43 dalits’ access to water: patterns of deprivation and discrimination

7/28/2019 43 Dalits Access to Water: Patterns of Deprivation and Discrimination

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DALITS ACCESSTO WATER: PATTERNS

OF DEPRIVATIONAND DISCRIMINATION

Rakesh Tiwary

Sanjiv J. Phansalkar

Dalits or Scheduled Castes (SCs) of India still face multiple deprivation anddiscrimination with regard to access to natural resources. These disabilities

are most pronounced with regard to access to water. In rural India, access

to an imperative resource like water shows differential pattern across regions,

where poverty, physical separation of hamlets, ideas of purity and pollution,

poor access to government welfare programmes, discrimination in access to

public water bodies and structures and so on play a critical role. The article

focuses on probing current status of deprivation and discrimination of dalits

access to water for domestic use across various states with the help of se-lected indicators, which can reveal this complex phenomenon. As the study

covered different ecological zones, it also explores a relatively less studied

domainlinkages of water scarcity and dalits discrimination and deprivation.

The findings from the survey show variable expressions of these features in

different regions and specific socio-cultural contexts, revealing sociological

nature of water in rural India.

INTRODUCTION

Dalit is a term of Hindi language, which has multiple connotations. A close

English word can be the oppressed. However, in the Indian context this word

has social, economic, cultural as well as political facets. The term forms a part of

International Journal of Rural Management, 3(1), 2007: 4367

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44 RAKESH TIWARYAND SANJIV J. PHANSALKAR

INTERNATIONAL JOURNALOF RURAL MANAGEMENT, 3(1), 2007: 4367

the social organization prevalent in India since ages. It refers to a group of com-

munities, members of which traditionally have been socially backward, eco-

nomically poor and politically weak. They belong to caste groups who live in

caste villages in different demographic compositions across the country. They

are also referred to as Harijans. In post-independence period, a separate constitu-

tional category of various caste groups was created which were considered dalits

in different parts of India. They are called Scheduled Castes (SCs). Dalits or

SCs face multiple deprivation and discrimination, particularly with regard to

access to natural resources. The disabilities are most pronounced in the domain

of access to water, particularly domestic use of water.

DALITSAND ACCESSTO DOMESTIC WATER

Domestic water refers to water required mainly for drinking and bathing purposes.

Clean and adequate drinking water availability is essential for physical well-

being. Though domestic water use does not have a direct economic role, it is

critical for health and well-being. In rural India, access to water for such uses

also shows differential pattern across different social groups where poverty, phys-ical separation of hamlets, poor access to government welfare programmes, dis-

crimination in access to public water bodies and structures play a critical role.

At many places socio-cultural rules play a much greater role than natural avail-

ability of water. Caste identities strongly affect daily interactions in India, as

they have significant impact on how socially marginalized groups such as dalits

(SCs) access basic necessities. Issue of dalits access to water for domestic use

represents a bundle of discreet yet interrelated sub-issues, which need to beunderstood. Some are discussed hereafter.

Nature of source

Dalits water sources for domestic use show two major trends. First, there is

large dependence on common source, and, second, it is outside the premises.

The compulsions of poverty do not allow them to own a source of drinking

water. Dalit families cannot solely depend on one principal source for drinkingand other domestic purposes. They use various common sources to fulfil their

needs. They depend on multiple sources in different parts of the year, which

increases their vulnerability to discrimination. Village water sources are, in

many cases, forbidden to dalits for domestic purposes. Priority of use by upper

caste groups over village water resources is an undeclared rule in Indian villages.

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Dalits Access to Water 45


Principal and supplementary sources are largely away from main premises.1 Dalitsusually live in segregated dwelling units in Indian villages and often have separatewells from which they access water. Many dalit households have to depend onunclean sources like ponds and rivers, even for drinking water.

Distance from the water source

Distance from the water source is one of the most important characteristics ofaccess to water as well as quality of water supply. Water needs to be available asand when required, and those who have to travel a few 100 metres are likely to

get less of it; which in turn influences consumption pattern and hygiene practices.Various arms of the government consider that at least 40 litres per capita per day(lpcd) of water should be available at less than 1.6 km of every household. Thisroughly translates into maximum 30 minutes of walking time carrying threebuckets one way. Of course, most households have to travel much less. But eventhose households who have access to water source at less than 500 metres haveto spend time collecting it, which many can ill afford. Though the principalsource may be close by, the supplementary sources (usually in summer time)

are dispersed. Sometimes family members have to travel far to fetch water.

WATERAND UNTOUCHABILITY

Access to water for domestic use is one critical sector where dalits face multiplediscrimination and deprivation.Besides the problem of availability of an assuredsource of water for domestic purposes, there is the specific issue of untouchability

involved with majority of caste groups among dalits. This second issue is aboutaccess to sources of water by right, without being subjected to insult or humili-ation. Many caste groups among dalits are considered untouchables, that is,their physical proximity or touch can defile the natural resource, thus it becomesunfit for consumption by upper castes. The source of water may be a well, pond,river, stream or a water stand connected to the water works. This cultural rulewas practiced strictly in various parts of the country. Though the intensity andoccurrence of untouchability has declined, it is still practiced. (Article 17 of theIndian Constitution prohibits untouchability as illegal and a crime, subject topunishment.)

Drinking water has been the most critical domain of the practice of untouch-ability.2 In villages that had a common source, priority was given to upper castes.Untouchability is also practiced at the common sources. In several instances,Dalits were prohibited from having direct access to community sources, an upper



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caste person would collect water from the source and fill the dalits utensil with-

out touching him/her (Indian Council for Social Science Research [ICSSR]

1973). In fact, upper caste people practice two possible ways of protecting their

water sources. First, they would not allow the untouchables to touch their water

sources. They would draw water and pour it into the pots of the untouchables,

which would be kept away from the water source. The other possible arrange-

ment could be separate queue for dalits and upper castes, special time allocated

and so on. Dalits would not be allowed to take as much water as they wanted.

Many of the restrictions would be followed by fear of an unwritten rule that

violation might bring disapproval of varying degree.

Various studies done in recent past show prevalence of caste-based discrim-ination over access to water. One study has been conducted about caste, occu-

pation and labour market discrimination (an International Labour Organization

Project) in Orissa, Maharashtra and Gujarat (Thorat et al. 2005). This study was

conducted in three villagesone village from each stateand purposive sampl-

ing was done. Only dalit households were selected and asked questions related

to discriminations. Since the SC households live in a separate locality, they often

have their own public common well or tap. In such cases, since the SC members

do not use the high caste well or tap, the issue of discriminatory treatment does

not arise. It is only in situations where either the village has a common well for

the combined use of both, high and low caste. Alternately, the low castes occas-

ionally are required to use well or tap belonging to high castes, for example, at

times when their wells or taps ran out of water supply during some period (the

latter would often happen during dry or rainy season) that high caste would be-

have in a discriminatory manner.

In all the three villages, there is a common village well or tap and this is mainlyused by high-caste households. The SCs have a separate source in their locality

and it is only in certain situations that they would like to make use of the common

well or tap in the village. The question was asked whether in such eventuality

the SCs face discrimination or not? If yes, what type of behaviour did they face?

About 67 per cent respondents mentioned that in such eventuality the SCs did

not face any discrimination. But remaining 33 per cent said that the high caste

did not allow the low caste to share the common water facility. The percentage

of those reporting denial by high caste is high in Gujarat (68 per cent) and inOrissa (66 per cent). It is however absent in the Maharashtra village.

A study was conducted in 1971 based on a survey of 69 villages. A repeat sur-

vey of these villages was done in 1996 to see changes in the practice of untouch-

ability. In 1971, 44 villages had separate water facility for the SCs near their

localities. In the remaining 25 villages in which the untouchables took water from



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the common source, untouchability was practiced in 61 per cent of the villages(Shah 1998). Parvathamma did a study in Karnataka in 197374, as quoted byThorat (2002). The study, based on a fairly large sample of 76 villages, showedthat of the total households, 73 per cent were untouchables. Little more thanhalf of the untouchable respondents were not allowed to draw water from thepublic well in the village.

DALIT WOMENAND WATER

Unfortunately, dalit women as a sub category face cumulative discriminationand deprivation in Indian caste villages. In dalit households, women are entrustedwith the job of collecting water for domestic consumption. Due to lack of assuredpotable sources of water, they have to collect water from distant places. Some-times it requires four to five hours in a day, consuming major part of their pro-ductive hours. Even though they are allowed to use the common source ofdrinking water, they may be asked to make separate queues or wait till uppercaste women collect their share of water. They are subjected to various forms of

discrimination and hardships like cleaning the source after use, waiting for othersto draw water and so on. Gujarats case discussed earlier (Shah 1998) reportsthat in most villages where dalits do not have their own source, SC women takewater after the upper caste women, or their tap or position at the common wellis separately marked. In seven villages (11 per cent of the sample villages), theSC women are not allowed to fetch water from the well. They have to wait tillthe upper caste women pour water into their pots. The upper caste womenshout at them and constantly humiliate them by saying: Keep your distance, do

not pollute (Thorat 2002).

WATER SCARCITYAND DALITS

The SC groups are found across the country; they inhabit different ecologicalzones having distinct patterns of rainfall and temperature conditions. In India,both regional and seasonal water scarcity is experienced. Some regions fall in

low rainfall zones (Rajasthan, Telangana, Vidarbha and Rayalseema) where waterscarcity conditions are acute. Tropical monsoon climate prevalent in India createslong hot dry spells when there is no or meagre rainfall. In such conditions, notonly surface water bodies dry up, even groundwater levels decline. This hasdirect impact on availability of water for domestic use.

Dalits, as a social and economic category, are much more vulnerable to waterscarcity conditions. Their sources of water are more unreliable and subject to



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unavailability during dry periods. Their difficulties get compounded becausethey have lesser abilities to adapt to water scarcity conditions. The deprivationof access to water is intensified in water scarce situations (regional or seasonal).Due to lesser abilities to adapt to scarcity, the impacts of ecological stress are largerand more diversified among dalits. In villages where caste discriminations areacute, dalits cannot depend on common sources during water scarcity conditions.In many water scarce regions, government makes provisions for tanker waterfor drinking purposes. It needs to be investigated how many of these benefitsreach dalits. In Indian villages, access to scarce natural resource is not only un-equal, they are also subjected to socio-political dynamics of the village.

INTERNATIONAL WATER MANAGEMENT INSTITUTE (IWMI)-TATAWATER POLICY PROGRAM MULTI-LOCATION STUDY

This study, which is part of innovative research tool multi-location study aimsto assess the discrimination and deprivation of dalits vis--vis a critical naturalresource, that is, water for domestic purposes across the country. Various indi-

cators have been attempted to show the discrimination and deprivation of dalitsregarding water. The study covered different ecological zones; thus, it was ableto capture a relatively less studied domain, that is, linkages of water scarcity anddalits discrimination and deprivation. Besides, the study explores specific dis-abilities like hardships faced by dalit women, discrimination at public placesand so on.

ObjectivesThe multi-location study aims to find out the current situation of dalits regardingwater access. It studies what kind of water scarcity conditions are faced by themregarding access to water for domestic as well productive uses? What are theircoping mechanisms? What deprivations and discriminations are faced by dalitsin this process? And, most importantly, what are different expressions of thesefeatures in different natural regions and specific socio-cultural contexts?

Data gathering instrument and sample

This research is amenable to multi-location investigation, essentially in castevillages in different parts of the country. The data was gathered by local partners(site custodians). These sites fall in different ecological zones to capture water



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access situation of dalits in different climate conditions. Currently, micro-levelstudies regarding dalits discrimination over access of water is available. A multi-location study covering different ecological zones will provide a regional assess-ment at national level of a critical social phenomenon.

This research has followed essentially a questionnaire-based survey method.A common questionnaire has been administered across 10 sites of India. TheGujarat site survey was administered by IWMI Tata Water Policy Program, Anand,Gujarat. The questionnaire has two parts: household part and common villagepart. Household part has been administered to 50 or more households in eachsite. The second part, that is village part has been administered for different

villages covered where information regarding discrimination was gathered. Thehouseholds chosen are of SC persons of respective sites.3

The study was undertaken across eight sites in seven states (Table1). Thedata was largely collected from one district of respective sites, thus they arerepresentative in nature. The authors fully acknowledge the fact that situationmight vary within states.

Here, the article presents findings from primary survey-based data for eightsites, namely sites from Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh (UP), Madhya Pradesh

(MP), Rajasthan (Dausa and Bhilwara Districts), Gujarat and Karnataka fordomestic water-related issues. Besides quantitative data, location-specific richqualitative information was collected.

Nature of principal source

Dalit households depend largely on common sources. The multi-location study

reveals that the site in Bengal has highest dependence on common source(100 per cent). Figure 1 shows that MP and Rajasthan (Dausa) sites also havealmost complete dependence on common sources. These sites have much higherincidence than national average. NSSO 58th Round shows that on average75 per cent SC households depend on common sources. UP and Bihar sitesshow better condition where about 50 per cent households have to depend oncommon source.4 Dependence on common source reflects widespread depriv-ation and hardships.

The principal sources are many times outside the premises, which furtherincreases hardships of dalits. Each time they have to travel some distance tofetch water. Water sources inside the premises show higher reliability. In Bihar,Bengal and MP sites, the principal source is mostly outside the premises, asshown in Figure 2. Many times it is also due to cultural preferences. Householdsin some sites also preferred their hand pumps to be located outside the premises.



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Table1

DalitsandW

ater:IWMI-TataMulti-locationStudySites

States

Sites

Villa

geNo.

VillageName

No.ofH

ouseholds

WestBengal

B

ardhaman

3

Ausgram,Karatia,Ban-Nabagram

50

Bihar

E

astChamparan

3

Govindapur,Salempur,Tikaita

90

UttarPradesh

B

arabanki

4

Milankapurwa,Salpur,PureVilan,Gosiyamau

70

MadhyaPradesh

S

hajapur

5

Bhanpura,D

ehridev,Salri,Jagatpura,Rojani

90

Rajasthan

B

hilwara

3

Barundani,Semlat,Sanjadikabadia

60

Rajasthan

D

ausa

5

Chainapura,Binawala,Bhampura,H

ingotiya,

Nangalgovind

60

Gujarat

K

heda

11

Anklavadi,A

khlacha,Tadapura,Rajpura,

Vadinathpura,Sorna,Raniya,Margh

abi,Jorapura,

Vadol,Khanpur

80

Karnataka

G

adag

4

Doni,Ranth

ur,Hirewadati,Kadkol

60

States-7

S

ites-8

Villa

ges-38

HHs-560



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Figure 1

Nature of Principal Source of Domestic Water

Figure 2

Nature of Principal Source-location

However, the feature is largely indicator of dependence of more than one house-hold on one source. At the Bengal site, there is great dependence on commonsource in the dalit hamlets. There is lesser requirement for hand pumps here;on an average, one for every 2025 households.

Water storage

SC households largely depend on the common source. They store water on adaily basis, depending on the labour for fetching the water. The water is storedin buckets, large cans, pitchers, and so on. Across all sites, dalit households showedvery small water storage per person. As shown in Figure 3, average water storage



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is largely less than 10 litres per person. The prescribed limit for adequate waterrequirement is about 40 litres per person per day. On one hand, it can be an

indicator of less assured water availability, while on the other hand it shows

higher vulnerability of the dalit households to water scarcity conditions. Since

they largely depend on the common source, any disruption of availability from

the principal source will immediately create problems of water availability for

domestic use.

Water requirement and availability

In response to questions about the amount of water required for one person per

day to meet the needs of drinking and bathing, and how much of it is available,

some interesting facts came out. Almost all sites responded that they require

about 36 litres per person per day for drinking purposes. They get the re-

quired amount of water for drinking. In fact, the adequacy of water hides the

manner in which water is managed from various sources. The source can becommon, distant, polluted, and so on. In UP and Bihar sites, where the pro-

portion of own sources is higher, water can be managed adequately. But in other

sites, dalits might have to face various hardships. Regarding water requirement

for bathing, except for sites from Bengal and Gujarat, average figure per person

is less than 30 litres per day. Even this amount is not adequately met in sites of

MP, Rajasthan (Dausa) and North Karnataka (Figure 4). The site custodian from

Figure 3

Household Average Water Storage



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UP reported that there is a culture of not taking regular baths, or dalit households

usually dry clean their utensils with ash. This trend has roots in lesser or unas-

sured supply of water.

Distance of principal source

As mentioned earlier, most dalits depend on common sources. Their principal

source is outside the premises. Dalit households compensate the lack of owner-

ship of own reliable source through labour. Investing considerable time in collect-

ing water from different sources is part of their daily life. To get an idea about

the hardships they have to face, we need to know the average distance they have

to cover to get water from the principal source (outside premises). About 80 per

cent households from Bihar site get water within 20 metres distance. As shown

in Figure 5, at Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and Bengal sites, about 60 per cent households

get water from their principal source within 20 to 100 meters. At MP, Rajasthan

(Dausa) and UP sites, about 30 per cent households get water from 100 to 500

meters. In MP site, 30 per cent households get water from the principal source

(outside premises), which is more than 500 metres away. These situations clearlyindicate input of labour and unassured supply conditions that dalit households

experience. Table 2 shows data from the National Sample Survey Organization(NSSO). The drinking water source is considered within the premises, if it is

located within the house or its premises. Only about 13 per cent of SC house-

holds have source of drinking water within their dwelling units. For non-SCs,

this figure is double. This shows stark inequality in access to drinking water. There

Figure 4

Water Requirement and Availability-average per Person Daily (in litres)

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13/26



are 61 per cent of SC households that need to travel up to 200 metres to collect

drinking water. Nine per cent of rural SC households need to travel up to 200to 500 metres, while only 1 per cent of non-SC households have to face thishardship to collect drinking water.

Dependence upon supplementary sources

Higher dependence on the common and outside source has one another facet,which is multiplicity of water sources. Dalit households depend on more than

Figure 5

Average Distance of Principal Source of Water

for Domestic Use (Outside Premises)

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Table 2

Percentage Distribution of Rural Households by Social Groups

and Distance from Source of Drinking Water

Outside Distance in Metres

Dwelling GreaterSocial Within but within Less than 200 to 500 to thanGroup Dwelling Premises 200 500 1000 1000 Total

ST 6.1 14.5 56.5 19.1 3.2 0.5 100

SC 13.9 15.1 60.4 8.7 1.5 0.3 100

OBC 18.5 20.6 50.4 7.6 1.6 0.8 100

Other 25.3 22.5 41.7 1.6 1.7 0.8 100Forward

Castes

All 18.0 19.2 50.9 9.0 1.8 0.7 100

Source: NSSO 58th Round.



14/26



one source for water needs. This dependence can be due to occasional failure or

malfunctioning of principal source as well seasonal scarcity, where households

have to depend on different source(s) in the summer rather than their usual

principal source. Dependence on multiple sources not only reflects hardships

and vulnerability to water scarcity, but also higher chances of discrimination.

The data gathered from the multi-location study reveal that on an average, dalit

households depend on more than one supplementary source besides their prin-

cipal source. Bengal, Bhilwara and Bihar sites show dependence on two or close

to two supplementary (average number) sources for their domestic water needs

(Figure 6). In dalit hamlets of Bengal, the gram Panchayat has installed hand

pumps (on an average one hand pump for 20 households). So, when the nearbyhand pump goes out of order, which happens frequently due to overuse, the

dalits have to frequent the upper caste area to collect water for drinking anddomestic purposes, but there they cannot wash their utensils or clothes, or brushtheir teeth, and have to carry water a long way for all these purposes.

The households have to face more hardships to get water from the supple-mentary sources. In most of the sites, as shown in Figure 7, higher percentageof households have to travel more than 500 meters. At sites in Bengal, MP and

Rajasthan (Dausa), about 70 per cent dalit households travel more than 500 metersto get water from supplementary sources.

In Gujarat and Karnataka sites, about 40 per cent households have to bearthis hardship. The site custodian from Dausa reported that for dalits, irrigationwells of upper castes are the supplementary sources. In periods of scarcity, theydepend on river water as the first supplementary source for domestic use, includ-ing drinking.

Figure 6

Average Number of Supplementary Sources

used by HHS for Domestic Uses



15/26



Time spent by dalit women to collectwater for domestic use

Usually, female members of the family undertake the task of managing waterfor domestic use. In response to a question that how much time a women investsin managing water for domestic use, the following information was gathered.About 75 per cent households from the MP site said that more than four hours

are spent by one woman from a household to manage domestic water. At theGujarat site, about 75 per cent households responded that they need to put in totwo hours daily to manage water. And, in the Bengal and Bihar sites, about45 per cent households fall under this category. As shown in Figure 8, about80 per cent households from Bengal and Bihar site spend one hour on an averageper day to manage water. Very few households responded across sites that theydont have to put in extra effort to manage water for domestic use. The timetaken by women to gather water has multiple facets. It not only reflects the

physical hardship that they have to bear, but also several other discriminationsat the common source or otherwise. The Bengal site report says that dalit womenhave to fetch water from the common source where general caste people alsoget water. Dalit women have to wait till the upper caste person has finished.

Second, they have to clean the hand pump after they have collected the water.

Though male respondents underplayed the hardships and discrimination that

dalit households have to undergo, the author was told by female members of the

Figure 7

Average Distance Covered to Reach Supplementary Sources (Metres)



16/26



dalit community at the Gujarat site that women are subjected to more domestic

water-related discrimination, since it is largely they who have to manage water.

Discrimination at common source

The survey tried to assess current water-related discrimination at a common

source. Large percentage of households across sites (except UP and Bihar site)

said that they take water for domestic use from common sources. At UP and

Bihar sites, about 50 per cent households take water from the common source.

In Bengal, MP, Rajasthan (Dausa and Bhilwara Districts), Gujarat and Karnataka,

almost 100 per cent households fall under this category (Figure 9) .The startlingfact emerges that still widespread discriminations are followed at the common

source. However, their expression varies over different sites.

Lesser untouchability-related discrimination was reported from UP and Bihar

sites. Site partners reported that political awareness in recent decades and pro-

liferation of own source at household level, or larger number of hand pumps at

hamlet level, has led to decline in untouchability. In MP, 100 per cent house-

holds said that they have to wait at the common source and priority is given to

upper caste people. Similar discrimination was reported from Rajasthan (Dausaand Bhilwara), Gujarat and Karnataka, where about 30 per cent households

reported such discrimination. Other major form of discrimination, which is relatedto untouchability, has been reported by 42 per cent households of Karnatakaand 32 per cent of Gujarat site, where they reported that they are not supposedto directly take water from the common source and someone else fills their bucket.5

At the MP site, 98 per cent households reported that there are separate queues

Figure 8

Average Time Given per day by Woman from Households to Collect Water



17/26



for dalits. Rajasthan (Dausa) site and North Karnataka site also reported highincidence (about 30 per cent) of such discrimination. Separate time is allocated

for dalits at common source at Dausa and Karnataka sites, where 33 per centand 22 per cent households reported such discrimination, respectively. About49 per cent dalit households said that they can collect as much water as theywant from the common source; it reveals that there are restrictions over amountof water they can collect from the common source. As shown in Figure 10,about 40 per cent households from MP and Gujarat site reported that they arenot allowed to collect as much as they want from the common source. The dis-crimination has also been reported from Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and Karnataka sites.

Figure 9

Households Using Common Source for Domestic Use

Figure 10

Discrimination at Common Source

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18/26



Site custodian from UP reported that even though dalits can collect as muchwater as they want for drinking purpose, however, there are restrictions overwater use for bathing and cleaning clothes or utensils. Large percentage of house-holds from Bengal, Bihar, Rajasthan (Dausa) and MP sites reported that they areallowed to take water during months of scarcity.

Water scarcity and coping mechanisms

High dependence on common sources for domestic water can create water scar-city conditions, particularly in summer, due to lowering of groundwater and

drying up of water bodies. In this study, water scarcity condition has been en-visaged as a situation of lesser availability of water than required for domesticuse for seven or more continuous days. The multi-location study gathered infor-mation on duration of water scarcity that dalit households have to face in summerand their coping mechanisms. Bihar site revealed that households do not facewater scarcity in the summer; it may be due to large number of own or commonsources (mostly hand pumps), which remain functional in summer months. Atthe UP site, about 80 per cent households said that they do not face water scarcityconditions. Rajasthan (Bhilwara) site (in arid region of India) showed similarresult. However, in Bengal (hot and humid region) 62 per cent SC householdsface water scarcity for 1530 days. Very high percentage (72 per cent) of dalithouseholds at Gujarat site responded that they face water scarcity for up to 15days in summer (Figure 11). Situation at the MP site shows the worst conditionamong all the sites, where about 88 per cent households said that they face waterscarcity conditions for domestic uses for 60120 days during summer season.

Figure 11

Water Scarcity for Domestic Use in Summer

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About 30 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa) and North Karnatakasites experience water scarcity conditions for 60120 days in summer.

Regarding coping mechanisms in water scarcity conditions, different sites gavedifferent responses. At the MP site, about 90 per cent households responded thatlocal authority (Panchayat or other government authorities) make water arrange-ments during summer. From Rajasthan (Bhilwara) and North Karnataka sites,about 40 per cent and 60 per cent households, respectively, gave a similar reply.

At Gujarat, UP and Bengal sites, less than 20 per cent households reportedabout government managed relief. The SC households manage water from withinthe village also. About 50 per cent households from MP and Gujarat sites re-

sponded that they have to depend on upper castes during water scarcity conditionsin summer season (Figure 12). At Dausa, Bengal and North Karnataka sites,about 35 per cent, 26 per cent and 28 per cent households, respectively, reportedsuch dependence. At MP and Rajasthan (Dausa) sites, about 35 per cent SChouseholds reported that they manage water from the same caste people. UP,North Karnataka and Bhilwara sites also show that about 25 to 30 per centhouseholds depend upon other families from same castes.

Figure 12Coping Mechanisms during Water Scarcity

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Benefits of Panchayat-managed water during water scarcity

Out of all sites surveyed, four sites namely MP, Rajasthan (Bhilwara), Gujarat

and North Karnataka reported that Panchayat manages water during periods of



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scarcity (Figure 13). In response to the question of access to such water facility,about 80 per cent respondents from North Karnataka site and 70 per cent fromGujarat said that they easily get the water (Figure 14). In Gujarat, some dalithouseholds reported that they do not know about the time of water supply andthey get water after the upper caste people have received it. However, 33 percent households from the MP site and 19 per cent households from Rajasthan(Bhilwara) site responded that they face discrimination while getting benefitsof water facility during scarcity in summer.

Figure 13

Water Arrangement by Panchayat during Scarcity

Figure 14

Access to Panchayat Water Arrangement during Scarcity



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Regulation of common source

In response to the question who regulates the common sources of water fordomestic use, most of the SCs (across all sites) replied that the Panchayat managesthe water. At Bhilwara and Dausa sites, the response also came for whole villagethat the whole village participates in the decisions about regulation of the com-mon source. This sense of participation can also be a perception, which needsto be looked into. Even the Panchayats role in fair distribution of resources canbe studied in future, as many times dominant caste groups are de facto decisionmakers in Panchayat. However, 70 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa)

said that the members of dominant caste regulate the common water sources(as shown in Figure 15). About 20 per cent households of UP and MP sites alsogave a similar response.

Figure 15

Decision about Regulation of Common Source

Drinking water quality

The multi-location survey also gathered responses from dalit households aboutthe quality of water that they use for drinking purposes. About 100 per cent

households from Gujarat and Bhilwara said that they were satisfied with thequality of drinking water. About 80 per cent households from UP and MP weresatisfied with the drinking water quality. Only 40 per cent households fromBengal and 60 per cent households from Bihar showed satisfaction over thesource (Figure 16). About 25 per cent households from Rajasthan (Dausa) saidthat drinking water that they consume is polluted. From the same site, 36 percent households said that drinking water contains excess iron. From Bengal,



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66 per cent households, and from Bihar 40 per cent households also reportedexcess iron. Only MP, Gujarat and Karnataka sites reported that corrective meas-ures are taken to improve water quality. As many as 74 per cent households

from Gujarat and 50 per cent households from Karnataka said that public au-thorities take steps to improve water quality, like chlorine for wells and tabletsfor water purification (Figure 17). From North Karnataka, 46 per cent households,and from MP, 23 per cent households reported taking own measures like boiling,sieving and so forth, to improve water quality. About 70 per cent dalit householdsfrom Gujarat, 50 per cent from Karnataka site and 25 per cent from MP site saidthat they are given tablets by the government to correct water quality. It definitelyshows government intervention to help dalits in these sites.

Figure 16

Drinking Water Quality

Figure 17

Measures to Correct Drinking Water Quality

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Water-related discrimination at public places

Caste-based discrimination at public places has been reported by various surveysand studies. A survey done in Gujarat villages (Desai 1976) reported water-relateddiscrimination in schools. Some villages reported that dalit children arent al-lowed to touch the water source directly. Savarna (higher caste) children providethem water from the pot. One village reported a case of discrimination by aSavarna school-teacher against a fellow dalit teacher. Untouchability was also re-ported at village tea and snack shops. Though tea and snacks are served to every-one, separate plates and cups are reserved for SC members and stored separately.

The multi-location study gave the opportunity to enquire the current statusof discrimination at public places in villages of different sites. Village-level ques-tionnaires were administered across all sites, to the key informants of dalit com-munity. The result from 39 villages from all sites show widespread prevalenceof caste based discrimination at public places in rural India. About 10 per centvillages reported that dalit and general caste children use separate source ofdrinking water in schools. About 33 per cent villages reported that dalits useseparate tumblers at village tea and snacks shops. About 67 per cent villages

reported that there is provision of separate tumblers for dalit persons for drinkingwater at Panchayat or community centres (see Table 3 ).

About 39 villages covered by the survey reported that they have water sources(rivers, ponds or tanks) that are used by all castes. Out of these, 18 per cent vil-lages reported that dalits and upper castes use separate sites at the common watersource (see Table 4). At Dausa site in Rajasthan, there is clear distinction of sites

Table 3

Discrimination at Public Places: 38 Villages across all Sites

Children Using Dalits Using Separate Separate Tumblers for

Separate Source Tumblers at Village Dalits at Panchayat

of Water at School? Restaurants (Tea/Snacks)? or Community Centres?

11% 33% 67%

Table 4

Water Based Discrimination: 39 Villages across all Sites

Whether Village has Whether Dalits and Whether Water-related

Pond Tank, River/Stream Upper Caste have Discrimination is Discussed

for Common Use? Separate Sites for Use? in Your Village?

Yes: 79% Yes: 18% Yes: 67%

(31 villages) (7 out of 31 villages)



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of upper castes and dalits for using river water. At MP, in Agar Malwa region,Diwali rituals are celebrated at the river-front; however, dalits are not able touse the site for rituals. At the Bengal site, dalits have to use separate sites in thepond. They are not allowed to wash their utensils and clothes anywhere nearthe water source. There is awareness about discrimination at public places as67 per cent villages reported that these issues are discussed within the dalit com-munity. Site custodian from North Karnataka reported that the older generation

tends to accept untouchability as the age-old cultural rule. They dont wantconfrontation and they discourage the younger generation from speaking againstthe rule. However, those of the young generation who go to urban areas forjobs show anger against such practices.

CONCLUSION

Thus, we see that the dalit community is still facing multiple disabilities regardingwater, particularly for domestic use of water. There is large dependence on com-mon source. Not only do they have to bear hardship to collect water from mul-tiple sources and travel great distances, they also have to face discrimination inthe process. Though the phenomenon has declined at sites in UP and Bihar,other sites show that various forms of deprivation and discrimination has notdeclined. Despite protective measures and awareness campaigns, water baseddiscrimination at public places is still prevalent in various parts of the country.

Greater accessibility to own or hamlet source definitely decreases the chancesof discrimination. The rise of dalit identity and assertion are also means of check-ing the menace of untouchability. It also helps in fetching greater benefits fromgovernment programmes. Measures need to be taken from supply as well as de-mand side. Not only sustained and well-targeted interventions are required onpart of the government, but social mindsets also need to change. Higher level ofeducation, awareness across social groups and committed dalit leadership canplay a critical role in improving the situation.

Table 5

Access to Water: Percentage Distribution of Rural Households

Exclusive Community Common Use ofCaste Use Use Household Buildings Total

Dalits [SCs] 18 75 7 100

OBC 27 64 10 100

Others [Forward Class] 36 54 10 100

Missing 26 57 17 100

All 25 66 9 100

Source:NSSO, 58th Round, 2002.



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Rakesh Tiwary is a consultant at IWMI-Tata Water Policy Programme, Sojitra Road,Anand, Gujarat-388120. E-mail: [email protected] J. Phansalkar is a senior researcher and team leader at IWMI-Tata Water PolicyProgramme in Anand, Gujarat. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected]

Notes

1. Principal and Supplementary Source: If a household obtained drinking water from

the same source throughout the last 365 days, then that source was treated as the

principal source and there was no concept of supplementary source. If a household,during the last 365 days, obtained drinking water from more than one source, then

the one most commonly used was treated as the principal source and the next one (in

terms of frequency of use) was treated as the supplementary source. Thus, if a house-

hold used source A for 5 months of the year, source B for 4 months, and source C for

3 months, then A and B were treated as the principal and the supplementary source,

respectively.

2. J.H. Hutton, the 1931 Census Commissioner, proposed a series of eight tests to meas-

ure the disabilities of social groups, four of which revolved around the interaction overwater: (1) Whether the caste or class in question can be served (food or water) by

Brahmins or not; (2) Whether the caste or class in question can be served by the barbers,

water carriers, tailors, etc., who serve the caste Hindus; (3) Whether the caste or class

in question is one from whose hands a caste Hindu can take water; and, (4) Whether

the caste or class in question is debarred from using public facilities, such as roads,

ferries, wells or schools.

3. For example, dalit households selected to administer the questionnaire belong to

Rohit, Bhangi Castes of Gujarat and Dusadh in Bihar. These belong to schedulecaste categories of respective states.

4. This condition at surveyed sites is attributed to hand pump boom that has occurred

through government welfare programmes as well as private initiatives. Samagra Gram

Vikas Yojana in UP and Public Health Department Schemes in Bihar have improved

the situation. There is proliferation of water source for domestic use. It has helped in

reducing scarcity value of water.

5. Dalit respondents replied that they do not directly take water from common source,

not just because of old tradition but also out of fear that breaking of rules can bringhumiliation or disapproval. In Bengal, respondents said that they have to wash the

common source after taking water from it. MP site reported that there are separate

platforms at common water source. In one village of Gujarat, there were six public

taps built by government. The dalit households revealed that there is undeclared

practice of separation of sources, where upper castes and dalits are using three taps

each.



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References

Desai, I.P. 1976. Untouchability in the Village Primary School and Outside it, in Un-

touchability in Rural Gujarat, pp. 22451. Bombay: Popular Prakshan.Indian Council For Social Science Research (ICSSR). 1973. Water Facilities for the

Untouchables in Rural Gujarat. Occasional Monograph Number 8, ICSSR report,

p. 3.

National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO). 2002. 58th Round Survey. New Delhi:

Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation.

Shah, Ghanshyam. 1998. Caste and Untouchability: Theory and Practice, paper pre-

sented at the Seminar Ambedkar in Retrospect, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.

Thorat, S.K. 2002. Hindu social order and the human rights of dalits. India Together,http://www.indiatogether.org/combatlaw/issue4/hinduorder.htm.

Thorat, S.K., M. Mahamalik and A. Panth. 2005. (unpublished data) Labour Market

and Occupational Discrimination in India, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New

Delhi (report submitted to ILO, 2005).

Additional Reading

Atal, Y. 1979. Changing Frontiers of Caste. New Delhi: National Publishing House.

Bajpai, P., L. Bhandari and A. Sinha 2005. Social Economic Profile of India. New Delhi:

Social Science Press.

Baren, E. (ed.). 1996. Social Differentiation and Social Inequality. Colorado, Boulder: Westview

Press.

Bteille, A. 1972.Inequality and Social Change. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

. (ed.). 1983. Equality and Inequality: Theory and Practice. Bombay: Oxford Publication.

Marriott, M. (ed.). 1955. Village India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Parvathamma, C. 1989 Schedule Castes at the Crossroads. New Delhi: Asish Publication.Sharma, K.L. (ed.). 1995. Social Inequality in Rural India. New Delhi: Rawat Publications.

Srinivas, M.N. 1960. Indias Villages. New York: Asia Publishing House.

. 1962. Caste in Modern India and Other Essays. Bombay: Asia Publishing House.

Thorat, S.K. and R.S. Deshpande. 2001. Caste System and Economic Inequality: Eco-

nomic Theory and Evidence, in Ghanshyam Shah (ed.), Dalit identity and Natural

Politics, New Delhi: Sage Publications.

43 dalits’ access to water: patterns of deprivation and discrimination

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