two cultural streams, two stylisic variants of bharatiya speech, which have come down from the days of r.s.i-s of Rigveda, Maha_vi_ra and Gautama Buddha, and which have nourished Hindu civilization through Vedic, Ardhama_gadhi and Pali dialectical continuum, operating through a linguistic area in Saptasindhu region where early speakers of Munda, Dravidian and Indo-Aryan dialects should have interacted circa 5000 years Before Present. Both Ardhama_gadhi and Pali are dialects of Magadha, the region walked by both Maha_vi_ra and Gautama Buddha. Even the early Tamil inscriptions have been influenced by Ardhama gadhi, resulting in the development of bi-lingualism or even tri-lingualism as a pan-bharatiya phenomenon, if apabhrams'a dialects are deemed to be popularised Sanskrit forms of speech. Namisa_dhu who comments on Rudrat.a's Ka_vya_lamka_ra (2.12) notes that the basis (prakr.ti) of Prakrit dialects is the natural current language of the 'people', ungoverned by the rules of grammar, (sakala-jagajjantu_na_m vya_karan.a_dibhir ana_hita samska_rah sahajo vacana vya_pa_hah prak.tih tatra bhavam saiva va_ pra_kr.tam; cf. Pischel, Comparative

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grammar of Prakrit languages, 9, p.7) Thus, the critical differentiation between Sanskrit and Prakrit is in the adherance or non-adherance to rules of grammar, say, as prescribed by Panini for Sanskrit. Prakrits are living speeches which evolved as dialects and had, in a remarkable build-up of language regions (S'auraseni_, Ma_ha_ra_s.t.ri_, Ma_gadhi_, Munda, Santali, Tamil (Damila) etc.), raised to a literary level on par with Sanskrit which tontinued to have a grammatical uniformity right from the days of Panini's grammar.

Phonological features such as retroflex consonants, consonant clusters (e.g., mahadda_nam, marudbhih, saccaritram, tat.t.i_ka) resulting in consonant geminates, non-presence of plosive consonants in word final positions, voicing, omission of single intervocalic stops point to similarities between Dravidian and Indo-Aryan Prakrits. Some scholars tend to explain retroflex sounds as regular phonetic development in Indo-Aryan from earlier dentals. Some scholars opine that Proto-Munda may not have had retroflex sounds since Sora lacks them. But, the large presence of retroflex consonants in Prakrits point to the influence of local speakers of Munda and Dravidian languages. Many borrowings from Dravidian and Munda (or, even Language X) in Sanskrit and presence of unexplained agricultural terms in modern bharatiya languages, have been noted by scholars while the direction of borrowing will continue to be a bone of contention as articles of faith. It is also a moot point if Nahali is a language isolate or a product of a linguistic area since the language contains Indo-Aryan, Munda and Dravidian glosses. When two vowels are in sequence, Prakrit sandhi rules seem to follow the Dravidian type. (e.g. adi + ekkad.a = adekkad.a 'where is that' (Telugu); nara + india = narinda 'king' (Prakrit). The particle iti (tti) is found ina syntactic pattern: Ma_g, kim bhan.a_dha, kim kalais's'as'i tti 'what did you say? what could he do?' Similar form of 'to say' used to mark a quotation occurs in Kannada: nanag (e) i_ vica_ra tili_du anta he_lidru:"'he said, 'I do not know this". Emeneau notes the parallel use of onomatopoetics: Pkt. tharatharedi, tharatharai 'feels giddy'; Kan. 'gud.ugud.isu 'to grumble, roar'. The convergence in phonology and grammar is explained as extensive bilingualism (Kuiper, FBJ, 1967, The genesis of a linguistic area, IIJ, 10, 81-102; Emeneau, 1956, India as a linguistic area, Lg., 32,.3-16).

Emeneau said: "[vocabulary loans from Dravidian into Indo-Aryan] are in fact all merely 'suggestions.' Unfortunately, all areal etymologies are in the last analysis unprovable, are 'acts of faith', ...It is always possible, e.g. to counter a suggestion of borrowing from one of the indigenous language families by suggesting that there has been borrowing in the other direction," (Emeneau, MB, 1980, Language and Linguistic Area, Stanford, Stanford University Press, p. 177).

Linguistic studies governed by such 'acts of faith', will continue speculating. Kuiper, for example, found that 'the vast majority of the R.gvedc loan words belong to the spheres of domestic and agricultural life. They belong not only to the popular speech... but to the specific language of an agrarian population,.' (Kuiper, FBJ, 1955, p. 185). Kuiper says that there are 380 loans in the Rigveda; Thieme says that there are no loans at all.

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These 'acts of faith' operating in linguistics, leads Edwin Bryant to conclude: "The hypothesis of a pre-Indo-Aryan linguistic substratum remains a perfectly acceptable way of explaining the existence of the non-Indo-European features in Sanskrit. Particularly significant in this regard is the non-Indo-Aryan nature of the terms for the flora of the Northwest. But this is not the only model. As I have attempted to outline, the possibility of spontaneous development for many of the innovated syntactical features, coupled with the possibility of an adstratum relationship between Draidian and Sanskrit for features that are undoubtedly borrowings, are the most obvious alternative possibilities. In conclusion, in my opinion, the theory of Indo-Aryan migrations into the Indian subcontinent must be primarily established without doubt ON OTHER GOUNDS (emphasis in original) to be fully conclusive. The apparent 'evidence' of a linguistic substratum in Indo-Aryan, in and of itself, cannot be used as a decisive arbitrator in the debate over Indo-Aryan origins." (Bryant, Edwin F., 1999, Linguistic substrata and the indigenous Aryan debate, in: Johannes Bronkhorst and Madhav M. Deshpande, Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia, Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 3, Cambridge, p. 80).

Fineto talk of substrata, adstrata and borrowings in linguistics. But, for the Aryan question, linguistic analyses are not necessary and sufficient condition. Let us take a look at what the ancient writers in Bharat had to say about the language situation in various parts of the country. Manu notes (10.45):

mukhaba_hu_rupajja_na_m ya_ loke ja_tayo bahih mlecchava_cas' ca_ryava_cas te sarve dasyuvah smr.ta_h

This shows a two-fold division of spoken (va_cas) dialects: arya speech and mleccha speech. The language spoken was an indicator of social identity. Hence, Manu says that everyone is a barbarian dasyu, whether he spoke arya or mleccha tongues. Maha_bha_s.ya (Vol. i, p.2) of Patanjali however, notes that learning Sanskrit grammar was necessary for one not to become a mleccha: tasma_d bra_hman.ena na mlecchitavai.. mleccha_ ma_ bhu_mety adhyeyam vya_karan.am.

Hence, it is natural for Vidura or Khanaka (miner) to convey a message to Yudhishthira in mleccha tongue while describing the technicalities involved in the la_ks.a_gr.ha (the palace of lac): kincic ca viduren.okto mlechava_ca_si pa_n.d.ava (0011350061, electronic text of Muneo Tokunaga based on BORI critical edition).

Thus, we have two dialect variants mentioned: a_rya and mleccha, the former is grammatically correct Sanskrit, the other is the des'i or lingua franca (not unlike the words glossed in Hemacandra's Des'i_na_mama_la_). The existence of the two categories of speech finds support in the Jaina tract, Pan.n.avan.a_sutta (Pt. I, pp. 35 ff; cf. Deshpande, Madhav M., 1979, Sociolinguistic

attitudes in India. An historical reconstruction, Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, inc. pp. 43 ff.). After providing a long list of mleccha peoples, mostly living outside of a_rya_varta in the region of northern Bharat stretching from Gujarat to Assam, the text identifies two categories: ariya and milakkhu/an.a_riya. In su_tra 56 of Aupapa_tikasu_tra (= Ovava_iyasutta, p.53), Mahavira speaks about dhamma in

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ardhama_gadhi_ language: addhama_gaha_e bha_sa_e bha_sai ariha_ dhammam parikahei. The explanation of dhamma is made to ariya and an.a_riya (tesim savvesim a_riyaman.la_riya_n.am... dhammam a_ikkhai. Clearly, both ariya and milakkhu speakers could comprehend ardhama_gadhi language use by Mahavira. The text notes that the words spoken by Mahavira got transformed for ariya and mleccha into their own mother-tongues:

sa_ vi ya n.am addhama_gaha_ bha_sa tesim savvesim a_riyaman.a_riya_n.am appan.o sabha_sa_e parin.a_men.am parin.amai.

A similar version of tranformation contained in Aupapa_tikasu_tra, is cited by L.B. Gandhi in another su_tra called Samava_ya_ngasu_tra, where the audience includes bipeds, quadrupeds, beasts, animals, birds and serpents apart from ariya and mleccha:

sa_ vi ya n.am addhama_gahi_ bha_sa_ bha_sijjama_n.i_ tesim savvesim a_riyaman.a_riya_n.am duppaya cauppaya miya pasu pakkhi sari_siva_n.am appappan.o hiyasiva suha da_ya bha_satta_e parin.amai. (A_gamoddha_rasamiti edition, p. 60, quoted in L.B. Gandhi, ed., 1927, Apabhrams'aka_vyatrayi_, by Jinadattasu_ri, Gaekwad's Oriental Series No. 37, Reprinted in 1967, Baroda). This automatic transformation of ardhama_gadhi speech into the languages of the listeners is a way of affirming the nature of the lingua franca, Prakrit, when Mahavira communicates Jaina dhamma as ariya dhamma. There is explicit permission to use Prakrit, as a non-ariya language, that is non-use of grammatically correct Samskr.tam, to communicate to all people: This is categorically stated in Kundakunda's Samayasa_ra, verse 8 cited elsewhere. This Prakrit is mleccha (meluhha).

The clarity with which two dialect streams are identified in the region traversed by Mahavira, is also explicit in the statement contained in S'atapatha Bra_hman.a (3.2.1.23).

he 'lavo he 'lavah

is said to be the expression of exclamation by asura. Paul Thieme takes this to be ma_gadhi_ equivalent:

he 'layo he 'layah (so cited by grammarian Patanjali)

which in turn, corresponds to Samskr.tam: he 'rayo he 'rayah 'hail friends!' (Paul Thieme, 1938, Der Fremdling im Rigveda, Eine Studie uber die Bedeutung der Worte

ari, arya, aryaman und a_rya. Leipzig: Brockhaus. Reprint in: Paul Thieme, Opera

Maiora, Band I. Ed. Werner Knobl and Nobuhiko Kobayashi, Kyoto: Hozokan Publishing Co. 1995, pp. 1-184, p. 4 (10).

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This passage and other evidence leads David Carpenter to conclude: '(vedic society) as a hybrid culture forged out of Indo-Aryan and indigenous ...elements under the aegis of the cultural norm represented by the sacrifice and its language.' (Carpenter, David, 1994, The mastery of speech: canonicity and control in the Vedas, in: Authority, anciety and canon, Essays in Vedic interpretations, ed. Laurie L. Patton, Albany, State University of New York Press, pp. 10-34, p. 30).

Heinz-Jurgen Pinnow's "Versuch einer Historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache" published in 1959 was a pioneering work which sought to identify etymologies of austroasiatic family of languages. Pinnow included Nahali (a language spoken on the River Tapati in a region northwest of Ellichpur in Madhya Pradesh, not far from the Bhimbhetka caves, a language which is said to have 24% with no cognates in India (hence, a language isolate or language Y?), 36% Kurku munda glosses and 9% dravidian glosses – cf. Kuiper, FBJ, 1966, The sources of Nahali vocabulary, in H. Zide, ed., Studies in comparative Austroasiatic linguistics, The Hague, pp. 96-192), in his list making comparisons of vocabularies betwen Nahali and Mundarica (Pinnow, Heinz-Jürgen. 1959, Versuch Einer Historischen Lautlehre Der Kharia-Sprache. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz.) IE linguistics is divided on the issue of classifying Nahali; is it a language isolate? Or, is it part of an Indo-Aryan family? Even the set of languages which were in use in Bharat in ancient times has not been drawn up, "common objections are that we cannot even identify most of hose non-IA languages, now died out, or that we have no Dravidian or Munda documents from that time, (Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, Aryans in the Rigveda, Amsteram-Atlanta: Rodopi, Page i).” This is the sorry state of affairs about linguistic studies related to the 'I' in the IE family. The sorry state is exemplified by the postulate of 'language X' by Masica to explain 30% of the words used in Hindi for agricultural plants. (Masica, Colin, 1979, Aryan and non-Aryan elements in North Indian Agriculture', in M. Deshpande, PE Hook, eds., Aryan and non-Aryan in India, Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studie, University of Michigan, p. 55-151. Add to this, the observation of Kuiper: '...it should be recognized that (Vedic) Sanskrit had long been AN INDIAN LANGUAGE (emphasis Kuiper's), when it made its appearance in history. The adaptations to foreign linguistic patterns cannot be dismissed, (Kuiper, FBJ, 1991, opcit, p. 94).’ Thus, we have a situation where the Vedic dialect itself is a composite of substratum and adstratum, yet an 'Indian language'. Is it necessary or possible, through linguistic methods, to isolate the munda, dravidian, and indo-aryan elements in Vedic? In our view, it is not necessary. It is enough to start with an agreed consensus that Vedic is an 'Indian language,' as categorised by Kuiper.

Abhidha_na Cinta_man.i of Hemachandra states that mleccha and mleccha-mukha are two of the twelve names for copper: ta_mram (IV.105-6: ta_mram mlecchamukham s'ulvam rakt tam dvas.t.amudumbaram; mlecchas'a_varabheda_khyam markata_syam kani_yasam; brahmavarddhanam varis.t.ham si_santu si_sapatrakam). milakkhurajanam (The Thera andTheriga_tha_, PTS, verse 965: milakkhurajanam rattam garahanta_ sakam dhajam; tithiya_nam dhajam keci dha_ressanty avada_takam; K.R.Norman, tr., Theraga_tha_: Finding fault with their own banner which is dyed the colour of copper, some will wear the white banner of sectarians).[cf. Asko and Simo Parpola, On the relationship of the

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Sumerian Toponym Meluhha and Sanskrit Mleccha, Studia Orientalia, vol. 46, 1975, pp. 205-38)]. Amarakos'a (2.9.97; K.G. Oka, The Amarakos'a, repr. Delhi, 1981, p. 155) reads: atha ta_mrakam, s'ulvam mlecchamukham dvyas.t.a varis.t.h odumbara_n.i ca: four words are given as synonyms: ta_mraka, s'ulva, mlecchamukham, udumbaram. The section appended to the Vedic Kalpa or S'rautasu_tra on the rules of making fire-altars, their diagrams and geometry is referred to as s'ulbasu_tra; if s'ulva refers to copper, the su_tra or rajju, the measuring rope should be interpreted as copper wire. Another interpretation could be: rules for copper (in alchemical terms). Kaut.ilya's Arthas'a_stra (ca. 3rd cent. BCE)recognizes s'ulba means (1) copper (2.13.16 and 44; 2.14.20-22 and 30-31); and (2) underground vein of metal ore (2.12.1) or water (2.24.1) (Kangle, R.P., 1960, The Arthas'a_stra, Bombay.). cf. Edgerton, P., 1970, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, repr. Delhi, p.531: ta_mraloham ca sulvam; p. 533, sasulbika = coppersmith. Mleccha and non-mleccha dialects (des’I or des’a bha_s.a: Vatsyayana)

In terms of language history of Bha_ratavars.a, the philological debates of S'abara and Kuma_rila exemplify the extensive borrowings among mleccha speakers and others, an example of what modern linguistics terms as 'dialectical substratum'. The debates also indicate that there was no unilateral closure on the part of the Samskr.tam or Prakrit or Pali speakers to reject the interactive processes which were natural processes in the evolution of the language spectrum of Bha_ratavars.a. While there was no wholesale rejection or absorption, the dialectical differences between mleccha and non-mleccha languages were certainly emphasised. This situation is also exemplified by the problems faced by linguists in classifying the Nahali language spoken by communities in the Tapati River Valley south-west of the Vindhya Ranges. The accommodative mode of contacts has been succinctly summarised by William Bright: "For language history in general, structural borrowing can be associated with an 'accommodative' mode of cultural contact, attested throughout the history of South Asia, whereas constraints on linguistic borrowing are likely to be associated with a more 'separatist' mode of contact." [William Bright, 1990, Language Variation in South Asia, Oxford, p. ix]. How can Nahali be termed a language isolate when 50% of the words are ‘indo-aryan’, 25% are ‘dravidian’ and 25% are ‘munda’? It could merely exemplify a linguistic area. substrate languages. A language (in particular as it appears in proper names and geographical names) may show signs of so called substrate languages (like the influence of Celtic on ancient Gaul; compare some Indian geographical names in the US attesting the original inhabitants). Some professional names and agricultural implements in Sumerian show that agriculture and the economic use of metals existed before the arrival of the Sumerians. Sumerian words with a pre-Sumerian origin are: professional names such as simug 'blacksmith' and tibira 'copper smith', 'metal-manifacturer' are not in origin Sumerian words. agricultural terms, like engar 'farmer', apin 'plow' and absin 'furrow', are neither of Sumerian origin. craftsman like nangar 'carpenter', a:gab 'leather worker'

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religious terms like sanga 'priest' some of the most ancient cities, like Kish, have names that are not Sumerian in origin. These words must have been loan words from a substrate language. The words show how far the division in labor had progressed even before the Sumerians arrived.

Meluhha is the region where bharatiya languages, such as mleccha (cognate, melukkha, meluhha) were spoken; Mahabharata attests, in the context of a cryptographic reference, that Vidura and Yudhishthira spoke in mleccha. (Appended: Cryptography and reference to mleccha as language in Mahabharata, and to

khanaka, the miner contains text from the epic with a translation).

The antelope carried by the bearded Me-lah-ha on an Akkadian cylinder seal may be a phonetic determinant: mel.aka or mr..eka (Telugu)(melu-hha; also, melech, 'king'; plural form, 'melechim'). [cf. Melech Hamashiah: King Messiah; Akad: {Akkad} A city in Mesopotamia (now Iraq) which was part of Nimrod's

kingdom, founded by Melech Sargon around 2350 BCE Genesis 10:10; KP

Jayaswal notes that mleccha was the Samskr.tam representation of Hebrew melekh meaning, 'king' and that the utterance: he lavah! he lavah! in the S'atapatha Bra_hman.a was a specimen of mleccha speech; that this spech is cognate

with Hebrew e_loa_h (plural e_lo_him) meaning, 'God' (Jayaswal, KP, 1914, 'Kleine Mitteilungen', Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschraft,, vol. LXXII,

p. 719). For the specimen of mleccha speech, an alternative explanation is provided in Maha_bha_s.ya with a variation, helayo helayo; Sa_yan.a_ca_rya notes that the speimen of Asura/mleccha speech is a variant of he 'rayo, he 'raya meaning, 'O the (spiteful) enemies', explained by the asuras' inability to pronounce the sounds, - r- and –y-. (Maha_bha_s.ya 1.1.1; KC Chatterjee, 1957, Patanjali's Maha_bha_s.ya, Calcutta, pp. 10-11; Sa_yan.a on S'atapatha Bra_hman.a, 3.2.1.23).] The word me-la-hha may also be cognate with: mer.h, med.h, 'copper merchant'. Another example of a substrate term: Sumerian tibira, tabira (Akkadian. LU2 URUDU-NAGAR =. "[person] copper-carpenter"); a word indicating borrowing from a substrate. In Pkt. tambira = copper. According to Gernot Wilhelm, the Hurrian version of tabira is: tab-li 'copper founder'; tab-iri 'the one who has cast (copper)'. This may explain why two statuettes made of solid gold and solid silver of Elamite kings also shown carrying an antelope/zebu in their hands: melech, 'king'.Elamite worshipper, Susa, Iran 12th century BCE (middle Elamite period), excavated by Ronald de Mecquenem in 1904.

Melukka, copper; melh, goat

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On some glyphs, the antelope is held by its neck (med.a or melkha_):

urseal8Seal; BM 118704; U. 6020; Gadd PBA 18 (1932), pp. 9-10, pl. II, no.8; two figures carry between them a vase, and one presents a goat-like animal (not an antelope) which he holds by the neck. Human figures wear early Sumerian garments of fleece.

melkha_ throat, neck (Kur.); melque throat (Malt.)(DEDR 5080). This glyph of holding by the throat of the animal is a phonetic determinant of the animal itself: me_lh goat (Br.); mr..e_ka (Te.); meque to bleat (Malt.); me_ke she-goat (Ka.); goat (Nk.) me~_ka, me_ka goat (Te.); me.ke (Kol.); me_ge goat (Ga.); meka_, me_ka (Go.); me_xna_ to call, hail (Kur.)(DEDR 5087). med.a = neck (Te.lex.) met.e = the throat (Ka.); men-n.a, men-n-i (Ta.); menne (Ma.); mid.ar-u = the neck, the throat (Ta.Ma.); met.regat.t.u = a swelling of the glands of the throat (Ka.lex.) [The dotted circle connoting the eye: khan:gar ‘full of holes’; rebus: kan:gar ‘furnace’] This is rebus for: melukka copper (Pali) [cf.Meluhhan interpreter shown on a cylinder seal; the Meluhhan is shown carrying a goat on his hands.]

Akkadian. Cylinder seal Impression. Inscription records that it belongs to ‘S’u-ilis’u, Meluhha interpreter’, i.e., translator of the Meluhhan language

(EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI) The Meluhhan being introduced carries an antelope on his arm. Musee du Louvre. Ao 22 310, Collection De Clercq3rd millennium BCE. The Meluhhan is accompanied by a lady carrying a kaman.d.alu. Since he needed an interpreter, Meluhhan did not speak Akkadian. Antelope carried by the Meluhhan is a hieroglyph: mlekh ‘goat’ (Br.); mr..eka (Te.); me_t.am (Ta.); mes.am (Skt.) Thus, the goat conveys the message that the carrier is a Meluhha. A phonetic determinant.

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Melakkha, islanddwellers Here are the passages in the Maha_bha_rata: " na a_rya_ mlecchanti bha_s.a_bhir ma_yaya_ na caranty uta: aryas do not speak with crude dialects like mlecchas, nor do they behave with duplicity (MBh. 2.53.8). a dear friend of Vidura who was a professional excavator is sent by Vidura to help the Pa_n.d.avas in confinement; this friend of Vidura has a conversation with Yudhisthira, the eldest Pa_n.d.ava: "kr.s.n.apakse caturdasyàm ràtràv asya purocanah, bhavanasya tava dvàri pradàsyati hutàsanam, màtrà saha pradagdhavyàh pa_n.d.avàh purus.ars.abhàh, iti vyavasitam pàrtha dha_rtara_s.t.ra_sya me šrutam, kiñcic ca vidurenkoto mleccha-vàcàsi pa_n.d.ava, tyayà ca tat tathety uktam etad visvàsa ka_ran.am: on the fourteenth evening of the dark fortnight, Purocana will put fire in the door of your house. ‘The Pandavas are leaders of the people, and they are to be burned to death with their mother.’ This, Pa_rtha (Yudhis.t.ira), is the determined plan of Dhr.tara_s.t.ra’s son, as I have heard it. When you were leaving the city, Vidura spoke a few words to you in the dialect of the mlecchas, and you replied to him, ‘So be it’. I say this to gain your trust.(MBh. 1.135.4-6). This passage shows that there were two Aryans distinguished by language and ethnicity, Yudhis.t.ra and Vidura. Both are aryas, who could speak mlecchas’ language; Dhr.tara_s.t.ra and his people are NOT aryas only because of their behaviour. According to the great epic, Mlecchas lived on islands: "sa sarva_n mleccha nr.patin sa_gara dvi_pa va_sinah, aram a_ha_ryàm àsa ratna_ni vividha_ni ca, andana aguru vastra_n.i man.i muktam anuttamam, ka_ñcanam rajatam vajram vidrumam ca maha_ dhanam: (Bhima) arranged for all the mleccha kings, who dwell on the ocean islands, to bring varieties of gems, sandalwood, aloe, garments, and incomparable jewels and pearls, gold, silver, diamonds, and extremely valuable coral… great wealth." (MBh. 2.27.25-26). According to Geiger and Kern, Pa_li term, mila_ca meaning 'forest dweller' was the original variant of milakkha and was used in Ja_takas and Di_gha Nika_ya (Ja_taka, XIV, 486; XVII, 524; Geiger, Wilhelm, Pa_li Literature and Language, tr. BK Ghosh, Calcutta, 1956; repr., 2958, New Delhi, 1978; Kern, H., Toevoegselen op't Woordenbock van Childers, 2 pts., NR., XVI, nos. 4 and 5).This term, mleccha, should be differentiated from another term, pa_s.an.d.a, who were opposed to the doctrines of the times. There is no indication, whatsoever, in any text that mleccha were pa_s.an.d.a; the mleccha were in fact, an integral and a dominant part of the community called in the Rigveda as, Bha_ratam janam – the people of the nation of Bha_rata (RV 3.53.12). Similarly, there is no indication whatsoever that mleccha were a distinct linguistic entity. The only differentiation indicated in the early texts that mleccha is ‘unrefined’ speech, that is, the lingua franca (as distinct from the dialects used in mantra-s or Samskr.tam). Thus mleccha is a reference to a common dialect, the spoken tongue in the Indic language family.

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What distinquished mleccha and a_rya, when used in reference to language-speakers or dialect-speakers, were only places of habitation, norms of behaviour and dialectical variations in parole (ordinary spoken language) juxtaposed to grammatically 'correct' Samskr.tam or inscriptional Prakrits or Pali. Mleccha in Sanskrit is milakkha or milakkhu in Pali, and the term describes those who dwell on the outskirts of a village. (Shendge, Malati, 1977, The civilized demons: the Harappans in Rigveda, Abhinav Publications).

A milakkhu is disconnected from va_c [refined speech, for e.g. as Samskr.tam, as distinguished from the natural (spoken dialect or lingua franca) Prakr.t] and does not speak Vedic; he spoke Prakrt. "na a_rya_ mlecchanti bha_s.a_bhir ma_yaya_ na caranty uta: aryas do not speak with crude dialects like mlecchas, nor do they behave with duplicity (MBh. 2.53.8). a dear friend of Vidura who was a professional excavator is sent by Vidura to help the Pa_n.d.avas in confinement; this friend of Vidura has a conversation with Yudhisthira, the eldest Pa_n.d.ava: "kr.s.n.apakse caturdasyàm ràtràv asya purocanah, bhavanasya tava dvàri pradàsyati hutàsanam, màtrà saha pradagdhavyàh pa_n.d.avàh purus.ars.abhàh, iti vyavasitam pàrtha dha_rtara_s.t.ra_sya me šrutam, kiñcic ca vidurenkoto mleccha-vàcàsi pa_n.d.ava, tyayà ca tat tathety uktam etad visvàsa ka_ran.am: on the fourteenth evening of the dark fortnight, Purocana will put fire in the door of your house. ‘The Pandavas are leaders of the people, and they are to be burned to death with their mother.’ This, Pa_rtha (Yudhis.t.ira), is the determined plan of Dhr.tara_s.t.ra’s son, as I have heard it. When you were leaving the city, Vidura spoke a few words to you in the dialect of the mlecchas, and you replied to him, ‘So be it’. I say this to gain your trust.

This passage shows that there were two Arya-s distinguished by language group, Yudhis.t.ra and Vidura. Both are aryas, who could speak mleccha language (mleccha va_casi); Dhr.tara_s.t.ra and his people (who could also speak mleccha) are NOT arya (respected persons) only because of their behaviour.

On sources of tin: tin from Melukkha !

"Tin from 'Meluhha'...According to the Larsa texts, merchants were there (in Mari and Lrsa) to purchase copper and tin: the copper came from Magan in Oman, via Tilmun (Bahrain), but the origin of the tin is left in question. Tin mines in north-west Iran or the Transcaucasus are highly unlikely. Fortunately, there is evidence for another tin source in texts from Lagash. Lagash, about 50 km east of Larsa, was of minor importance except under the governorship of Gudea (ca. 2143-2124 BC). His inscriptions indicate extensive trade: gold from Cilicia in Anatolia, marble from Amurra in Syria, and cedar wood from the Amanus Mountains between these two countries, while up through the Persian Gulf or 'Southern Sea' came more timber, porphyry (strictly a purplish rock), lapis lazuli and tin. (Burney, 1977, 86; Muhly, 1973, 306-7, 449 note 542; Muhly, J.D., 1973, Tin trade routes of the Bronze Age, Scientific American, 1973, 61, 404-13). One inscription has been translated: Copper and tin, blocks of lapis lazuli and ku ne (meaning unknown), bright carnelian from Meluhha.

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"This is the only reference to tin from Meluhha...either Meluhha was a name vague enough to embrace Badakhshan (the northernmost province of Afghanistan) as well as some portion of the Indian subcontinent including the Indus valley, or 'tin from Meluhha' means that the metal came from some port in Meluhha -- just as 'copper from Tilmun' means copper from elsewhere shipped through the island of Bahrain. Whichever interpretation is correct, the result is the same. Tin must have come from somewhere in India, or from elsewhere along a trade route down the Indus valley. India is not without its tin locations, rare though they are...The largest deposits in India proper are in the Hazaribagh district of Bihar. 'Old workings' are said to exist... (Wheeler, R.E.M., 1953, The Indus Civilization, CUP, 58)...Tin bronzes from Gujarat are at the southernmost limit of Indus influence. The copper could have come from Rajasthan, though copper ingots at the port of Lothal, at the head of the Gulf of Cambay, suggest imports from Oman or some other Near Eastern copper mining district. Tin supplying Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, most famous of the Indus cities, may have been sent overland to Lothal for export, though the scarcity of tin in the Indus cities makes this idea unconvincing. "At Harappa, three copper alloys were used in the period 2500-2000 BC: copper and up to 2% nickel; copper and up to 5% nickel; copper with ca. 10% tin and a trace of arsenic. Ingots of tin as well as of copper were found at Harappa. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C., 1967, Archaeology and metallurgy in prehistoric Afghanistan, India and Pakistan, American Anthropologist, 1967, 69, 145-62). The rarity of the metal is seen at Mohenjo-daro where, of 64 artifacts examined, only nine were of tin bronze. (Tylecote, R.F., 1976, A History of Metallurgy, The Metals Society, p. 11). Ingots of tin bronze have also been found at Chanhu-daro. Yet in spite of its scarcity, tin bronze was widely used. Its occasional abundance and, in the case of the bronzes from Luristan in southern Iran, the high quality of the tin bronzes produced, equally underline the fact that rich source of tin existed somewhere... "The archaeological evidence from Afghanistan is not unequivocal...What is surprising is the discovery in 1962 of corroded pieces of sheet metal bearing traces of an embossed design and made of a low tin content bronze (5.15%)...The uncorroded metal is thought to have contained nearer 7% tin. (Caley, E.R., 1972, Results of an examination of fragments of corroded metal from the 1962 excavation at Snake Cave, Afghanistan, Trans. American Phil. Soc., New Ser. , 62, 43-84). These fragments came from the deepest level in the Snake Cave, contemporary with the earliest occupation dated by 14C to around 5487 and 5291 BC. (Shaffer, J.G., in Allchin F.R. and N. Hammond (eds.), 1979, The Archaeology of Afghanistan, Academic Press, 91, 141-4)...If this dating is acceptable, not only is this metal the earliest tin bronze known from anywhere, but it is also an isolated occurrence of far older than its nearest rival and quite unrelated to the main development of bronze age metallurgy... "Even more exciting is the evidence from Shortugai… In 1975, French archaeologists discovered on the surface at Shortugai, sherds of Indus pottery extending over more than a millennium - the whole span of the Indus civilization. (Lyonnet, B., 1977, Decouverte des sites de l'age du bronze dans le N.E. de l'Afghanistan: leurs rapports avec la civilisation de l'Indus, Annali Instituto Orientali di Napoli, 37, 19-35)… Particularly important is a Harappan seal bearing an engraved rhinoceros and an inscription which reinforces the belief that the site was a trading post. Shortugai is

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only 800 km from Harappa, as the crow flies, though the journey involves hundreds of kilometres of mountainous terrain through the Hindu Kush...Lyonnet's conclusion was that the most likely explanation for their existence was an interest in 'the mineral resources of the Iranian Plateau and of Central Asia', to which can now be added those of Afghanistan itself. Indus contacts extended well into Turkmenia where the principal bronze age settlements, such as Altin-depe and Namasga-depe, lie close to the Iranian border… "A fine copper axe-adze from Harappa, and similar bronze examples from Chanhu-daro and, in Baluchistan, at Shahi-tump, are rare imports of the superior shaft-hole implements developed initially in Mesopotamia before 3000 BC. In northern Iran examples have been found at Shah Tepe, Tureng Tepe, and Tepe Hissar in level IIIc (2000-1500 BC)...Tin was more commonly used in eastern Iran, an area only now emerging from obscurity through the excavation of key sites such as Tepe Yahya and Shahdad. In level IVb (ca. 3000 BCE)at Tepe yahya was found a dagger of 3% tin bronze. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, C.C. and M., 1971, An early city in Iran, Scientific American, 1971, 224, No. 6, 102-11; Muhly, 1973, Appendix 11, 347); perhaps the result of using a tin-rich copper ore. However, in later levels tin bronze became a 'significant element in its material culture' comparatble with other evidence from south-east Iran where at Shadad bronze shaft-hole axes and bronze vessels were found in graves dated to ca. 2500 BC. (Burney, C., 1975, From village to empire: an introduction to Near Eastern Archaeology, 1977, Phaidon). The richness of Tepe Yahha, Shahr-i-Sokhta, and Shadad, are all indicative of trade and 'an accumulation of wealth unsuspected from the area'. (Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1973, reviewing Masson and Sarianidi (1972) in Antiquity, 43-6)....Namazga-depe and neighbouring sites are a long way from the important tin reserves of Fergana...The origin of Near Eastern tin remains unproven; the geological evidence would favour the deposits of Fergana and the Tien Shan range..." (Penhallurick, R.D., 1986, Tin in Antiquity, London, Institute of Metals, pp. 18-32). See Appendix D Some excerpts from Muhly, Forbes, Serge Cleuziou and Thierry Berthoud on sources of tin; tin of Melukkha ! [The cuneiform characters meluh-ha should be read with an alternative phonetic value: me-lah-ha. (Parpola, Asko, S. Koskenniemi, S. Parpola and P. Aalto, 1970, Decipherment of the Proto Dravidian Inscriptions of the Indus Valley, no. 3, Copenhagen, p. 37; me-la_h-ha are a clan from a Sindhi tribe known as Moha_na.)] D.K. Chakrabari (1979, The problem of tin in early India--a preliminary survey, in: Man and Environment, Vol. 3, pp. 61-74) opines that during the pre-Harappan and Harappan periods, the main supply of tin was from the western regions: Khorasan and the area between Bukhara and Samarkand. The ancient tin mines in the Kara Dagh District in NW Iran and in the modern Afghan-Iranian Seistan could have been possible sources. Harappan metal-smiths used to conserve tin by storing and re-using scrap pieces of bronze, making low-tin alloys and substituting tin by arsenic. It is possible that some of the imported tin (like lapis lazuli) was exported to Mesopotamia. Among Sarasvati hieroglyphs, there are homophonous glyphs, that is a variety of glyphs with the same phonetic value. This may explain why two distinct hieroglyphs + one common hieroglyph (X glyph) are used on each of the two tin ingots.

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Mlecchita vikalpa The term, mlecchita vikalpa, is used by Vatsyayana in Kamasutra in the verse related to vidyasamuddes’ah (objectives of education). Together with art of talking with letters and fingers (hand-sign language), and knowledge of dialects, Vatsyayana lists mlecchita-vikalpa as cryptography (cipher-writing) – as three of the 64 arts (education) to be learnt by a youth.

Va_tsya_yana lists 64 arts to be studied (1.3.15).

(47) aksara-mustika-kathana--art of talking with letters and fingers (48) mlecchita-vikalpa—cypher writing (49) desa-bhasa-jnana--art of knowing provincial dialects The term, mlecchita, means ‘made by mleccha’, that is, mlecchita vikalpa refers to cryptography of copper-smiths. (It has been noted elsewhere that milakkhu in Pali and mleccha-mukha in Sanskrit, both mean ‘copper’. It is no mere coincidence that many epigraphs of the historical periods were inscribed on copper-plates recording economic transactions and edicts by rulers. It is also no mere coincidence that there are about 250 epigraphs with Sarasvati hieroglyphs inscribed on copper plates and metal objects. “Dealers when bargaining in the presence of others from whom they wish to conceal their business, join their right hands under cover of the gown or sleeve of one of the parties; by touching the different joints of the fingers they note the numerals, and thus silently conclude their bargain.” (Burckhart, J.L., 1829, Travels in Arabia,

Comprehending an Account of Those Territories in Hadjaz which the Mohammedans

Regard as Sacred, London: H. Colburn, p. 191; cf. Karl Menninger, 1969, Number

words and number symbols: a cultural history of numbers, MIT Press). This cryptography using mleccha language is described in Mahabharata jatugriha parva (shellac house with non-metallic killer devices). Vidura and Yudhishthira converse in mleccha language. So does the khanaka, the miner sent by Vidura to warn Yudhishthira about the jatugriha as a trap to kill the Pandavas. Linking archaeology and philology is an exploration in cryptography. What language could the writings on Haifa tin ingots be based on? The breakthrough invention of alloying may have orthographic parallels of ligatured signs and ligatured pictorial motifs (such as a bovine body with multiple animal heads, combination of animal heads, combination of lathe and furnace on a standard device, ligaturing on a heifer, damr.a -- unicorn -- with one curved horn, pannier, kammarsala). A ligature of a tiger's face to the upper body of a woman is also presented in the round. The hieroglyphic code has been cracked as words of Mleccha. Mleccha (Meluhha) was the language in which Yudhishthira and Vidura converse in the Mahabharata about the non-metallic killer devices of a fortification made of shellac. There is a depiction of a Meluhha trader (accompanied by a woman carrying a kamandalu). There are, however, substratum words in Sumerian such as tibira 'merchant' and sanga 'priest' which are cognate with tam(b)ra 'copper' (Santali) and sanghvi 'priest' (Gujarati). (Kalyanaraman, S., 2003, Sarasvati, 7 vols. 1. Civilization, 2. Rigveda, 3. River; 4.

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Bharati, 5. Technology, 6. Language, 7. Epigraphs, Bangalore, Babasaheb Apte Smarak Samiti http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 ) Such a collation of disparate evidences point to the indic family of languages as a possible part of the crypt.

Cryptography and reference to mleccha as language in Mahabharata, and to khanaka, the miner: Mahabharata > Adi Parva > Jatugriha Parva CXLV – CXLIX evamukteShu rAGYA tu pANDaveShu mahAtmasu . duryodhanaH para.n harShamAjagAma durAtmavAn .. 1..\\ sa purochanamekAntamAnIya bharatarShabha . gR^ihItvA dakShiNe pANau sachiva.n vAkyamabravIt .. 2..\\ mameya.n vasusampUrNA purochana vasundharA . yatheyaM mama tadvatte sa tA.n rakShitumarhasi .. 3..\\ na hi me kashchidanyo.asti vaishvAsikatarastvayA . sahAyo yena sandhAya mantrayeya.n yathA tvayA .. 4..\\ sa.nrakSha tAta mantra.n cha sapatnAMsh cha mamoddhara . nipuNenAbhyupAyena yadbravImi tathA kuru .. 5..\\ pANDavA dhR^itarAShTreNa preShitA vAraNAvatam . utsave vihariShyanti dhR^itarAShTrasya shAsanAt .. 6..\\ sa tva.n rAsabha yuktena syandanenAshu gAminA . vAraNAvatamadyaiva yathA yAsi tathA kuru .. 7..\\ tatra gatvA chatuHshAla.n gR^ihaM paramasa.nvR^itam . AyudhAgAramAshritya kArayethA mahAdhanam .. 8..\\ shaNasarjarasAdIni yAni dravyANi kAni chit . AgneyAnyuta santIha tAni sarvANi dApaya ..9..\\ sarpiShA cha satailena lAkShayA chApyanalpayA . mR^ittikAM mishrayitvA tva.n lepa.n kuDyeShu dApayeH .. 10..\\ shaNAnvaMsha.n ghR^itaM dAru yantrANi vividhAni cha . tasminveshmani sarvANi nikShipethAH samantataH .. 11..\\ yathA cha tvaM na sha~NkeranparIkShanto.api pANDavAH . Agneyamiti tatkAryamiti chAnye cha mAnavAH .. 12..\\ veshmanyeva.n kR^ite tatra kR^itvA tAnparamArchitAn . vAsayeH pANDaveyAMshcha kuntI.n cha sasuhR^ijjanAm .. 13..\\ tatrAsanAni mukhyAni yAnAni shayanAni cha . vidhAtavyAni pANDUnA.n yathA tuShyeta me pitA .. 14..\\ yathA rameranvishrabdhA nagare vAraNAvate . tathA sarva.n vidhAtavyaM yAvatkAlasya paryayaH .. 15..\\ GYAtvA tu tAnsuvishvastA~nshayAnAnakutobhayAn . agnistatastvayA deyo dvAratastasya veshmanaH .. 16..\\ dagdhAneva.n svake gehe dagdhA iti tato janAH . GYAtayo vA vadiShyanti pANDavArthAya karhi chit .. 17..\\ tattatheti pratiGYAya kauravAya purochanaH . prAyAdrAsabha yuktena nagara.n vAraNAvatam .. 18..\\ sa gatvA tvarito rAjanduryodhana mate sthitaH . yathokta.n rAjaputreNa sarva.n chakre purochanaH .. 19..\\

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pANDavAstu rathAnyuktvA sadashvairanilopamaiH . ArohamANA bhIShmasya pAdau jagR^ihurArtavat .. 1..\\ rAGYashcha dhR^itarAShTrasya droNasya cha mahAtmanaH . anyeShA.n chaiva vR^iddhAnA.n vidurasya kR^ipasya cha .. 2..\\ eva.n sarvAnkurUnvR^iddhAnabhivAdya yatavratAH . samAli~Ngya samAnAMshcha balaishchApyabhivAditAH .. 3..\\ sarvA mAtR^IstathApR^iShTvA kR^itvA chaiva pradakShiNam . sarvAH prakR^itayashchaiva prayayurvAraNA vatam .. 4..\\ vidurashcha mahAprAGYastathAnye kurupu~NgavAH . paurAshcha puruShavyAghrAnanvayuH shokakarshitAH .. 5..\\ tatra kechchidbruvanti sma brAhmaNA nirbhayAstadA . shochamAnAH pANDuputrAnatIva bharatarShabha .. 6..\\ viShamaM pashyate rAjA sarvathA tamasAvR^itaH . dhR^itarAShTraH sudurbuddhirna cha dharmaM prapashyati .. 7..\\ na hi pApamapApAtmA rochayiShyati pANDavaH . bhImo vA balinA.n shreShThaH kaunteyo vA dhana~njayaH . kuta eva mahAprAGYau mAdrIputrau kariShyataH .. 8..\\ tadrAjyaM pitR^itaH prApta.n dhR^itarAShTro na mR^iShyate . adharmamakhila.n kiM nu bhIShmo.ayamanumanyate . vivAsyamAnAnasthAne kauneyAnbharatarShabhAn .. 9..\\ piteva hi nR^ipo.asmAkamabhUchchhAntanavaH purA . vichitravIryo rAjarShiH pANDushcha kurunandanaH .. 10..\\ sa tasminpuruShavyAghre diShTa bhAva.n gate sati . rAjaputrAnimAnbAlAndhR^itarAShTro na mR^iShyate .. 11..\\ vayametadamR^iShyantaH sarva eva purottamAt . gR^ihAnvihAya gachchhAmo yatra yAti yuthiShThiraH .. 12..\\ tA.nstathA vAdinaH paurAnduHkhitAnduHkhakarshitaH . uvAcha paramaprIto dharmarAjo yudhiShThiraH .. 13..\\ pitA mAnyo guruH shreShTho yadAha pR^ithivIpatiH . asha~NkamAnaistatkAryamasmAbhiriti no vratam .. 14..\\ bhavantaH suhR^ido.asmAkamasmAnkR^itvA pradakShiNam . AshIrbhirabhinandyAsmAnnivartadhva.n yathA gR^iham .. 15..\\ yadA tu kAryamasmAkaM bhavadbhirupapatsyate . tadA kariShyatha mama priyANi cha hitAni cha .. 16..\\ te tatheti pratiGYAya kR^itvA chaitAnpradakShiNam . AshIrbhirabhinandyainA~n jagmurnagarameva hi .. 17..\\ paureShu tu nivR^itteShu viduraH sarvadharmavit . bodhayanpANDavashreShThamida.n vachanamabravIt . prAGYaH prAGYaM pralApaGYaH samyagdharmArthadarshivAn .. 18..\\ viGYAyeda.n tathA kuryAdApadaM nistaredyathA . alohaM nishita.n shastraM sharIraparikartanam . yo vetti na tamAghnanti pratighAtavida.n dviShaH .. 19..\\ kakShaghnaH shishiraghnashcha mahAkakShe bilaukasaH . na dahediti chAtmAna.n yo rakShati sa jIvati .. 20..\\ nAchakShurvetti panthAnaM nAchakShurvindate dishaH .. 21..\\ nAdhR^itirbhUtimApnoti budhyasvaivaM prabodhitaH . anAptairdattamAdatte naraH shastramalohajam .

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shvAvichchharaNamAsAdya pramuchyeta hutAshanAt .. 22..\\ charanmArgAnvijAnAti nakShatrairvindate dishaH . AtmanA chAtmanaH pa~ncha pIDayannAnupIDyate .. 23..\\ anushiShTvAnugatvA cha kR^itvA chainAM pradakShiNam . pANDavAnabhyanuGYAya viduraH prayayau gR^ihAn .. 24..\\ nivR^itte vidure chaiva bhIShme paurajane gR^ihAn . ajAtashatrumAmantrya kuntI vachanamabravIt .. 25..\\ kShattA yadabravIdvAkya.n janamadhye.abruvanniva . tvayA cha tattathetyukto jAnImo na cha tadvayam .. 26..\\ yadi tachchhakyamasmAbhiH shrotuM na cha sadoShavat . shrotumichchhAmi tatsarva.n sa.nvAda.n tava tasya cha .. 27..\\ viShAdagneshcha boddhavyamiti mA.n viduro.abravIt . panthAshcha vo nAviditaH kashchitsyAditi chAbravIt .. 28..\\ jitendriyashcha vasudhAM prApsyasIti cha mAbravIt . viGYAtamiti tatsarvamityukto viduro mayA .. 29..\\ aShTame.ahani rohiNyAM prayAtAH phalgunasya te . vAraNAvatamAsAdya dadR^ishurnAgara.n janam .. 30..\\ tataH sarvAH prakR^itayo nagarAdvAraNAvatAt . sarvama~Ngala sa.nyuktA yathAshAstramatandritAH .. 1..\\ shrutvAgatAnpANDuputrAnnAnA yAnaiH sahasrashaH . abhijagmurnarashreShThA~nshrutvaiva parayA mudA .. 2..\\ te samAsAdya kaunteyAnvAraNAvatakA janAH . kR^itvA jayAshiShaH sarve parivAryopatasthire .. 3..\\ tairvR^itaH puruShavyAghro dharmarAjo yudhiShThiraH . vibabhau devasa~NkAsho vajrapANirivAmaraiH .. 4..\\ satkR^itAste tu pauraishcha paurAnsatkR^itya chAnaghAH . ala~NkR^ita.n janAkIrNa.n vivishurvAraNAvatam .. 5..\\ te pravishya pura.n vIrAstUrNa.n jagmuratho gR^ihAn . brAhmaNAnAM mahIpAla ratAnA.n sveShu karmasu .. 6..\\ nagarAdhikR^itAnA.n cha gR^ihANi rathinAM tathA . upatasthurnarashreShThA vaishyashUdra gR^ihAnapi .. 7..\\ architAshcha naraiH pauraiH pANDavA bharatarShabhAH . jagmurAvasathaM pashchAtpurochana puraskR^itAH .. 8..\\ tebhyo bhakShyAnnapAnAni shayanAni shubhAni cha . AsanAni cha mukhyAni pradadau sa purochanaH .. 9..\\ tatra te satkR^itAstena sumahArha parichchhadAH . upAsyamAnAH puruShairUShuH puranivAsibhiH .. 10..\\ dasharAtroShitAnA.n tu tatra teShAM purochanaH . nivedayAmAsa gR^iha.n shivAkhyamashiva.n tadA .. 11..\\ tatra te puruShavyAghrA vivishuH saparichchhadAH . purochanasya vachanAtkailAsamiva guhyakAH .. 12..\\ tattvagAramabhiprekShya sarvadharmavishAradaH . uvAchAgneyamityevaM bhImasena.n yudhiShThiraH . jighransomya vasA gandha.n sarpirjatu vimishritam .. 13..\\

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kR^ita.n hi vyaktamAgneyamidaM veshma parantapa . shaNasarjarasa.n vyaktamAnIta.n gR^ihakarmaNi . mu~nja balvaja vaMshAdi dravya.n sarva.n ghR^itokShitam .. 14..\\ shilpibhiH sukR^ita.n hyAptairvinItairveshma karmaNi . vishvastaM mAmayaM pApo dagdhakAmaH purochanaH .. 15..\\ imA.n tu tAM mahAbuddhirviduro dR^iShTavA.nstadA . imA.n tu tAM mahAbuddhirviduro dR^iShTavAnpurA .. 16..\\ te vayaM bodhitAstena buddhavanto.ashiva.n gR^iham . AchAryaiH sukR^ita.n gUDhairduryodhana vashAnugaiH .. 17..\\ yadida.n gR^ihamAgneya.n vihitaM manyate bhavAn . tatraiva sAdhu gachchhAmo yatra pUrvoShitA vayam .. 18..\\ iha yattairnirAkArairvastavyamiti rochaye . naShTairiva vichinvadbhirgatimiShTA.n dhruvAmitaH .. 19..\\ yadi vindeta chAkAramasmAka.n hi purochanaH . shIghrakArI tato bhUtvA prasahyApi daheta naH .. 20..\\ nAyaM bibhetyupakroshAdadharmAdvA purochanaH . tathA hi vartate mandaH suyodhana mate sthitaH .. 21..\\ api cheha pradagdheShu bhIShmo.asmAsu pitAmahaH . kopa.n kuryAtkimartha.n vA kauravAnkopayeta saH . dharma ityeva kupyeta tathAnye kurupu~NgavAH .. 22..\\ vaya.n tu yadi dAhasya bibhyataH pradravema hi . spashairno ghAtayetsArvAnrAjyalubdhaH suyodhanaH .. 23..\\ apadasthAnpade tiShThannapakShAnpakShasa.nsthitaH . hInakoshAnmahAkoshaH prayogairghAtayeddhruvam .. 24..\\ tadasmAbhirimaM pApa.n taM cha pApa.n suyodhanam . va~nchayadbhirnivastavya.n chhannavAsaM kva chitkva chit .. 25..\\ te vayaM mR^igayA shIlAshcharAma vasudhAmimAm . tathA no viditA mArgA bhaviShyanti palAyatAm .. 26..\\ bhauma.n cha bilamadyaiva karavAma susa.nvR^itam . gUDhochchhvasAnna nastatra hutAshaH sampradhakShyati .. 27..\\ vasato.atra yathA chAsmAnna budhyeta purochanaH . pauro vApi janaH kashchittathA kAryamatandritaiH .. 28..\\ vidurasya suhR^itkashchitkhanakaH kushalaH kva chit . vivikte pANDavAnrAjannida.n vachanamabravIt .. 1..\\ prahito vidureNAsmi khanakaH kushalo bhR^isham . pANDavAnAM priya.n kAryamiti kiM karavANi vaH .. 2..\\ prachchhanna.n vidureNoktaH shreyastvamiha pANDavAn . pratipAdaya vishvAsAditi ki.n karavANi vaH .. 3..\\ kR^iShNapakShe chaturdashyA.n rAtrAvasya purochanaH . bhavanasya tava dvAri pradAsyati hutAshanam .. 4..\\ mAtrA saha pradagdhavyAH pANDavAH puruSharShabhAH . iti vyavasitaM pArtha dhArtarAShTrasya me shrutam .. 5..\\ ki.n chichcha vidureNokto mlechchha vAchAsi pANDava . tvayA cha tattathetyuktametadvishvAsakAraNam .. 6..\\

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uvAcha ta.n satyadhR^itiH kuntIputro yudhiShThiraH . abhijAnAmi saumya tvA.n suhR^idaM vidurasya vai .. 7..\\ shuchimAptaM priya.n chaiva sadA cha dR^iDhabhaktikam . na vidyate kaveH ki.n chidabhiGYAnaprayojanam .. 8..\\ yathA naH sa tathA nastvaM nirvisheShA vaya.n tvayi . bhavataH sma yathA tasya pAlayAsmAnyathA kaviH .. 9..\\ ida.n sharaNamAgneyaM madarthamiti me matiH . purochanena vihita.n dhArtarAShTrasya shAsanAt .. 10..\\ sa pApaH koshavAMshchaiva sasahAyashcha durmatiH . asmAnapi cha duShTAtmA nityakAlaM prabAdhate .. 11..\\ sa bhavAnmokShayatvasmAnyatnenAsmAddhutAshanAt . asmAsviha hi dagdheShu sakAmaH syAtsuyodhanaH .. 12..\\ samR^iddhamAyudhAgAramida.n tasya durAtmanaH . vaprAnte niShpratIkAramAshliShyeda.n kR^itaM mahat .. 13..\\ ida.n tadashubhaM nUnaM tasya karma chikIrShitam . prAgeva viduro veda tenAsmAnanvabodhayat .. 14..\\ seyamApadanuprAptA kShattA yA.n dR^iShTavAnpurA . purochanasyAviditAnasmA.nstva.n vipramochaya .. 15..\\ sa tatheti pratishrutya khanako yatnamAsthitaH . parikhAmutkirannAma chakAra sumahadbilam .. 16..\\ chakre cha veshmanastasya madhye nAtimahanmukham . kapATayuktamaGYAta.n samaM bhUmyA cha bhArata .. 17..\\ purochana bhayAchchaiva vyadadhAtsa.nvR^itaM mukham . sa tatra cha gR^ihadvAri vasatyashubha dhIH sadA .. 18..\\ tatra te sAyudhAH sarve vasanti sma kShapAM nR^ipa . divA charanti mR^igayAM pANDaveyA vanAdvanam .. 19..\\ vishvastavadavishvastA va~nchayantaH purochanam . atuShTAstuShTavadrAjannUShuH paramaduHkhitAH .. 20..\\ na chainAnanvabudhyanta narA nagaravAsinaH . anyatra vidurAmAtyAttasmAtkhanaka sattamAt .. 21..\\ ITRANS of the Devanagiri from: http://sanskrit.gde.to/mirrors/mahabharata/txt/01.txt "Vaisampayana said, 'The wicked Duryodhana became very pleased when the king, O Bharata, had said so unto Pandavas. And, O bull of Bharata's race, Duryodhana, then, summoning his counsellor, Purochana in private, took hold of his right hand and said, 'O Purochana, this world, so full of wealth, is mine. But it is thine equally with me. It behoveth thee, therefore, to protect it. I have no more trustworthy counsellor than thee with whom to consult. Therefore, O sire, keep my counsel and exterminate my foes by a clever device. O, do as I bid thee. The Pandavas have, by Dhritarashtra, been sent to Varanavata, where they will, at Dhritarashtra's command, enjoy themselves during the festivities. Do that by which thou mayest this very day reach Varanavata in a car drawn by swift mules. Repairing thither, cause thou to be erected a quadrangular palace in the neighbourhood of the arsenal, rich in the materials and furniture, and guard thou the mansion well (with prying eyes). And use thou (in erecting that house) hemp and resin and all other inflammable materials that are procurable. And mixing a little earth with clarified butter and oil and fat and

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a large quantity of lac, make thou a plaster for lining the walls, and scatter thou all around that house hemp and oil and clarified butter and lac and wood in such a way that the Pandavas, or any others, may not, even with scrutiny behold them there or conclude the house to be an inflammable one. And having erected such mansion, cause thou the Pandavas, after worshipping them with great reverence, to dwell in it with Kunti and all their friends. And place thou there seats and conveyances and beds, all of the best workmanship, for the Pandavas, so that Dhritarashtra may have no reason to complain. Thou must also so manage it all that none of Varanavata may know anything till the end we have in view is accomplished. And assuring thyself that the Pandavas are sleeping within in confidence and without fear, thou must then set fire to that mansion beginning at the outer door. The Pandavas thereupon must be burnt to death, but the people will say that they have been burnt in (an accidental) conflagration of their house. "Saying, 'So be it' unto the Kuru prince, Purochana repaired to Varanavata in a car drawn by fleet mules. And going thither, O king, without loss of time, obedient to the instructions of Duryodhana, did everything that the prince had bid him do." "Vaisampayana said, 'Meanwhile the Pandavas got into their cars, yoking thereto some fine horses endued with the speed of wind. While they were on the point of entering their cars, they touched, in great sorrow, the feet of Bhishma, of king Dhritarashtra, of the illustrious Drona, of Kripa, of Vidura and of the other elders of the Kuru race. Then saluting with reverence all the older men, and embracing their equals, receiving the farewell of even the children, and taking leave of all the venerable ladies in their household, and walking round them respectfully, and bidding farewell unto all the citizens, the Pandavas, ever mindful of their vows, set out for Varanavata. And Vidura of great wisdom and the other bulls among the Kurus and the citizens also, from great affliction, followed those tigers among men to some distance. And some amongst the citizens and the country people, who followed the Pandavas, afflicted beyond measure at beholding the sons of Pandu in such distress, began to say aloud, 'King Dhritarashtra of wicked soul seeth no things with the same eye. The Kuru monarch casteth not his eye on virtue. Neither the sinless Yudhishthira, nor Bhima the foremost of mighty men, nor Dhananjaya the (youngest) son of Kunti, will ever be guilty (of the sin of waging a rebellious war). When these will remain quiet, how shall the illustrious son of Madri do anything? Having inherited the kingdom from their father, Dhritarashtra could not bear them. How is that Bhishma who suffers the exile of the Pandavas to that wretched place, sanctions this act of great injustice? Vichitravirya, the son of Santanu, and the royal sage Pandu of Kuru's race both cherished us of old with fatherly care. But now that Pandu that tiger among men, hath ascended to heaven, Dhritarashtra cannot bear with these princes his children. We who do not sanction this exile shall all go, leaving this excellent town and our own homes, where Yudhishthira will go.' "Unto those distressed citizens talking in this way, the virtuous Yudhishthira, himself afflicted with sorrow, reflecting for a few moments said, 'The king is our father, worthy of regard, our spiritual guide, and our superior. To carry out with unsuspicious hearts whatever he biddeth, is indeed, our duty. Ye are our friends.

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Walking round us and making us happy by your blessings, return ye to your abodes. When the time cometh for anything to be done for us by you, then, indeed, accomplish all that is agreeable and beneficial to us.' Thus addressed, the citizens walked round the Pandavas and blessed them with their blessings and returned to their respective abodes. “And after the citizens had ceased following the Pandavas, Vidura, conversant with all the dictates of morality, desirous of awakening the eldest of the Pandavas (to a sense of his dangers), addressed him in these words. The learned Vidura, conversant with the jargon (of the Mlechchhas), addressed the learned Yudhishthira who also was conversant with the same jargon, in the words of the Mlechchha tongue, so as to be unintelligible to all except Yudhishthira. He said, 'He that knoweth the schemes his foes contrive in accordance with the dictates of political science, should, knowing them, act in such a way as to avoid all danger. He that knoweth that there are sharp weapons capable of cutting the body though not made of steel, and understandeth also the means of warding them off, can never be injured by foes. He liveth who protecteth himself by the knowledge that neither the consumer of straw and wood nor the drier of the dew burneth the inmates of a hole in the deep woods. The blind man seeth not his way: the blind man hath no knowledge of direction. He that hath no firmness never acquireth prosperity. Remembering this, be upon your guard. The man who taketh a weapon not made of steel (i.e., an inflammable abode) given him by his foes, can escape from fire by making his abode like unto that of a jackal (having many outlets). By wandering a man may acquire the knowledge of ways, and by the stars he can ascertain the direction, and he that keepeth his five (senses) under control can never be oppressed y his enemies.' "Thus addressed, Pandu's son, Yudhishthira the just replied unto Vidura, that foremost of all learned men, saying, 'I have understood thee.' Then Vidura, having instructed the Pandavas and followed them (thus far), walked around them and bidding them farewell returned to his own abode. When the citizens and Bhishma and Vidura had all ceased following, Kunti approached Yudhishthira and said, 'The words that Kshattri said unto thee in the midst of many people so indistinctly as if he did not say anything, and thy reply also to him in similar words and voice, we have not understood. If it is not improper; for us to know them I should then like to hear everything that had passed between him and thee.' "Yudhishthira replied, 'The virtuous Vidura said unto me that we should know that the mansion (for our accommodation at Varanavata) hath been built of inflammable materials. He said unto me, 'The path of escape too shall not be unknown to thee,'--and further,--'Those that can control their senses can acquire the sovereignty of the whole world.'--The reply that I gave unto Vidura was, 'I have understood thee.' "Vaisampayana continued, 'The Pandavas set out on the eighth day of the month of Phalguna when the star Rohini was in the ascendant, and arriving at Varanavata they beheld the town and the people.’

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"Vaisampayana said, 'Then all the citizens (of Varanavata) on hearing that the son of Pandu had come, were filled with joy at the tidings, speedily came out of Varanavata, in vehicles of various kinds numbering by thousands, taking with them every auspicious article as directed by the Sastras, for receiving those foremost of men. And the people of Varanavata, approaching the sons of Kunti blessed them by uttering the Jaya and stood surrounding them. That tiger among men, viz., the virtuous Yudhishthira thus surrounded by them looked resplendent like him having the thunderbolt in his hands (viz., Indra) in the midst of the celestials. And those sinless ones, welcomed by the citizens and welcoming the citizens in return, then entered the populous town of Varanavata decked with every ornament. Entering the town those heroes first went, O monarch, to the abodes of Brahmanas engaged in their proper duties. Those foremost of men then went to the abodes of the officials of the town, and then of the Sutas and the Vaisyas and then to those of even the Sudras, O bull of Bharata's race, thus adored by the citizens, the Pandavas at last went with Purochana going before them, to the palace that had been built for them, Purochana then began to place before them food and drink and beds and carpets, all of the first and most agreeable order. The Pandavas attired in costly robes, continued to live there, adored by Purochana and the people having their homes in Varanavata. "After the Pandavas had thus lived for ten nights, Purochana spoke to them of the mansion (he had built) called 'The Blessed Home,' but in reality the cursed house. Then those tigers among men, attired in costly dress, entered that mansion at the instance of Purochana like Guhyakas entering the palace (of Siva) on the Kailasa mount. The foremost of all virtuous men, Yudhishthira, inspecting the house, said unto Bhima that it was really built of inflammable materials. Smelling the scent of fat mixed with clarified butter and preparations of lac, he said unto Bhima, 'O chastiser of foes, this house is truly built of inflammable materials! Indeed, it is apparent that such is the case! The enemy, it is evident, by the aid of trusted artists well-skilled in the construction of houses, have finely built this mansion, after procuring hemp, resin, heath, straw, and bamboos, all soaked in clarified butter. This wicked wretch, Purochana, acting under the instruction of Duryodhana, stayeth here with the object of burning me to death when he seeth me trustful. But, O son of Pritha, Vidura of great intelligence, knew of this danger, and, therefore, hath warned me of it beforehand. Knowing it all, that youngest uncle of ours, ever wishing our good from affection hath told us that this house, so full of danger, hath been constructed by the wretches under Duryodhana acting in secrecy.' "Hearing this, Bhima replied, 'If, sir, you know this house to be so inflammable, it would then be well for us to return thither where we had taken up our quarters first.' Yudhishthira replied, 'It seems to me that we should rather continue to live here in seeming unsuspiciousness but all the while with caution and our senses wide awake and seeking for some certain means of escape. If Purochana findeth from our countenances that we have fathomed designs, acting with haste he may suddenly burn us to death. Indeed, Purochana careth little for obloquy or sin. The wretch stayeth here acting under the instruction of Duryodhana. If we are burnt to death, will our grandfather Bhishma be angry? Why will he, by showing his wrath, make the

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Kauravas angry with him? Or, perhaps, our grandfather Bhishma and the other bull of Kuru's race, regarding indignation at such a sinful act to be virtuous, may become wrathful. If however, from fear of being burnt, we fly from here, Duryodhana, ambitious of sovereignty will certainly compass our death by means of spies. While we have no rank and power, Duryodhana hath both; while we have no friends and allies, Duryodhana hath both; while we are without wealth, Duryodhana hath at his command a full treasury. Will he not, therefore, certainly destroy us by adopting adequate means? Let us, therefore, by deceiving this wretch (Purochana) and that other wretch Duryodhana, pass our days, disguising ourselves at times. Let us also lead a hunting life, wandering over the earth. We shall then, if we have to escape our enemies, be familiar with all paths. We shall also, this very day, cause a subterranean passage to be dug in our chamber in great secrecy. If we act in this way, concealing what we do from all, fire shall never be able to consume us. We shall live here, actively doing everything for our safety but with such privacy that neither Purochana nor any of the citizens of Varanavata may know what we are after.' "Vaisampayana continued, 'A friend of Vidura's, well-skilled in mining, coming unto the Pandavas, addressed them in secret, saying, 'I have been sent by Vidura and am a skilful miner. I am to serve the Pandavas. Tell me what I am to do for ye. From the trust he reposeth in me Vidura hath said unto me, 'Go thou unto the Pandavas and accomplish thou their good. What shall I do for you? Purochana will set fire to the door of thy house on the fourteenth night of this dark fortnight. To burn to death those tigers among men, the Pandavas, with their mother, is the design of that wicked wretch, the son of Dhritarashtra. O son of Pandu, Vidura also told thee something in the Mlechchha tongue to which thou also didst reply in same language. I state these particulars as my credentials.' Hearing these words, Yudhishthira, the truthful son of Kunti replied, 'O amiable one, I now know thee as a dear and trusted friend of Vidura, true and ever devoted to him. There is nothing that the learned Vidura doth not know. As his, so ours art thou. Make no difference between him and us. We are as much thine as his. O, protect us as the learned Vidura ever protecteth us. I know that this house, so inflammable, hath been contrived for me by Purochana at the command of Dhritarashtra's son. That wicked wretch commanding wealth and allies pursueth us without intermission. O, save us with a little exertion from the impending conflagration. If we are burnt to death here, Duryodhana's most cherished desire will be satisfied. Here is that wretch's well-furnished arsenal. This large mansion hath been built abutting the high ramparts of the arsenal without any outlet. But this unholy contrivance of Duryodhana was known to Vidura from the first, and he it was who enlightened us beforehand. The danger of which Kshattri had foreknowledge is now at our door. Save us from it without Purochana's knowledge thereof.' On hearing these words, the miner said, 'So be it,' and carefully beginning his work of excavation, made a large subterranean passage. And the mouth of that passage was in the centre of that house, and it was on a level with the floor and closed up with planks. The mouth was so covered from fear of Purochana, that wicked wretch who kept a constant watch at the door of the house. The Pandavas used to sleep within their chambers with arms ready for use, while, during the day, they went a-hunting from forest to forest. Thus, O king, they lived (in that mansion) very guardedly, deceiving Purochana by a show of trustfulness and contentment

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while in reality they were trustless and discontented. Nor did the citizens of Varanavata know anything about these plans of the Pandavas. In fact, none else knew of them except Vidura's friend, that good miner.' Translation of Kisari Mohan Ganguli ,1883 -1896, at: http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m01/m01148.htm

Na_t.yas'a_stra (cica 100 BCE, cf. Manmohan Ghose, 1934, The date of the Bharata Na_t.yas'a_stra in Journal of the Department of Letters, Vol. 25, University of Calcutta, pp. 51-52) which is sa_rvavarn.ikaveda, a veda to people of all varn.a, uses the term bha_s.a_ 'language, speech' to refer to the varieties of Prakrits, while grammarians may use terms such as apas'abda, apabhrams'a (or des'i_bha_s.a_, 'local, regional language'). The text lists seven bha_s.a_-s or major dialects as: ma_gadhi_, avantija_, pra_cya_, s'u_raseni_, ardhama_gadhi, Ba_lhi_ki_ and Da_kin.a_tya_; six vibha_s.a_-s or minor dialects, perhaps of vanecara: s'a_bari_, a_bhi_ri_, ca_nda_li_, s'aka_ri_, dra_vidi_ and od.ri_. (Na_t.yas'a_stra, Chap. 7, verses, 48, 50). The text (ch.1, verse 12) includes a list of 100 sons of Bharata who brought the divine drama to the loka; the names include: ambas.t.aka, saindhava, taitila, sukerala, s'ambara, ma_gadha, ugra, tus.a_ra, ka_liya. Many commentators of Sanskrit texts qualify with iti bha_s.a_yam 'thus it is in the local language'. Thus, bha_s.a_ meant Prakrit-s. Many references cited in this section are drawn from a review of sociolinguistic issues outlined in the following two works:1. Madhav M. Deshpande, 1993, Sanskrit and

Prakrit—SociolinguisticIssues, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass; and 2. Madhav M. Deshpande, 1979, Socioliguistic attitudes in India “ An historical reconstruction, Ann Arbor, Karoma Publishers Inc. Who were the speakers of Prakrits? Bharat was essentially a Prakrit-speaking nation, with Prakrit languages as the mother tongues of most people. Rajasekhara's Ka_vyami_ma_msa (ca. 900 CE) notes that La_t.a spoke Prakrit, poets of Ra_jasthan, upper Punjab and Bha_da_naka were fluent in Apabhrams'a, poets of Avanti, Vindhya and Das'apura preferred Pais'a_ci_, while a poet in Madhyades'a was fluent in all languages. (cited in Deshpande, 1993, p. 91). According to a hypothesis yet to be proven, of SB Joshi and Franklin Southworth, Marathi probably developed from a pidgin form of Prakrit spoken by a predominantly Dravidian population. (SB Joshi, 1951, Etymology of place-names pat.t.i-hat.t.i, some observations on the history of Maharashtra and Karnataka, Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, vol. 32, pp.; 41-56; 1952, Marha_t.i_ Samskr.ti_,

ka_hi_ samsya_, Pune, Antar Bharati Prakashan; Southworth, Franklin, C., 1971, Detecting prior creolization, an analysis of the historical origins of Marathi, in Pidginization and

Creolization of Languages, Ed. by Dell Hymes, pp. 255-273, Cambridge University Press). Gaud.avaho (verse 65) of Va_kpatira_ja notes: ummilai la_yan.n.am payayaccha_ya_e sakkaya-vaya_n.am sakkaya-sakka_rukkarisan.en.a payayassa vi paha_vo The beauty of Sanskrit words blossoms with a tinge of Prakrits. The effectiveness of Prakrits also increase by the elevating process of Sanskritization. (Trans. by Deshpande, 1993, p. 35).

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The world (loka) used kassati, dissati a_n.apayati, vat.t.ati and vad.d.hati while the Sanskrit forms were kr.s.ati, dr.s'yatea_jna_payati, vartate and vardhate. (Maha_bha_s.ya (K), vol. 1, p. 259). Arya and asura who were also arya (noble). Patanjali says that asura used Prakritized form of the Sanskrit he arayah he arayah, mispronouncing the phrase as helayo helayo. He also notes that asura normally spoke Prakrit not only in normal contexts but also in ritual contexts; the mispronunciation leads to the defeat of the asura: te 'sura_ helayo helay aiti kurvantah para_babhu_vuh tasma_d bra_hman.ena na mlecchitavai na_pabha_s.itavai mleccho ha va_ es.a yad apas'abdah Maha_bha_s;.ya (K), vol. 1, p. 2, p. 10-11. This leads to a surmise: "This points to the fact that a very large segment of the population was a monolingual Prakrit-speaking communit, who had no ability to switch to Sanskrit in any context" (1993, p. 26). Ardhama_gadhi is an ariya language; it was a language appropriate to the a_risa (sages, Skt. a_rs.a) and the speakers of ardhama_gadhi were ariya people (bha_sa_riya): se kim tam bha_sa_riya_ bha_sa_riya_ je n.am addhama_gaha_e bha_sa_e bha_sinti jattha vi ya n.am bambhi_ livi_ pavattai “ PS, p5.2, p. 38. See also SM Katre, 1964, Prakrit languages and their

contributions to Indian culture, Poona, Deccan College, p. 15. Jaina commentatord define pra_krit as the original language, pra_kr.ta 'created earlier', while Sanskrit grammarians define Prakrit as derived from Sanskrit. Stha_na_ngasu_tra refers to two types of language: sakkata or sakkaya and pa_gata or pa_yaya. Pa_li texts also claim Pa_li as: sabba-satta_na_m mu_labha_sa_ 'the original language of all the beings'. (cf. BC Law, 1933, A history of Pali literature, vols. 1-2, Calcutta, Calcutta University Press, vol. 1, p.x). In the Buddha and Jaina traditions, ma_gadhi_ and ardhama_gadhi_, both dominant dialects of Prakrit, were recognized as the distinguished languages. K.R. Norman (1980, Pali literature, Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz: p. 67) suggests that Pa_li and Ardhama_gadhi_ were the original language of the Buddha and Jaina canons and the original language of all beings: "I would suggest that the idea of languages developing from Ma_gadhi_ is a clear indication of the state of affairs in north India during the time of the Mauryan empire in the fourth and third centuries BCE, and I think that the idea of language development expressed in the Buddhist and Jain texts must have been arising during, and very probably because of, that empire. During the Mauryan period Ma_gadhi_, the language of As'oka's capital Pa_t.aliputra, was the administrative language of north India, and it, or a modified form of it, was inscribed all over India to make As'oka's decrees known to his subjects. I would, therefore, suggest that Ma_gadhi_ sabbasatta_na_m mu_labha_sa_ was a (fairly) correct statement as far as north India was concerned in the fourth and third centuries BCE, and it was natural that a statement which As'oka might have made about his administrative language should be adopted by the Buddhist missionaries when they went to Ceylon. A similar use for missionary purposes would doubtless account for the Jain adoption of the same phrase." Deshpande adds (1993, pp. 15-16): "The rise in the prestige of Sanskrit must have begun slowly after the fall of the Mauryas at the hands of the Bra_hman.a Pus.yamitra S'unga, and it gradually continued to rise in such a way that the royal inscriptions in India gradually changed from Prakrit to Sanskrit. The S'aka rulers began using Sanskrit, which was also used extensively by the Gupta kings.While the early Va_ka_t.aka inscriptions are in Prakrit, region by region they gradually change to Sanskrit. Also while the early Pallava inscriptions are in Prakrit, the late Pallava inscriptions are in Sanskrit. Nowhere do we see a shift from Sanskrit to Prakrit in the history of Indian inscriptions."

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Na_t.yas'a_stra (17.50) notes that ardhama_gadhi_ was a language of cet.a, ra_japutra and merchants. "The Pali tradition calls the Pa_li language by the name ma_gadhi_ and claims that Buddha spoke this language and that this language is the original language of all beings (sabbasatta_nam mu_labha_sa_)." Bhagavaisutta: "O Lord, in which language do the gods speak? Which language is the distinguished language? O Gotama, gods speak in this ardhama_gadhi_ language." deva_ n.am bhante kayara_e bha_sa_e bha_santi kayara_ va_ bha_sa_ bha_sijjama_n.i_ visijjai? goyama_, deva_n.am addhama_gahie bha_sa_e bha_santi sa_ vi ya n.am addhama_gahi_ bha_sa_ bha_sijjama_n.i_ visijjai: Bhavataisutta, A_gamoddha_rasamiti Edition, p. 231. Cited by .B. Gandhi (1967, Three Apabhrams'a works of Jinadattasu_ri, Baroda, Oriental Institute: 86. Pan.n.avan.a_sutta notes that ariya speak ardhama_gadhi_ and write in bra_hmi_ script. Samava_yangasutta notes that Maha_vi_ra used ardhama_gadhi_ language to communicate ariya dhamma: bhagaam ca n.am addhama_gahie bha_sa_e dhammam a_cikkhai sa_ vi ya n.am addhama_gahi_ bha_sa_ bha_sijjama_n.i_ tesim savvesim a_riyaman.a_riya_n.am duppayacauppaya-miya-pasu-pakkhi-sari_siva_n.am appappan.o hiya-siva-suhada_ya-bha_satta_e parin.amai -- Samava_yangasutta, A_gamoddha_rasamiti Edition, p. 60, cited in L.B. Gandhi (1967:85). "While he was speaking ardhama_gadhi_ it was automatically transformed into different languages which were pleasant, wholesome and beneficial to all the arya, non-arya, animals, birds and snakes." (Deshpande, 1993, p. 14). Deshpande interprets Manusmr.ti (10.45) as connoting that even those who were not arya socially spoke ariya languages: "All those tribes in this world, which are excluded from the community of those born from the mouth, the arms, the thighs, and the feet of Brahman, are called dasyu, whether they speak the language of th emleccha or that of arya." Pa_n.ini refers to bha_s.a_ 'language' and chandas 'language of the vedic texts'; this distinction assumes that Sanskrit was the prakr.ti (primal matter) which transformed (vikr.ti) into a degenerative state. Later grammarians would distinguish between Sanskrit and the degenerate versions of Prakr.t-s – the lingua franca -- though used by rulers like Maha_padma, a s'u_dra providing these degenerate versions the prestige needed for communications through epigraphs or through pravacana-s of learned savants. This language history may explain why the ks.atriya savants, Buddha and Mahavira, used the lingua franca to communicate their understanding of dharma (dhamma) “ ariya dhamma or ariya magga, i.e. noble doctrine or noble path. Gotama Buddha tells his monks to teach the doctrine in saka_ya nirittiya_ (in their own language or dialect). Madhav Deshpande cites Dan.d.in's view expressed in his Ka_vya_dars'a: "In literature, the languages of A_bhi_ras etc. are considered to be apabhrams'a (i.e. the term is not applied to Prakrits). On the other hand, in the (Brahmanical) sciences (such as Sanskrit grammar), anything other than Sanskrit is labeled apabhrams'a." [a_bhira_di-girah ka_vyes.v apabhrms'a iti smr.ta_h s'a_stres'u samskr.ta_d anyad apabhrams'atayoditam Ka_vya_dars'a 1.36] I think Deshpande is imputing his own world-view in the translation. The text of Dan.d.in simply says that anything other than Sanskrit is apabhrams'a, such as the parole of a_bhi_ra (cognate with a_yar-kula in Tamil tradition). There was no implication of hierarchy or puritanism involve in this statement of Dan.d.in. Apabhrams'a (substandard) is a word which lacks a proper grammatical process (samska_ra gun.a varjita) because of

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speaker's incapacity; such a word signifies meaning only by reminding one of the proper Sanskrit word. (Bhartr.hari, Va_kyapadi_ya, 1.139-146). This is a clear enunciation that Sanskrit is genetically linked to the Prakrit-s which had gained prestige and acceptance as literary languages, in As'vaghos.a, Buddhist poet's work and in many works of Sanskrit dramatists.. "The Pan.n.avan.a_sutta, about the first century BCE, has a long section (p. 35-37) describing the Jaina conceptions of 'aryan' and 'mleccha' or non-aryan...Here the discussion begins with a list of peoples whom the Jainas considered non-aryan or mleccha. This list includes: saga, javan.a, cila_ya, babbara, ka_ya, murun.d.a, ud.d.a, bhadaga, nin.n.aga, pakkan.iya, kulakkha, gon.d.a, simhala, pa_rasa, gondhod.amba, damila, cillala, pulinda, meya, palhava, ma_lava, gaggara, a_bha_siya, n.akka, ci_na, lhasiya, khasa, kha_siya ned.ura, man.d.ha, d.ombilaga, lau_sa, bau_sa, kekkaya, arava_ga, hu_n.a, romaga, bharuga, ruya, gandha_ha_raga, ajjala, pa_sa, malaya, and mu_yali." This is a remarkable, pan-bharatiya list of regions extending from ga_ndha_ra in the west to khasa in the east, from damila in the south across gon.d.a to gaggara in the north. Compared to this core of Bharat, the arya according to Pan.n.avan.a_sutta are only of two kinds, iddhipatta_riya = r.ddhipra_pta_rya 'exalted' and anid.d.hipatta_riya = anr.ddhipra_pta_rya 'non-exalted', both kinds including: arahanta, cakkavat.t.i, baladeva, va_sudeva, ca_ran.a and vijja_hara (vidhya_dhara). (Deshpande, 1993, p. 10), who could be subdivided by region (ks.etra), birth (ja_ti), clan (kula), function (karma), profession (s'ilpa), language (bha_s.a), wisdom (jna_na), realization (dars'ana) and conduct (caritra). The ja_ti-ariya listed in Pan.n.avan.a_sutta are: ambat.t.ha, kalinda, videha, vedaga, hariya and cumcun.a. The clans are: ugga (ugra), bhoga, rain.n.a (ra_janya), ikkha_ga (iks.va_ku), n.a_ta (jna_ta) and koravva (kauravya). Mahavira was born in n.a_ta clan buddha was an okka_ka (ikkha_ga). The Prakrit-speaking world according to the Jaina tradition included and extended beyond the A_rya_varta. The Ariya region accoding to the Jaina texts extended from the Sindhu river in the west to Bengal in the east. The region of Brahma_varta according to manusmr.ti (2.21-22) was the region which lay between the two rivers, Sarasvati_ and Dr.s.advati_ and the region between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas extending as far as the eastern and the western oceans was called A_rya_varta. The region beyond brahma_varta had many mleccha. According to the Lawbook of Vis.n.u (Gharpure, JR, 1946, English translation of Smr.ticandrika_, a_hnikaka_n.d.a, The collection of

Hindu Law Texts, Vol. XXVIII, Bombay: 14): "The country where the adjustment of the four varn.as does not exist, such region should be known as the mlecchades'a; and the other has been stated as a_rya_varta." The regions covered are: magadha, anga, vanga, kalinga, ka_si_, kosala, kuru, kusat.t.a, panca_la, jangala, surat.t.ha, videha, kosambi_, san.d.illa, malaya, vacha, accha, dasan.n.a, cedi_, sindhusovi_ra, su_rasen.a, bhangi_, vat.t.a, kun.a_la, la_d.ha and keyaiad.d.ha. Deshpande cites Baudha_yanadharmas'a_stra (1.1.32-33) which cites outer regions of a_rya_varta (which lies to the east of the a_dars'a mountains, to the west of ka_laka forest,

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to the south of Himalayas and north of Vindhyas): "The inhabitants of a_narta of anga, of magadha, of sura_s.t.ra, of the deccan, of upavr.t, of sindhu and sauvi_ra, are of mixed origins. He who has visited the countries of the a_rat.t.as, ka_raskaras, pun.d.ras, sauvi_ras, vangas, kalingas, or pranu_nas shall offer a punastoma or a sarvapr.s.thi_ sacrifice for purification." Deshpande notes how seven of the eight regions listed here as 'impure' are included in the Jaina list of aryan regions which is a more expansive area extending from ga_ndha_ra to vanga, i.e. the entire region between the himalayas and the vindhyas.

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Annex E

History of Bharatiya languages as recorded by Bharata in Natyas’astra

This note documents the information related to languages of Bharatam recorded by Bharata in Natyas'astra with particular reference to the use of specific languages by specific characters in dramatic performances and in consonantc with emotions and sentiments related to specific dramatic situations. This is a remarkable historical document of the situation of Prakrits and Samskr.tam circa centuries before the Common Era. The detailed note is mirrored at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 Entry: history of bharatiya languages as recorded by Bharata in Natyas'astra. Hopefully, this should lead to further detailed researches in language change over time and in reference to other resources such those in Yaska's, Patanjali's, Panini's, Tolkappiyan's works and other ancient texts. The working hypothesis is: the received wisdom about the categorisation of 'indo-aryan' languages as a category needs to be radically revised; it is an artificial, arbitrary, eurocentric construct totally unrelated to the evidence adduced by Bharata in his Natyas'astra. It is unfortunate that during the colonial regimes, we had savants like SK Chatterji, Bhandarkar, Tilak who followed the doctrine which governed their times: the doctrine of 'aryan invasion'. Now that this doctrine is seen to be a myth and hollow, new methods based on bharatiya research method of s'ruti, tantrayukti and anubhuti should be evolved to define a new school -- Bharata school of language change. Some gleanings are available for over 1000 lexemes which match with Sarasvati hieroglyphs related to the inventory of mints, smithy of vis'vakarma guilds on Sarasvati river basin and in Sarasvati civilization sites of circa 3300 to 1900 BCE. These are briefly presented at http://spaces.msn.com/members/sarasvati97 to complement the 7-volume encyclopaedic work on Sarasvati already published including two volumes, Volumes 6 and 7 on language and epigraphs. Chapter 17 is titled laks.an.a_lanka_ra_divivekah’ (classification of characteristics and embellishments) The characteristics related to the use of Samskr.tam by actors are listed as follows: 1. bhu_s.an.a (embellishment) 2. aks.ara samgha_ta (compactness of letters) 3. s’obha_ (brilliance) 4. abhima_na (assertion by reasoning) 5. gun.aki_rtana (encouragement by similitude) 6. uda_haran.a (example) 7. nirukta (etymology) 8. gun.a_nuva_da (transition of qualities) 9. atis’aya (excellence) 10. hetu (causation) 11. sa_ru_pya (similitude) 12. mi_thya_dhyavasa_ya (wrong apprehension) 13. siddhi (accomplishment) 14. padoccaya (verbosity) 15. a_kranda (forceful assertion) 16. manortha (self-expression) 17. a_khya_na (narration) 18. ya_cjn~a_ (persuasion)

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19. pratis.edha (prevention) 20. pr.ccha_ (inquiry) 21. dr.s.t.a_nta (illustration) 22. nirbha_sana (prolixity) 23. sams’aya (doubt) 24. a_s’is (blessing) 25. priyokti (friendly speech) 26. kapat.a (deception) 27. ks.ama_ (patience) 28. upapatti (cessation) 29. yukti (argument) 30. ka_rya (assumption) 31. anuni_ti (flattery) 32. paridevanam (censure) With this brilliant array of oral eloquence which are equal to the figures of speech employed in poetical composition, the author tries to link them to the emotional aspects sought to be presented to the audience through drama. The term Nirukta as elaborated by Bharata is as follows: Nirukta is an explanation which is of two types as true and false. The true are where the meaning of the constituent parts of the noun is proved right and in false it remains unproved. (17.13) The use of gun.as is explained, again in the context of expressing particular emotion or sentiment. ‘The use of prolated letter (when three ma_tra_s occur in conjunction with consonants) shall be used in the case of recollecting something, in the expression of indignation, in lamentation and in the chanting of the Vedas by the Brahmins. The long a_ is suitable for recollection and the long u_ for expressing indignation while in lamentation ha_ is to be employed. In the recitation of the Vedas the letter om is suitable.’ (17.114-115). Bharata also notes that ‘the use of harsh words like cekri_d.ita are not suitable in the delicate and graceful usages of dramaturgy. They would appear like harlots in the company of Brahmins…’ (17.117). Nature of relationship between Prakrits and Sanskrit The next chapter, Chapter 18 is titled ‘Bha_s.a_vidha_nam’ (Use of languages) and begins as follows: “O best among Brahmins! I have thus explained the modes regarding the Sanskrit passages (assigned to the actors). Now I shall deal with the characteristics of the passages in Prakrit. This (Sanskrit) itself devoid of refinement and subjected to change may be understood as Prakrit passages which are representative of the different situations necessitated by conditions. In dramatic situations they may be understood as belonging to three types such

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as (i) sama_nas’abda (use of the same Sanskrit words); (ii) vibhras.t.a (corrupted forms); and, (iii) des’i_gata (of native origin).” (18.1-3) This is a remarkable evidence of the relationship between Sanskrit and Prakrit as perceived by Bharata. Clearly, Sanskrit is delineated as refined Prakrit. In some cases Sanskrit retains the Prakrit words as they are; in some cases, the forms are ‘refined’, obviously with reference to root semantics; and in other cases, the Prakrit words are distinguished and retained as des’I or as of native origin without any ‘refinement’ attempted. This runs in the face of the IE linguistics which tries to look upon Prakrits of Bharatam as derivatives from Sanskrit as Indo-Aryan category. The ‘Indo-Aryan’ is a mythical category constructed by linguistics and totally unrelated to the reality of the evidence presented by Bharata. NP Unni adds a footnote to this verse: ‘Abhinavagafupta defines pa_t.hya as ‘pa_t.havis’es.am arhati yatnena va_ pat.hani_yam vis’is.t.ena ru_pena va_ pat.hana_rham, a_ntaracittavr.ttivas’a_deva va_ tatha_ pat.hitum s’akyam, a_ca_rya yatnena va_ pat.hani_yamit pa_t.hyam.’ The word is defined or derived as that which serves recitation, or which necessitates particular effort in recitation, or worthy of special attention in recitation or capable of recitation due to the internal or mental attitude, or worthy of being recited with the help or direction of a preceptor. He derives Prakrita as ‘sams.kr.tameva samska_ragun.ena yatnena pariraks.an.aru_pen.a varjitam, prakr.terasams’ka_raru_pa_ya a_gatam’ – meaning that it is Sanskrit itself devoid of purification in the form of protection or derived from nature without any kind of refinement.’ This explanatory note provide Abhinavagupta’s differentiation of Prakrit and Sanskrit as containing words without refinement and with refinement respectively. The mystic reference to ‘purification in the form of protection’ is intriguing and may relate to the absorption of Vedic forms of words intact which are deemed mantra though it may be difficult to explain the Vedic forms in terms of Sanskrit roots. Bharata provides examples of sama_nas’abda (having the same form in Prakrit and Sanskrit): kamala, amala, ren.u, taranga, lola, salila. (18.4) Vibhras.t.a (corrupted forms) are explained: such words in which the combined vowels or consonants change or cease to exist are called vibhras.t.a (corrupted). In Prakrit there do not exist ai after e and au after o and the visarga h after the anusva_ra am. Also there do not exist s’ and s. in between va and sa as also ng n~ na the nasals which occur respectively at the ends of ka ca ta varga-s. [In other words the eight syllables ai, au, h, s’a, s.a, ng, n~ and na do not occur in Prakrit. Abhinavagupta adds four additional syllables which do not in Prakrit: r.r., l and l.] (18.8) The subsequent verses are similar explanations of letters which occur in Prakrit such as ka, ga, ta, da, ya and va which are slightly audible; examples of cakra becoming cakka, occurrence of ha in place of five letters: kha, gha, tha, dha and bha as in: mukha = muha, megha = meha; katha_ = kaha_; the change of letter s.a into ccha as in s.at.pada (cchappao); the change of dha into d.ha (vardhana = vad.d.han.a). The elucidation and examples

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provided in 18.9 to18.27 are remarkable and impressive list of evidences of changes in word forms in Prakrit compared to Sanskrit. Abhinavagupta adds a comment that Bharata has only given an indication. Those who want a detailed account should consult books like Prakritadipika. (The identity of this work has yet to be established). Then, Bharata proceeds to discuss about different regional languages. “These are the rules regarding Prakrit and Sanskrit languages (with reference to performances). Hereafter I shall explain the different types of regional languages. In the dramatic performance where Sanskrit and Prakrit tongues are employed four types of languages are to be used. In drama the languages are: 1. atibha_s.a_ (superhuman language), 2. a_ryabha_s.a_, 3. ja_tibha_s.a_ and 4. yonyantari_bha_s.a_ (language of the animals).” (18.28-30) The use of the terms a_ryabha_s.a_ and ja_tibha_s.a_ by Bharata mirrors the use the terms a_ryava_cas and mlecchava_cas by Manu. Bharata further explains the four languages (18.31 to 18.33): Atibha_s.a_ is the language assigned to the gods (in dramas) while a_ryabha_s.a_ is that of the kings. The former is Vedic Sanskrit while the latter is refined and grammatically pure Classical Sanskrit. Ja_tibha_s.a_ is of two kinds in dramatic practice and are enumerated as mlecchabha_s.a_ and language of Bha_ratavars.a – mlecchas’abdopaca_ra_ ca bha_ratam vars.ama_s’rita_ -- Yonyantari_bha_s.a_ is that which is assigned to birds and animals both domestic and wild and it is conceived as na_t.yadharmi_ -- the conventional practice of dramas. It is clear that mlecchabha_s.a_ was in vogue in Bha_ratavars.a.; it was clearly the lingua

franca.

Mleccha refers to the languages or dialects of the dvi_pa as distinct from the mainland. This interpretation is further emphasized by the next verse (18.34-35): Pa_t.hya (the dramatic text) relating to ja_tibha_s.a_ is enumerated as of two kinds, namely, prakrita and samskr.ta and that applies to all the four varn.as. Abhinavagupta adds a commentary: Samskr.ta is that grammatically refined language with proper endings of vowels and consonant and which distinguishes itself from a_ryabha_s.a_ where the vedic words occur in plenty. While discussing the choice of Samskr.ta and Prakr.ta, Bharata notes that Sanskrit should not be employed to those (characters) who are intoxicated by prosperity, depravd in mind with poverty and those who are illiterate even though they belong to the uttama type. (Abhinavagupta gives the example of Arjuna in the disguise of Br.hannala_ for the last type). For those who enter in disguise, Jaina monks, mendicants and wandering ascetics, the Prakr.t language may be employed. So also for children, persons affected by evil spirits, ladies, those possessing feminine qualities, persons of low characters, intoxicated ones and mendicants who professed religious marks, the language should be Prakr.t. (18.38-39).

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Wandering ascetics, sages, Buddhist monks, uks.as (consecrated Brahmins), s’rotriyas (learned Brahmins) and those who wear religious marks should be assigned the Sanskrit language. For the queen (consecrated as Maha_devi_), courtesans, female artistes, Sanskrit should be employed depending upon the situation. The queen is expected to know the connotation of words relating to matters of alliance, martial preparation, the auspicious or inauspicious movements of planets and stars and the notes of birds foreboding good or bad omens. Hence she should be assigned the language of Sanskrit on the appropriate occasions. (18.40-43). Bharata then goes on to enumerate others such as courtesans who should use Sanskrit, cestial nymphs who come down to earth who should use Prakr.t. He further adds (18.48): In the matter of dramatic performance the people belonging to Barbara ja_ti, kira_ta, a_ndhra, dramila, the regional language should NOT be assigned (by the playwright). O brahmins, for all people of all ja_ti, the variety of Prakr.t called s’auraseni_ is to be employed in poetical (viz., dramatic) compositions. Or it is upto the actors to use the local language at their will; for the text in the drama is but the poetical compositions of the different regions. This astonishing injunction about the use of sauraseni_ dialect (among the Prakrits) is remarkable and points to the dvi_pa of Gujarat as the epicenter from which the cultures spread out into the Sarasvati river basin and bharata vars.a. Hemacandra’s Des’i_na_mama_la_ becomes a key resource in reconstructing sauraseni_ of Bharata’s times. In 18.41-42, Bharata notes: the seven languages (or rather principal dialects used in a drama) are enumerated as ma_gadhi_, avantija_ pra_cya, s’auraseni_, ardhama_gadhi, ba_hlika and da_ks.in.a_ya. In the parlance of drama the languages of s’aka_ra, a_bhi_ra, can.d.a_la, s’abara, dramid.a, a_ndhra and low tongue of the forest tribe are referred to as vibha_s.a_ -- meaning a corrupt language or Prakr.t. Abhinavagupta notes that vibha_s.a_ is bha_s.a_pabhrams’a – a corrupted tongue in vogue among cave dwellers and nomads. Bharata goes on to propound use of ma_gadhi_ by women folk of the royalty, ardhama_gadhi_ by cet.a (merchants, princes), pra_cya_ or eastern dialect for vidu_s.aka (jester), use of avanti for dhu_rta (rogues and gamesters), use of s’auraseni_ by heroines and her maids, use of da_ks.in.a_tya_ or southern dialect by soldiers and gallant citizens, use of ba_hli_ka dialect for gamesters, use of s’aka_rabha_s.a_ for characters like s’aka_ra (one who uses the letter s’ excessively, a frivolous person) and use of ca_n.d.a_li for pulkasa (despised mixed tribe). (18.53-56). The makers of charcoal, hunters, wood-cutters and those who subsist by collecting leaves should be assigned the dialect of s’abara or other tongue of the forest dwellers. For the inhabitants of regions where elephants, horses, goat (aja), sheep (avi), and camels, exist the dialects of a_bhi_ra or s’abara may be employed. In the case of the dramid.as, the dramid.a language is to be used. The diggers of sub-terranean passages, the guards at the borders of the country, keepers of jail and protectors of horses should speak ma_gadhi_ as also the hero (of a drama) on life-saving situations. For those who live in the regions between the river Ganga and the (eastern) ocean the playwright conversant with their speeches should employ a language in which the vowel e is found predominantly. Abhinavagupta notes that eastern region is referred to by the term ganga_sa_garamadhya. (18.57-60).

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In those regions located between the vindhya mountains and the ocean (the south-western sea) one (the playwright) should employ a dialect in which the nasal consonant na is predominant. Similarly in the regions of Saura_s.t.ra and A_vanti and to the north of the river Vetravati_ one should employ the dialect where the consonant ca occurs excessively. On the Himalayan regions, sindhu and sauvi_ra countries the language presented should have the vowel u as prominent. On the banks of the river Carman.vati_ and around the regions of the arbuda (Aravalli mountain) the people speak a dialect in which the vowel o occurs excessively and hence the playwright should use it. In dramas the language should be assigned as in the above-said manner. Whaterver is not mentioned by me should be understood by learned people from popular usages. Thus the eighteenth chapter of the Natyas’astra of Bharata called ‘use of languages’ comes to an end. (18.61 to 65). In the next chapter, Chapter 19, Bharata elaborates on va_kyavidha_nam (use of sentences) including the appropriate use of addresses such as bhagavan, bhagavati_, a_rya, maha_ra_ja_, upa_dhya_ya, ta_ta, ra_jan. He further elaborates on seven notes, places of articulation, modes of articulation (uda_tta, anuda_tta, svarita, kampita), two types of intonations (sa_ka_nks.a_, nira_ka_nks.a_ -- requiring and not requiring a complement), six alanka_ra,use of ka_ku (ucca, di_pta and druta), delineation of rasa (ha_sya, s’r.nga_ra, karun.a, vi_ra, raudra, adbhuta, bi_bhatsa, bhayanaka), use of layas (time in music –druta, Madhya, vilambita), use of diphthongs (elongation in utterance of consonant in conjuction with vowels e o ai and au). (19. 1-84). Thus, we have in Bharata’s rendition, a superb documentation of the history of language change as recorded in Bharata’s time. (pre-common era, by common consensus). An elucidation which explains why Samskr.ta inscriptions occur in regions outside Bharata vars.a – what is presently categorized as southeast asia along the Indian ocean rim -- and why Prakr.ta inscriptions occur within Bharatam (including S’rilanka). The translations are sourced from: NP Unni, 1998, Natyas’astra, Delhi, Nag Publishers. This text follows the Malayalam translation of KP Narayana Pisharoti published in 1971. The dates of Natyas’astra range from 500 BCE (Manmohan Ghosh) to 3rd century CE (AB Keith). The tradition is that na_t.ya descended at the request of Nahus.a; this tradition is recorded in the last chapter of Natyas’astra, titled Na_t.ya_vata_rah ‘descent of drama’. Bharata's Natyas'astra is a text which will help us unravel the nature of language change in Bharatam. Sanskrit drama exemplified by Mudra_ra_ks.asa or Uttarara_macharita point to the parallel use of Sanskrit and Prakrits by nat.a-s in a drama (na_t.aka). Bharata refers to four styles of speech and action, what he calls vr.tti-s (meaning: activities for achieving the aims of life, the urushartha), which are the mothers of na_t.ya, the very raison d'etre. The four vr.tti-s are: bha_rati_, sa_ttvati_, a_rabhat.i_, kais'iki_About vr.tti, V. Raghavan makes the following comments:

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"Na_t.ya is the imitation of action and each action has its haracteristic mood or atmosphere with respect to the man in action as ell as the sahr.daya who sees the Na_t.ya. The mood or atmosphere is vr.tti. Hence Bharata says that the dramatic action or drama is born of vr.tti. Different types of drama present different kinds of action as characterised by different atmospheres. So Bharata says vr.tti is also that factor which differentiates one type of drama from the other." (V. Raghavan, 1932, The Vr.ttis, in: JOR, Madras, 1932, Vol. VI, pp. 346-370; 1933, Vol. VII, pp. 33-52). One view is that bha_rati_ relates to bharata region or Kurukshetra; sa_ttvati_ to ya_dava of Saurashtra; kais'iki_ to krathakais'ika or Vidarbha region; a_rabhat.i_ to the region west of Sindhu and south of Baluchistan (with people named Arabitae or Arbiti). See VS Agrawal's 1953, Hars.acarita -- eka sa_mkr.tika adhyayana, Hindi, Bihar Rashtrabhasha Parishad, Patna, 1953, pp. 33-34. According to Raghavan, bha_rati_ is a vr.tti used by male actors and that the language they spoke was Samskr.tam. Plays like Bha_n.a had bha_rati_ vr.tti as prominent usage. As na_t.aka forms developed, pakaran.a and prahasana evolved, leading to what Raghavan calls the presentation of ordinary men from society. Vi_thi_ abounds in wit and clever speech. Bha_n.a has love themes. Prahasana is speech forms for jokes. Vi_thi_, Bha_n.a and Prahasana had speech as the dominant feature distinguishing them. As Tarlekar notes: "Leaving aside the earlier Prahasanas like Mattavila_sa or Bhagavadajjuki_ya, some of the later Prahasanas (e.g. the Mun.d.ita-Mun.d.a) indulge in coarse vulgarity connected with sex. The humour, sometimes amounting to vulgarity, the wit and the ridicule of the hypocrisy in these farcical plays entertained the masses. Prahasanas used Prakrits mainly, which added to their popularity. These plays of mass entertainment also have the regular form in which Prasta_vana_ with Na_ndi_ is there." (G.H. Tarlekar, 1975, Studies in The Natyas'astra with special reference to the Sanskrit drama in performance, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, p. 28). Now, we have some hints which have to be researched further to identify the reasons for the existence of mainly Samskr.tam inscriptions in what George Coedes, the French Epigraphist calls Hinduised States of Southeast Asia and why the early inscriptions found in Bharatam and S'rilanka are in Prakrits. The categorisation of four groups of people as bha_rati_, sa_ttvati_, kais'iki_ and a_rabhat.i_ may correspond to puru (bharata), yadu (sattvati_), anu/druhyu (a_rabhat.i_) and turuvas'a (kais'iki_). The pancajana_h of the Rigveda may be the five groups mentioned as sons of Yayati. "These peoples, both Dasyus and Aryans, are also called Nahushas in the Rig Veda.(*24) Of the five the main people of the Rig Veda are the Purus who are usually located on the Sarasvati river or the central region. The Yadus are placed in the south and west in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Maharashtra up to Mathura in the north. The Anus are placed in the north. The Druhyus are placed in the west and the Turvasha southeast. These are the directions given to them in the Puranas.(*25)" 24. Rig Veda VII.6.5, VII.95.2 *25. Vishnu Purana IV.10.16-8 http://www.hindubooks.org/david_frawley/myth_aryan_invasion/vedic_peoples/page1.htm

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Another division, based on languages/dialects is two-fold: mleccha and non-mleccha, both dasyu. This may be compared with Samskr.tam and Prakrits division used by Bharata or the two-fold division of aryava_cas and mlecchava_cas in Manu -- sarve dasyuvah, Manu emphasizes. (See note below). PS: A note on mlecchava_cas and aryava_cas, linguistic area of Bharatam: I suggest that the linguistic area of circa 5000 years Before Present on Saptasindhu region (cf. Rigveda: sarasvati_ saptathi_ sindhu ma_ta_), had two va_k, dialects: a_rya va_k representing literary dialect and mleccha va_k representing vyavaha_ra dialect. This was the linguistic area of ancient Bharat which explains the meanings of Sarasvati hieroglyphs. http://hinducivilization.blogspot.com/ I also suggest that Samskr.tam was a codification from vyavaha_ra dialect to unify both vyavaha_ra and literary versions of dialects. The precise chronologies related to evolution of Nagari from Nahali are issues for further researches. The presence of samsk.tam inscriptions from the beginning of the common era in hindumahasagar regions (hinduised states of southeast asia -- cf. George Coedes) has also to be explained through further researches and study of these epigraphs mentioned by Coedes.

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Annex F Karkotaka > Krakatoa and maritime migrations creating Hindu civilization The accounts of eruptions of Mount Toba and Mount Krakatoa point to the reasons for the presence of Munda words in Sanskrit. A cognate, karkotaka is such a word which occurs in Atharva veda and Rigveda Khila, attesting to the presence of mleccha in the linguistic area of Hindustan ca. 5000 years ago. The plate tectonics which resulted in the eruption of the volcanoes in the Sunda straits also accounted for the ongoing varaha upliftment of the Asian plate by the Indian plate and the ongoing upliftment of the Himalayan ranges by 1 cm. every year. The resultant desiccation of Vedic River Sarasvati necessitated the skills of people from Krakatoa as hydraulic engineers to create irrigation and water-management systems; yes, the Nagas who created the Hindu civilization and yes, the mlecchas who created the Sarasvati civilization. Geologists note that an Ancient Krakatoa had existed in Sunda straits between the islands of Java and Sumatra. The ancient Krakatoa had erupted about sixty thousand years ago. An explosion also reportedly occurred in 535 CE.

Mount Toba also reportedly erupted 71000 years ago resulting in volcanic winter and deposition of thick layers of volcanic ash in many parts of Asia, reducing the world’s population to 10000 adults Varanus salvator is a water monitor (lizard) which can grow upto 3 metres in length and which looks like a dragon, a naga, a semi-aquatic lizard which occurs on river banks and in swamps, through of southern Asia from India to the Philippines and Indo-Australian islands. Its skins are used in leather trade. (http://www.bradshawfoundation.com/evolution/ ).

This might have led to migrations of people. One migration could certainly have been a maritime migration from the regions of Sunda (Krakatoa and Toba) hugging the coastline of Indian Ocean. This may explain the presence of a word like karkotaka in ancient texts of Hindustan. View the journey confirmed by genetics and documented by ancient rock art at http://www.bradshawfoundation.com/journey S’arkot.a is a naga in Atharva veda and is referred to as karkot.a in Rigveda Khila (2.14.8). The presence has been noted as a Munda words in Sanskrit (Kuiper, 1948, Proto-Munda words in Sanskrit. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij, p. 121; Kuiper, 1991, Aryans in the Rigveda, Amsterdam-Atlanta: Rodopi, pp. 40-1). karkat.a means ‘crab’ (Skt.); kar.kom means ‘crab’ (Mundari)(cf. Pinnow, 1959, Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, Wiesbaden, p.341). In Burushaski, gharqas means ‘lizard’. See: Skt. kamat.ha, karkat.a, Bengali ka_t.ha_, ket.e; cf. katam (Malay); khata_m (Mon); kedam, ktam (Khmer); kotam (Bahnar); tam (Stieng); kat-kom (Santali).

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Winchester’s gripping account of the annihilation in 1883 of the child (Anak) Krakatoa volcano-island followed by a tsunami which killed about 40,000 people has a remarkable reference. “…and even greater number (of volcanoes) is to be found in the most volcanic part of the world, the great subduction zone that stretches three thousand miles from the northern tip of Sumatra to what is called the Bird’s Head on the northwestern tip (the West Irian side) of the island of New Guinea…Mount Toba, which erupted 74,000 year ago in what is now northern Sumatra. It had a Volcanic Explosivity Index of VEI, of 8 – the highest on a scale that is now universally used to classify all eruptions…Toba’s humongous explosion…left behind an immense lake, fifty miles long and fifteen wide…The eruption left layers of dust eighteen inches thick on ocean floor fifteen hundred miles away…Essentially the same explanation accounts for the eruption of Toba at the northwestern end of the subduction zone…Krakatoa erupted because of what happens when two plates collide – specifically, because of what happens when the northbound Australian Oceanic Plate collides, as it has been doing the many millions of years past and as it continues to do today, with that part of the Asian Plate that, for the sake of simplicity, we will call by the name it enjoys today, Sumatra… It was a horrible, strange, weirdly shaped creature – a long fat brown body with what looked like a thick seam of flesh running the length of its midsection. As it walked its tail thrashed from side to side, and from its small flat-topped head came a tongue, a foot or more long, that flickered in and out menacingly. The beast as a whole did indeed look menacing, and very dangerous indeed. Deep down I knew that it was probably quite harmless, and that it was in all likelihood simply a specimen of the great five-banded monitor, the wonderful swimming lizard known to Javanese as the biawak and to science as Varanus salvator. But the deeper realization came only later in the day; at the precise moment on that August afternoon when it emerged from the trees, when I was sitting alone in the jungle on the side of a hot and very active volcano, the animal looked like nothing so much as a fully fledged dragon, and I was more than a little alarmed by his arrival on the scene.”(Simon Winchester, 2004, Krakatoa, the day the world exploded, August 27, 1883, New York, Perennial, Harper Collins, pp.306-312, 383-384). We do not know what eruptions occurred in the subduction zone subsequent to the eruption of Mount Toba and the eruption of Krakatoa. We certainly know that the dragon-lizard inhabiting the ocean-volcano zone was called karkotaka mentioned in the ancient texts of Hindu tradition. A remarkable example of the influence of the maritime civilization from the Sumatra Plate to the Ganga-Sarasvati river basins. Krakatoa gives the name to Karkotaka, the dragon-lizard with five bands. The lizard-naga is described in remarkable metaphors evoking oceans of the Patalaloka since Karkotaka is a swimming lizard which also emitted fire like the dragon. The Puranas combine facts with metaphors in communicating the history of the earth. In the hindu tradition, karkotaka is the naga who bit Nala as commanded by Indra and whose poison transformed Nala into a twisted and ugly shape. Katewa is a gotra of Jats in Rajasthan, India. They belong to Yadu kulam, who are Karkotaka or Vakataka Yadavas, who died in large numbers in war with Yavanas. This is the reason for their being known as Katewas,not unlike Shishodia in Rajputs.

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Krakatoka legend : The Mahabharata, Book 3: Vana Parva: Nalopakhyana Parva: Section

LXVI http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/m03/m03066.htm [quote] "Vrihadaswa said, 'O monarch, having deserted Damayanti, king Nala saw a mighty conflagration that was raging in that dense forest. And in the midst of that conflagration, he heard the voice of some creature, repeatedly crying aloud, 'O righteous Nala, come hither.' And answering, 'Fear not,' he entered into the midst of the fire and beheld a mighty Naga lying in coils. And the Naga with joined hands, and trembling, spake unto Nala, saying, 'O king, that I am a snake, Karkotaka by name. I had deceived the great Rishi Narada of high ascetic merit, and by him have I been cursed in wrath, O king of men, even in words such as these: 'Stay thou here like an immobile thing, until one Nala taketh thee hence. And, indeed, on the spot to which he will carry thee, there shalt thou he freed from my curse. It is for that curse of his that I am unable to stir one step. I will instruct thee in respect of thy welfare. It behoveth thee to deliver me. I will be thy friend. There is no snake equal to me. I will be light in thy hands. Taking me up, do thou speedily go hence.' Having said this, that prince of snakes became as small as the thumb. And taking him up, Nala went to a spot free from fire. Having reached an open spot where there was no fire, Nala intended to drop the serpent, upon which Karkotaka again addressed him, saying, 'O king of the Nishadhas, proceed thou yet, counting a few steps of thine; meanwhile, O mighty-armed one, I will do thee great good.' And as Nala began to count his steps, the snake bit him at the tenth step. And, lo! As he was bit, his form speedily underwent a change. And beholding his change of form, Nala was amazed. And the king saw the snake also assume his own form. And the snake Karkotaka, comforting Nala, spake unto him, 'I have deprived thee of thy beauty, so that people may not recognise thee. And, O Nala, he by whom thou hast been deceived and cast into distress, shall dwell in thee tortured by my venom. And, O monarch, as long as he doth not leave thee, he will have to dwell in pain in thy body with thee every limb filled with my venom. And, O ruler of men I have saved from the hands of him who from anger and hate deceived thee, perfectly innocent though thou art and undeserving of wrong. And, O tiger among men, through my grace, thou shalt have (no longer) any fear from animals with fangs from enemies, and from Brahmanas also versed in the Vedas, O king! Nor shalt thou, O monarch, feel pain on account of my poison. And, O foremost of kings, thou shalt be ever victorious in battle. This very day, O prince, O lord of Nishadhas, go to the delightful city of Ayodhya, and present thyself before Rituparna skilled in gambling, saying, 'I am a charioteer, Vahuka by name.' And that king will give thee his skill in dice for thy knowledge of horses. Sprung from the line of Ikswaku, and possessed of prosperity, he will be thy friend. When

thou wilt be an adept at dice, thou shalt then have prosperity. Thou wilt also meet with thy wife and thy children, and regain thy kingdom. I tell thee this truly. Therefore, let not thy mind be occupied by sorrow. And, O lord of men, when thou shouldst desire to behold thy proper form, thou shouldst remember me, and wear this garment. Upon wearing this, thou shalt get back thy own form.' And saying this, that Naga then gave unto Nala two pieces of celestial cloth. And, O son of the Kuru race, having thus instructed Nala, and presented him with the attire, the king of snakes, O monarch, made himself invisible there and then!'"[unquote]

Seven great naga including Karkotaka

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Naga are hydraulic engineers and architects. Mayasilpa on Architecture (Mss. Adyar Library) has a reference to seven Naga. The contribution of Naga to the architectural marvels and irrigation/water-management systems around Sandhi are documented by Vidisha Research Group. See The Sanchi Dams Project

http://www.britac.ac.uk/institutes/SSAS/projects/Shaw03.pdf Masonry face of the ancient Sanchi dam built by Naga. It will be inaccurate to refer to Naga of ancient Hindustan as a ‘cult’; Mahabharata states that it is the history of Naga, Uraga, Yaksha, Deva and Devarshi. Astika, a brahmana was the son of a Naga mother; Astika stopped the massacre of Naga at Takshas’ila. Naga were the core of Bharatam Janam and who had defined the Hindu traditions. Anantnag is name of a city in Kas’mira. River Vitasta was the abode of Naga Takshaka; Takshas’ila was a city west of river Vitasta (Jhelum). Nagas called Airavata had River Iravati (Ravi) as their abode. The name of a Himalayan river flowing into Brahmades’a (Burma) is Irawady, apart from River Salween and also Mekong (flowing south into Laos, Cambodia). Naga were of Ramaniyaka island in the middle of the remote ocean. Indra’s brother Vishnu had killed the Naga in the great lake. The kulam’s of Naga were: Vasuki kulam: Kotisa, Manasa, Purna, Cala, Pala, Halmaka, Pichchala, Kaunapa, Cakra, Kalavega, Prakalana, Hinayabahu, Carana, Kakshaka and Kaladantaka Airavata kulam: Paravata, Parijata, Pandara, Harina, Krisa, Vihanga, Sarabha, Meda, Pramoda and Sauhatapana (Aswasena, son of Takshaka is referred to as part of Airavata kulam; Kauravya are also mentioned as a branch of Airavata. Dhritarashtra was Airavata’s younger brother; Dhritarashtra is also a Gandharva. Thus Naga and Gandharva may belong to the same kulam or gan.a; Nishadha mountain is a common habitation of both Naga and Gandharva. Airavata is the northernmost region. Naga inhabited the Yaksha region in Himalayas). Takshaka kulam: Puchchandaka, Mandalaka, Pindasektri, Ravenaka, Uchochikha, Carava, Bhanga, Vilwateja, Virohana, Sili, Salakarsa, Muka, Sukumara, Pravepana, Mudgara, Sisuroman, Suroman and Mahahanu Kauravya kulam: Eraka, Kundala Veni, Veniskandha, Kumaraka, Vahuka, Sringavera, Dhurtaka, Pratara and Astaka. Dhritarashtra kulam: Sanukarna, Pitharaka, Kuthara, Sukhana and Shechaka; Purnangada, Purnamukha, Prahasa, Sakuni, Dari, Amahatha, Kumathaka, Sushena, Vyaya, Bhairava, Mundavedanga, Pisanga, Udraparaka, Rishabha, Vegavat, Pindaraka, Raktanga, Sarvasaranga, Samriddha, Patha and Vasaka; Varahaka, Viranaka, Suchitra, Chitravegika, Parasara, Tarunaka, Maniskandha and Aruni. (cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naga_Kingdom ) The Nagas are mentioned in the Puranas as a race of serpents who were inhabiting the Patalaloka or the nether regions…Mayasilpa gives the detailed descriptions of these seven great Nagas : "The colour of Vasuki is pearl white; that of Taksaka glistening red and he must have on his hood the mark of Svastika. The colour of Karkotaka is black and on his hood

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there should be three white stripes; Padma is of the rosy hew of the lotus flower, with a white streak and adorned with coral ornaments. The colour of Mahapadma is white with the mark of Trisula on his head; whereas that of Sankhapala, is yellow with a white streak on his hood; the colour of Kulika is also red and his hood bears the mark of the crescent moon. All these seven serpents should have two tongues and two arms and a hood with seven heads held over their human heads bearing all these gems. They must all be clad in one or three coats and carry in their hands an Aksamala and a Kamandalu1The Mahabharata story mentions these Nagas as the sons of Kadru and Kasyapa.2 During the historic period, many parts of India were predominantly inhabited by a race of men, who were known by the name of the Nagas and they are said to have formed the majority of persons who joined the newly started Buddhist religion.3 In the Atharva Veda, Tirasciraji, Prdaku, Svaja, Kalmasagrivo and Svitro Nagas are mentioned as guardians (Raksita) of the southern, western, northern, eastern and upper quarters respectively. 4 The epic Naga Taksaka has been described as a descendant of Visala (Taksako Vaisaleyo) in one of the passages of Atharva Veda.5 The names of snake gods like Tirasciraji, Asita, Svaja, Bhabru, Prdaku, Kankaparvan, Kairata, Prsna, Upatrnya, Taimata, Apodaka and Svitra are found in the Atharva Veda in different contexts.6 They are associated in some passages of Atharva Veda with the Gandharvas, Apsaras, Punyajanas (Yaksas) and the Manes.7 Dhrtarastra has been mentioned as a Nagaraja in later Brahmanical and Buddhist texts. According to a Mahabharata passage, he is the best of the Nagas.8 Although the names of Nagas found in the Atharva Veda are not common in the Epic and Puranic texts, in the name of Babhruvahana, the son of Arjuna and the Naga princess Citrangada, we may find the survival of the vedic Babhru.9 Hemadri13 has quoted five couplets from Maya (evidently Mayasamgraha) where the features of the great Nagas, namely Taksaka, Karkotaka, Padma, Mahapadma, Sankhapala and Kulika are described in details…Although Nagas in the theriomorphic (reptile) form are found depicted in the sculptural art of the Indus Valley Civilisation,17 but in both the theriomorphic and anthropomorphic (half-human and half-serpent) forms can be traced in the sculptural art from around 6th century B.C., i.e. the time of Buddha.18 A candidate for admission to the Buddhist Order was often asked whether he was a Naga or not.19 The names of Naga kings like Virupakkha and Erapatha (Elapatra) frequently occur in Buddhist literature.20 The Buddhist texts frequently refer also to various Naga chiefs like Muca (i) linda, Kaliya, Apalala and others who came to pay respect to the Buddha on different occasions. There are many early reliefs hailing from different parts of India where these themes are illustrated.21 Passage in the Cullavagga mentions of serpent kings of four tribes (Ahiraja-kulani). They are Virupakkha, Erapatha, Chabyaputta and Kanhagotamaka.22 The depiction of Nagas in the purely serpent form is found profusely in the temple art of the upper Mahanadi valley of Orissa atleast from the 7th-8th century onwards, and became a favourite theme mainly during the Somavamsi rule, i.e. 9th-11th century A.D. Naga in the purely serpentine form with single hood is carved as coiled to a Stambha in both sides of the recess abutting the raha portion of the anartha on the northern outer wall of the brick-built Jagamohana hall at Vaidyanath. (Plate-1) This is the only instance of 18 its kind, the Nagastambha having a Naga in the purely reptile form.23 In the Silpa Prakasa24 we find mention of this variation. The theriomorphic form of Naga can be traced back to the time of the Indus Valley Civilisation, i.e. 2500-1800 B.C approximately. 25 Many terracotta Naga figurines of around 1650 B.C. have been unearthed at a placed called Chirand in Bihar

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also.26 A beautiful theriomorphic Naga with five hoods is found in the plastic art at Bharhut, which is dated to the 2nd century B.C.27 Naga in the reptile form is always associated with Lord Siva and therefore, most of the stone images of the Naga in the reptile form are found either inside the Siva temples near the Sivalinga or in the temple precinct. Some references of the Naga in the reptile form are given by Vogel.28 In Vaisnavism, the great serpent Sesa is taken as a menifestation of Visnu and Visnu reclining on the body of Sesa, contemplating the creation of the Universe is a common representation in the dvaralalatavimba of many temples of the upper Mahanadi valley of Orissa from 9th century A.D. onwards. Such panels are found to be fitted to the dvaralatavimba of the gateways to the Garbhagrhas of Kosalesvara Siva temple at Vaidyanath (now broken and removed),58 Kapilesvara Siva temple at Charda, Siva temple at Kagaon, Ramesvara Siva and Subarnameru temples Sonepur, Radhakrushna, Kutha Jagannath, Bad Jagannath and Berhampura temples at Sambalpur. One loose panel is found at Tentelkhunti, one fitted to the outer wall in the Residential Office-chamber of Collector,Balangir (being shifted from Ranipur Jharial), and another fitted in the southern outer wall of the Jagamohana of Kusangei temple at Kusang. Two Anantasayana Visnu panels (also called Sesasayi Visnu) are worshipped as independent central deities in the Anantasajjya temple at Sambalpur and in a temple at Bhatra, a village situated at a distance of 5 kms from Sambalpur town on Sambalpur-Cuttack road. An unique rock-cut image of Bhu-Varaha59 (one of the ten incarnations of Lord Visnuis carved on a huge monolithic rocky elevation of around ten feet in height and twentyfive feet near the south-eastern embankment of Samiabandh reservoir at Ranipur Jharial. In this rock-cut sculpture, the left leg of Varaha is slightly raised and placed on the chest of Adisesa, whose figure is depicted as human above and snake below waist. A five-hooded snake canopy is over the head of Adisesa. He is seen with folded hands in obeisance to the Lord, worshipfully looking up at the great deliverer of the earth. This serpent Adisesa is accompanied by his wife, a Nagini, also up-waist in human form under a five-hooded snakecanopy, and below waist in snake-form, seen to be enter-twined with the snake-form of her male counterpart. Her right hand is firmly placed on the ground with the support of which this Nagini is sitting. Her left hand is raised up. This image of Bhuvaraha or Adivaraha is carved in accordance with the iconography, prescribed in the Vaikhanasagama.60 The Kaliyadamana theme or the suppression of the epic Naga Kaliya is a popular story in the childhood Lilas of Krsna. A beautiful child Krsna, dancing on the raised seven hoods of the serpent Kaliya is depicted in the sculptural art of the upper Mahanadi valley. Here Krsna is two-handed, holding the tail of the Naga Kaliya in his right hand and the tail of the wife of Kaliya, the Nagi in his left hand. While Kaliya is depicted in the complete serpentine form the Nagi is up-waist human and below-waist snake. She is worshipping the Lord in Anjalimudra. This image is now fitted to a Parsvadevata niche of the Bhitri Gopalji temple at Sonepur. Another Kaliyadamana image is enshrined in a small temple in the Bhitri Gopalji temple precinct, just in front of the devastated palace of the erstwhile feudetary chief (Maharaja) of the ex-Princely State of Sonepur. An unique image of Kaliya is kept in the Jagamohana of the Nilamadhava Visnu temple at Gandharadi (Charisambhu) in the Baudh district. In this image serpent Kaliya is up-waist human and below-waist serpentine, looking up at Krsna (whose one foot is available on the head of Kaliya now) the main Krsna image is broken and missing

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worshipping Him in Anjalimudra. A seven-hooded snake-canopy is over the human head of Kaliya. This image can be dated to the first half of the 9th century A.D. Nagas are more closely related to Saivism. In almost all Siva temples, either stone or brass Nagas are forming umbrella over the Sivalinga. Nagas adorn the body and also Jata of Lord Siva. Such an image of a moustached Siva standing in the Samabhanga posture is fitted to one of the Parsvadevata niches of the Bhitri Gopalji temple at Sonepur. A snake is adorning the body of Lord Siva as Yajnopavita and another huge cobra with open hood is hanging from both shoulders of the Lord. In almost all Nrtta Ganapati images, Ganesa is seen to be dancing in ecstasy by holding a long snake in two of his upper-most hands. Such dancing Ganesa images are found at Harishankar, Narsinghnath (rock-cut sculpture), Vaidyanath, Godhanesvar, Banei, Bausuni and Talgaj. Even an exquisitely carved four-handed seated Ganesa image of Lalei holds a Sarpa(snake) in his upper left hand. In all cases of the above-mentioned Ganesa images, a snake is adorning the body of the Lord as Yajnopabita. In all Nataraja images, found at Vaidyanath, Belkhandi, Charda, Sonepur (Jagannath temple and Suvarnameru temple), the Lord is holding a long snake (as found in the images of Nrtta Ganapati), over his head. A four-handed Bhairava image sitting in the Lalitasana is enshrined in a small temple near the Suresvari temple at Sonepur. The Lord is seen holding a long snake in his lower left hand, whose raised single hood has gone above the head-portion of the Lord. The divine couple, Lord Siva and goddess Parvati, is carved in a niche of one of the Jagamohana pillars of the Kosalesvara Siva Temple at Patnagarh. Both are in the standing posture and the Lord is holding a long snake in his left hand near his chest, the raised hood of which has also gone above His head. Even among the Chausath Yoginis of Ranipur Jharial, an image of Yogini Sarpasya is fitted to the twenty-eighth niche.(Plate-25) This serpent-headed and four-handed Yogini is holding a Trisula in her upper right hand, while rest of her hands are borken.61 From all these sculptures it can be strongly established that the Naga cult assimilated itself deeply in Hinduisms Buddhism and Jainism. From the Buddhist text Vinayapitaka it is known that the serpent king Muchalinda sheltered Buddha by raising its hoods over his head, forming an umbrella during the second week following his Enlightenment, while Buddha was disturbed by rain and storm. Such an image of Buddha, seated on the coils of the serpent king Muchalinda, which has formed a hooded-canopy over the head of Buddha. The image is rightly worshipped by the local people as 'Nagamuni' (the Serpent Sage).(Plate-26) This Muchalinda Buddha image was located for the first time by the famous art historian Charles Fabri in 1961 during his exploration in a village named Ganiapalli, which lies at a distance of around 8 km from Melchhamunda in the Bargarh district (the undivided Sambalpur district). Fabri has rightly remarked that Muchalinda Buddha images are very rarely found in India. He has dated this image to the 5th-6th century A.D. and thinks that the name of the village Melchhamunda might have been a local distortion of Muchalinda.62 This scholar located image of a male figure at Topigaon, seated in Yogasana under a seven-hooded snake canopy. Above this snake-canopy there is a Chhatra, which is raised up by a lady attendant standing on the left side of this seated figure. This lady attendant is wearing a long garment, which is tied around her waist and hanging upto her feet-level. She has tied a three-banded waist-girdle (Katibandha) with a square buckle in the center of it. Similarly, in the right side on the pedestal, a male figure is standing in an Alidha posture under the raised hood of a snake. This figure has a crown (Mukuta) on his head, and therefore it can

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be taken as the figure of a Naga king, who was a disciple of the seated Yogi. The central figure is of the height of about three feet, seated cross-legged, with soles of his feet turned upwards, both of his hands on his lap just near the naval portion, open right palm kept on the open left palm in an attitude of meditation. As cult images associated with Saivism are found at Topigaon (presently known as Biswanathpur), a Panchayat Samittee (block) head-quarters of Kalahandi district, this image was taken as that of a Saivacharya, associated with the Naga cult.63 But close scrutiny, forces this scholar to amend his views. It can be taken as the image of the 23rd Jaina Tirthankara Parsvanatha, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira Jina.64 According to the Jaina traditional account when Parsvanatha was deeply engaged in meditation, his enemy Kamatha or Katha tried to disturb him by causing heavy rain and thunderstorm. At that time the serpent king Dharanendra and his wife Padmavati came to protect him. Nagaraja, who is depicted in the right side of the pedestal is Dharanendra and the female with the Chhatra in hands is serpent-queen Padmavati. Here the serpent king Dharanendra is carved in the human form as well as in the Naga form, spreading his seven-hooded snake-canopy over the head of Parsvanatha, who is in in deep penance.(Plate-27) This image iconographically suits that of Parsvanatha.65 An image of the twenty-third Tirthankara, Parsvanath, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira, of the size of 5'.6" x 3'.4" x 1" has been collected from G. Udayagiri (Ghumsar Udayagiri) of Kandhmal district and is preserved in the Sculpture Gallery of the Orissa State Musem. The image is seated in Yogasana on the Visvapadma pedestal. Both his hands are kept one on the other, both palms being open. A five-hooded snake has formed a canopy over his head, its coiled serpent body is seen behind the body of Parsvanatha. In the centre of the pedestal, the Wheel of Law (Dharmachakra) is carved, flanked by two deers. In both extreme ends of the pedestal two lions are carved. The face of the image is broken. From traditional account it is known that the cognizance of Parsvanatha is snake. Parsvanatha is said to have been born in the holy city of Banares to Queen Vamadevi and King Ashvasena in 817 B.C. Before his birth the queen saw a black snake crawling by the side of her bed. So she named him Parsvanatha. From childhood, the prince had a soft corner for snakes.65 Another image of the 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha, now up-waist existing, is at present kept underneath a tree in the temple precinct of Harishankar in the Balangir district. Up-waist portion now existing of this image is of the height of around four feet and in its original state it might be around seven feet in height. A seven-hooded snake-canopy is over the head of this image.(Plate-28) Some old priests of Harishankar temple told this scholar that this image of Parsvanatha was shifted from Ranipur Jharial around 80 years ago.67 From all the Naga sculptures discussed in this research paper, it can be strongly established that like in other parts of India, in the upper Mahanadi valley of Orissa also, the Naga Cult assimilated itself deeply with Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism…As known from the Asanpat Stone Inscription, now preserved in the Orissa State Museum, a Naga king named Satrubhanja was ruling Vindhyatavi, which was comprising of the present Keonjhar and adjacent area…There are mentions of names of many officers of the Naga clan in the copper-plate charters who were serving the Panduvamsi, Bhanja and Somavamsi kings of the upper Mahanadi valley in between 6th-11th century A.D. Some Brahmin donees of the copperplate land grants were even having the name 'Naga' in the upper Mahanadi valley. The Brahmin donee Bhavaswami of the Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja (circa 6th century A.D.) was the son of Naga Swami. Similarly one of the twenty-five donees of the Bonda Plates of the Panduvamsi king Mahasiva Tivaradeva (circa. 6th century A.D.) was Naga Sarma. The Baloda Plates and Bonda Plates of Tivaradeva was engraved by Aksasalin (engraver) Voppa Naga, son of Sottra Naga.

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Donee of the Deogaon (Tarbha) Plates of Mugdhagondala Deva, a Mahamandalika (Governor) of the Somavamsi kingMahabhavagupta Janmejaya (Reigning Period : 850-885 A.D.) was a Brahmana named Bhuva Naga, son of one Bhava Naga. The royal engraver of the copper-plate charters (Land Grants) of king Satrubhanja, the Bhanja king of Khinjali Mandala, (who ruled in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D.) was Siva Naga, son of Pandi. This Siva Naga engraved copper-plate charters of Ranabhanja, son and successor of Satrubhanja, issued in his 16th, 24th and 26th regnal years also. Siva Naga has been mentioned as Vanika Suvarnakara (Merchant and Goldsmith) in these royal charters. Another man, Jaya Naga has engraved the Phulbani Plates of Ranabhanja. It seems that Siva Naga was enjoying considerable respect as the'Royal Engraver' during the rule of the Bhanja kings Satrubhanja and Ranabhanja…An officer named Sri Santi Naga was the Mahaksapatala in the Royal Court of the Somavamsi king Mahasivagupta Yayati I as recorded in the Orissa State Museum Plates, issued in his 4th regnal year (circa 888 A.D.) The Patna Museum Plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati I, issued from Vinitapura (modern Binka town in Sonepur district) in his 8th regnal year (circa 892 A.D.) has recorded the name of one officer named Uchhava Naga. Besides this, in many copper-plate charters of the Panduvamsi and Somavamsi kings, there are mentions of the fighting going on between the kings with the Nagas (perhaps Naga kings or tribe), in which the latter were defeated and suppressed.In the Rajim Plates of Tivaradeva, the founder of the Panduvamsi rule in Sripura, (Second half of 6th century A.D.), which was issued in his 7th regnal year, it has been mentioned that, "he (Tivaradeva), like Garutmat (Garuda), is skillful in eradicating the serpents (probably some Naga kings or people of Naga tribe)."In the Orissa State Museum Plates of Mahasivagupta Yayati I issued in his 4th regnal year (circa 888 A.D.) from Vinitapura (modern Binka town), it has been mentioned in the Verse-2 about his ancestors that "those kings (in his glorious royal family), being born from Soma (Moon), who have (already) attained spiritual figures (after death) in the celestial world (and from whom) several enemy kings had became recipients of wealth and charities in accordance to their desires; (for instance) the Nagas (or the kings of the Naga family) received their (the former monarchs of the Somavamsa) immediate support (and) help (at the time of need) which they (the Somavamsi kings) had taken as matters of great Jubilation (Uchhaba) and which (action of those kings) had been deemed by people as a reward to the mankind for sustenance of their happiness in all the three worlds."70 Naga cult has currently also a great hold over the Hindu religions order, and especially among the people of the South and North-Eastern States of India. As the Nagas are believed to have taken their births on the Pancami tithi of the bright half of the month of Sravana, people all over India offer prayers to the Naga Devatas on that day, which is known as the Naga Pancami. Even during the present days people of some of the tribes and low-caste Hindus of western Orissa worship the Naga Devata after being initiated into a religious order called the Nagbacca. This initiation to Nagbacca order has centered around Saivism and Nagapuja, as Lord Siva is the Lord of the Nagas. The persons initiated into this religious order have a special place among the rural folk of Western Orissa, as they act as Gunia to cure the snake-bite and to drive out the evil spirits from the villages.71 Writers like Gobind Chandra Tripathy of Jharsuguda town thinks that Ulapgad, the natural hill fort situated near Belpahad town is a local variation of the name 'Ulupi' Gad (Fort of Ulupi), which has got some connection with Ulupi, the Naga princess (daughter of the Naga king Kauravya of the Airavata Dynasty) whom the Pandava middle brother Arjuna married during their Vanavasa in the Mahabharata days. Peculiarly enough at Ulap village (situated on the foot-hill of Ulapgad), in the nearby village Kanika and at Himgir, the erstwhile head-quarters of a

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former Zamindari goddess Manikesvari is worshipped as the Supreme Deity. As we know from the pages of history godess Manikya Devi was the titulary deity of the Naga kings of Chakrakotta Mandala (present day Bastar region of Chhatisgarh State) who ruled in around 10th-11th century A.D. Now also goddess Manikesvari is worshipped as the titulary deity of the Nagavamsi kings of the former princely state of Kalahandi. Around 30 km from Himgir, there is a place called Sarapgad (Sarpagad or the Fort of Snakes) in Sundargarh district. Another place called Nages Pahad (the Hill of the Lord of Snakes) is situated near Khariar town of Nuapada district. There are innumerable places, hills, mountains and villages with the appellation of 'Naga' in Western Orissa. Even among many Dalits as well as in castes like Gaud (milk-man) the surname Nag is found, which proves the prevelant of the Naga cult in Western Orissa. The rich and glorious civilisation which flourished in Western Orissa in around 8th- 12th century A.D. for more than 500 years brought the religions synthesis of all major religious with other minor religious sects of the local natives, tribals as well as non-tribals, thereby establishing a very healthy and tolerant socio-cultural foundation of the society as a whole. 1. Rao, T.A. Gopinatha; Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol.II, Part-II, Indological Book House, Varanasi, 1971, pp.554-447. 2. Ibid, p.554. 3. Ibid, p.555. 4. Banerjea, J.N.; The Development of Hindu Iconography, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 3rd Edition, January 1974, p.345. 5. Atharva Veda, VIII, p.10, 29. 6. Atharva Veda, III, 26 & 27; V.13, 5-6; VII 56, 1 : X. 4,13. 7. Atharva Veda, VIII, 8, 15. (Gandharvapsarasah sarpandevanpunyajananpitrrn). 8. Mahabharata, IV. 2, 17. 9. Banerjea, op.cit., Fn, p.345. 13. Hemadri; Caturvargacintamani, Vratakhanda, pt.II, p.139. 17. Marshall, John H.; Mahenjodaro and the Indus Civilisation, London, 1931, p.68, Pls.XVIII, II and CXVI.29. 18. Benerjea, J.N.; The Development of Hindu Iconography, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 3rd Edition, January 1974, p.346. 19. Grunweden, Buddhist Art, p.44. 20. Vogel, J.Ph.; Indian Serpent Lore, London, 1936, p.10. 21. Banerjea, op.cit., p.346. 22. Cullavagga, V.6. 23. Dehejia, Vidya; Early Stone Temples of Orissa, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1979, p.54. 24. Silpa Prakasa, II, 294, p.87. 25. Marshall, John H.; Mahenjodaro and the Indus Civilisation, Vol.I, London, 1931, p.68, pls.XVIII : 11 and XVI : 29. 26. Sankalia, H.D.; Pre-history and Proto-history of India and Pakistan, Poona, 1974, pp.304 and 307. 27. Bussaglio, M.; 5000 Years of Art of India, New York, p.63, pl.66. 28. Vogel, J.Ph.; Indian Serpent Lore, London, 1926, p.36.

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58. Das, Dipakranjan, Temples of Orissa - A Study of A Sub-styles, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1982, p.74 (Plate-16). 59. Panda, Sasanka Sekhar; Some Archaeological Remains of Balangir District, The Orissa Historical Research Journal, 1995, Vol.XXX, Nos.1-4, pp.58-59. 60. Rao, T.A. Gopinatha, Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol.I, Pt.I, 2nd Edition, Varanasi, 1971, p.132. 61. Panda, Sasanka Sekhar; The Hypaethral Chausathi Yogini Temple of Ranipur Jharial, The Orissa Historical Research Journal, 1998, Vol.XLII, Nos.1-4, p.141. 62. Fabri, Charles Louis; History of the Art of Orissa, Orient Longman Ltd., New Delhi, 1974, pp.31-36. 63. Panda, Sasanka Sekhar; Some Temple Ruins of Kalahandi District, The Orissa Historical Research Journal,1993, Vol.XXXVIII, Nos.1-4, p.51. 64. Nawab, S.M.; Jaina Tirthas in India and Their Architecture, Allahabad, 1944, p.139; J.G. Buhler, On the Sect of Jainas, tr. by J.Burgess,London, 1903, p.63. 65. Bloomfield, M.; The Life and Stories of Parsvanatha, Baltimore, 1919, p.118. 66. Gupte, R.S.; Iconography of the Hindus, Buddhists and Jainas, Bombay, 1972, p.175. 67. Panda, Sasanka Sekhar; Harishankar Temple of Balangir District, Orissa Review, August 1994, Vol.LI, No.1,p.21. 68. Chauley, G.C.; Saivite Deities and Connected Problems in Orissan Art and Architecture, article published in "An Interdisciplinary Approach to Saivism," ed. by Dr. K.C. Mishra and R.K. Mishra, Pub. by Institute of Orissan Culture, Bhubaneswar, 1993, p.126. 69. Kosambi, D.D.; The Culture & Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline, Vikas Publishing House Pvt.Ltd., New Delhi, Fifth Impression, 1977, p.170. 70. Rajaguru, S.N., op.cit., pp.164-165. 71. Panda, S.C.; Op. Cit, pp.39-43. [Source: Sasanka Sekhar Panda, Nagas in the sculptural decorations of early West Orissan Temples, Orissa Historical Research Journal (OHRJ), Vol. XLVII, No. 1]

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Melakkha, island-dwellers, people of Pa_ta_l.a loka, na_ga The Mahabharata refers to the pa_n.d.ava Sahadeva's conquest of several islands in the sea with mleccha inhabitants. Pura_n.a-s locate mleccha kings: pracetasah putras'atam

ra_ja_nah sarva eva te; mlecchara_s.t.ra_dhipa_h sarve udi_ci_m dis'am a_s'rita_h, '100 sons of Pracetas who were all kings, had settled (occupied or taken shelter) in mleccha 'adjacent' (a_s'rita) states in the northern direction.' (Bha_gavata P. 9.23.15). The ‘northern direction’ since the Vedas and Pa_n.ini has signified Greater gandha_ra. Kirfel, W. Das Pura_n.a Pan~calaks.an.a. Bonn : K. Schroeder 1927. This can be construed as a reference to an earlier migration of the sons of Pracetas towards the northern direction to become kings of the mleccha states. The son of Yayati's third son, Druhyu, was Babhru, whose son and grandsons were Setu, Arabdha, Gandhara, Dharma, Dhr.ta, Durmada and Praceta. It is notable that Pracetas is related to Dharma and Dhr.ta, who are the principal characters of the Great Epic, the Maha_bha_rata. It should be noted that a group of people frequently mentioned in the Great Epic are the mleccha, an apparent designation of a group within the country, Bha_rata. This is substantiated by the fact that Bhagadatta, the king of Pragjyotis.a is referred to as mleccha and he is also said to have ruled over two yavana kings (2.13).

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We seem to be dealing with a linguistic area (substratum!) of artisans, between the Tigris-Euphrates doab and the Sindhu-Sarasvati doab (south of the Oxus), an area which Emeneau surmises after compiling the Dravidian Etymological Dictionary. Meluhhan needed an interpreter in Mesopotamia (as shown on a cylinder seal), so Mleccha is likely to be something different from Sumerian [which of course, had substrates (borrowings?) such as tibira, 'merchant' -- ta_mra, 'copper'; san:ga, 'priest', sa_n:gvi_, 'priest, pilgrim's guide' (Gujarati)]. Memory of Toba as a cone (stu_pa) and as a playa (Rann) http://www.worldlakes.org/uploads/toba_adm_wtr.JPG In 1949 the Dutch geologist Rein

van Bemmelen reported that Lake Toba was surrounded by a layer of ignimbrite rocks, and that it was a large volcanic caldera. Later researchers found rhyolite ash similar to that in the ignimbrite around Toba (now called Young Toba Tuff to distinguish it from layers deposited in previous explosions) in Malaysia and India, 3000 km away. Oceanographers discovered Toba ash, with its characteristic chemical "fingerprint", on the floor of the eastern Indian Ocean and the Bay of

Bengal…The subsequent collapse formed a caldera that, after filling with water, created Lake Toba…The volcanoes of Sumatra and Java are part of the Sunda Arc, a

result of the northeasterly movement of the Indo-Australian Plate which is sliding under the eastward-moving Eurasian Plate. The subduction zone in this area is very active: the seabed near the west coast of Sumatra has had several major earthquakes since 1995… http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lake_Toba Mound: thube stu_pa (As'.); thuba, thuva (KharI.)(CDIAL 13702). thoba round piece of earthenware (K.); thobunu short and thick tree (K.); thubu tuft (S.); thuba_ bunch (B.); tubu tail of an animal (Si.); thobi_ flagstone placed over fire for baking bread on (S.); thoba_, thobi_ lump of mud used in building a wall (L.); thobba_ lump of mud (P.); thob, thubi bud

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(A.); thoba_ bunch, cluster (B.)(CDIAL 13703). thum ridge of a mountain, space round a hilltop (N.); thu~_ba_ lump of earth (H.); thumr.u~ a collection of ears of corn (G.); tho~b clump (M.)(CDIAL 13705). us'tum pillar (Wg.); thumi wooden or masonry pillar to support roof (Ku.); thumar.o, thumar.i prop, pillar; thumi post for churning curds (Ku.); thum pillar (A.); thu_m, thumbha_ pillar supporting the wood which supports the woof; thu_mhi_ support of a broken wall (Bi.); thu_mhi_ wooden pillar supporting roof (Mth.)(CDIAL 13707). stu_pa tuft of hair, crest (RV.); mound (Skt.); main beam of house (A_pGr..); thu_pa tomb, stu_pa; thu_pi-kata heaped up (Pali); thu_va heap (Pkt.); s'tu pillar, post (Wg.); thu_a thorn of date tree (L.); thu_a_ boundary pillar of mud, heap, clod (H.); t.hul(h)u tower (S.); t.hulh, thu_l tower, walled village (L.)(CDIAL 13710). thu_ha_ pillar, prop (P.); thoa_ tethering post (WPah.); tube stu_pa (Si. inscr.) (CDIAL 13712). thobhan. support, prop (G.)(CDIAL 13724). Image: upper storey: dubbil.i, dubbul.i, dobbul.i a beautiful upper storey (Ka.); toppa_ra, tomba_ra a large building (Ta.); du-majili_ of two stories, as a house (M.)(Ka.lex.) Large building: toppa_ram large building (W.)(Ta.); tcapparamu id. (Te.); tomparam id. (Ta.); tompa_ram id. (Ta.lex.) Image: a crown: toppa_ram a kind of crown (Tiruva_lava_. 4,12)(Ta.); tapa_ramu id. (Te.)(Ta.lex.) tumba quail (Kui.Kuwi); tu_mba id. (Kuwi); tumma id. (Pa.); tumme a kind of bird (Ga.)(DEDR 3328). Munda etyma: <tamba>(KP),,<tOmba>(K) {N} ``^copper''. *Sa., Mu., Ho<tamba>, Ho<tama>, H.<ta~ba>, O.<tOmba>, Sk.<tamrA>.

For miles and miles around Marot (Pakistan), there are place names with a suffix toba, which in the local language means a playa (or rann). This –toba suffix could be an evocation of the memory of Lake Toba formed after the eruption of Mount Toba. Some place names near Marot, are: Rodewala Toba, Abbanwala Toba. Marot may be seen to the west of Anupgarh shown on the satellite image

Synoptic view of Landsat images of NW India showing 6-8 km. wide palaeo-channel of Sarasvati River (from Siwalik thru Kalibangan and Anupgarh to Marot); present Shatadru (Sutlej) takes a sharp turn at Ropar. (Yashpal et al., 1984, Fig. 215) http://www.hindunet.org/saraswati/html/SATELL-1.jpg Lake Toba or commonly referred to as Danau Toba by the locals is one of the largest crater lakes in the world. Measuring some 100km long and 30 km wide, it is located in the northern part of Sumatra. According to the scientists, the lake was created from a gigantic volcanic eruption 75,000 years ago. The collapse of the volcano formed a caldera, which then filled with water and thus creating Lake Toba. http://www.worldisround.com/articles/83941/ . http://kalyan96.googlepages.com/krakatoa.pdf

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Annex G Comparisons between Avesta and Post-vedic of sutra periods

The Avesta is comparable to the Vedic Gr.hyasu_tras in the liturgical segments of parallel

traditions, which evolved after the movements of people after the desiccation of the River

Sarasvati--one group moved towards the Helmand region and another towards the Ganga-

Yamuna doab. The high office of the Yazis.n (of the Yasna) consisted chiefly in the

ceremonial preparation and offering of the Paraho_m (Av. parahaoma), i.e. the juice

extracted from the Haoma-plant mixed with consecrated water, milk and aromatic

ingredients; this represents a time when the Soma yajn~a had already become a 'ritual' or

a liturgical performance, as distinct from the material, metallurgical process delineated in

the Rigveda to purify soma, electrum.

The concordances between Vedic texts (of th sutra period, in particular) and Avestan texts

are so vivid that it can be averred that Avestan was a continuation of the Vedic tradition

which arose on the banks of River Sarasvati and the sapta sindhu region in Bharatam.

(Sarasvati_ saptathi_ sindhu ma_ta_: RV).

The break-out of the kavi's from India into Iran can be explained as an ongoing search for minerals -- tin, copper, gold, silver -- in an evolving bronze age. It is notable that two r.cas (RV 1.51.10 and RV 4.16.2) make a reference to 'us'anas' in the context of prayer to Indra; and in r.ca RV 1.51.10, the reference is emphatially related to a 'taks.a' which is explained as 'sharpening', a clear metallurgical or 'smithy' term. In two r.cas RV 10.49.3 and 10.99.9, the refernce to Kavi is in the context of 'weapons' and the slaying of S'us.n.a. The other r.cas refer to Us'ana_ (or Kavi or son of Kavi) and Kutsa and in the context of the legend of S'us.n.a. {s'us.n.a = fire (Skt.lex); cun.n.am = lime, oxide of calcium}

Ka_vya Us'anas and Kayanides

"The most exhaustive study ... by Arthur Christensen in his book on the Kayanian dynasty of Iran (Christensen, A.,1932, Les Kayanides. Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Sellskab, Hist.-Filos. Meddelelser XIX.2. Copenhagen). In it he argued that the rulers who are styled Kauui in the Avesta (Kauui Kauua_ta, etc.) were most probably historical figures...the list of Kauuis also contains at least one figure that is also found in Indian tradition, as shown by Lommel and Dumezil, namely Kauuui Usan/Usad.an, who both by name and by the legends associated with him corresponds to Ka_vya Us'anas of Indian tradition. There is therefore every reason to conclude that the list of Kauuis also contains only mythological figures (Kellens, J., 1979, L'Avesta Comme source historique: La liste des Kayanides. In Studies in the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia, ed. by J. Harmatta, 41-53. Budapest, Akademiai Kiado). As for the title kauui itself, although in the later Zoroastrian tradition it designates political rulers, there is no evidence in the Avesta that it is used other than as a designation of a special kind of priest. In the Gathas it is closely related to terms such as karapan and usij, both designate special kinds of priests, and its Indian relative kavi has nothing to do with political power, but designates the poest priest. The kauuis listed in the yashts are also not described as rulers, for which Avestan has a series of very specific terms consisting of a word for territory plus paiti 'lord'. When kauui is not used as a title it is commonly found in lists of opponents of the Zoroastrian religion, a notion inherited from

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the Gathas, where the kauuis are portrayed as opponents of Zarathustra, with the exception of Kauui Vis.ta_spa, who supported himOn the banks of the River Sarasvati which nurtured the people who have given the world, the R.gveda, also flourished the most extensive civilization of its time, ca. 5500 Before Present (BP). The expansive nature of contacts (mostly for trade) of the civilization is stunning, extending from Ropar on the east to Mesopotamia on the Tigris-Euphrates doab. This long-distance trade and contact was facilitated by the riverine and maritime transport systems on the Rivers Sarasvati and Sindhu and across the Gulf of Kutch and the Persian Gulf." (P. Oktor Skjaervo, 1995, The Avesta as source for the early history of the Iranians, in: George Erdosy, ed., The Indo-Aryans

of Ancient South Asia, Berlin, Walter de Gruyter and Co.) Us'anas-S'ukra (Va_yu P. 97.140) and Cyavana [MBh 13.51,2685; also, his descendant R.ci_ka -- (Va_yu P. 9193; Pad. P. 6.268,13) ; his grandson Ra_ma_ Ja_madagnya--(MBh 7.70,2435)] are Bha_rgava or Bhr.gu. This civilization with urbanized use of burnt-bricks, organized streets, water-reservoirs and other water-management systems, street-drains, well-regulated system of weights and measures, workers' platforms perhaps used for metal-, shell-, and lapidary-crafts, was also exemplified by the transition to bronze-age with many inscriptions presented on copper plates and on copper/bronze weapons. Many urban archaeological centres such as Lothal, Dholavira, Surkotada, Kalibangan, Banawali, Kunal, Ropar on this River Basin were fortified settlements (often referred to by archaeologists as 'citadels' and 'lower towns'). The inscriptions are composed of normalized heiroglyphs and ligatured pictographs presented as 'signs' and pictorial motifs which often present ligatured animal bodies. The average number of 'signs' on inscribed objects was five and it is likely that the inscriptions conveyed arms and armour either possessed by warriors or produced by armourers for trade-- as veritable bills of lading. The artefacts unearthed by archaeology provide evidence of the evolution and continuity of the cultural traditions of Bha_rata on the Sarasvati-Sindhu River Basins. There is nothing among the artefacts which is not Vedic. On the other hand, there is nothing in the Vedic texts which do not find parallels in the archaeological discoveries -- e.g. references to maritime and riverine trade traditions and to well-developed cities abound in the R.gveda, echoing the archaeological finds of urban centres and trade contacts between the Sarasvati-Sindhu civilization and Mesopotamian CIvilization. The crossing of a river (sindhu) in RV 7.33.3 is a reference to the crossing of the river Beas (a tributary of the Sindhu) after the battle on the Yamuna with Bheda. As in many other r.cas, the word, 'sindhu' may simply refer to a 'stream'. It is notable that NO archaeological sites have been found on the right bank of the River Parus.n.i. The archaeological site of Harappa

is on the left bank of River Parus.n.i (River Ravi). The r.ca RV 7.33.3 does NOT say that the direction of crossing of the river Sindhu was from west to east [or north to south]. It will only be a conjecture to deduce that the crossing was from eastern Iran. Just because Vasis.t.ha's descendants claim to be An:giras (RV 7.42.1 and 7.52.3), there is no basis for a conjecture about the locale of An:giras being eastern Iran. S'Br (12.6.1.41) notes that Vas'is.t.has are th priests of Tr.tsu-Bharatas. Ludwig considers that the Tr.tsus and Bharatas are one and the same clan. (Ludwig, III, p. 185; Buddha, 1st ed., p. 413). Oldenberg (ZDMG, XLII, p. 207) notes that Tr.tsu may be identical with the Vasis.t.has who are the priests of the Bharatas. Sa_yan.a interprets the r.ca 7.33.6 equating Tr.tsu with the Bharata.

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A_rjiki_ya may be another name for Vipa_s'a (Beas): RV 075.05 Accept this my praise, Gan:ga_, Yamuna_, Sarasvati_, S'utudri, Parus.n.i, Marudvr.dha with Asikni_, and Vitazsta_; listen, A_rjiki_ya with Sus.oma_. [Gan:ga_...: cf. Roth's Lit. and Hist. of the Veda, pp. 136-140; Parus.n.i is another name for Ira_vati_. Marudvr.dha = increased by the Maruts or storm-gods; A_rjiki_ya = Vipa_s'a; Sus.oma_ = Sindhu; Nirukta 2.26; cf. Muir's Sanskrit Texts, vol. 2, p. 355; a verse is inserted here in some MSS, not noticed by Sa_yan.a: "Those who are drowned at the confluence of the Sita and Asita go to heaven; the resolute people who abandon their lives (thus) enjoy immortality"]. The peoples who live close to the rivers are mentioned in the R.gveda; Vis'va_mitra crosses the Beas and Sutlej rivers --Vipa_s'a and S'utudri_ (RV 3.33.1). The battle with Bheda is chronicled in RV 7.18.9 and is held on the banks of the Yamuna and may precede the next battle at Parus.n.i.

R.si. families of the Rigveda and their A_pri_ Su_kta

Kan.va (Kevala-An:girasa) RV 1.13 An:girasa RV 1.142 Agastya RV 1.188 Gr.tsamada (Kevala-Bhr.gu) RV 2.3 Vis'va_mitra RV 3.4 Atri RV 5.3 Vasis.t.ha RV 7.2 Kas'yapa RV 9.5 Bharata RV 10.70 Bhr.gu RV 10.110 It may be seen from Purushottama Pandita’s Gotra-pravara manjari that gotra had many gan.a. Each gan.a was composed of people from various walks of life living in a guru-kula. Such a community called itself a kula. Thus kula is NOT a family lineage but a gan.a as in s’ivagan.a composed of people practicing many professions. Asura were revered in the Rigveda. Sarasvati is referred to as a_suri_ sarasvati, pointing to the fact that asura and deva were part of a community working together to harness the riches of the earth and the oceans in a magnificent metaphor called the samudra manthanam (joint churning of the ocean). The geneaology of Bharata is summarised in the following table: Bharata

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Pijavana

Devava_ta

Devas'ravas

Sr.njaya

Divoda_sa

Vadhryas'va

Pratardana (and son Ks.atras'ri_)

Suda_sa

Sahadeva

Somaka

Purukutsa (perhaps a contemporary of

Suda_sa) (son of Durgaha)

Trasadasyu (son of

Purukutsa_ni_)

Tr.ks.i (son of Trasadasyu)

Pu_ru and Nahus.a were settled on the banks of the River Sarasvati_ (RV 7.96.2; 7.95.2). In RV 7.8.4, 'where a Vasis..ha proclaims the victory o the Bharatas over a Pu_ru. Hence, the Pu_us must have exended their territories upto the Yamuna_ and Parus.n.i_, and seem to have spoken a different dialect than that of the Bharatas. In RV 7.18.13 they are called mr.dhrava_c, which means 'speaking a Barbarian tongue' rather than 'talking disdainfully...' (Hillebrandt, vol.1, p. 352). Agni overcame Pu_ru in battle (V 7.8.4) ; in RV 7.18.13, conquer in battle the ill-speaking man: pu_rum vidathe mr.drava_cam; there are various interpretations of the term, 'mr.drava_cam', for e.g., 'speech that is difficult', 'speech that is unintelligible', 'speaking a barbarian tongue' or 'talking disdainfully'. These two r.cas may be seen as references to Bharata battling the Pu_ru, i.e. an internicine conflict. (Divoda_sa is a Pu_ru in RV 1.130.7). Since the scene of the battle is described as taking place on the banks of the River Parus.n.i_ (River Ravi), there is emphatic evidence in the r.cas of the R.gveda that the Pu_ru and Bharata dwell close to the banks of the River Sarasvati_ as the extension of the domain takes the battling groups of people upto the left bank of the River Parus.n.i_. See Alfred Hillebrandt, 1927, Vedische Mythologie, tr. Sreeramula Rajeswara Sarma, 1980, Vedic Mythology, 2 vols. Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, vol. 2., pp.352-353: 'The events describedn in books III and VII which take place mostly farther in the east on the Parus.n.i_, Yamuna_, Vipa_s and S'utudri_ make it improbable that the Sarasvati_ mentioned in VIII.95, 96, on the banks of which the Pu_rus dwelt, can still be identical with the Arachotos. Howsoever exuberant the description might appear, there is no other possibility but to locate them on the small river in the Madhyades'a, which was considered sacred in later periods...I do not see why we should not read a tradition which reaches upto the RV into the RV itself or why we should not be permitted to consider a river which is called sacred in the RV and which, according to other indications, conforms to the later Sarasvati_ in its geographical position as really identical with the later Sarasvati_.' Bharata's descendants were called the Bharatas or Bha_ratas...the main line (dynasty) at Hastina_pura and those of the Dvimi_d.has and of North and South Pa_n~ca_la, were Bha_ratas. (Pargiter, p. 113; MBh. 1,2,371; 62,2320-1; 74,3123; 4,2,912; 13,76,3690; Va_yu 99,134; Matsya 24,71; 49,11; Br. 13,57; Hv 32,1723; Ajami_d.ha had two sons Dus.yanta and Parames.t.hin, and from them came all the Pa_n~ca_las). Dus.yanta is variously called: Dus.manta, Dus.s.anta, Duhs.anta; cf. Vedic Index, 1,382; "These forms can be reconciled through a Prakrit form Dus.s.anta or Dussanta, of which they are different Sanskrit equivalents, the form Dus.yanta being probably right and the brahmanic one misaken." (Pargiter, p. 129)]. S'akuntala (whose father was a Vis'va_mitra) lived in the hermitage of Kan.va Ka_s'yapa. She married the Paurava king Dus.yanta and was the mother of King Bharata. "Kan.va is said to have been

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the chief priest at Bharata's sacrifices, and Bharata gave him gifts; and he is no doubt this Kan.va (or perhaps his son)." (Pargiter, p. 232). Bharata's territory stretched from the River Sarasvati_ to the Ganga. (MBh 7,68,2384; 12,29,939). The only a_pri_ su_kta for Soma is composed by r.s.i Asita Ka_s'yapa or Devala Ka_s'yapa. [The other nine a_pri_ su_ktas are dedicated to Agni]. Soma comes from both A_rji_ka and S'aryan.a_vat (RV 8.64). If A_rji_ka is close to Kashmir, S'aryan.a_vat is indeed the root compound from which the term 'Haryana' is derived and given to the State south of the Punjab. Bhr.gu were in Kapa_lamocana on the Sarasvati_ and in A_narta, Gujarat. From the details provided below, it would appear that there is no need to postulate a

proto-indo-iranian to explain the concordances in thought and diction between Vedic

sutras and Avestan texts related to yasna. Simply, Avestan was a direct derivative from

Concordances between Post-Vedic and Avestan

The Yasna (Skt. yajn~a) comprises 72 chapters, called Ha_, Ha_iti. These are the texts

recited by the priests at the ritual ceremony of the Yasna (Izashne). The chapter titles are

comparable to and derived from sva_ha_ of Vedic times. "In the Rigveda there is little to

suggest a familiarity with Zarathushtra's reformation and with his teachings. I am of the

view that the period of the R.V preceded that of Zarathushtra and that the holders of the

priestly office offered their services in regions lying far into the West and that the allusion

in the RV to the generous Parthian prince who rewarded the sacrificial service should not

be underestimated...precisely in India the Asuras evolved into demons in the later

period...The Asuras install the three sacrificial fires A_havani_ya, Ga_rhapatya and

Anva_ha_ryapacana in a different sequence than the gods do and thus are deprived of

their luck (TBr 1.1.4.4). When a custom has to be rejected as unsuitable it is called an

Asura custom. (S'S'S 15.15.11; Gobhila S'ra_ddha Kalpa 3.7)...When did the separation or

the hostile contact take place? We can rule out the period prior to the R.V since like the

Avesta the R.V combines the word asura mostly with the concept of divineness and sees in

r.ta-as.a the expression of highest holiness. We can draw the line only where asura seems

to be transformed regularly into a demon, that is between the bulk of the R.gvedic hymns

on the one side and that of the Bra_hman.as on the other...The Veda and Avesta cannot

be connected directly with one another; many links are missing between the two. The

events which took place between the period of the RV and that of the Bra_hman.as are

lost for us in obscurity...Already the cry, he lavo, attributed to the Asuras in one passage

of the S'Br (S'Br 3.2.1.23), demonstrates that under the word asuras we should

understand purely Indian enemies, in this case, definitely eastern enemies just as enemies

from Mazendran (ma_zainya) are included among the Dae_vas...TS 6.4.10.1: br.haspatir

deva_na_m purohita a_si_c chan.d.a_marka_v asura_n.a_m...(MS 4.6.3 (81.1; S'Br 4.2.1.6)

(Hillebrandt, opcit., II, pp. 265-270). In Yasna, parallels with the Fire-Temple worship in the Avestan tradition are apparent. In

the Vedic tradition, the yajn~a is brought into the context of the sam.ska_ras and cosmic

inquiry or dharma, the ordering principle; in the Avestan tradition, the yasna is taken up

to a post-yajurvedic plane of fire-workings in yasna using a soma plant substitute called

haoma (soma > haoma which grows on the mountains, Haraiti in particular.Yasna 10.4, 10-

12,17: Haoma is placed on the high montain Haraiti by a skilful god, whence holy birds

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carried it everywhere to the heights, where it grew both on the lofty tablelands and in the

mountain valleys). (cf. H.D. Griswold, 1971, The Religion of the Rigveda,Delhi, Motilal

Banaridass, p.217). In the Vedic tradition, the Kr.s.n.a Yajurveda is a combination of the mantra and bra_hman.a portions. The Yajurveda ritual thus, is a development from the ritual of the R.gvedic period. A Bra_hman.a gives the meaning of mantras, the origin and significance of a ritual; a S'rautasu_tra is an orderly description of each Vedic ritual. There are clear indications that Avesta is a post-Vedic tradition both in content and in language cognates and Avest may in fact relate to the su_tra period. This stage of evolution of the Vedic ritual (exemplified by the Yajurveda, the Bra_hman.a and the S'rautasu_tra) is, perhaps, coterminus, in time, with the evolution of the Avestan haoma ritual tradition. (C.G. Kashikar, 1964, The Vedic sacrificial rituals through the ages, in: Indian Antiquary, Vol. 1, No.2, Bombay, Popular Prakashan) A_s’vala_yana Gr.hyasu_tra A_G1.3.10: tad es.a_bhiyajn~a ga_tha_ gi_yate: pa_kayajn~a_nsama_sa_dyaika_jya_n

ekabarhis.ahekasvis.t.akr.tah kurya_nna_na_pisati daivate: In this connection, thefollowing sacrificial ga_tha_ is sung. 'If one has (before one, the

performance of different) pa_kayajn~as (at the same time), one should perform them

with the same common A_jya, barhis and the same common Svis.t.akr.t (oblations),

though the deity (of these pa_kayajn~as) may not be the same.' NOTE: The use of the

term 'ga_tha_' is significant and parallels the Avestan tradition of ga_tha_s, a clear

indication of the chronology of the R.gvedic > Avestan traditions during the Su_tra times.

Iranian haoma hymns, treating haoma as sacred, are in the Younger Avestan language, in

which texts continued to be composed in the Hellenistic period, and perhaps even later.

(David Stophlet Flattery and Martin Schwartz, 1989, Haoma and Harmaline: The botanical

identity of the Indo-Iranian sacred hallucinogen 'Soma' and its legacy in religion, language,

and middle eastern folklore, Berkeley, Univ. of California Press, p. 10, n. 10). Avestan barezis., baresman (Zoroastrian barsom; Persian ba_lis. meaning 'cushion') are strewn than held in the hand; this is cognate with Vedic barhis. An important part of some Zoroastrian rituals is the tying of the barsom twigs into a bundle. The lexemes may simply refer to woody twigs. Four classes are mentioned in Avesta: athravan (priest), rathaeshtar (warrior), vastriosha (cultivator) and hutaokhsha (workman). [Ga_tha_ Ha. 48.5; Yasna Ha 19.17). Vedic duels between Indra-Vr.tra are paralleled in Tishtar-Apaosha. Tishtar is an angel who presides over the rains; Apaosha is a demon who stopped the rains. Indra as Verethraghna (Vr.traghna) is an angel called Beheram Yazata; while, Indra as Indar is a demon. VS XVII.32 notes that Vis’vakarman was created first and then he did the work of creation. Bundehishna notes that Ahuramazda created Vohuman, an archangel who continued the further work of creation. Universe is an egg (Manu. I.5,ff.); also in Avestan (Minokhred 44.8 – a Pahlavi text). RV X.190 described the order of creation: moral law (r.ta in RV, asha in Avestan) followed by the sun, the earth and the wky, so too in Ga_tha_ (Yasna 44.315). Vedic br.hat sadanam (heaven) parallels Avestan hadhana. (RV IX.113; X.17; 27; X.14.11; Yasna 11.10; 62.6; Dadestan 26.2). Vedic As’vin-s are Avestan As’pina_. (RV VII.67.10: as’vinau yuva_nau) becomes Avestan as’pina_ yevino. Sarasvati_ is Harakhaiti; Apa_m Napa_t is the same; Trita is Thrita; Vala is Vara; Us.as is Ushangha or Usha (Ushahain Gaha 5); Aramati_ is A_ramaiti; Aryaman is

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Airyaman; Bhaga is Bagha; Amr.tas are Ameshspentas; pitr.s (RV VI.75.9: sva_durvasadah pitaro vayodha_h kr.cchres’ritah s’akti_vanto gabhi_ra_h) are farohars; yajatras are yazatas; na_bha_nedis.t.ha is nabanazdishta; ks.atra is khshathra. Dya_va_pr.thivi_ the dual are adored together; so are Asman and Zem (Fra. Yt. 17,23,24,30,37,45,69,71,75); vis’vedeva_h (AV XI.6.19) are Avestan Vispe Yazata (Yasna 1.19; 2.18; Yt. 11.17.17.19); vis’vedeva_h are 32 (RV VII.39.9; AV X.7.10); Vispe Yazata are 32 (Mithra Yt. 61). Evil spirits: Vedic dr.ha is Avestan druj; Vedic ra_ks.asa are Avestan Rakhsa (Yasna 24.12, an evil being); Ya_tu are evil beings in both Vedic and Avestan. Vedic svar, light of heaven (RV X.68.9) is Avestan hvar (sun); both have comparable epithets: amr.ta-amesh, raya (shining); advartaspa (possessing swift horses). [Khurshed: hvare khshaetem ameshem rayem advart aspem yazamahade]. Varun.a is an asura and the lord of r.ta (mortal realm); Ahuramazda is the lord of Asha (eternal law) (Yasna Ha 44.5; 6,12,19: 46.6). Varun.a prepared a path for the sun (RV I.24: varun.ascaka_ra su_rya_ya pantha_m); so in Yasna 44.3: kheng staremehs dat advanem. Varun.a is sukratu; Ahuramazzda is khratumao; Varun.a and Ahuramazda are maha_n; vis’vavedah-vispavidva_o, suda_nu-hudhanu, amr.tarevah-ameshaspenda, revat (dadha_te)-raevat, arabdha-adhavish, sumr.l.ika-merajdika, uruchaks.us-vouruchashane, bhes.aja-baishajya (RV VIII.42.1; Vendi.19.20; RV 67.4; Ahurayasht 14; RV I.136.6; Ahura Yasna 51.4; RV I.25.5; Gatha Yasna 33.13; VS XXXVIII.34; Yasht7). One of the 101 names of Ahuramazda is Varun.a. Gna_h are wives of Varun.a (RV I.62.8; VIII.28); Genao are the wives of Ahuramazda (Yasna 38.1-2; Gna_h rr Genao are the waters of rain). Ahuramazda’s son was Atar, fire (ahurahe mazdao putha); agni was born of the womb of asura (RV III.29.1). Both Mitra and Mithra are friends of man ans use spies to watch men (spas’a-spas); they are priests (hotar-zaotar); both live in thousand-pillared palaces (sahasrasthu_n.a-hazangrastuna). In RV VII..1.1 Agni is called atharyu; this is Avestan athravan. Avesta refers to Vedic Agni as Agenya_o – an adjective (Yasna 38.5). Barhis or barsam was spread on the fire-altar (Sraosha Yt. Ha 57.6). Description of Agni: ojasvat-aozonghvat, gr.hapati-vis’vati-nmanopaiti, sakha_-hakha (RV II.36.5; Atashnyaish; RV I.12.2,6; VII.15.2; Yasna 17.11). A_tar is connected with Nairyasangha (Vendidad 19.14); this parallels Vedic Na_ra_s’am.sa. Vedic Agnigr.ha is Avestan Agnyaga_ra-Agya_ri. The priest who installed the holy fire was Kair Ushan (later called Kai Kaus, grandfather of Kai Khusru). RV VIII.23.17 (us’ana_ ka_vyastva_ ni hota_ramasa_dayat) also refers to the same act by Kavi Us’ana. Instructions contained in Gautama Dharmasu_tra (IX.32) or Vis.n.u-Smr.ti (71.32) to preserve the purity of the fire were also applied by Zoroastrians. (Vendidad 18.1). Four types of fire (AV III.21.1): – jat.hara_gni, aus.adha_gni, as’ma_gni, vaiduta_ni – are Avestan vohufrayan, urvazishta, berezisavangh, vazishta. There are many concordances between Vedic and Avestan and almost all point to Vedic > Avestan chronology on the grounds of both linguistics and semantics: Vivanghavat (Vivasvat, father of Yama: RV VI.4.8), the father of Yima-Jamshed is said to have performed the first Soma-yasna (RV IX.26.4 Vivasvat produced Soma). Soma is called zairi (hari). Soma is called a_turasya bhes.ajam (RV VIII.72.17; and haoma dazdi me beshajanama (Yasna 10.9); other comparative cognates are: sukratu-hukhratu; svarsa-hvaresh; vr.traha_-verethraja; saumyam madhu-haomahe madho). Soma is brought from Mujavat by a Syena (RV I.89.3); Avestan Haoma Yasht notes that it was brought from the mount Alburz by birds. (Haoma Yasht II.10).

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In RV IX.34.4 Trita A_ptya prepared Soma. In Avestan, A_thvya second son of Vivanghavat and Thrita was the third son. Thrita was a divine physician. So was Trita. (RV VIII.47.13,14). "The Avesta knows the beginning or source of the Aryans as Airyana Vaejo (Pahlavi Iran-Vej). The Avestan Vaejo corresponds to the Sanskrit bi_j meaning 'beginning or source'. The Avesta describes it as a place of extreme cold that became over-crowded (Vend. I. 3-4; II. 8-18). ... Whether the Mitannian kings (1475-1280 B.C.) on the upper Euphrates were a direct offshoot of the Aryans or not there names are certainly Aryan, for example Saussatar, Artatama, Sutarna, Tusratta and Mattiuaza (H. Oldenburg: in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, p. 1094-1109)... Mattiuaza, in his treaty with the Hittite king Aubbiluliuma signed in 1380 B.C. at Boghazkoy, invokes not only Babylonian gods to witness the treaties, but Mitra, Varun.a, Indra, and Na_satya in the form in which they appear in the Rigveda (S. Konow: Aryan gods of the Mitani people, 1921, pp. 4-5). They occur in the treaty as ila_ni Mi-it-ra-as-si-il ila_ni A-ru-na-as-si-il In-da-ra ila_ni Na-sa-at-ti-ya-an-na. Since the form for Na_satya is quite different in the Avestan language (Naonhaithya) it is argued that the Mitannian did not speak Iranian but Indo-Aryan (E.Meyer: Sitzungsberichte der K. Preuss. Akad. der Wissen, 1908, I, p. 14f.)... The name for 'fire' in the Persian Avesta is quite different, being atar, and this does not occur in the Indian Veda except in the Vedic proper name Atharvan, which corresponds to the Avestan name of the fire priest. Agni, as a messenger between gods and man, was known to the Vedas as Nara_-s'amsa. This corresponds with the Avestan messenger of Ahura, Nairyo_-sangha.” (R.A. Jairazbhoy, 1995, Foreign Influence in Ancient Indo-Pakistan, Karachi, Sind Book House; note the use of the word san:ga in the Sumerian substrate language to connote a priest. san:ghvi_ (G.) means a priest leading the pilgrims). Other parallels are in ceremonies: sautra_man.i- stoma, ba_ja and pravargya-paragaru. (RV I.5.8: tva_m stoma_ avi_vr.dhan tva_muktha_ s’atakrato sanodimam va_jamindrah sahasrin.am). Vedic a_pri_ hymns are paralleled by Avestan Afringan recitals. The Ga_hanaba_r of ancient Iran are paralleled by the ca_turma_sya is.t.ayah of Bha_rata and both are seasonal ceremonies. AB IV.24,25; I.3 note the nine principal days of dva_das’a_ha yajn~a; this is paralleled by the bareshnum (purification) ceremony of nine nights (Vendidad Chap. 9). Apa_m Napa_t may be an appellation of Varun.a and hence may be Ahura *Vouruna of Avestan, the High Lord, ahura berezant. In the Rigveda, waters are the 'wives' of Varun.a, varun.a_ni )(RV 2.32.8; 7.34.22). Waters are Ahura's wives, ahura_ni_ (Y. 38.3). Yama gives a resting place to the dead man (AV XVII.2.37). Yami is his sister (RV 10.10.3); his father is Vivasvat and his mother is Saran.yu (RV X.14.5; X.17.1). Yama was the first mortal that died (AV XVIII.3.13). Yama had owl and pigeon and also two dogs as messengers (AV XVIII.2.11; V.30.6). The dogs Sabala and S’ya_ma_ (AV VIII.1.9) have four eyes, have broad noses and born of Sarama_. They are the guardians of the path (AV XVIII.2.12) where they sit (pathis.adi). [S’va_na is paralled by spana in the Avestan; the concept of hell is common in AV VIII.4.24; V.30.11; Yasna 31.20; Vendidad 3.35; soul was considered immortal: RV X.16.3; Yasna 13.51]. Sanskrit martya_nam ‘of mortals, men’; Avestan masyanam; Old Persian martiyanam Sanskrit yajna; Avestan yasna Sanskrit hotr; Avestan zaotar ‘a certain priest’; at present two priests, viz., Zaotar (Skt.

Hotr.) and In the Avesta we find Zaotar and Rathwi who are comparable to Hotr. and

Adhvaryu of the Vedic tradition.

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A_tarevaxs. (Skt. Atharvan) are required to perform Yasna liturgy instead of eight priests

in the ancient times. Av.Ha_vanan is a subordinate priest who pounds the Haoma, derived

from ha_vana-mortar and pestle used to pound Haoma. A_tarevaxs (Pahl. A_tarvaxs.) is

the tender of fire; Fra_bereta_r brings to the Zaotar all the implements and other things

required for the ceremonies; A_beretar brings the Holy Water (der. from a_p, water and

beret, bringer; the author of the Ni_rangista_n uses a synonym: da_nava_za); A_sna_tar,

a_-sna_tr, is a priest who washes and strains the Haoma; Rae_twis.kara (lit. one who

mixes) mixes the Haoma juice with ga_m jivya_m (milk); Sraos.a_varez (lit. one who keeps

good discipline) superintends the sacrifice and prescribes punishment for negligence or

remissness in performing the sacrifice and priestly duties. These seven priests (plus the

eighth, Zaotar), performed functions which are now performed by two priests only: Zaotar

and the Rae_twis.kara (Ra_twi-Ra_spi_). Ha_ 9-11 are recited in honour of Haoma and the

sacred Haoma juice is prepared from the twigs dedicated to him.The officiants of the

Soma sacrifice are: Hota_,Maitra_varun.a, Accha_va_ka, Adhvaryu, Gra_vastut, Nes.t.a_,

Unneta_, Pratiprastha_ta_,Udga_ta_, Prastota_, Pratiharta_, Subrahman.ya, Brahma_,

Bra_hman.a_ccham.si_, Pota_, A_gni_dhra,with their president Sadasya-- a total of 17

officials. Avestan tradition remembers 8 of these functionaries. In phonology, the Avesta agrees with the Sanskrit in its vowels in general. Skt. dipthong e_

appears in Avesta as ae_, o_i,e_. Skt. o_ appears as Av.ao, eu. Avesta inserts epenthetic

vowels: i,e, u (Av. bavaiti = Skt. bhavati; Av. haurva = Skt. sarva). In Rigveda 9.101.3 we

come across the phrase duros.am...somam, which may be compared with the

corresponding Avesta phrase haomem du_raos.em,meaing: Haoma, which keeps death

afar or Haoma of far-spreading radiance... (M.F. Kanga and N.S. Sontakke, eds., 1962,

Avesta,_ Part I: Yasna and Vi_sparat, Pune, Vaidika Sams'odhana Mand.a.la). The Vedic

hapax os.am 'quickly' may be from older 'burning'; hence duros.a can mean, 'hard to

burn', a context which fits the interpretation of soma as electrum subjected to a process

of cementation and smelting. According to Bailey duraus'a ttraha means 'an exhilarant

draught'. In Khotanese du_ra- 'hard' is used in connectin with uysma_- 'soil' as in

uysmi_nai pin.d.ai du_ra_ 'a hard clod of soil' (Bailey 1951: 67-- Des'ana_ 22). Duraus'a =

*duraus'ma, 'in hard soil'. This interpretation is consistent with the present thesis that

soma meant an ore block, quartz or electrum (gold-silver ore block). In all the three

pressings the Manthingraha is drawn together with the S'ukragraha for the two demons

S'an.d.a and Marka (i.e. death)...S'an.d.a and Marka are the priests of the Asuras. [cf. PW;

MS 4.6.3 (81.1)]...marka is the same as Avestan mahrka and denotes 'death'. [cf. ma_raka

ve_tai = killing of metals (Ta.)] “The prophet’s hymns are laden with ambiguities resulting both from the merger of many grammatical endings and from the intentionally compact and often elliptical style…” .S. Insler: The Gathas of Zarathustra, in the series Acta Iranica, 3rd series vol.1, Brill, Leiden 1975, p.1 In the evolution of thought, Zarathustra is clearly post-vedic opposing some specific yajna practices. There is a consistent interchange of s and h in words such as: haoma, daha, hepta hindu, Ahura in Avestan and homa/soma, da_sa, sapta sindhu, Asura in Sanskrit. (Vedic Trita and Avestan ‘The close affinity in phonology, morphology, syntax and vocabulary etc. has

contributed sufficient data for reconstruction of Indo-Iranian mythology. Use of asura (Av.

ahura, OP a(h)ura and Skt. asura-) in the sense of 'demon' in late Vedic instead of 'god' as

in Av. and OP, and use of daiva (Av. dae_va, OP daiva and Skt. deva-) for 'demon' in Av

and OP instead of 'god' as in Skt. and other IE languages shows that at one stage the Indo-

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Iranian speaking people might have quarrelled with each other as a result of which two

sub-groups came out: Iranians and Indo-Aryans.’ (Satya Swarup Misra, 1979, The Avestan:

a historical and comparative grammar, Varanasi, Chaukhambha Orientalia, p.5) Tritha are soma/haoma pressers) Avestan tradition, Ahur Mazda_ is conceived as a carpenter who

fashions the earth from wood and who fashions bodies and souls: ga_us'-tas'a_: da_idi

mo_i ya_ gam ta'so_ apas ca urvaras ca: 'grant me thou -- who has created Mother Earth

and the waters and the plants' (Yasna 51.7); hyat na_ mazda_, paourvi_m ga_eoasca

tas'o_ dae_nasca_: 'since for us, O Mazda, from the beginning Thou didst create Bodies

and also Souls' (Yasna 31.11)(The Divine Songs of Zarathushtra, pp. 682-3, pp. 210-1). gaus

= ga_v (Skt. gau). The phrase mahigauh in RV refers to the earth. Tas'a is from the root tas'

(Skt. taks.) = to create, to fashion; to hew, to cut. The cognate lexemes are: technos

(Greco-Roman), tas'yati (Lith.) Varun.a and Mitra are called asura_ (RV 1.151.4; 7.36.2; 7.65.2). Mithra is mentioned with Auramazda_ and Anahata in old-Persian cuneiform inscriptions. (Spiegel, Die altpersischen Keilinschriften, 2nd ed., p. 68). In Armenia, there was a shrine dedicated to him. (Gelzer, 'Zur armenischen Gotterlehre', Sitzungsberichte der

Ko_nigl. Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften -- SBKSGW, XLVIII, 1896, p. 103). Mithra is mentioned with Auramazda_ and Anahata in old-Persian cuneiform inscriptions. (Spiegel,Diealtpersischen Keilinschriften, 2nd ed., p. 68). In Armenia, there was a shrine dedicated to him. (Gelzer, 'Zur armenischen Gotterlehre', Sitzungsberichte der Ko_nigl.

Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften -- SBKSGW, XLVIII, 1896, p. 103). In Vr.tra, Darmesteter notes the concordance between Avestan verethra and Vedic Vr.tra, the latter an ancient name of the cloud which encloses the light or the cows and defines Vr.tra as 'the enveloper who shuts them (thelight and the waters) up in his cloud-cavern' (Ormazd et Ahriman, pp.97, 367). In RV 3.33.6, he is called the paridhi, the enclosure of the rivers. In the Avesta, Soma is Vr.trahan and possesses sharp weapons; Haoma is veretrajan and hurls his vadare (Yasna 9.30 ff.); this is an assignment of R.gvedic functions of Indra to Haoma in the later-day Avestan tradition. Haoma is zairido_itra, 'golden-eyed' (Yasna 57.19). “Interestingly, the very term ceramics which belongs to the Latin ceramicus, has linguistically descended from the Greek root kerannumi which is equivalent to the Vedic s’r.n.a_ti (= s’ri_) and Avestan sara…both meaning to mix. This is explicitly evident from its several derivatives, such as kermos ‘potter’s earth or clay’, kera_meia ‘potter’s craft’, kerameion ‘potter’s workshop’…The notable evlutes of s’r.n.a_ti-s’ri_ are s’arma and s’aran.a which denote in the Rigveda the dwellings made of clay. These are comparable to Avestan saram (Yasna 41.6) and saramno (Yasna 49.5; 8; 53.3) which possess almost a similar sense…” Soma's s'ri_ is milk; s'ri_ is prosperity; many times in RV, the term abhi-s'ri_ is used to intensify s'ri_; in RV Khila_ Su_kta, cikli_ta or 'purchased Soma' is designated as the son of S'ri_: References are to Usha R. Bhise, 1995, The Khila-Su_ktas of the Rigveda_ A study, Bhandarkar Oriental Series No. 27, Poona. The S'ri_su_kta is a part of the Khila su_kta with 19 verses. Ja_tavedas is invoked to bring in s'ri_. Ka_ty. S'r.S. (4.15.4) suggests the offering of oblation early in the morning in Agnihotra to attain s'ri_. A_p. S'r. S. (4.2.1) notes that s'ri_ is brought by chanting a mantra in the dars'a-pu_rn.ama_sa yajn~a. Verse 2.6.12 reads as follows: a_pah sravantu snigdha_ni cikli_ta vasa me gr.he ni ca devi_ ma_taram s'riyam va_sayam me kule Trans.: May the friendly waters flow. O oft-purchased (Soma), stay in my house. Make the divine mother Prosperity reside in my family. Bhise notes: cikli_ta is traditionally regarded as the son of s'ri_. The word sound unusual because of the cluster kl. On applying the law of 'ralayorabhedah', the word may be restored as cikri_ra PPP. From the

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Redup. Base of kri_, 'to purchase,’ cikri_ta is soma that is purchased by the sacrificer before heperforms a soma-sacrifice. The word, thus, has reference to the ceremony of Somakrayan.a A second give-away is in Verse 2.6.17 which suddenly refers to 'mud' (which is obviously associated with any quartz ore block with protruding mineral streaks): kardamena praja_ sras.t.a_ sambhu_ti gamaya_masi adadha_dupa_ga_dyes.a_m ka_ma_n sas.rujmahe Trans.: The progeny has been created by the mud. Let us urge it towards prosperity. He (the priest) has deposited (the soma) has approached (the patrons), whose wishes were released by us (towards the gods). Bhise notes: praja_ = of the soma plant; gamaya_masi = releasing the streams of soma in honour of gods leads one to prosperity. Verse 2.7.1 (a hymn which can be grouped with the earlier s'ri_su_kta): cikli_to yasya na_ma taddiva_ naktam ca sukrato asma_n di_da_sa yujya_ya ji_vase ja_tavedah punantu ma_m devajana_h Trans. O Ja_tavedas, possessed of good mental power, one whose name is Cikli_ta (purchased soma) has by day and night shone for us for companionship and life. May the divine people purify me. Bhise adds: punantu etc.: this line occurs at RV 9.67.27 in the context of purification. Taitt. Br. 1.4.8.1 includes this as a purificatory mantra in the performance of Va_japeya yajn~a. "The mention of Cikli_ta 'the oft-purchased soma' is a corroborative piece of evidence about the sacrificial set up in which soma is an indispensable element. The adjectives jvalanti v.4, pin:gala_ v.13, yas.t.i v.14, undoubtedly refer to soma-plant. Judging as a whole, the hymn (2.6) is a prayer for the prosperity of sacrificial materials like soma, cattle food (pus.t.a) which ultimately yields milk etc. used in sacrifices, a flawless build of cattle, kari_s.a (the dust strewn around sacrificial altar). Only on such assumption can be satisfactory explain the expressions like 'yasya_m vindeyam (vv.2,15), 'manasah ka_mam…va_cah satyam' (v.10) and words like ki_rti, vr.ddhi (v.7). Thus, the connotation of S'ri_, as we get it here, is the prosperity of sacrificial materials and particularly of soma. But there is an undercurrent which believes that S'ri_ is the abhima_nini_ devata_, which is a step towards her deification in the Gr.hyasu_tras where sacrifices are offered to her. Cikli_ta. In the same su_kta, we come across a curious word cikli_ta who is said to be the son of S'ri_ by the tradition; likewise, Kardama and A_nanda are also believed to be the sons of S'ri_. The origin of this tradition may be traced to v. 12 of the S'ri_su_kta in which cikli_ta has been requested to establish Mother S'ri_ in the house of the poet-seer…The first verse of the next hymn (2.7.1)…Here Cikli_ta has been identified with Ja_tavedas in unambiguous terms. It may be pointed out that the S'ri_su_kta as well as the following two hymns are grouped together, as all of them have Ja_tavedas as their chief deity. V.19, i.e. the concluding verse of the S'ri_su_kta appears also as the concluding verse of both of them. It is a prayer for purification, increase of wealth, freedom from sin and difficulties…In the S'ri_su_kta itself, the brilliance of soma-plant has been emphasized (vv. 4,5,13) and its golden appearance as well. Thus, brilliant appearance also forms a basis of identification of Agni Ja_tavedas and Soma Cikli_ta." (pp. 20-22). The purification of Cikli_ta soma, the oft-purchased yajn~a ingredient is the road to s'ri_, prosperity. In the toposheets of Survey of India, close to Sarasvati Nadi_ near Adh Badri is shown a place called Lohargad.h. The local revenue officials informed me for time immemorial, licences have been given to gold-panners in this place who pan for gold from the river-sands of the hiran.yavartini_ Sarasvati_. Buy the quartz and add the vasati_vari_ waters from the Sarasvati_ in the process of agnis.t.oma to yield the purified metal, which is prosperity personified. Thus, the Khilasu_kta corroborates the arguments provided elsewhere that the reference s to soma in the Rigveda are references to the process of purification of quartz (elelctrum) ore to produce potable gold and silver. Verse 2.6.1 of the S'ri_su_kta reads:

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Hiran.yavarn.a_ harin.i_ suvarn.arajatasraja_m Candra_m hiran.mayi_ laks.mi_ ja_tavedo mama_ vaha Trans.: O Ja_tavedas, bring unto me Prosperity which has the colour of gold, is possess of hari (soma), is wearing a garland of gold and silver, is lovely and full of gold. Bhise notes: harin.i_m: hari stands for soma…The repeated reference to gold emphasizes the brightness of soma. Rajata: the silvery appearance of the soma at night. One does not have to search for an ephedra or a divine mushroom to gain prosperity processing soma. Any organic plant product would have been reduced to pure carbon if subjected to five days and five nights of incessant firing at around 1500 degrees C. The references to gold and silver in the context of cikli_ta and s'ri_ are clearly direct references to the purchased ore being reduced to the shining, bright, element metals: gold and silver. Ephedra may have become a ritual substitute when the raw-material sources became tough to access as the pastoral metallurgists moved along the banks of River Sarasvati_ and after her desiccation, towards the Helmand, towards the Gan:ga_-Yamuna_ doab and south of Gujarat. The references to asura among the Mun.d.as (near Santal Paraganas), metal workers par excellence may point to a substratum of Rigveda which was nurtured in the Mun.d.a country close to the banks of the River Sarasvati_. Of course, soma is the only (metallurgical, purificatory) process elaborately described in the Rigveda. No wonder, soma constitutes the very essence (rasa; note: rasava_da = alchemy; the term in Ancient Tamil for refined gold is vetaka-p-pon-) of the Rigveda and no wonder, the poet-seer is often seen referring to the devata_s (allegories of the sacrificial materials used in a yajn~a) to bestow him with material prosperity. RV 4.41.8: s'riye_ na_ ga_va upa soman asthuh indram giro varun.am memani_s.a_h,'just as the milk has gone to Soma to become his ornament, so have my songs to Indra, my thoughts to Varun.a'. Sanskrit varna ‘colour, to choose’; root, var- ‘to choose’, as in swayamvara ‘girl’s choice’; Avesta varena ‘to put faith in’ Sanskrit mitra; Avestan mi(theta)ra, mithra Sanskrit arya; Avestan airya; Old Persian ariya Sanskrit sapta ‘seven’; Avestan hapta Sanskrit sarva; Avestan haurva ‘ever, all, whole’ Sanskrit ksayati, kseti ‘dwells’ ; Change of meaning in: Avestan xsayeiti "has power, is capable" Sanskrit pra ‘forth’; Avestan ‘fra’ Sanskrit putra ‘son’; Avestan pu(theta)ra; Old Persian pussa Sanskrit duhitr- "daughter" (cf. Greek thugáter). Avestan dug[{schwa}]dar-, du{voiced velar fricative con.}dar-. Sanskrit gabhira- (with i for i) ‘deep’, but Avestan jafra- Sanskrit dha "set, make," bhr, "bear," gharma- "warm," but Avestan and Old Persian da, bar, and Avestan gar[{schwa}]ma-. Pronoun form Sanskrit yu_yam ‘you’; Avestan yus, yuz [{schwa}]m "you" (nominative plural) Sanskrit vayam "we" (Avestan vaem, Old Persian vayam).

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Annex H Glyphs and meanings A three-pronged glyph (duplicated ‘harrow’) -- comparable to a variant of Sign 171 -- appears on a copper ingot (the so-called ox-hide ingot):

Crete. Inscribed Cretan copper ox-hide ingot (After Fig.82 in: Sinclair Hood, 1971, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, Thames and Hudson) In the Late Bronze Age, oxhide and plano-convex shaped ingots were used in the Aegean; elsewhere, only small plano-convex (bun-shaped) ingots were used."Bronze tools and weapons were cast in double moulds. The cire perdue

process was evidently employed for the sockets of the fine decorated spear-heads of the Late Minoan period. Copper was available in some parts of Crete, notably in the Asterousi mountains which border the Mesara plain on the south, but it may have been imported from Cyprus as well. The standard type of ingot found throughout the East Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age was about two or three feet long, with inward-curving sides and projections for a man to grasp as he carried it on his shoulder. Smaller bun-shaped ingots were also in use." (Sinclair Hood, opcit., p. 106). A variant of the inscribed sign, a comparable logograph, like a trident or a sheaf of corn, is used on inscribed objects of the Sarasvati Sindhu civilization. MS 2814 Royal inscription commemorating defeat of Magan, Melukham, Elam (?), and

Amurru, and establishment of regular offerings to his statue,

school text? Sumer, 2100-1800 BCE

MS in Neo Sumerian and Old Babylonian on clay, Sumer, 2100-1800 BC, 1 tablet, 14,8x14,0x3,3 cm (originally ca. 16x14x3 cm), 3+3 columns, 103 lines in cuneiform script. Provenance: 1. Scribal training centre?, Sumer (2100-1800 BC); 2. Private collection, England (ca. 1965-1999). Commentary: The text was copied from a Sargonic royal inscription on a statue in the Ur III or early Old Babylonian period. Magan was at Oman and at the Iranian side of the Gulf. Meluhha or Melukham was the Indus Valley civilisation (ca. 2500-1800 BC). This is one of fairly few references to the Indus civilisation on tablets. The 3 best known references are: 1. Sargon of Akkad (2334-2279 BC) referring to ships from Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun; 2. Naram-Sin (2254-2218 BC) referring to rebels to his rule, listing the rebellious kings, including "(..)ibra, man of Melukha"; and 3. Gudea of Lagash (2144-2124 BC) referring to Meluhhans that came from their

country and sold gold dust, carnelian, etc. There are further references in literary texts. After ca. 1760 BC Melukha is not mentioned any more. Contacts with Crete?

"The ancient Greeks themselves were quite conscious of the fact that, from the earliest times preserved in folklore, Crete had been occupied by various nations of whom more than

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one had spoken a 'barbarian', that is a non-Greek language. A celebrated passage in the ninth book of the Odyssey alludes to this mixture of nations: 'And one tongue is mixed with another; there are Achaeans therein, and great-hearted Eteo-Cretans, and Kydonians, and Dorians in their three tribes, and divine Pelasgians'...the late Professor Conway argued strongly that Eteo-Cretan was an Indo-European language possibly related to Venetic, and Krestchmer calls it a mixed speech embodying Anatolian elements related to Lydian in the east to Tyrrhenian in the west. It seems likely that this Eteo-Cretan language was spoken during the Bronze Age, but was not necessarily the only language spoken in Crete in those times." (R.W. Hutchinson, 1962, Prehistoric Crete, Baltimore, Penguin Books). The use of glyphs to convey messages of import is clearly seen in the boundary stones of Mesopotamia and Elam. "'The Staff of Nins'ubura'...The scene shows the sun-god as the chief justice of the world. He majestically places his foot on a hill, holding the saw with which he 'cuts decisions' (a translation of the Akkadian phrase for judging)...A godess with hands raised in supplication stands behind the king as a protective figure whose prayer may be directed for the benefit of the seal owner...A goat placed beside a woman, to the right, helps us identify the latter as a godess, inspirer of correct interpretations of omens appearing in sacrifices, who is mentioned in a Babylonian text on constellations, published by Christopher Walker and Hermann Hunger." (Edith Porada, 1995, Understanding Ancient Near Eastern Art: A Personal Account, in: Jack M. Sasson, ed. 1995, Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, Vol. IV, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, pp. 2695-2705.) gurja = a mace; a club; a battle-axe (Persian.G.lex.)

kuruju = a frame-work of bamboo-slits covered with paper or cloth or leaves, used to put idols in, or by the bride and bridegroom to sit in (Ka.); kuruji, gurji (Tu.)(Ka.lex.) kur-uma_d.u = the gable end of a house (Te.lex.) kurujute_ne = the most luscious of all kinds of honey, gathered by the smallest of bees (Te.lex.) [Note the framework, it appears like a bee-hive?]. gurji = a boundary pillar; gurji tehar.a, a boundary pillar marking the spot where the boundaries of three villages meet (Santali.lex.)

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kudurr (boundary stone) marking of Nebuchadnezzar I (1126-1050 BCE), marking the king's land grant to Ritti-Marduk for military service in the inscription (not shown). The symbols appear in six registers. The first register is the eight-pointed star of Ishtar, the crescent of Sin and the sun-disk of Shamash. The second register represents the shrines of Anu, Enlil, and Ea. The third register consists of serpent diases upon which are the hoe of Marduk, the wedge of Nabu, and an unidentified symbol. The fourth register includes an eagle-headed scepter, a double-lion-headed mace, a horse's head on a double base with an arch, and a bird on a rod. The firth register shows the goddes Gula seated on a throne, with a dog (her symbol) lying beside her, and a scorpion-man, with the legs and feet of a bird, holding a bow and arrow. The last register includes double lightning forks supported by a bull (Adad), a tortoise, a scorpion, and a lamp on a pedestal (the symbol of Nusku, the god of light). A snake twists along the side of the kudurr. Ht. 56 cm. London, British Museum (After the notes in: Karen Rhea Nemet-Nejat, 1998, Daily life in Ancient Mesopotamia, London, Greenwood Press, p. 262). The 'star' sign denoted AN, sky god and also was the cuneiform sign to represent the word and syllable: AN. Many of these logographs are found among the Harappan glyphs. It is notable that the pictorial motifs are associated with weapons. Rebus: kuduru = a goldsmith’s portable furnace (Te.lex.) kudru top of fireplace (Kuwi)(DEDR 1709). These ligatures and scenes are clear representation of the hieroglyphic nature of the pictorial motifs. It is indeed possible to read the logographs: the lion representing ARA_, a saw; similarly, the griffin and the one-horned bull are representations in logography of lexemes denoting other bronze-age weapons; the exact lexemes will emerge from a study of the homonyms in the ancient Indian Lexicon.

This tradition of logography continues in the Cretan Hieroglyphic script. A single descendant of this script, Linear A, Linear B, and Cypro-Minoan survived in the first millennium on the island of Cyprus and was noted as the Classical Cypriot Syllabary. Table of Cretan pictographic signs compared with Egyptian hieroglyphs, Phoenician and allied sign lists and classical Greek and allied alphabets (After Fig. 1 in: F. Melian Stawell, 1931, A Clue to the Cretan Scripts,

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London, G. Bell and Sons Ltd.) Some sound-values in Cretan and in Phoenician seem to correspond. Some Linear A ideograms, ligatures and fractions (After Fig. 6 in David W. Packard, 1974) "The script begins at the time of the foundation of the first palaces in the MMI period (about 2000 BC) and continues into the early part of MM III (perhaps down to 1650 BC). Since the inscriptions are all extremely short, the prospects for decipherment are discouraging; and there is fundamental disagreement about so basic a question as whether the script is ideographic or phonetic. About two dozen of the Hieroglyphic signs resemble signs occurring later in Linear A and B, and the same sequence of signs occurs both on Hieroglyphic seals and Linear A religious inscriptions. (Tables of parallel signs: Ventris-Chadwick (1956,33), Pope (1968, opcit., 438), Raison-Pope (1971, Index du lineaire A. Rome. xiv). It is difficult to see how this could occur if the first script were purely ideographic and the second syllabic. In any case, the obvious ideographic use of four signs to designate agricltural commodities on a Hieroglyphic tablet has an exact paralle in Linear B where these same signs represent wheat, oil, olives and figs. They also occur (in the same order) on several Linear A tablets. (The Hieroglyphic table is P 121; the Linear A is HT 91; cf. HT 14,21,114,116). The second Cretan palace script is Linear A. Despite its obvious resemblance to the earlier script it is not easy to document a natural development from one to the other. Linear A was in use in Phaistos as early as 1850 BC, long before the disappearance of the first script; but the bulk of the surviving texts date from the destruction of the palaces at the end of LM Ib (around 1450 BC) with a smaller number assignable to MM III and none securely dated after 1400 BC...Linear B script was used by the Mycenaean Greeks at Pylos, Mycenae, and Thebes for accounting documents in the Greek language. Its use in Crete is restricted almost entirely to Knossos at the time of the Greek occupation in the LM II period...A theory holds that the Greeks on the mainland had encountered Minoan writing earlier in their trade with Crete and had adapted it to their own language, perhaps already in the Shaft-Grave period." (David W. Packard, 1974, Minoan Linear A, Berkeley, Univ. of California Press).

Kudurru recopied under Marduk-apla-iddina I, from Susa, 12th cent.

BCE. A godess wearing a tunic with pleats in the back and elbow-length sleeves, a cone-shaped headdress, and quilted slippers. Top register: sun, moon, star, scorpion: In Babylonia, a replica of boundary stone placed in a temple, recording a land grant, usually involving the crown. Land grants were made to crown prince, princess, temple officials and priests, officers and generals, and courtiers. Personal names are accompanied by the phrase, ‘his (i.e. the king’s) servant’. Symbols of deities: 1 [Figure 1, Jack M.

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Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, p. 1838]. 1. solar disk: Shamash; 2. winged disk: Shamash, sun-god; 3. cross: Shamash; 4. crescent: Nanna/Sin, moon-god; 5. 8-pointed star usually in disk (Akkadian kakkabu): Ishtar; 6. seven dots: Sebittu, the Pleiades; 7. lightning: storm-god, Ishkur in Sumer; 8. triangular-headed spade or hoe (Akkadian marru): Marduk; 9. plough: Ningirsu (on Kass kudurrus); 10. barley stalk: Shala, godess; 11. stylized tree: fertility? 12. vase with streams (Akkadian hegallu, ‘abundance’): water-god Ea or Marduk: 13. horned cap: sky-god Anu; 14. stylus: Nabu, scribal god; 15. lamp: fire-god Nusku; 16. omega: weighing scales or yoke of a chariot pole; Ninkhursag, birth-godess? 17. rhomb or lozenge: grain of corn, Ishtar; 18. bull: storm-god; 19. lion: Ishtar, godess; 20. horse: Shamash; 21. horse head: ? 22. dog, usually sitting: Gula, godess of healing; 23. turtle: Ea, water-god; 24. scorpion: Ishhara, godess; 25. horned snake (Akkadian bas’mu,

nira_hu): Ishtaran, god; 26. striding brid: Papsukkal, messenger god; 27. bird with back-turned head: Harbe, Kassite god; 28. bird on low perch: Ninurta, war-god. 298. bird on high perch: Shuqamura and Shumalia, twin-gods; 30. (snake-)dragon (Akkadian mus’hus’s’u): ? 31. lion-dragon (lion’s forelegs, bird’s hindlegs and wings (?Akkadian u_mu na_’iru): Ishkur, storm-god or Adad; 32. goat-fish (Akkadian suhurmas’u_): Enki/Ea, water-god; 33. double lion-headed scepter: Nergal; 34. lion-headed staff: Nergal; 35. eagle-headed staff: Zababa; 36. ram-headed staff: Ea, water-god; 37. crook: Amurru, god of nomads; 38. ring-post with streamer: Inanna; 39. ring-post without streamer: Enki/Ea, water-god; 40. ring-post: Shamash, sun-god? [Note Symbol 31: the composite animal is a pattern seen on many composite animals of SSVC inscriptions]. Symbols of deities: 2 Principal apotropaic figures (representations of beneficent gods and demons, and natural and fantastic animals). Most were protectors of buildings (e.g. clay images buried in foundations; apkallus (Nos. 16-18) lived at a time before the Flood). [Figure 5, Jack M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, p. 1848]. 1. human-headed winged or wingless bull: lamassu/s’e_du (or aladlammu_) or kusarrikku, ‘bison’; 2. human-headed winged lion: s’e_du (or aladlammu); 3. dog, sitting or standing: kalbu, ‘dog’; 4. horned snake: bas’mu/us’umgallu, ‘poisonous snake’; 5. (snake-)dragon: mus’hus’s’u, ‘furious snake’; 6. lion-dragon: u_mu na_’iru, ‘roaring weather-beast’; 7. goat-fish: suhurmas’u, ‘carp-goat’; 8. long-haired ‘hero’: lahmu, ‘hairy’, Enki/Ea, water-god or Marduk; 9. bull-man: kusarikku, ‘bison(-man)’, Shamash, sun-god; 10. scorpion-man: girtablullu, ‘scorpion-man’; 11. lion-humanoid: uridimmu, ‘mad lion’; 12. lion-garbed figure: Latarak; 13. lion-demon: ugallu, ‘big weather-beast’; 14. lion-centaur: urmahlullu, ‘lion-man’; 15. merman and mermaid: kulullu, ‘fish-man; kuliltu, ‘fish-woman’; 16. fish-garbed figure: apkallu, ‘sage’ (in fish-guise); 17. griffin-demon: apkallu, ‘sage’ (in bird-guise); 18. anthropomorphic god with bucket and cone: apkallu, ‘sage’ (in human guise); 19. anthropomorphic godess with ring of beads: Narudu or Ishtar; 20. anthropomorphic god with axe and dagger: Sebittu, ‘seven gods’; 21. anthropomorphic god with axe and mace: Meslamtaea; 22. smiting-god: Lulal; 23.

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bowlegged dwarf: Ritual dancer? 24. gigantic monstrous human figure: Khuwawa/Khumbaba, demon; 25. canine/leonine demon: Pazuzu. Tigris and Euphrates were called idigna and buranun. Cities: Nippur, Ur, Kish are non-Sumerian words. Among other pre-Sumerian words are those for farmer, herdsman, fisherman, plow, metal smith, carpenter, weaver, potter, mason and merchant. “Perhaps the most striking element in ancient Mesopotamian religious art was the symbol. Generally, its significance was simple and direct. Certain relatively uncomplicated images – such as phenomena in the sky, tools of the land, animals, animal hybrids or animal-headed and other standards – were used as direct substitutes for individual gods and godesses [Anthony Green, Ancient Mesopotamian religious iconography, in: Jack M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, pp. 1837-1858]. Trade routes going northwest

"The Harappan influence observed in southern Turkmenia, however, also indicates trade routes going northwest. It was apparently largely this northern trade of Harappa which led to the rise of Mundigak in southern Afghanistan, which was located advantageously to control the supply of copper and lapis lazui going to the towns of the Indus Valley. The close resemblance bewteen the unpainted pottery of southern Turkmenia, Seistan and southern Afghanistan is no coincidence. In Mundigak, this similarity with the Turkmenian sites extends to metal seals as well as to seals made of stone and baked clay, with their incised designs...The seals are an important pointer where social organization is concerned...Practically all the basic forms and motifs of these seals have their origin in the various magic symbols of the Late Chalcolithic. Seal impressions on clay in the Middle Bronze Age material indicate one of their functions: thus, one clay figurine of a bull had a brand, a symbol of property, incised on its flank. It is well known that livestock played an important part in the development of the institutuion of property; since only two seals were found in the collective tomb mentioned.., it is very likely that the valued property was that of the large clan, not personal property."" (V.M. Masson and V.I. Sarianidi, 1972, Central

Asia: Turkmenia before the Achaemenids, New York, Praeger Publishers, p. 125, 129; pl. 46 shows the ligatured three-headed animal seal of silver).

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Index

+one-horned, 127 Agastya, 24, 217, 221, 290 agriculture, 38, 120, 241, 322, 347, 367 Akkadian, 24, 25, 26, 31, 33, 40, 69, 106, 118, 126, 127, 242, 243, 302, 305 Allahdino, 328, 359 Amri, 36, 42, 84, 319 antelope, 4, 24, 25, 26, 52, 88, 102, 147, 163, 242, 243 Anu, 303, 305 Arabia, 26, 34, 35, 157, 248 Arabian Gulf, 32, 354 Aravalli, 168, 268, 331 arch, 14, 53, 303 Archaeological Survey of India, 310, 313, 322, 326, 332, 333, 334, 337, 345, 346, 356, 357, 358, 365, 366, 367 architecture, 316 arrow, 5, 91, 104, 107, 111, 166, 170, 182, 219, 303 arsenic, 42, 246, 248 Atharva Veda, 233, 275, 280 Austro-Asiatic, 7, 8, 41, 42, 45, 58, 71, 95 Avestan, 288, 289, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 300, 371 axe, 24, 54, 92, 105, 109, 120, 166, 170, 219, 247, 302, 306, 343, 346 Bactria, 156, 353 Badakhshan, 246 Bahrain, 32, 34, 35, 245, 246, 309, 321, 354, 366 Balakot, 323 Baluchistan, 30, 31, 42, 65, 138, 247, 269, 311, 312, 319, 323, 327, 332, 333, 335, 341, 346, 349, 352, 359, 360, 365 Banawali, 118, 289, 316, 317 barley, 51, 118, 217, 305 barter, 33, 167 bath, 88, 147, 175 bead, 54, 102, 222, 338, 339, 340

beads, 24, 25, 118, 306, 320 bed, 46, 54, 92, 107, 109, 110, 116, 156, 217, 278, 346 belt, 15 Bha_rata, 22, 23, 24, 41, 117, 119, 241, 244, 266, 285, 289, 291, 295 bha_s.a_, 2, 3, 11, 23, 62, 70, 74, 86, 96, 216, 244, 245, 258, 266, 267 Bhairava, 274, 277 Bharata, 3, 8, 10, 22, 27, 71, 85, 86, 94, 95, 96, 215, 254, 256, 258, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 290, 291 Bhr.gu, 289, 290, 292 blade, 92, 223, 310 boar, 17, 19, 90, 147, 182 boat, 31, 54 bone, 9, 53, 118, 237 bow, 5, 54, 78, 146, 182, 303 brahman, 131 Brahmi, 38, 171, 173, 174, 176, 180, 181, 199, 200, 201, 221 Brahui, 24, 43, 56, 233, 317, 326, 347 brass, 26, 53, 124, 131, 174, 277 brazier, 23, 54, 66, 125, 129 brick, 53, 65, 90, 102, 103, 118, 176, 276 bronze, 8, 9, 25, 26, 27, 33, 42, 53, 65, 87, 101, 111, 112, 113, 123, 126, 128, 138, 147, 148, 157, 164, 174, 176, 198, 199, 216, 232, 246, 247, 248, 288, 289, 303, 333, 335, 364 Buddha, 12, 27, 71, 95, 99, 100, 106, 109, 113, 114, 139, 168, 174, 188, 189, 192, 215, 216, 222, 235, 236, 260, 275, 277, 290, 327 buffalo, 52, 88, 105 buildings, 306 bull, 16, 17, 20, 23, 44, 52, 66, 68, 69, 88, 93, 105, 111, 116, 117, 127, 131, 139, 143, 146, 147, 148, 156, 165, 172, 176, 177, 180, 182, 194,

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195, 211, 219, 254, 256, 257, 303, 305, 306, 307 bun, 301 burial, 25 calendar, 223 camel, 52, 360 caravan, 176 carnelian, 25, 30, 32, 33, 176, 246, 301, 310 carp, 109, 116, 306 carpenter, 24, 92, 241, 242, 297, 306 cart, 54, 120 cattle, 83, 111, 127, 298 cemetery, 368 Central Asia, 42, 48, 138, 247, 288, 307, 318, 324, 329, 334, 339, 340, 342, 350, 358, 362 ceramic, 323, 332, 336, 368 Chalcolithic, 46, 307, 326, 349 chert, 32 chisel, 53 Cholistan, 47, 57, 231, 350, 351 citadel, 65 cities, 65, 101, 138, 148, 155, 157, 219, 222, 235, 241, 246, 289, 328, 335, 344, 350, 355, 360 city, 32, 46, 65, 68, 147, 148, 155, 242, 244, 245, 247, 273, 274, 278, 310, 314, 347 clay, 53, 66, 68, 111, 112, 143, 230, 298, 301, 306, 307 cloak, 54 cloth, 35, 51, 68, 273, 302 clothing, 14 cobra, 277 coins, 12, 17, 101, 112, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 222 conflict, 54, 291 copper, 7, 9, 12, 23, 24, 26, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 40, 42, 69, 87, 90, 91,

93, 101, 102, 107, 110, 111, 113, 116, 117, 123, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, 136, 141, 148, 156, 157, 164, 167, 170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 180, 222, 240, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 279, 285, 286, 288, 289, 301, 307, 308, 309, 318, 322, 325, 332, 342, 343, 348, 351, 352, 353, 358, 368, 371 cotton, 5, 35, 51, 65, 313, 332, 341 cowrie, 141 crocodile, 69, 140, 141, 165 crown, 278, 286, 305 crucible, 54 cubical, 32, 65 cuneiform, 30, 31, 33, 57, 68, 69, 70, 157, 221, 247, 297, 301, 303 cylinder seal, 26, 31, 33, 34, 57, 69, 104, 105, 122, 164, 242, 243, 285 dagger, 22, 247, 306 deciphering, 43, 46, 50, 68, 165 deer, 52, 87, 88, 108, 148, 163 deity, 14, 15, 16, 20, 54, 125, 181, 219, 220, 230, 280, 293, 299 dharma, 9, 12, 58, 59, 62, 100, 114, 215, 234, 235, 252, 261, 293 Dholavira, 118, 170, 289, 316, 317 dice, 54, 273 digger, 54 Dilmun, 32, 33, 34, 35, 157, 233, 301, 316, 321, 322, 342, 354 dog, 2, 15, 20, 52, 90, 170, 189, 193, 194, 224, 303, 305, 306 domestic animals, 44 dotted circle, 90, 116, 117, 142, 171, 243 Dr.s.advati, 262 Dravidian, 4, 13, 24, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 71, 73, 79, 80, 81, 83, 95, 120, 121, 125, 217, 220, 221, 234, 235, 236, 237, 240, 247, 259, 285, 318, 347 drill, 54, 339 Druhyu, 285 duck, 52, 90, 170, 175 Durga, 72, 164, 220

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Early Harappan, 102, 349, 350 Egypt, 32, 71, 118, 138, 148, 155, 157 Elam, 301, 302 elephant, 18, 52, 69, 73, 107, 108, 113, 140, 141, 165, 171, 176, 177, 180, 189, 193, 194, 195, 315, 335 endless-knot, 9, 107 engraver, 279 faience, 118, 347 Fairservis, 120, 234, 327, 328, 336 figurine, 25, 118, 307 fish, 8, 15, 20, 52, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 114, 115, 116, 140, 141, 146, 148, 165, 166, 170, 182, 210, 305, 306 Ganga, 9, 42, 62, 112, 118, 170, 216, 219, 221, 268, 272, 288, 292, 311, 324, 325, 331, 342, 343, 363, 367 gateway, 105 Ghaggar, 46, 309, 322, 325, 329, 330, 346, 362, 365 glass, 18, 168 goat, 8, 24, 26, 52, 106, 164, 242, 243, 268, 302, 305, 306 godess, 20, 23, 117, 118, 124, 280, 302, 305, 306 gold, 32, 33, 35, 42, 53, 65, 110, 113, 138, 146, 147, 158, 164, 182, 242, 244, 245, 288, 297, 299, 301, 310, 313, 351 goldsmith, 123, 124, 303 graffiti, 125, 222, 328 granary, 51 Gujarat, 13, 30, 36, 42, 118, 119, 121, 231, 234, 238, 246, 267, 270, 292, 299, 309, 312, 313, 314, 315, 330, 333, 338, 346, 347, 348, 349, 354, 356, 362, 364 Gujarati, 155, 164, 249, 285 Gulf of Khambat, 34, 215, 217, 232, 234 gypsum, 341 hammer, 14, 22, 54, 92, 111 Harappa, 9, 23, 41, 42, 47, 62, 65, 102, 117, 118, 125, 156, 165, 222,

232, 246, 247, 289, 307, 308, 312, 314, 315, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 329, 333, 334, 336, 340, 347, 356, 357, 358, 361, 364, 365, 367, 368 hare, 52, 165, 166, 170 headdress, 14, 146, 305 hearth, 109, 110, 116 Himalaya, 318, 329, 342, 367 Hindu, 2, 3, 12, 15, 16, 19, 25, 27, 30, 58, 60, 81, 85, 91, 99, 100, 139, 234, 235, 236, 247, 262, 271, 272, 274, 279, 280, 281, 324, 338, 339 hoard, 164, 309, 348, 352, 363 horned, 14, 15, 17, 19, 20, 87, 104, 105, 126, 127, 146, 163, 222, 303, 305, 306, 313 horse, 14, 20, 52, 73, 77, 114, 181, 303, 305, 311, 315 hunter, 344 incised, 115, 116, 173, 307 Indo-Aryan, 4, 5, 7, 24, 44, 45, 49, 50, 56, 57, 58, 61, 63, 74, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 119, 120, 121, 233, 236, 237, 239, 240, 265, 289, 295, 297, 334, 339, 360 Indo-Iranian, 4, 79, 83, 119, 120, 221, 233, 293, 297, 324, 326, 327, 328, 332, 344, 345, 352, 353, 358 ingot, 26, 87, 108, 126, 173, 301 inlaid, 18, 107 inscription, 12, 14, 31, 32, 35, 68, 69, 70, 103, 106, 115, 158, 164, 167, 170, 172, 173, 174, 176, 246, 247, 301, 303, 327 ivory, 30, 32, 52, 118, 156 jackal, 8, 255 janapada, 12, 95, 114, 127 Jarrige, 42, 311, 314, 326, 335, 336, 350, 368 jewelry, 19 Jhukar, 46, 313, 345, 350 Kalibangan, 62, 118, 123, 125, 222, 232, 286, 289, 343, 351, 355, 366 Kalyanaraman, 231, 235, 249, 338, 355 Kannad.a, 24

355

Kashmir, 86, 96, 292, 318, 337, 339 Kashmiri, 43, 56 Kavi, 288, 294 Kenoyer, 24, 25, 128, 159, 315, 323, 328, 339, 340, 347, 360, 368 kiln, 54, 89, 90, 172, 174, 175, 176 Kish, 241, 306 kneeling, 123, 124, 125, 141 Kon

kan.i, 24 Kot Diji, 311, 324 Kunal, 118, 289, 341, 361 Kutch, 24, 34, 42, 46, 47, 57, 234, 289, 316, 317, 333, 337, 344, 351, 353, 356, 357, 358, 369 Lal, 123, 125, 216, 223, 308, 309, 316, 324, 325, 331, 334, 337, 339, 342, 343, 345, 348, 350, 359, 363, 365 language, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 119, 121, 215, 216, 220, 221, 229, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 248, 249, 257, 258, 263, 266, 267, 268, 269, 286, 293, 295, 302, 305, 324, 332, 371 languages, 3, 4, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 22, 24, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 109, 118, 119, 120, 121, 140, 183, 215, 216, 221, 233, 234, 235, 236, 239, 241, 242, 249, 259, 263, 264, 266, 267, 268, 270, 297, 324, 332, 344, 345, 352, 353, 357, 358, 371 lapidary, 50, 54, 289 lapis lazuli, 33, 176, 245, 246, 248 lattice, 53

lead, 23, 42, 50, 54, 60, 87, 90, 99, 106, 125, 179, 257, 263, 322, 328 lizard, 52, 271, 272 Lothal, 46, 47, 57, 65, 112, 118, 215, 217, 231, 246, 289, 344, 356 Mackay, 128, 333, 344, 345 Magadha, 36, 39, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 236 Magan, 30, 32, 34, 35, 157, 233, 245, 301, 353, 364 Maha_bha_rata, 23, 219, 220, 244, 285 Mahadevan, 123, 125, 127, 218, 345 Makran, 24, 25, 34, 37, 42, 234, 314, 322, 323, 341, 343, 346, 349, 352 Marshall, 23, 46, 57, 105, 118, 143, 280, 281, 344, 346 Meadow, 323, 333, 335, 336, 340, 347, 368 Mehrgarh, 24, 41, 42, 319, 322, 335, 336, 344, 359 Meluhha, 9, 13, 26, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 42, 51, 84, 93, 157, 164, 215, 233, 236, 240, 242, 243, 245, 246, 249, 301, 353, 364, 368 Meluhhan, 23, 24, 25, 31, 69, 163, 233, 243, 285 merchants, 9, 13, 33, 35, 40, 51, 65, 83, 91, 167, 173, 174, 176, 233, 245, 260, 267 Mesolithic, 215, 309, 334, 341 Mesopotamia, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 48, 57, 65, 69, 104, 165, 167, 233, 242, 247, 248, 285, 289, 302, 303, 314, 317, 320, 331, 349, 353, 354, 357 metal, 9, 13, 19, 23, 40, 90, 91, 93, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 118, 123, 125, 126, 131, 140, 141, 147, 148, 155, 157, 158, 164, 167, 173, 174, 175, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194, 216, 222, 240, 241, 246, 248, 289, 299, 306, 307, 308 metallurgy, 51, 101, 222, 246, 247

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metals, 9, 23, 40, 42, 51, 94, 116, 125, 129, 163, 164, 174, 176, 232, 241, 297, 299, 312, 365 mining, 42, 246, 257, 310 mint, 28, 126, 147, 148, 196, 197 Mleccha, 1, 3, 5, 9, 12, 13, 24, 30, 35, 36, 37, 42, 85, 93, 94, 215, 221, 233, 234, 240, 241, 245, 249, 266, 285 Mlecchita, 12, 25, 26, 30, 85, 215, 248 Mohenjodaro, 23, 35, 46, 57, 65, 115, 118, 147, 164, 334, 346, 357, 361 monkey, 52 mortar, 64, 120, 231, 296 mould, 23, 54, 89, 125, 173 Mundari, 24, 42, 89, 90, 91, 92, 175, 271 Nausharo, 25, 222, 335, 336 necklace, 25, 54, 105, 109 Neolithic, 120, 122, 123, 125, 215, 222, 332, 335, 339, 340, 341, 344, 348, 351, 360, 362, 363 Oldham, 352 one-horned, 104, 105, 127, 146, 163, 303, 313 ore, 53, 88, 90, 93, 110, 111, 112, 174, 175, 240, 247, 297, 298, 341 organization, 10, 34, 62, 67, 118, 307, 340, 347, 356, 368 Oriya, 102 ornaments, 24, 113, 176, 275 Oxus, 285, 333 Pakistan, 36, 37, 47, 49, 118, 127, 222, 246, 281, 286, 295, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 318, 319, 323, 324, 326, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332, 334, 335, 336, 339, 340, 341, 344, 347, 349, 350, 351, 352, 354, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 366, 368 palaeolithic, 42, 315 Palaeolithic, 342, 348 Parpola, 34, 35, 69, 93, 116, 119, 127, 240, 247, 314, 319, 336, 337, 345, 347, 348, 353, 361

peacock, 7, 119, 143, 202 pendant, 25 perforated, 69, 102 Persian Gulf, 57, 65, 157, 233, 234, 245, 289, 356 pheasant, 52 pictographic, 65, 66, 166, 167, 304 Pirak, 320, 336 plant, 4, 6, 64, 75, 165, 194, 288, 293, 298, 364 plants, 63, 64, 67, 87, 95, 148, 176, 222, 224, 240, 297 platform, 102, 132, 174 Pleiades, 305 Possehl, 31, 84, 101, 111, 118, 308, 309, 310, 312, 316, 320, 324, 325, 328, 329, 335, 336, 337, 339, 344, 347, 350, 354, 360, 361, 364 pottery, 33, 34, 67, 118, 125, 138, 216, 222, 247, 307, 326, 346, 371 Pra_kr.t, 71, 119 Proto-Dravidian, 4, 45, 49, 81 punch-marked, 12, 101, 112, 123, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 136, 142, 146, 155, 156, 159, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 173, 176, 177, 216 Punjab, 47, 57, 103, 118, 180, 259, 292, 315, 316, 323, 325, 337, 345, 346, 351, 358, 360, 361, 362 Punjabi, 43, 56, 141 Puru, 36 quartz, 297, 298 R.gveda, 23, 61, 62, 101, 112, 122, 155, 289, 290, 291, 338 Ra_ma_yan.a, 220 Rajasthan, 47, 57, 118, 159, 246, 270, 272, 309, 313, 318, 325, 330, 331, 334, 338, 341, 342, 348, 351, 352, 355, 356, 357, 359, 363, 364, 366 ram, 15, 16, 17, 19, 44, 52, 87, 113, 115, 116, 141, 156, 286, 305 Ravi, 9, 274, 290, 291, 316, 317, 324, 337 raw material, 97 rebus, 9, 12, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 89, 90, 106, 107, 108, 110, 116,

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123, 125, 126, 127, 140, 141, 163, 172, 173, 174, 176, 243 reservoir, 62, 229, 276 rhinoceros, 52, 69, 106, 247, 313 rice, 5, 6, 51, 65, 90, 91, 102, 120, 215, 222, 224, 225, 226, 229, 230, 231, 318 Rojdi, 354, 368 Ropar, 12, 47, 57, 217, 287, 289, 362 Sanskrit, 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 24, 28, 42, 44, 48, 49, 58, 63, 70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82, 85, 86, 93, 96, 98, 99, 100, 117, 119, 121, 142, 144, 217, 220, 221, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 240, 245, 248, 258, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 271, 290, 292, 295, 296, 297, 300, 317, 338, 371 Santali, 7, 24, 40, 43, 44, 45, 56, 63, 67, 68, 71, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 102, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 124, 126, 127, 131, 141, 174, 175, 176, 230, 236, 249, 272, 303 Sarasvati, 1, 5, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 23, 25, 26, 28, 34, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 51, 57, 58, 61, 62, 65, 66, 72, 74, 83, 84, 85, 94, 101, 102, 107, 108, 111, 112, 116, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, 126, 128, 129, 141, 146, 147, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 168, 170, 172, 174, 176, 215, 216, 217, 222, 223, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 248, 249, 262, 263, 267, 270, 271, 272, 285, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, 299, 301, 322, 330, 331, 336, 338, 341, 343, 348, 355, 356, 358, 361, 364, 365, 367 Saurashtra, 24, 211, 269, 314, 321, 322, 324, 326, 332, 351, 352, 354 saw, 54, 77, 156, 273, 278, 302, 303 sealing, 26, 68, 143 seated figure, 15, 278 serpent, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 273, 275, 276, 277, 303 serpentine, 276, 277 Shaffer, 246, 315, 359, 360

Shahr-i-Sokhta, 247 sheep, 92, 268 shell, 5, 24, 53, 69, 118, 141, 289, 331, 333 ship, 9, 44, 66, 156, 163 Shortughai, 329, 330 siddham, 28, 110, 158, 159 Silver, 36, 113, 127, 146, 176, 177, 179, 189, 197, 203, 328 Sindh, 34, 43, 46, 47, 57, 111, 112, 158, 233, 289, 329, 335, 351, 361 Sindhi, 7, 43, 56, 65, 95, 247, 344, 354, 369 Siwalik, 286 Smith, 108, 330, 351, 364 smithy, 51, 91, 107, 116, 123, 125, 126, 129, 263, 288 snake, 13, 14, 19, 52, 105, 107, 108, 141, 146, 167, 273, 275, 276, 277, 278, 303, 305, 306 soma, 53, 64, 74, 75, 113, 288, 293, 296, 297, 298 sorghum, 352 spear, 143, 172, 174, 196, 197, 211, 301 spotted, 4, 88 squirrel, 52 steatite, 23, 69, 115, 312 stone bead, 222, 340 stool, 14, 54, 105 storage jar, 35 storehouse, 172 stupa, 103, 109, 170 Sumerian, 5, 7, 8, 23, 24, 32, 34, 35, 40, 48, 65, 69, 93, 105, 240, 241, 242, 243, 249, 285, 295, 301, 306, 314, 342 Susa, 32, 242, 305 Sutlej, 46, 286, 290, 313, 315, 325, 342, 361, 362 svastika_, 136, 137, 138, 139, 167 Swat, 112, 313, 364, 365 symbols, 12, 27, 67, 68, 70, 107, 116, 125, 129, 132, 133, 138, 143, 147, 158, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 173, 176, 177, 182, 188,

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189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 207, 210, 211, 216, 248, 303, 307 tablets, 31, 32, 34, 68, 89, 124, 125, 132, 156, 301, 304, 348, 371 Tamil, 2, 3, 8, 9, 24, 38, 40, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 56, 60, 62, 63, 67, 72, 73, 81, 95, 112, 119, 123, 170, 217, 218, 220, 221, 236, 261, 299, 328 Taxila, 133, 137, 168, 170, 203, 310 Telugu, 6, 23, 24, 60, 229, 237, 242 temple, 32, 37, 54, 107, 139, 147, 217, 220, 230, 275, 276, 277, 278, 305 Tepe Yahya, 247 terracotta, 23, 25, 28, 62, 176, 222, 232, 276 throne, 303 tiger, 26, 52, 89, 124, 140, 146, 161, 165, 166, 182, 249, 255, 256, 273 Tigris, 12, 30, 157, 285, 289, 306 tin, 31, 33, 38, 53, 77, 87, 126, 147, 156, 163, 218, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 288, 320, 324, 341, 359, 363 tin bronze, 246, 247 tools, 13, 18, 38, 54, 98, 129, 174, 301, 306, 339 tortoise, 52, 147, 156, 172, 209, 210, 213, 219, 303 traders, 30, 32, 33, 34, 66, 174, 353 transport, 32, 118, 289 tree, 4, 16, 20, 37, 51, 81, 89, 108, 117, 120, 124, 131, 146, 147, 158, 165, 170, 172, 173, 174, 175, 177, 179, 198, 199, 200, 201, 210, 219, 278, 286, 305, 341 United Arab Emirates, 33, 34

Ur, 32, 35, 68, 69, 117, 301, 306, 330, 368 Valdiya, 367 Vats, 367 vedic, 3, 9, 38, 80, 85, 215, 217, 218, 219, 231, 239, 261, 266, 270, 275, 288, 297 vessels, 65, 174, 247, 332 Vindhya, 57, 241, 259 votive, 114 war, 6, 19, 73, 92, 127, 168, 230, 255, 273, 305 weapons, 13, 54, 91, 105, 109, 113, 222, 255, 288, 289, 297, 301, 303 weaving, 67, 95, 118 weights, 32, 33, 65, 110, 118, 168, 180, 233, 289, 333 wheat, 6, 32, 51, 118, 229, 304 Wheeler, 35, 246, 368 wild animals, 127 Wilhelmy, 368 workshop, 126, 173, 298 worship, 54, 91, 220, 232, 280, 293 writing, 12, 23, 25, 26, 29, 38, 40, 58, 59, 62, 65, 66, 68, 74, 101, 102, 123, 140, 165, 168, 172, 173, 174, 176, 215, 222, 234, 248, 305, 328, 354, 371 writing system, 12, 23, 25, 26, 29, 39, 40, 58, 74, 101, 102, 123, 140, 168, 172, 176, 215, 222, 354 yajn~a, 62, 221, 232, 233, 288, 292, 293, 295, 298 Yama, 295, 296 Yamuna, 46, 112, 118, 288, 289, 290, 291, 299, 313, 315, 324, 325, 343 yogic, 9, 13, 14, 16, 28, 117 Zebu, 117

359

End Notes

i Or easy currency, to use the eloquent phrase of Mallarme'; this phrase is comparable to another monetary (!) metaphor: 'borrowing' used in comparative linguistics. A superb example of 'easy currency' is provided by the Indian Epigraphical Glossary. Some selected terms used in epigraphy of Indian languages are listed in this lexicon. This list provides evidence of the degrees of freedom enjoyed by the writers of inscriptions to depict in avariety of scripts, the phonetics (or 'easy currency') underlying many economic transactions. ii ‘A genetic relationship between the classical languages, Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit, was identified in the late eighteenth century by Sir William Jones, who correctly postulated a 'common source' for these three languages, and suggested that Celtic, Iranian and Germanic might well be connected. The genetic relationship was first scientifically codified and set out on a comparative basis by Franz Bopp, whose major work -- Vergleichende Grammatik des Sanskrit, Zend, Armenischen, Griechischen, Lateinischen, Lithauischen, Altslawischen, Gothischen und Deutschen-- was published in 1833. ('Zend' in Bopp's title refers to Avestan)...' (George L. Campbell, Compendium of the World's Languages, Routledge, London, 1991, p.610). iii In philology, as in archaeology, the search for 'truth' is an extension of a researcher's imagination. Imagination is not an act of faith, but a statement of hypothesis based on relational entities in linguistic structures identified through painstaking lexical work. Two such entities in linguistic structures are: morpheme and sememe which bind an etymological group. Sememe may be defined as a phoneme imbued with 'meaning'. Morpheme is defined as a 'meaningful' linguistic unit. Sememe constitutes the semantic substratum of a morpheme or simply, 'meaning'. What is 'meaning'? It is a concept closely linked to a social compact for inter-personal communication. The 'private language' of a speaker's brain (with 'personal' experiences embedded in neural networks) is revealed through sounds uttered by the speaker. Language is formed if these uttered sounds echo the 'private language' of a listener. Such an echo constitutes meaning or the semantic sub-structure of a language.Sememes are the basic semantic structural units of a language which combine to yield morphemes or words. A sememe can, for example, be distinguished from a phoneme or a gesture which does not communicate a message in a

social compact. Only those uttered sounds which are heard and accepted in a social compact can constitute the repertoire of a language. Sememes (or, dha_tupada's) are given a variety of phonemic and morphological forms in the lingua franca to constitute semantic expressions, or the vocabulary of an evolving and growing civilization. iv Etymology has been defined as the 'origin, formation, and development (of a word)...(and) as a branch of grammar dealing with forms...étumon (French) literal sense of a word, original form, primary or basic word.....'(The Oxford Lexicon of English Etymology, 1985). v Obscure speech or writing. The orthography of the Indus Script is vivid and symmetric and is used to convey cryptic messages. Each message on seals (many with cord holes, and probably worn visibly by their owners), tablets, copper plates, pottery, bangles etc. uses, generally, between one to about sixsigns. The sign sequences are frequently superimposed on a field symbol or pictograph. The signs include glyphs such as svastika , dotted circles, short and long linear strokes. The principal enigma is the speech which the script depicted!

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vi These computer systems are in the realm of artificial intelligence or approaches to the design of computer systems which can 'learn' from experience. It may be, hypothesized that sememes are recorded as 'ideographs' neuronally linking 'perceived images' or 'felt experiences' with 'phonetic formants'. It is notable that early scripts were 'ideographic'. It is also notable that the linguistic competence of a human child builds upon the linguistic faculties of the brain within one to two years after birth, with layers of inter-locked sensory perceptions including 'heard' sounds, until the vocal cords are developed to 'repeat' such sounds, as recollections of 'experiences' of the child's development. vii Some observations of ancient historians are instructive: "there are many nations among the Indians, and they don't speak the same language" (Herodotus, Historiae 3.98). Hsuan Tsang (602-664 CE): "The letters of their alphabet were arranged by the god Brahma_, and their forms have been handed down from the first till now. They are forty-seven in number, and are combined so as to form words according to the object, and according to circumstances (of time or place): there are other forms (inflexions) used. This alphabet has spread in different directions and formed diverse branches, according to circumstances; therefore there have been slight modifications in the sounds of the words (spoken language); but in its great features there has been no change. Middle India preserves the original character of the language in its integrity. Here the pronunciation is soft and agreeable, and like the language of the Devas. The pronunciation of the words is clear and pure, and fit as a model for all men. The people of the frontiers have contracted several erroneous modes of pronunciation; for according to the licentious habits of the people, so also will be the corrupt nature of their language... (the young in India are instructed from the age of seven in five sciences (vidya_), of which)... the first is called the elucidation of sounds (s'abdavidya_). This treatise explains and illustrates the agreement (concordance) of words, and it provides an index for derivatives."(Beale, Samuel (trans.)(1885). Si-yu-ki.

Buddhist Records of the Western World, by Hsuan Tsang, Vol. 1, Boston). Abu _Raih-a_n al-Biru_ni (973-1048 CE): :"The Hindus and their like boast of this copiousness, whilst in reality it is one of the greatest faults of the language. For it is the task of language to give a name to everything in creation and to its effects, a name based on general consent, so that everybody, when hearing this name pronounced by another man, understands what he means. If therefore one and the same name or word means a variety of things, it betrays a defect of the language and compels the hearer to ask the speaker what he means by the word. And thus the word in question must be dropped in order to be replaced either by a similar one of a sufficiently clear meaning, or by an epithet describing what is really meant. If one and the same thing is called by many names, and this is not occasioned by the fact that every tribe or class uses a separate one of them, and if in fact, one single name would be sufficient, all other names save this one are to be classified as mere nonsense, as a means of keeping people in the dark, and throwing an air of mystery about the subject. And in any case this copiousness offers painful difficulties to those who want to learn the whole of the language, for it is entirely useless, and only results in a sheer waste of time... (another reason for the differences between Muslims and Hindus is that )... the (Hindus') language is divided into a neglected vernacular one, only in use among the common people, and a classical one, only in use among the upper and educated classes, which is much cultivated, and subject to the rules of grammatical inflection and etymology, and to all the niceties of grammar and rhetoric..." Sachau, Edward C. (trans.)(1910). Al-Bi_ru_ni's India. An Account of

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the Religion, Philosophy, Literature, Geography, Chronology, Astronomy, Customs, Laws and

Astrology of India, Vols. I-II, London). viii "The Sanskrit language, whatever may be its antiquity, is of a wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either, yet bearing to both of them a stronger affinity, both in the roots of a verb and in the forms of grammar, than could possibly have been produced by accident; so strong indeed that no philologer could examine them all three, without believing them to have sprung from some common source, which, perhaps no longer exists; there is a similar reason,though not quite so forcible, for supposing that both the Gothic and the Celtic, though blended with a very different idiom, had the same origin with the Sanskrit; and the old Persian might be added to the same family, if this were the place for discussing any question concerning the antiquities of Persia." (Jones, Sir W., 1786, reprint in Jones 1807, and in Lehmann 1967, pp. 7-20; 'Third Anniversary Discourse' to the Asiatic Society of Bengal). ix anantapa_ram kila s'abdas'a_stram. svalpam tatha_yur bhavas' ca vighna_h-

sa_ram.tato gra_hyam apa_sya phalgu ham.sair yatha_ks.i_ram iva_mbumadhya_t : boundless indeed is the science of language, but life is short and obstacles are numerous; hence take what is good and leave what is worthless, as geese take milk from the midst of water (From Pancatantra cf. Otto Boehtling's Indische Spruche, St. Petersburg, 1870-73 (reprint Osnabruck, 1966), Vol. I, p.45, No. 243). x The symbol is used in etymological dictionaries as a prefix to reconstructions of ancient morphemes; these reconstructions are generally hypothetical, sometimes based on argued *aws of 'phonetic change.' xi Each semantic cluster includes a number of words. Vowel sequencing is ot rigidly followed for a string of semantic clusters with an initial consonant. Broadly, the sequences (of semantic clusters) are, generally,linked to the initial consonants in the following order: k, c, t, n, p/m/v.Thus, for example, kXc may include kac, ka~c, ka_c, ka~_c, kic, ki_c, kuc etc.vowel/nasal sequences. Choice of Sanskrit or Tamil, for example, for purposes of syllabic sequencing of the semantic clusters may be considered to be arbitrary. This is premised on the belief that it is incorrect to assume that anyone of the present-day languages of India preserves the proto-Indian phonemic structures. In many instances, this order is also ignored to place concordant 'image' clusters close to other semantic clusters or to place, for example c- or t- clusters with concordant meanings. Similarly, since there has been an extraordinary divergence of phonetics among v-, m-, b-, p- words, in many instances, such words are sequenced in close proximity. If an 'image'word (in particular, a word evoking a pictograph from the Indus script) was found only in one of the Indian languages, such a word is treated as a unique semantic cluster and included in the lexicon, even though this author has not been able to locate concordant words in other languages of the family. xii This work is dedicated to Pa_n.ini and Tolka_ppiyan-. Pa_n.ini is perhaps the earliest grammarian who created a super-set of morphemes based on phonological and morphological rules perceived by him for Sanskrit. The guidelines provided by him for analyzing the structure of a language are of unsurpassed excellence. So are the guidelines contained in the grammatical work of Tolka_ppiyan-, Tolka_ppiyam (of a later era) of great value in any attempt at semantic clustering of areal vocabulary.

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xiii The pratya _ha_ra su_tra of Pa_n.ini deals with grammatical symbols or abbreviations; a pratya_ha_ra is formed by taking any efficient letter and joining it with a non-efficient letter. Such letters are listed in fourteen aphorisms: a i un.; r.lr.k; e on.g; ai auc; ha ya va rat.; lan.;n ma n.a n.a nam; jhabhan; gha d.ha dhas.; ja ba ga d.a das'; kha pha cha t.a tha ca t.a tav; ka pay; s'a s.a sar; hal : these fourteen groups of letters are called s'ivasu_tra_n.i or mahe_s'vara_n.i su_tra_n.i. In the s'ivasu_tras, the long vowels and the anusvara and visarga are omitted. The consonants are arranged in the following order: the aspirate, the semivowels, the nasals, the aspirated soft consonants, the unaspirated soft consonants, the aspirated hard consonants, the unaspirated hard consonants, the sibilants, and the aspirate inserted a second time... The object of the scheme is to devise a plan by which several letters may be designated by a single syllable called a pratya_ha_ra, so that the necessity for naming them severally in a su_tra may be dispensed with. In this list of letters contained in the 14 aphorisms, the non-efficient letters may be identified as: n., k, n. etc. Some interpretations state that ac means all the vowels; hal means all the consonants; jas' means all soft unaspirated consonants; car means all hard unaspirated consonants. The pratya_ha _ras areelaborated into 42 starting from e _n. and ending with s'al. xiv The clusters are in the following groups of initial word sounds: a-i-ue-o; k-kh-g-gh; c-ch-j-jh/s-s'-s.;n -n; t-th-d-dh/t.-t.h-d.-d.h; r-l; v-p-ph-b-bh-m. xvGiven the limitations of linguistic competence of the author, this lexicon has taken over five years of the author's life, working on a powerful personal computer system, averaging about 4 hours daily -- a challenging drudgery. This work might, perhaps, have taken more than one lifetime, without the use of computer technology. The technology proved to be an efficient tool to sort and re-sort the text entries and to perform thousands of iterations in creating the semantic clusters. xvi To assist the students and scholars, this lexicon is available on diskettes. The diskettes (using over 25 megabytes of space) have been created using a software called WordPerfect 5.2 under IBM Windows. The software has been suitably modified with macros, to create the appropriate phonetic symbols. The font used is a downloadable, proportionally-spaced, soft-font typeface called Postscript Courier 10 point (an equivalent bit-map font called Prestige Elite 12 cpi (characters per inch) can be substituted, if ncessary) as a reference base for positioning the diacritical marks. The diskettes may be used with an HP Laserjet 4 printer to create a 600 dpi (dots per inch) hard-copy of the text of the lexicon. The author will be happy to make available the diskettes, through the publishers. xvii "... language in the concrete sense... is... the sum of words and phrases by which any man expresses his thought." (Whitney, William D., Oriental and Linguistic Studies, New York, 1874, p. 372 cited in: Chomsky Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, The Hague, 1964, p. 22). xviii "In year 8 of Sankhkare Mentuhotpe (2009-1998 BCE) ... an expedition of 3,000 men, recruited from Upper Egypt and led by the Chief Steward Henenu, left the Nile valley near Kopptos and headed east across the desert towards the Red Sea, 90 miles away. Their orders were to re-establish commerce by sea with the fabulously rich land of Punt... unvisited by Egyptians since the days of the Sixth Dynasty... voyages to Byblos and Punt seem to be regular in the Sixth Dynasty (2345-2181 BCE)... with references to building ships for an expedition to Punt... in the Twelfth Dynasty (1991-1786 BCE), ships sailed southward from Red Sea ports to the incense-land of Punt... " (E.S. Edwards et al (eds.), The Cambridge

Ancient History, Vol. I, Pt. 2, 1971, Cambridge, University Press, p. 491; p.183; p.194; p.495).

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xix In phonetics, formants refer to banks of energy generated by an acoustic pattern and measured in cycles per second (cps);... formants are specified by their frequency and relative intensity... vowel formants, for example bend upwards, that is, they increase in frequency, before they reach their steady positions after a specific duration (of about a tenth of a second when the sound retains its plosive character)... changes of this kind in vowel formants are known as 'transitions'... for example, the explosion of (p) does not sound like that of (t)... its energy is distributed fairly evenly over all frequencies, whereas (t) has most energy between 2,000 and 4,000 cps if the following vowel is rounded, or between 3,500 and 6,000 cps if it is not rounded... for (d), for instance, this transition will always be related to a frequency of about 1,800 cps... (J. D. O'Connor, Phonetics, Pelican Books, 1973, pp. 87-90). xx Some notes on phonetics and semantics An ancient consonant: -mb- may explain the transition from -mb- to -m- or -b- /-bh- or -v-/-p- in many etyma. Possibly, the ancient consonant in many etyma was a compound consonant: tc- or ts-. In two linguistic streams, the accent oscillates between s-/c- and t-; cf. tagori, cakra potter's wheel. t- is preferred when the -c- intervenes in the following syllable as in tai-, teccu- (sewing) (Ta.) To smoothen the phonetic structure, -c- is either replaced by -d- or omitted, in semantic extensions, as in (cu_ci = u_ci =) su_di needle (Nk.); su_i_ tailor (WPah.). Many etyma are notable with perhaps another compound consonant: ss'-, which, in two linguistic streams, evidences two phonetic transforms: > h-, > k-. ku sign of the dative case; connective particle as in ar.ikuve_n; suffix added to verbs, nouns, etc., to form (a) abstract nouns, as in nanku; (b) verbal nouns, as po_kku; finite verbs in 1st pers. sing. fut., as un.ku; prefix added to words in Sanskrit, as in kutar-k-kam, signifying badness, evil, unfairness;earth (Ta.lex.) gan.d.e, gen.d.iya, ken.t.ai carp (DEDR 1947) > kayal carp (DEDR 1252) This concordance (and possible phonetic change) finds a remarkable parallel in the homonymous etyma: 'ladle, spoon'. gen.t.e spoon, ladle (Te.)(DEDR 1267) > kailu ladle, spoon (Tu.); kayyil id.(Ma.); ki_li ladle (Kurub.)(DEDR 1257).A transposition of initial syllables ne _-/ve_-, ne-/ve- occurs in many etyma;for example, in one linguistic stream, for semant. 'weaving' syllable ve_-occurs; and in another, semant. 'weaving' syllable ne_- occurs: the actionsrelate to twisting and plaiting of cane (net.ru S.) or bamboo (ve_l.a Pali);[cf.ve_y (-v-, -nt-) to thatch (Ta.)(DEDR 5532)]; negad.u is a polypus that entangles swimmers (Te.), vehar. is an octopus of the Ganges (P.)}. xxi There is a concordant rule in Pa_n.ini: s'iva_dis'yo_n. (s'iva-a_dis'yah-, an.); vr.ddhas'yo_nadi_ma_nus.ibhyastanna_mika_jyah-(Bk. IV. Ch. I.112, 113), i.e. the affix or patronymic an. comes in the sense of a descendant, after the words s'iva etc.; the affix an. comes in the sense of a descent, after words which are the names of rivers, or women, when such words are not vriddham words; and when they are used as names and not as adjectives. Another set of aphorisms deals with 'collection': tasya samu_hah-; bhiks.a_dis'yo_n. (Bk. IV. Ch. I.37, 38): anaffix is added to a word, when the sense is 'a collection thereof'; the affix an. comes, in the sense of 'collection thereof', after the words bhiks.a _(alms) etc. The affixes an. and an come after the words sindhu and apakara in the sense of 'produced therein' ajanau ca (Bk. IV. Ch. III.33). xxii For Sanskrit, the definition given by Pa_n.ini is : bhu_va_dayo_dha_tavah (Bk. I, Ch. III.1) i.e. the words beginning with bhu_'to become' and denoting action, are called dha_tu or verbal roots; ten classes identified by Sanskrit grammarians of such action verbs (about 2,000) are: bhu_, ad, hu, div, su, tud,rudh, tan, kri_, chur; this classification is based on

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modifications seen in these roots before specific terminations (parasmaipada or a_tmane_pada or both).Dha_tu is a morpheme which may antedate Pa_n.ini and connotes a morpheme expressing action, analogous to the Santali language tradition. xxiii Of an unknown language! In dealing with an unknown language, two inventories have to be made: a phonemic inventory and a semantic inventory and both these inventories have to be presented in semantic clusters... In this lexicon, considering the distribution of sounds in words within a cluster containing the same meaning, it may be noted that though different phonetic preferences (for example: l or n; m or v; sa or ka; t.a or ta) occur in different members of the language family, they represent the same phoneme. Similarly, speakers of a given language of the Indian family have their own ideas on what constitutes a syllable (phoneme sequence). These ideas may differ from the ideas of speakers of other languages who may break the same sequence into two or three syllables. After all, society shapes language; and, language is a reflection of the society that shapes it. Semantic clustering may, therefore, be considered a linguistic technique which attempts to reconstruct the images of life-activities of a society. xxiv sha_h a rich merchant, one who lends money on interest; a banker, a shopkeepeer, a trader; a king; a title assumed by faqirs; the principal in relation with an agent; sha_h, guma_shta_an affix to the names of Sayyads; sha_hdara_the name of a village on the bank of the Ravi near Lahore containing the magnificent mausoleum of the Emperor Jahangir; sha_hra_h a principal street, a public road; sha_h maksadi_ a kind of marble from Yusufzai; sha_h nashin. A projecting platform erected on the roof of a house to sit on; sha_h bin. patnahin., guru_bin. gat nahin. no honour (credit) without banker, no salvation without a Guru; shahir a city; shahir pana_h the city walls; sa_hu_ka_r a great merchant, a rich person, a banker, a money-lender; honest, respectable; sa_huka_ra_ the business of a sa_hu_ka_r, a banking and money business (P.lex.) xxv Ryle, the Oxford philosopher, expounds on the category mistake in contrasting the concepts of 'brain' and 'mind'. What socio-economic category do the Indus Script messages indicate? Are they names? Are they professional titles? Are they marriage badges with inscribed lists of presents? Are they deeds for transfer of landed property? Are they receipts for property stored in granaries? Are they commodities and their measures? Are they gum-resins? Are they grains, other plant products and their measures? Are they toll-stamps used by toll-collectors at ferries? Are they announcing ownership of property items like boats? Are they proof of duties paid to the temple? Are they bills of lading indicating professions of the sea-faring merchants?] xxvi anupa_sita-vr.ddha_na_m. vidya_na_tiprasi_dati : the Goddess of Learning does not smile on those who neglect the ancients (Bharttr.hari, Va_kyapadi_ya ii.493). xxvii Tolka_ppiyam offers some words of caution while discussing a class of words called 'free morphemes' (uri-c-col)[as distinct from 'bound morpheme' (it.ai-c-col)]. These words of caution should be heeded by etymologists! porut. kup porul. teriyin- atuvaram pin-r-e_; porut.kut tiripillai un.arnta vallin; un.arcciva_yil un.arvo_r valitte_; mor. .ipporul. ka_ran.am vir. .ipput to_n-r-a_; er. .uttuppirinticaittal ivan.iyalpu in-r-e_: Tol. Col. 385-9, i.e. there will be no limit if one tries to know the meaning of the meaning; the meaning will not get confused if the listener gets the sense of the speaker; the meaning depends on the strength of the feelings conveyed; the origin of the meaning of a word is never certain; it is not in the nature of this morpheme to be divided into meaningful units. Such 'free morphemes' include: mannostalgia, wonder and irony; til great desire, time and implied meaning; kon

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fear, uselessness, time and greatness; tancam easiness; el luminosity; empty morphs such as ya_,ka_, pir-a, pir-akku, aro_. cf. On nouns (peyariyal): porun.mai teritalum con-mai teritalum collin- a_kum en-/man-a_r pulavar; teripuve_r-u nilaiyalum kur-ippil to_n-ralumirupa_r-r-u en-pa porun.mai nilaiye_: Tol. Col. 153-4, i.e. scholars tell usthat words reveal the object that is indicated and their grammatical form; itis said that meaning is indicated directly and by suggestion. xxviii Was there an ancient Aindra school of grammar? Taittiri_ya-sam.hita_6.4.7 connects Indra to the origin of grammar: "Speech indeed spoke formerly without manifestation (avya_kr.ta). The gods said to Indra: 'do manifest this speech forus'... Indra approaching it from the middle made it manifest (avya_kr.t).Therefore speech is manifest (vya_kr.ta)" : [From Patanjali's introduction tothe Maha_bha_s.ya, quoted in Staal, J.F., "Sanskrit Philosophy of Language", Current Trends in Linguistics, 5, pp. 499-531, 1969]. xxix After salutation to the supreme spirit, o_m parama_tmane amah-, the great work is invoked by Pa_n.ini as: atha s'abda_nus'a_sanam, i.e. now an explanatory system for words or a dissertation on the science (grammar and philology) of words. xxx "The Sanskrit is above all things an analyzable language, one admitting of the easy and distinct separation of ending from stem, and of derivative suffix from primitive word, back to the ultimate attainable elements, the so-called roots. Accordingly, in its perfected form (for all the preparatory stages are unknown to us), the Hindu grammar offers us an established body of roots, with rules for their conversion into stems and for the inflection of the latter, and also for the accompanying phonetic changes--this last involving and resting upon a phonetic science of extraordinary merit, which has called forth the highest admiration of modern scholars; nothing at all approaching it has been produced by any ancient people; it has served as the foundation in no small degree of our own phonetics; even as our science of grammar and of language has borrowed much from India... actually more than half (of the roots listed in Pa_n.ini)-- never have been met with, and never will be met with, in the Sanskrit literature of any age... Beyond all question, a certain number of cases are to be allowed for, of real roots, proved such by the occurrence of their evident

cognates in other related languages, and chancing not to appear in the known literature; but they can go only a very small way indeed toward accounting for the eleven hundred unauthenticated roots... The skilled students of the native grammar, as it seems to me, have been looking at their task from the wrong point of view, and laboring in the wrong direction. They have been trying to put the non-existent grammarians' dialect in the place of the genuine Sanskrit..." (Whitney, William Dwight, "The Study of Hindu Grammar and the Study of Sanskrit", American Journal of Philology, 5, pp. 279-297, 1884). xxxi Ya_ska defines sam.hita_as the closest conjunction (of original words) by means of euphonic combination or as based on original words. In the padapa_t.ha, i.e. word-for-word analysis, the sandhi is dissolved; each pra_tis'a_khya for each branch of the Veda specifies how the sam.hita_must be derived from the corpus of utterances in continuous text. Thus Ya_ska provides an etymological complement to the word-for-word analysis. xxxii According to Rigvedapra_tis'a_kya (xii.6.702) and Ya_ska, prepositions are twenty and combine with the noun and verb to express a meaning (these are:pra, abhi, a_, para, nih-, duh-, anu, vi, upa, apa, sam, pari, prati, ni, ati, adhi, su, ud, ava and api). Pa_n.ini: pra etc., are called prepositions (karmapravacani_ya) when joined with verbs.' (Bk.I. Ch. IV.58; 83-97). Va_jasaneyipra_tis'a_khya provides the most succinct definition (viii.54): 'A verb denotes an action, and a preposition makes that action specific.' (Pra_tis'a_kyas or

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pa_rs.adas are the oldest grammatical treatises of different schools based on the original forms of words). xxxiii In Tamil grammar, vat.amor. .i or vat.a-col (Tol. Col. 401) refers to a Sanskrit word (centamir. .kkan. vanta vat.amor. .iyu ma_r-r-a_te_: Ya_pperun.kalam. Virutti. Pakkam. 461 i.e. Sanskrit seeded by refined Tamil does not compare) [kan. Seed as cause (Ci. Po_. 9,3,3); a_r-r-u-tal to be equal to, to compare with (Kur-al.,101); centamir. . is standard Tamil, free from all corruptive elements, opp. To kot.u-n-tamir. . : Tol. Col. 398; centamir. .na_t.u is said to be bounded by the Vaikai-ya_r-u, on the east by Maruvu_r, and on the west by Karuvu_r : Tol. Col.400, Urai.); kot.u-n-tamir. . is Tamil dialect current in regions surrounding centamir. .na_t.u (Nan-. 273, Urai.) (Ta.lex.) xxxiv Any indication of derivatives or so-called 'borrowing' indicated by the sign < in lexicons, should be treated with great caution. No claim is sought to be made that a particular phonetic form was, in fact, derived from another language, just because the sign < has been used (only in a very few semantic clusters) in this lexicon. The sign should be taken to indicate a possible close affinity or geographical extension between the languages involved in the semantic relationship. xxxv The author is Tolka_ppiyan-, reputed to be a disciple of Agastya, as born in Ka_ppiya-k-kut.i (it.aiccan.kamirunta_r akattiyan-a_run tolka_ppiyan-a_rum : Ir-ai. 1, Pak. 5; tun-n-arun ci_rttit tolka_ppiyan-mutar- pan-n-irupulavarum : Pu. Ve. Cirappuppa_.); Civajna_n-a-mun-ivar provides an elaborate commentary on the pa_yiram and the first su_tra of Tolka_ppiyam, as tolka_ppiya-c-cu_ttiravirutti (Ta.lex.) xxxvi The sign 'root' connotes a sememe. xxxvii Vedic texts (c. 1200 to 200 BCE) include the corpus of the Rigveda, Yajurveda, Sa_maveda, Atharvaveda (s'ruti) and a number of exegetical texts (smr.ti) including the bra_hman.as, a_ran.yakas, upanis.ads, dating from the latter parts of the first millennium BCE Morphological divergences between classical Sanskrit and the Vedic texts are remarkable. The occurrence of many so-called Dravidian and Munda idioms in and the dialectical heterogeneity of the Vedas are reflected in a number of parallel forms of the texts which were later unified through oral traditions. xxxviii An exception to this statement is the unresolved problem of soma. A variety of interpretations are provided for this word which is the principal process or life-activity elaborated in the Rigveda. The author of this lexicon has interpreted soma as electrum or silver-gold ore, in a separate work in the context of a study of the history of ancient Indian alchemy. This lexicon provides etymological evidence in support of this interpretation. Soma was perhaps, a major process involving the abhyudayam (socio-economic welfare) in the lives of ancient people who created and employed the Indian language family in their daily lives and in socio-cultural activities. Soma was perhaps wealth, electrum, gold-silver compound processed through 5 days and 5 nights of agnis.t.oma. (cf. Kalyanaraman, 2004, Indian Alchemy -- Soma in the Veda, Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal). Soma is an extraordinary metaphor and the Veda are an inquiry into the phenomenon of Being to Becoming using the metaphor of soma as a transmulation of base metal (dha_tu), from being to becoming the amr.ta, non-destructible element called gold. xxxix In neurosciences, an axiom is that the brain 'perceives' what it wants to perceive. At another level of analysis or 'brain theory', it may be stated that the brain is a 'variance machine', selectively recording only changes or 'variances' from the 'previously recorded experiences or perceptions'.

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xl cf. Kunjunni Raja, K., Indian Theories of Meaning, Madras, 1963.