a critical evaluation of braj kachru124pm
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A critical Evaluation of Braj Kachru’s Three Circle Model for Varieties of English Around The World
Shivana Mohammed
2010-03-20
Ling 6402: World Englishes
Jo-Anne Ferierra
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In 1985, Braj Kachru first posited the term “World Englishes” this was hailed as a valuable contribution
to the understanding of the many varieties of English which have arisen since the colonisation of many
cultures by the British Raj. Pennycock declares “Braj Kachrus development of the term World englishes,
epitomises the heterogeny position” (qtd Mair 2003) Salikoko Mufwene then applauded Kachru for his
terminology, which he then believed served as an ideal vessel for English as a World Language; emerging
as an international lingua franca. However Braj Kachru warned then that the notion of “World Englishes”
was independent of whether or not English functioned as a world language.
Rather, “the concept was intended to capture the plurism and the regional and cross cultural variation
that obtains among English varieties throughout the world, and the distinct identities of these varieties”.
(Kachrus, 1985) By capturing this plurism so succinctly, there is the forced recognition of other standard
varieties of English far from the normative British and American Varieties. None sharing the same socio-
politico-linguistic status as the “Native Englishes” from which all others take pattern. Therefore the
question that had arisen was one of, how were the progeny of the English Raj to be classified?
The Gorilla protagonist and namesake of David Quinns’ novel Ishmael wisely instructs his student that a
precursory statement must be made of human behaviour with respect to classification of their
environment, before an explanation of these classifications be made. That is,
“I’m going to call the people of your country Takers and all the
people of other countries Leavers.” [The Student] Hmmm’d a bit
before saying, “I have a problem with that.” “Speak” [says
Ishmael]. “I don’t see how you can lump everyone else in the
world into one category like that” [says the student] “This is the
way it’s done in your culture, except that you use*heavily
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loaded terms instead of these relatively neutral terms. You call
yourselves civilised and all others primitive.” (Quinn)
Braj Kachru in 1985 thus proposed a globally accepted model of the spread of the English language. He
positions the world’s Englishes under three umbrellas labelled the Inner circle, Outer circle and the
Expanding circle. “The three circles represent the types of spread, the patterns of acquisition and the
functional allocation of English in diverse cultural contexts.” (Jenkins 18) Kachrus concentric model is
built on the historical context of English, the status of the language, its geographical distribution and its
functions in various regions.
This three circle, model however, has been met with widespread criticism among scholars of the field. It
was argued that the circle is limited because of its focus on historicity rather than actuality of the
linguistic situation. That the circular model is part of the climatic build to globalisation rather than
existing in this, the globalised era, where modern technology challenges many notions of linguistic
ownership and language spread. The model though useful for its contributions to an understanding of
the situation of the English language in the 1980’s is now archaic. The terms of use and definitions from
which the model springs all limit its possibilities so that each category examines English language use in
each country myopically and assumes language homogeneity, ignoring the diversity of the language and
its very organic nature.
Kachru’s three circle model assumes linguistic homogeneity and “implies uniformity” (Knuth). When in
reality each circle contains a plethora of local and regional variations. The umbrella headings of the
model force the Englishes under three vague delineations opening the door for scrutiny. One must
question “the descriptive adequacy of the three circles; the focus on varieties of English along national
lines; and the exclusionary divisions that discount ‘other Englishes’” (Pennycook 518) Kachru
acknowledges the existence of Varieties such as British English, American English, Australian English and
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Canadian English while denying the existence of Ulster Scots, Cockney, Midland, Southern, Gullah,
Appalacian English, Canadian English, Frenglish, Newfoundland English, Maorian English or Tok Pisin.
This type of classification is what gives rise to challenges when choosing the appropriate standard for
English language learning in countries that are norm dependent. The English language learner in these
countries aspires to produce internationally accepted English, but he has no real concept of what IAE or
EIL is, he thus aspires to produce the metropolitan standard be it British English or American English.
Choice is more a matter of prestige than functionality. This standard is found in the Inner circle of
Kachru’s model; The Inner circle referring to all settler communities; the UK, The USA, Canada, Ireland,
New Zealand and Australia, “the traditional cultural and linguistic bases of English”. These so called
Norm providing countries are those which house the English as a Native Language Speaker or the English
as a Mother-tongue speaker.
The speaker believes that any variety coming out of the English Language “Center” is a valuable
exemplar for EIl. Rather, the idea that that particular variety may demonstrate forms that are NOT
acceptable internationally or formally, and may NOT be part of the countries institutionalised Standard
English, does not enter his psyche. Furthermore, it has been a common experience of many learners of
English that the variety they have learnt is specific to a particular region and therefore not
internationally accepted.
Kachru’s homogenous classifications of Englishes into the three headings may thus be considered
wholly misleading. Since the linguistic situation of no two countries is the same. Thus the spread of
English ought to be categorised in terms of individual varieties of English and their degrees of
standardisation rather than simple geographical-historical distribution. By sorting English varieties in
terms of classification it becomes possible for the English language learner to gauge the relevance of the
variety he chooses to learn on a regional or international level.
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The mere labelling of the norm providing bracket as an Inner Circle connotes a certain level of
acceptability and prestige. Though Kachru declares that this was not the intention that he considers no
variety as superior to another, as a linguist he ought to have been aware of the impact that the terms
we use to classify have on the members of those classes. He means to provide a counter argument to
“centrist” ideas of English language spread, while his model (Mair 8) His classifications and his
theoretical declarations act contradictory to one another, as he declares that he aims to recognise the
existence of many Englishes rather than one English, when his headings still act as blinders to the many
varieties of English that govern the daily lives of millions.
One would expect that after Quirks debate about the nature of the English Language he would produce
a model similar to this one, since he stressed “that teachers of English advisedly uphold one common
standard in the use of English not only in inner circle countries but in others as well” (Kilickaya 36) This
suggestion was made based on the fear that english go the route of latin and fragment into a series of
unintelligible varieties, resulting in “the language losing the function of international communication”
(Kilickaya 36)
However Quirks assumption was not so, since outer circle and expanding circle territories are using
English as a means of transmitting their own local cultures, forms of expression and traditions to the
wider world. These cultures are veering away from the inner circle and in a whorfian manner one may
look at this adoption of english, as, one language being modified to express the ethos of another
linguistic system. “To take three examples from the chinese culture; traditional chinese medicine, the
writings on the art of war by Sun Zi and the tenets of confucianism are now much better known in the
West than in the past.....because these chinese ways of thinking have been diseminated in english.”
(Unknown, Models of World Englishes) Li Wenzhong has suggested that “China English be defined as a
variety of english whose vocabulary , sentences and discourse have Chinese characteristics. It is based in
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English, and has been adapted to express characteristics of Chinese Culture in terms of phonetic
translation, borrowing and meaning reproduction.” (Qiong) These discusssions and discussion along
similar veins are meant to present a case for movement of China from the Expanding circle to the inner
circle. This would mean the acknowledgement of China English as an EIL similiar to British English and
American English.
In doing so, one is also prompted to acknowledge other varieties of english which meet Quirks’ three
criteria for the declaration of an EIL: Similiarity,Adequacy and Prestige. These are the other
institutionalised varietires of english such as Standard Indian English, Standard Nigerian English.
Varieties such as these existing outside the inner circle find difficult fitting into second language and
foreign language spheres, because they there run the risk of being considered interlanguages. Indeed
they cannot be considered interlanguages becasue as Nelson (1988) points out “ (a) they do not have as
a goal an ENL model; (b) they do not have characteristic instability; (c) they do not fossilize at a
functionally unacceptable level; and (d) they do not have externally imposed functions” (qtd Davies
450). In addition to this, other considerations when regarding an outer or expanding circle vartiety as a
potential constituent of the inner circle: does the variety look inwardly for norm determination? Do they
recognise the potential of their own standard for norm provision?
That prestigous vestule of the inner circle varieties is now being comprimised as “...the global diffusion
of engliish has taken an interesting turn: the native speakers of this language seem to have lost the
exclusive perrogative to control its standardisation; in fat if current stattistics are any indication, they
have become a minority” (Kilickaya 36)
“How english develops in the world is no business
whatsoever of the native speakers in englnd, the united
states, or anywhere else. They have no say in the matter,
no right to intervene or pass judgement. They are
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irreleveant. The very fact that English is an international
langugae means that no nation can have custody over it. To
grant custody of the language is necessarily to arrest its
development and so to undermine its international status.”
There is now the allowance for the outer and expanding englishes to regulate and direct their own
English development. One may go so far as stating that should some major event happen in any one of
the current inner circle territories it would in no way hamper the development and use of English in the
Outer-Expanding circles. The Englishes have now acquired seperate lives some of which owe their birth
to that distant latin-celtic-welsh-norman-scandanavian ancestor, but which now exist autonomously
from their british cradle.
Outer circle speakers are no longer trying to identify with inner circle speakers, since they are soon
being relinquished to minority English speakers. Colonizers are yet to realise that their language has
been colonised and is out of their possession. British english in itself has become a minority amoung
Native englishes, losing its norm providing competencies. One would soon believe that while English
may not die like latin did, British english would slowly become the dialect of solely speakers on the
british isle.
The Outer circle involves the earlier phases of the spread of English in non-native settings where
language has become a part of chief institutions. It represents “the regions that have passed through
extended periods of British Colonisation and have subsequently institutionalised English varieties into
systems of government, law, education and literature.” (Jahan 2) The English language in this setting
serves as an additional language and not a mother tongue. It would be surprising to the speakers that
speak, think and exist within the realms of the English language that the language they have known all
their lives is not their mother tongue.
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Gupta (1997) suggests a classification system that divides English into five different categories:
Monolingual ancestral such as Britain and the USA; Monolingual contact such as Jamaica, Trinidad,
Antigua, Barbados and other Anglophone countries whose primary and only language is English;
Monolingual scholastic such as India, Japan, China and other countries whom are choosing to adopt
English because of its empowering capabilities and Multilingual Contact such as Singapore; and
Multilingual Ancestral such as South Africa.
To these five categories I propose the addition of a final category Monolingual/Multilingual Technical
which includes the English language variety used in various linguistic settings for specific technical
purposes. This category it is hoped shall serve particularly useful to compensate for where Kachru fails
to account for those varieties of English which are not bound by geographical or ethnic influences.
Namely those relating to activities such as commerce, education, technology, law, culture and social life
e.g. legal English, airline English, medical English, public
The classifications by Gupta are valuable, because they are realistic descriptors of the language setting
that the English variety is born out of. It is far more focused than the inner/outer/expanding terms that
kachru initiates. Gupta acknowledges the true heterogeneity of the Englishes scattered across the globe,
while conceding that as distinct as some may be, others succumb to similar cycles of development.
Kachru also recognises the phases of the development that Englishes go through, yet his model has no
place for the distinct phases of different Englishes.
In the Kachruvian perspective “non-native institutionalised” Englishes go through three stages of
development “non-recognition” where the local speakers are prejudiced against it and believe that
some native speaker imported variety is superior and should be the model for language learning in
schools. The second phase sees the existence of the non-native variety alongside the native standard
variety, where the local variety is being used in a broader range of situations. The final phase sees the
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local variety being recognised as the norm and gaining social acceptance. However, this understanding
of the development of English in Outer and Expanding Circle countries on Kachru’s part may have
fuelled their failure as models. Kachru’s developmental cycle may function as a descriptor for only
Gupta’s Monolingual scholastic grouping. Otherwise, Moag 1992, in his research on Fijiian English, a
Kachruvian expanding circle variety. Schneider declares that there is the possibility that within Kachru’s
Outer circle there is now the emergence of varieties which have no history of contact or settlement,
thus justifying Gupta’s Monolingual Scholastic category.
Braj kachru’s Concentric Circle Model in 2010 has proven itself to be an archaic representation of the
spread and functions of English language globally. Built upon weak definitions and historical categories
that have long since broken; the model failed to cater for the expansions that globalisations would force
upon the English Language.
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