a draft report of my final thesis
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This is a draft of my final master's thesis. I would like to share this with you.TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Transport as stated in the words of Hoyle and Smith (1992) is “an epitome of the complex
relationships that exist between the physical environment, patterns of social and political activity
and levels of economic development.” This statement goes further to buttress the position of
scholars like Mabogunje (1989); Todaro (1989); and Barke and O’Hare (1984) that, ‘transport
systems provide a key to the understanding and operation of many other systems at many
different scales. At one extreme, intercontinental transport provides essential communication
between the advanced and developing world. At the other extreme, local transport to rural
markets in many parts of the third world is a vital component in changing dynamic socio-
economic structures.’
In fact, the debate over the relationship between transport and development is a long- standing
one, which continues to this day. In the midst of this long-standing debate, a United Nation’s
study by Voigt in 1967 claimed that transport is “…the formative power of economic growth and
the differentiating process.”
Regardless, Hoyle (1973) states that such statements are gross over-simplifications and
according to him, the transport and development relationship is essentially a two-way interaction
process, and the result of the interaction depends upon the type of economy involved and upon
the level of development at which the transport improvements are effected. At a given stage of
development, an area requires a certain level of transport provision in order to maximize its
potentials. The fact of the matter is, most developing countries lack safe, organized, and
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effective transport structures. Some of these countries, however, have acquired an appreciable
level of transport development which, when effectively managed, could help achieve a
significant level of development.
Most urban transportation problems that confront both developed and developing countries alike
are traffic movement and congestion, crowding on public transport, difficulties for pedestrians,
environmental pollution, accidents, and parking difficulties to mention only a few. Interesting
enough, the economically advanced nations have made giant strides and indeed have achieved
significant success in managing most of these problems. Of course, some developing countries
have also made significant efforts in solving some of these problems, but much work remains to
be done. One developing country that has made giant efforts towards managing traffic
congestion with remarkable success is Singapore. Their effort date as far back as 1975 and since
then their success story has become a model for many developing and developed nations alike.
Urban transport problems have serious consequences on socio-economic lifestyles of the general
public. Luggard (1922) stated as follows, ‘the material development of Africa may be summed
up in the one word, transport.’ This could hardly be stated more appropriately. It is therefore
disheartening to mention that the envisioned socio-economic development of Africa, especially
that of Ghana, is threatened by these urban transport problems. It is against this backdrop that
this work proposes to look into the concept of road pricing as an important transportation
management strategy used in removing and/or reducing traffic congestion in the metropolis of
Accra. The prospects and problems of applying this strategy in the Accra metropolis would form
the major focus of this research. Traffic movement and congestion continue to be a serious
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problem and as a result, it creates loss of precious man-hours and reduces productivity of both
the state and organizations. In Latin America, for instance, road transport accounts for more than
eighty percent of domestic passenger movements, and more than sixty percent of freight
movements (Estache et al, 2000:pp.235).
Road transport is also known to account for more than eighty-five percent of freight and
passenger movement in some countries such as Argentina and Brazil. In Sub-Saharan Africa
(SSA), including Ghana, it is estimated that roads carry 80 to 90 percent of the region’s
passenger and freight traffic (Heggie, 1994). Not only is the sector large, but it is growing
rapidly. In Asia, for instance, from 1984-1994 the road networks of Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia,
and Pakistan grew in length for more than five percent per annum. In Eastern Europe, countries
historically dominated by rail are now witnessing an increased demand for road transport. All
these increases have in no doubt contributed to the traffic congestion problem throughout the
world (Estache et al, 2000:pp.235).
Estache et al (2000:pp.235) stated that, because most road projects require investment with slow
amortization, many of these (road construction) projects will not generate sufficient demand to
make them self-financed through some type of user fee or toll. The road sector, they
acknowledged, will continue to be in the hands of the public sector, to a much larger extent than
the other transport activities. In addition, therefore, pricing decisions in this sector tend to be
influenced in many countries by strong trucking lobbies that aim at keeping cost recovery as low
as possible. However, fiscal crisis and competing demands from other sectors like health and
education are bringing changes in the extent of public- private partnership in the expansion and
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operation of road networks. Governments throughout the world, including many poor African
and South Asian countries are commercializing their operations to cut costs, improve user
orientation, and increase sector specific revenue (Estache et al, 2000). To this point, Ghana
cannot be left out of the picture.
The phenomenon of traffic congestion itself is the result of many complex factors, among which
is the proliferation of lower capacity vehicles such as private cars, taxis, and to a very large
extent mini buses known in Ghana as ‘tro-tro’ (converted small cargo vehicles into passenger
buses). Throughout the world, the concept of road pricing has been known to have two main
merits. First, it is known for the generation of revenue for the metropolitan authorities to fund
other road projects in the metropolis and/ or the country. And second, the concept of road pricing
is used for congestion management. This forms the basis of this work. This work examined some
of the problems of traffic congestion critically, and the vital role of road pricing in solving the
problem. This review is done, having in mind the objectives enshrined in the urban transport
policy reform document of Ghana, designed in the 1990s as well as the white-paper of the
proposed Ghana transport policy document currently underway. We have also taken into account
the Road Traffic Offences Regulations of 1974 that came out of the Road Traffic Ordinance of
1952. All these documents were meant to control and/ or check the human elements that are
likely to lead to the problem under investigation.
Some specific objectives enshrined in the documents mentioned above were meant to improve
accessibility of the urban community to places of residence, employment, education, leisure,
shopping and to other important amenities. Again, reference was made to the enhancement of
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the urban travel opportunities at affordable cost for the less mobile, including the urban poor;
non-vehicle owners; children; the elderly and the handicapped; and a host of others like the
opening of doors when cars are in motion; stopping of vehicles thirty feet near a junction; and
parking of vehicles on a road abreast of another motor vehicle. The researcher employed various
approaches to collect the relevant data for the study. Discussion and interpretations of the
findings took into account the conditions of the social milieu of the country, the global
occurrences, plus documents available in the transport sector (basically those on road
transportation).
1.2 Definition of Some Concepts in this Study
Road pricing: This is a type of arrangement where motorists pay directly for driving on a
particular roadway or in a particular area. There is the Manual Road Pricing Scheme, which
includes the following: Area Licensing Scheme (ALS) and the Road Pricing Scheme (RPS). The
difference between these two is that the former is paid upon entering a specific area-called
restricted zone (RZ) whilst the latter is paid upon traveling on an expressway. It should be noted
that the area-licensing scheme is where low occupancy vehicles are charged for entering
congested areas during rush hours or periods. This is usually aimed at reducing the number of
private cars during rush periods by encouraging the use of public transportation. For this system
to work effectively and successfully there should be adequate public transportation for handling
the extra demand that would be generated.
There is also what is currently known as the Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) system. The ERP
was basically introduced so as to make the system run faster and also to correct some of the
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shortcomings of the manual system. ERP therefore has three major groups of components. The
first comprises the In-vehicle Unit (IU) and the stored-value smart card. The second group
consists of the on-site ERP gantries, which include the antennae, vehicle detectors, and an
enforcement camera system that take pictures of the vehicles’ license plates as they drive through
the gantries. This group of components is linked to a controller on-site, and data collected are
transmitted to the control centre. The third group of components in an ERP system is the Control
Centre. This includes various servers, monitoring systems and a master clock to ensure timing at
all the ERP gantries are synchronized. All financial transactions are also processed here, before
they are sent to the bank for settlement by individuals. Again, violation images of offenders are
processed at this point, and letters are sent out to them. Therefore, the major difference between
manual and electronic road pricing lies in the fact that the former is human centered, whilst the
latter is technology based. The following are some of the various types of road pricing:
Congestion Pricing or Value Pricing; this refers to variable road pricing; a higher price under
congested conditions and lower prices at less congested times and locations. And, value pricing
is actually a marketing term that emphasizes that road pricing, can directly benefit motorists
through reduced congestion or improved roadways.
Cordon (area) Tolls; these are fees paid by motorists to drive in a particular area, usually a city
centre. Some cordon tolls only apply during peak periods, such as weekdays. This can be done
by simply requiring vehicles driven within the area to display a pass, or by tolling at each
entrance to the area or what is known simply as control points.
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Vehicle Use Fees; these are distance-based charges such as mileage fees that can be used to fund
roadways or to reduce traffic impact including congestion, pollution, and accident risks. Other
alternatives are what Lo et al (1996) and Armstrong-Wright (1986) referred to as area licensing,
parking restraints, user taxes, and vehicle licensing restraints. They were, however, quick to add
that, these do not directly affect the root cause of congestion.
Control Points; these are entry points into the described area. At these points, there would be
enforcement personnel who check the screens of the vehicles to see if they have displayed the
road pricing licenses authorizing them to enter the area during the rush hours as stated in earlier
paragraphs.
Optimal Use of Roadways; it is often times difficult to determine this concept. But for the
purpose of this work, the concept would be used to mean speeds on all CBD roads between
20km/hr and 30km/hr. For expressways, the speeds may be between 45km/hr and 65km/hr.
When speeds go above the upper limits, too few vehicles are deemed to be using the roads, and
hence the road space available is not being optimally used. On the other hand, when speeds fall
far below the lower thresholds one can say there is a problem of congestion because many
vehicles would be using the road, hence the need for action to be taken to maintain sanity, just as
in the case of the area selected for the study.
Optimal Average Speed; since in the Ghanaian case, there is not really a definition of the
concept, we refer here to the Singaporean definition, which means that on the expressways speed
has to be within the following range: 45-65km/hr. and, those of other streets should be within
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ranges: 20-30km/hr. This implies that if speed is lower than 45-65km/hr on the expressways,
there is congestion. But if speed exceeds 65km/hr, there is under utilization of the roadway. This
explanation also holds in the case of streets.
Throughput; this refers to the number of vehicles that can actually travel from one point to
another point during or within a given time period.
Table 1.1 summarizes these different categories of road pricing and their objectives. Some
provide revenues, some reduce peak-period congestion, some reduce total traffic impacts
(congestion, pollution, accident risks, road and parking facility costs, etc.), and some help
achieve a combination of objectives.
Table 1.1 Road Pricing Categories
NameDescription Objectives
Congestion
pricing (value
pricing)
A fee that is higher under congested
conditions than uncongested conditions,
intended to shift some vehicle traffic to other
routes, times and modes.
To raise
revenues and
reduce traffic
congestion.
Cordon (area)
fees
Fees charged for driving in a particular area. To reduce
congestion in
major urban
centres.
Road space
rationing
Revenue-neutral credits used to ration peak-
period roadway capacity.
To reduce
congestion on
major roadways
or urban centres.
Source: VTPI, 2006
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1.3 Some Assumptions Underlying this Study
The assumptions governing this study are as follows:
It is assumed that there cannot be any more physical extension in the roads/streets
defining the enclosed area for the research. And, even if there were any such extension in
any of such roads in the future, they could not accommodate the growing travel demand
of the people.
It is also assumed that with the coming into force of the road-pricing scheme, the
efficiency in the operations of the public transport sector (e.g. metro mass transport)
would be enhanced, as there would be more space available for them to provide reliable
service to the public.
The coming into force of the road pricing scheme is expected to discourage people from
using low capacity vehicles (e.g. private cars etc), and use the pubic transport thereby
cutting down on non-essential trips to the area in question.
1.4 Statement of the Problem
The problem that this thesis seeks to address is how road pricing can help reduce traffic
congestion within the Central Business District of Accra. The following questions can then be
asked: how should traffic congestion be effectively managed to bring about such transformations
needed in the human society? What are the challenges or the problems that are likely to be faced
when embarking on road price implementation? Again, what are the likely prospects of
implementing it?
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Pacione (2005, pp. 267) states as follows, “…the primary function of urban transport is to
provide mobility for people and goods within the city, but the efficiency with which this is
achieved is reduced by congestion”. Traffic congestion may simply be defined as a situation that
arises when road and rail networks are no longer capable of accommodating the movements that
occur on them (Turton et al, 1992). Yildirim (2001, pp. 3) also states that congestion is becoming
an inevitable part of everyday life in most metropolitan areas all over the world. He continued by
saying that, increasing population and wealth result in more automobiles than current
transportation networks can handle. Due to limited expansion possibilities of the transportation
network, congestion has increased drastically over the last decade.
The major cause of urban traffic congestion as identified by Pacione (2005, pp.267-268), “…is
the increasing number and use of vehicles on the roads. More specifically, it stems from the
concentration of travel flows at certain times during the day, with the principal reason for the
typical double-peak distribution of daily trips being the journey to and from work”. The
proliferation of low capacity vehicles such as taxis and ‘tro-tro’ or mini buses in the Accra
Metropolis have also contributed immensely to the problem. It must also be stated here that other
factors such as lack of proper road markings; narrowness of roads; and lack of necessary
intersections among others also contribute to the problem of traffic congestion in the Accra
Metropolis. Apart from the causes identified by Pacione above, other causes are the human
elements; for example lack of adequate pedestrian crossing points, drivers stopping anywhere
and anyhow in the network (at least in the Ghanaian case), selling/hawking in the streets, and
vehicles sharing the roads with pedestrians and, in some cases with animals.
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According to the Ministry of Transportation’s brochure on the Urban Transport Project; Concept
Design of the Accra Pilot Bus Rapid Transit System (BRT), the population of the Greater Accra
Metropolitan Area (GAMA) will double in the next 15-20 years. And this will be associated with
a continuing trend of reducing population density, expanding built up area, improvement in per
capita income, and an estimated five fold increase in car ownership. It was stated that, currently
more than 70% of major roads in Accra are congested and the picture is likely to get worse
should current trends continue.
The document also acknowledges that the available road space in the Metropolis is used in an
inefficient manner. For example surveys conducted in 2004 showed that more than 70% of the
motorized trips in Accra depended on some form of bus transport (trotro and large buses), but
this together utilizes just over 30% of the road space. Cars and taxis on the other hand carry less
than 30% of the person trips, but utilize almost 60% of the available road space in the
metropolis.
It is therefore sufficient to state that traffic congestion in the Accra Metropolis has become a
serious nuisance if not an obstacle that hinders peoples’ socio-economic development as well as
the productivity of the entire country. Statistics show there have been increases in the number of
registered vehicles throughout Ghana, and more specifically in the Accra Metropolis. The total
urban road network in the country as of 2005 stood at 5,504km. This comprises both paved and
unpaved roads. In the Accra Metropolis alone, a total of 775 kilometers of the urban road
network was paved; representing 54% of the total kilometers of road network in the Metropolis.
A total of 658 kilometers was not, however, paved during the same time frame- 2005. This figure
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(658km) represents approximately 46% of the total road network in the Metropolis of Accra
(Department of Urban Roads, 2006). This could also, although to a minimal degree, have effect
on the flow of traffic or movement.
Available data from the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority (DVLA) show that a total of
52,881 vehicles were registered in Ghana in 2000. Out of this figure, 23,021 were registered in
the Greater Accra Region (comprising the Accra Metropolitan Area, Ga District, Dangme West
and Dangme East) excluding the Tema Municipality. The Tema Municipal Area alone registered
a total of 13,400 vehicles in 2000. In 2001, there was a drop in the AMA figure to 18,092
representing a difference of 4,929. These numbers continued to rise and fall from 2002 to 2004
with an ending figure of 24,884 in 2005. These statistics clearly illustrate the unstable and
fluctuating number of registered vehicles.
In the year 2000, 27,552 private motor vehicles (PTE MV) with 2000 cubic capacity (CC) were
registered throughout the country. This figure was far more than the total number of registered
commercial motor vehicles (COMM MV) up to 2000 CC, which were only 5,104. In that same
year, however, the total number of registered buses and coaches stood at 5,469. In 2005, the
total number of PTE MV with 2000 CC stood at 22,949. Although this represents a drop in the
year 2000 figure, it nevertheless exceeded that of commercial motor vehicles, buses and coaches,
which stood at 6,686 and, 5,585 respectively. The table below shows these trends. It must be
noted here that, even though there were no figures available to the researcher concerning the
number of registered PTE MV; COMM MV; and Buses and Coaches solely for the Accra
Metropolitan Area for the period 2000 to 2005, the researcher estimates after a careful study of
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the figures that, the numbers for the AMA would be far greater than all other districts in Ghana
given the level of concentration of socio-economic activities in the area.
Table 1.2 Vehicles Registered in Accra District, and Registered Categories in Ghana.
Year PTE MV
Up to 2000cc
(Ghana)
COMM MV
Up to 2000cc
(Ghana)
Buses &
Coaches
(Ghana)
No. Of Registered Vehicles
in Accra
District
2000 27,552 5,104 5,469 23,021
2001 17,953 5,568 2,676 18,092
2002 18,512 6,015 2,601 20,884
2003 20,564 5,110 2,916 19,136
2004 20,333 7,642 4,882 21,458
2005 22,949 6,686 5,585 24,884
Totals 127,863 36,125 24,129 127,475
Source: Extracted from the DVLA compilations, 2005. NB: PTE MV ≡ Private Motor Vehicle. COMM MV ≡ Commercial Motor Vehicle. CC ≡ Cubic Capacity.
Clearly the increases in PTE MV contribute to the traffic congestion in the country; moreover the
Accra Metropolis nevertheless receives the greatest number of registered vehicles. This
phenomenon is partly attributed to the general increases in incomes and a lack of efficient public
transport system operations in the country’s capital city. Again, the availability of facilities such
as auto loans have led to the increase in private car ownership in the city of Accra. Regardless,
the fact still remains that the roads in the Metropolis still fall short of the travel demand of the
city dwellers, hence the problem of traffic congestion that has bedeviled the city for many years
now. This situation has led to loss of precious man-hours and general productivity over the years.
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In spite of these developments, road pricing for travels within urban areas has not been adopted
in this country, and in most urban areas in the world, especially in third world countries. In the
Accra Metropolis, there are hardly any toll roads. It is difficult to generate funds locally (or
domestically) for the road sector. In the face of these, traffic continues to increase on most of the
roads during peak-periods (as described in coming paragraphs). Road pricing, has basically two
merits; first, it helps generate revenue for the construction and maintenance of the roads.
Secondly, it helps to manage efficiently the problem of traffic congestion on the roads, and in
selected areas of a city.
As a management strategy, road pricing has an advantage of reducing peak-period vehicular
traffic as well as shift travels to other modes (if available) and times considered desirable. In
terms of revenue generation, road pricing has an advantage in producing funds and helps to
maximize revenue or recover specific costs. A typical example here is the Singaporean model
where road pricing was recorded to have reduced traffic volume by about 10 to 15 per cent
(Victoria Transport Policy Institute, 2006). It must be stated here that it is a painstaking strategy.
Although the Ghana Road Fund Act of 1997 recognizes the potentials of road tolls as part of the
strategy to support the Fund, it should be stated that such a mechanism is not widespread to
generate the needed funds required for the road sector even though demand for travel and car
ownership has greatly increased over the years.
1.5 Goals/Objectives of the Study
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The general aim of this study is to work towards unearthing the prospects and problems of
implementing road pricing in the Accra Metropolis as a measure to help reduce road traffic
congestion first in the Accra Metropolis, and possibly in other urban centres in Ghana. On a
more specific note, however, the study would work towards the attainment of the following
objectives:
to establish the connection between socio-economic variables (e.g. income levels) and
private car ownership;
to examine the relationship that may emerge between road pricing and the patronage of
‘tro-tro’/ mini bus and taxi;
to ascertain what the effects of road pricing would be on metro/public transport
patronage; and
to make recommendations to guide policy formulation and policy implementation
1.6 Propositions Underlying this Study:-the following propositions have been carefully
formulated to aid in the discussion of field data:
That a relationship may exist between road pricing and reduction in traffic congestion.
That reduction in the number of low capacity vehicles entering the study area may be a
function of road pricing.
1.7 Conceptual Framework
Figure 1.0 shows the structure of the problem and its various components. It also shows the
effects of road pricing on the various elements. The framework holds that rising incomes would
generally lead to an increase in car ownership and thus more car travel, and together with other
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factors such as population increases and urbanization, it is most likely that a further increase in
traffic congestion will occur, a situation that could only be described as chaotic.
The various consequences of the problem have also been shown in the diagram below (Fig. 1.0).
This would therefore result in less public bus travel hence higher bus fares and reduced services.
This situation, in the long run, is anticipated to lead to more car ownership; increases in car
travels; and more congestion. However, with the implementation of road pricing which is
anticipated to produce an efficient public transport system, there is the likelihood of achieving a
significant reduction in car ownership, and car travels, hence a concomitant reduction in
congestion, partly achieved through higher patronage of public transport. Below is the
diagrammatic representation of the framework.
Fig. 1.0 Showing the Relationship amongst the Various Components of the Problem
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Rising Income
SOURCE: Adopted and modified version of Pacione’s work (2005), pp. 271.
1.8 Justification/Rationale of the Study
During the last decade or so transport geography had shared with other aspects of the discipline
in a general swing towards ‘geography of relevance’ (Williams 1981, pp 22), quoted by
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More Car-Ownership
MoreCar travel
Congestion
Road Pricing
Difficulties for pedestrians and cyclists
Environmental Impact
Bus Delays and unreliability
Locational Change
Less bus Travel
Higher Bus Fares and Reduced Services
Road Pricing
Reduced
Reduced
Reduced
More Travel
Lower Bus Fares & Increased Services
Reduced Faster & Reliable
Farrington (1985). Farrington also states that, “…for the transport geographer this has included
for example the imperatives of defining and applying the concepts of accessibility, assessing the
role of transport in economic development and recognizing the environmental impact of
transportation. “First as geographers seeking a much more active role in the promotion of
human welfare” (Smith 1997, pp 1) and then as researchers offering explanations of such
activities, it is important that we take up the issue of road pricing and traffic congestion more
seriously as it ultimately borders on socio-economic development, and even on the politico-
cultural well-being of the citizens. In this spirit, this research tried to delve into the problem as
stated in previous paragraphs. Most of the literature available on transportation reveal a wide
spread belief in the importance of transport, and its efficiency in accelerating the developmental
process of a nation. Accordingly, the rationale of this work has been to bring to light the
prospects and problems one is likely to encounter in trying to implement road pricing in the
Accra Metropolis as a strategy to help reduce or curb traffic congestion in the metropolis.
The concept ‘Development’ still remains difficult to define in absolute terms. In this direction,
the perspectives of scholars such as Mabogunje, Addo and others should be taken seriously.
Mabogunje (1980) conceptualized development in modern times to mean socio-economic
transformation of society. Addo (1995) states as follows, “…it is pertinent to draw attention to
the view presently held by many scholars that development means something more than
economic growth (GNP) or economic development.” In this direction, for development to be
fully realized the researcher is of the view that people must have quick (or easy) access to their
places of work, residence, etc or in simple terms accessibility must be greatly improved to propel
us to develop more quickly. The question therefore is how should traffic congestion be
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effectively managed to bring about such transformations in the human society? What are the
challenges or the problems that are likely to be faced when embarking on such a journey of road
price implementation? Again, what are the likely prospects of implementing it? These questions
form the basis or rationale behind this work.
1.9 The Methodology adopted for the Study
This comprised sources of data collection, the sampling design or technique, the target
population, and methods of field data collection and analysis.
1.9.1 Sources of Data
Relevant data for this research were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The
former source called for the use of structured questionnaires as well as interviews. Focus group
discussion (FGD) technique was also used. Cassette recorder was mostly used in capturing what
was discussed. The information on the cassette was then transcribed and used in the analysis.
Participant observation technique was also employed in collecting some relevant information
about the target population. With regard to the secondary sources, a great deal of lesson was
drawn from textbooks, geographical and economic journals on transport, working papers and
reports. The Internet and other sources such as policy documents on transport were all used.
The outcome of the field investigations (i.e. questionnaire administration and interviews) has
been thoroughly discussed in chapters four and five. Questions relating to places where people
reside and where they work were also posed to the people and these have been carefully mapped
out to give a general idea of the routes along which people travel into and from the CBD. Other
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questions asked were; how education influences or affects peoples’ driving culture. To what
extent does this go to make people change their behaviour towards driving properly? Does
education matter at all when it comes to the issue of ability to own a car? And does this have
anything to do with the management and/ or control of traffic congestion on the roads in
question?
Data on the incomes of some respondents and the numbers of cars they have were also collected.
This information made it possible to draw a correlation between income levels and private car
ownership. Most of the interviews were done alongside the administration of the questionnaires
except in some few cases where we had to conduct interviews separately due to the absence of
key leaders or opinion leaders. The whole data collection exercise of this work lasted six months,
starting from November 2006 to April 2007. However, the real field data collection started from
January 2007 to April 2007 (refer to Appendix D).
1.9.2 Sampling Design
Owing to the heterogeneous nature of the population, a stratified sampling technique was used to
sub-group the population as follows: commercial vehicle operators (i.e. taxi and tro-tro); private
car owners; public transport operators (metro transport etc.); policy formulators (i.e. Ministry of
Road Transport, Department of Urban Roads, Accra Metropolitan Assembly); and the general
public or commuters. The respective percentages have been shown in the table. A simple
random sampling technique was employed to each of the above-mentioned sub-groups to arrive
at the target population, which amount to 210. For instance in selecting the 48 general
commuters out of the 210, the table of random numbers was used. Three-digit numbers were
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then read in the column of numbers. Hence the first 48 numbers in the column that had a value of
210 were written down. Each of these represents an individual in the 210 target population.
Table 1.3 below shows the distribution. The justification underlying this selection was to observe
the various responses from these different groups since road pricing scheme is bound to affect
them differently. This was also done to highlight the particular contributions of the different
groups and analyze them in a more scientific way. For instance it was necessary to give enough
sample size to the group of private car owners since road pricing is bound to affect them more
directly than other groups.
Table 1.3 Share of Target Population
SUB-GROUP SHARE PERCENTAGE
Commercial Vehicle
Operators
30 14.29
Private Car Owners/drivers 110 52.38
Public Transport Operators 20 9.52
Policy Formulators 2 0.95
General Public 48 22.86
TOTAL 210 100
Source: fieldwork 2006
1.9.3 Methods of Data Analysis
Data generated from the field for this study was analyzed using both descriptive and inferential
statistics. By descriptive methods of summarizing information, the researcher employed
techniques such as: percentage bar graphs, pie charts, frequency tables, and others such as
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standard deviation, to summarize the raw information gathered from the field. To establish the
relationship between a rise in income and car ownership, a simple correlation equation such as
the following; Yi = a +bXi, was used where ‘Y’ is the dependent variable (car ownership), and
‘X’ is the independent variable (income), ‘b’ is the gradient or slope of the line of best fit, and
‘a’ is known as the ‘Y’ intercept if ‘X’ is zero, meaning the point at which the line of best fit cuts
the Y-axis.
Using the Least Square Regression Line where the value of ‘b’ and ‘a’ can be mathematically
computed as has been shown in Appendix B, one can suitably run a regression for the afore-
stated variables (income and number of cars), and from this one can proceed to make a
prediction of the variables in question. In running a multiple regression the Queuing Analysis
could also have been used, but since all the factors that cause congestion do not have numerical
values- for instance human behaviour cannot be mathematically quantified- there was the need to
use only the quantifiable variables thus the income and number of cars in the case of this work.
Using the simple equation above (all things being equal) one could predict car ownership should
income levels be known in advance. Assuming that government had increased salaries of
workers in a particular year, we could then predict the number of people who are likely to own
cars, or people who are likely to acquire additional cars. In their simplest form, therefore,
correlation studies are used to investigate the possibility of relationships between only two
variables (like the one stated above), although investigations of more than two variables are
common. A correlation study then describes the degree to which two or more quantitative
variables are related, and this is done by using the correlation coefficient (denoted by r), which
22
could also be expressed in percentage termed the coefficient of determination (denoted by r2 ).
The computations of these have been shown in appendix B.
The calculation of ‘r’ is in many ways similar to the Pearson’s product-moment coefficient of
correlation. The correlation research technique used here was to fulfill basic purposes such as; to
explain positive or negative relationships between variables. The outcome of ‘r’ as we shall soon
see, aided by the computation of the significance level would help in explaining if the
relationship between the two variables -income and vehicle ownership- was strong enough to
make a well-built case with. It is important to note that, in the simple predictive model or
equation above, the Yi is known as the predicted variable on Y (also known as the criterion
variable) for individual i’s, Xi is known as the individual i’s variable on X (or the predictor
variable), and ‘a’ and ‘b’ are then values calculated mathematically from the original variables or
scores as have been demonstrated in Appendix B. Again, for any given set of data, ‘a’ and ‘b’ are
constants.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND RELATED ISSUES
2.1 Chapter Overview
23
This chapter attempts a critical review of some available literature on the subject under
investigation-road pricing. The researcher critically reviewed the experiences of Singapore, Oslo,
Trondheim, Bergen, London, California, and those of other places. One cannot complete a
review of a study on road pricing without considering the economic perspective of the subject.
For this and other reasons, the study also ventured into a review of the economic discourse on the
implementation of road pricing and its’ potential to reduce road traffic congestion. The study
also looked into some of the barriers to the implementation of road pricing in the selected
metropolitan cities as well as other issues that border on the applicability and/or
implementability of the scheme. Some related issues on the subject (for instance the World
Bank’s study report on road pricing, 2000) have also been discussed in this chapter. Furthermore,
the benefits and costs issues of road price implementation have also been discussed here.
2.2 Literature Review
Chin (2002) remarks as follows, ‘road pricing is an important component of Singapore’s overall
transportation strategy’. This is perhaps why they have been able to reasonably manage the
situation very well up to this day. According to him while road capacity continues to be
increased judiciously in Singapore to meet rising travel demand, the strategy also calls for
greater reliance on public transport usage and demand management. This is a demonstration that,
we need to support road pricing scheme with the other means of traffic congestion management
such as the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) project being proposed by the government of Ghana.
As part of a demand management strategy, Chin (2002) proposed the restraining of vehicle
ownership either through the imposition of high up-front ownership costs or restrictions on the
actual growth of the car population. The former type includes the custom duties and vehicle
24
registration fees, which amounted to almost one-and-a-half times that of the cars open market
value. This has somewhat been a policy in Ghana for some time now, but so far it has yielded
hardly any significant success in managing traffic congestion on our roads. The latter is managed
through a vehicle quota system. The other aspect of demand management that he also proposed
is to restrain vehicle usage through the levy, or a charge on motorists based on the quantity,
place, or time of the use of their cars. Generally, the more one uses his/her car, the more one has
to pay. Chin (2002) then declares that the road pricing schemes, petrol tax, diesel duty and
parking charges are measures in this category.
Pacione (2005) also asserted that in many countries road travelers pay to use intercity roads.
However, tolls for travel within urban areas have not been adopted widely enough. This is
nevertheless, the case in Ghana where even intercity tolls are very poorly organized, leading to
poor revenue mobilization as well as poor traffic control management systems. Chin (2002)
further concluded by saying that road pricing in Singapore has been effective in managing
congestion on roads in the central business district (CBD) since its inception in 1975 and in
recent years on expressways and other major roads outside the CBD. Technology, he noted, has
helped to make the expansion of the original road-pricing scheme possible and the authorities are
still keeping tab on new developments in road pricing technology to further enhance the present
system.
In a similar report produced by the Swedish National Road Administration (SNRA, 2002, pp. 3),
it was reported that the Swedish Parliament’s decision on the continued development in the
transportation system, emphasized adapting road pricing as a measure to providing a sustainable
25
transport system. The planning was based on sub-goals of that parliament’s transportation policy
and parliament’s vision of what they desired to achieve. The planning has to satisfy both the
needs of transportation and the ambition to accomplish sustainable solutions. New effective
combinations of established as well as new and untried policy measures and inputs must be
considered and used in order to attain stipulated goals in that country. In this respect, the SNRA
then made use of a method involving a four-step principle with a focus on gradual testing of
measures starting with “Soft” measures that affect the need of transportation, choice of mode,
and efficiency to evaluate the problem.
It was not until such measures have been found insufficient for solving the problem that other
measures such as new road constructions or improvements were taken into consideration. This
Swedish experience of stimulating the need of transportation, choice of mode and efficiency as
well as the construction of new transportation facilities and improvements in the quality of the
already existing ones (roads) have been the approach closest to the Ghanaian scenario for some
time now. For instance, in the latest drafted National Transport Policy document (called the
Green Paper), all the kilometers of roads that have been constructed from 2000 to 2005 was
stated. This was perhaps done to emphasize the fact that the nation believes in the construction of
new road infrastructure as well as in improving existing ones as a mechanism in reducing traffic
congestion that have bedeviled our cities for a very long time, which we can say, is in many
ways similar to the Swedish case although the purpose might also be to maintain the road
network or infrastructure for future generations.
26
In Ghana the most dominant carrier of freight and passengers is the land transport system. The
Ghana National Transport Policy paper stated that in 2000 Ghana had an extensive road network
of 42,000 kilometers. In 2001 the figure stood at 50,000 kilometers, and by the end of 2005 it
stood at 60,000 kilometers. In 2004, 36 percent of roads were rated good, 27 percent were rated
fair, and 37 percent poor. These were improvements over previous years. In 1997 for example, it
was envisioned that roads could be improved to 70 percent good, 20 percent fair, and more than
10 percent poor by 2002, but these targets were not achieved. As mentioned in the same draft
document, improvement works on the roads have increased gradually. The sad aspect is that the
Ghanaian government would have to rely on borrowed funds to support the construction as well
as the improvement of the road network. The other aspect of the problem is due largely to
unplanned expansion and lack of local construction capacity and skills. Therefore, in many cases,
the cost of construction is too high and the roads are left to deteriorate until such time that funds
become available for the construction works to begin.
Congestion as indicated in the National Transport Policy document is a growing problem
creating costs to our economy, pollution, and higher risk for traffic accidents. There are
institutions in place to address the various needs and issues of our transport system, but our
transport agencies have prepared separate, mode-focused policies, which have not been
beneficial in a lot of ways. On the other hand, they served their purposes in the traditional
planning processes in the country. The Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy II (GPRS II), which is
to cover the period 2006 to 2009, is to accelerate the growth of the economy so that the country
can achieve middle income status within a measurable time period. And, in line with the
transport objectives for fulfilling the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
27
visions which are: - to reduce delays in cross-border movement of people, goods and services; to
reduce waiting time in ports; to promote economic activity and cross border trade through
improved land transport linkages and; to increase air passenger and freight linkages across
Africa’s sub-regions, the Government of Ghana, which is the provider of transport infrastructure
and to an extent provider of transport services and a regulator and controller in the field has
launched the Urban Transport Project aimed at saving the sector from further collapse.
The Ghana Urban Transport Project meant to improve transportation in the country, and help
develop a framework for Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) to plan,
regulate and manage urban transportation is a welcome news. The key objectives of the project
as stated are:
Improve mobility in areas of participating MMDAs through, a combination of
traffic engineering measures, management improvement, regulation of the public
transport industry, and implementation of the Bus Rapid Transport (BRT) system.
Promote a shift to more environmentally sustainable urban transport modes and
encourage lower transport-related GHG emissions along the pilot BRT corridor in
Accra.
The expected outcome of the investments on the pilot BRT corridor are; to reduce average travel
time for bus passengers, increase average travel speed for all traffic, increase productivity of bus
services (passenger share of large buses) and ultimately to reduce carbon dioxide (C02) emissions
along the pilot BRT corridor in Accra. But as has always been the case, we face a number of
challenges (policy-wise) towards planning and developing our road network. Funding for this
very project is coming from both Ghana’s development partners and the government, but the
28
bulk of the funds are coming from the former. This has always been the case. However, as stated
in the “Green Paper” now the “White Paper”, we must address a system of user charges that will
help raise revenues to cover maintenance, improvement works, and expansion costs. The Traffic
Engineering, Management and Safety component of the BRT under the Urban Transport Project
also spells out the need to deal with congestion; and road pricing, if adopted, could help fulfill
these aspirations.
According to the SNRA (2002) report, road pricing in urban areas is an interesting measure for
solving and/or managing the problem of traffic congestion in most urban areas. It would be
observed that the Swedish Parliament had also, by their action, opened an opportunity for the
implementation of road pricing in interested municipalities and regions. The government, as
stated by the report, had asserted at the time that, this issue would be dealt with if there was a
proposal to implement road pricing as part of the strategy to help solve road traffic congestion
and related environmental, social and economic problems. This is a demonstration of the
commitment needed from policy formulators to get the scheme going. If Ghana is to use such a
scheme in solving the problem of congestion in Accra, one needs to see these actions
crystallizing in order to pave the way for successful implementation of such a programme.
In this direction, the SNRA (2002) report as well as other works may form the basis upon which
we should build the discourse in the Ghanaian context. The Ghanaian case is in many ways
similar to those of many other areas where road pricing has been adopted and/or tried or even
considered for many years now. The Ghanaian urban population is growing at quite an alarming
rate. The Greater Accra Region for instance, has remained the most densely populated region in
29
the country since the 1960s (Ghana Statistical Service report, 2002). The Population density has
increased from 167 persons in 1960 to 441 persons in 1984 and to 895.5 persons per square
kilometer as at 2000.
The Region’s intercensal growth rate of 4.4 per cent between 1984 and 2000 is much in excess of
the national average of 2.7 per cent per annum and this implies a doubling time of 16 years
(Ghana Statistical Service report, 2002). The total numbers of registered vehicles (both
commercial and private) as illustrated under the problem statement of this work are on the
increase. There is also pollution of our urban environment on daily basis as a result of an
increase in vehicle ownership due to increase in incomes and the consequent long queues that
occur on the roads. As mentioned earlier, most of the roads in the urban areas are also narrow.
Extensions can rarely be made possible as a result of the nature of the land use (i.e. location of
departmental stores, food stalls, residences, etc along the roads), and due to the difficulties in
raising adequate funds towards such projects.
The SNRA (2002) report stated that road pricing is still an untried measure in Sweden although
there are several theoretical calculations concerning its viability. The same can also be said about
other countries as well. The effects of road pricing on traffic; environment; business; housing;
and location together with the charges’ distributive effects and socio-economic consequences
cannot be contested. Many authorities in this field including transport geographers for several
years have conducted researches into the effects of road pricing on, for example, residential
location patterns. It is worth mentioning that this has been the situation in many places (both
developed and developing nations alike). However, the SNRA (2002) report states that when the
30
issue of road pricing was debated, there were many questions on its sustainability. Therefore,
countries seeking and/or wanting to adopt road pricing should consider the issue of
sustainability.
What one should therefore note is that, the Swedish and other case studies throughout the globe
are also reports of principal reasoning, calculations of concrete proposals and practical
experiences by experts. As published by the SNRA’s report (2002), in some cases in particular
when it comes to distributive effects, scientists do not quite agree on many of the issues. And, as
acknowledged by the same report, there are quite a number of studies concerning the calculated
effects of proposed road pricing systems; some of which have never been realized. It is therefore
appropriate for all to study these cases well enough, before making any attempt at
implementation.
Yildirim (2001, pp.3) states that increasing population and wealth results in more automobiles
than current transportation networks can handle. This observation by Yildirim is very much in
tune with issues raised in the study’s conceptual framework. He further states that due to limited
expansion possibilities of the transportation network, congestion has increased drastically over
the last decade. Vehicle ownership in Ghana has increased, and would continue to increase in
coming years and this calls for better planning of facilities.
Arnott and Small (1994) estimate that one third of the vehicular movement occurs in congested
areas in 39 metropolitan areas of the United States with a population of one million or more.
They state that even without taking into account the additional factors such as lost work and
31
leisure time, health problems, stress, discomfort, cost of extra fuel, accidents, and air pollution,
the annual cost of driving in congested areas is around 48 billion dollars or 640 dollars per driver
in the USA. These figures make the problem of traffic congestion serious and very threatening
when nothing is done about it.
Interestingly enough, there has not been any quantitative appraisal of losses caused by
congestion in the Ghanaian situation as at the time of conducting this research. However, there
are significant annual loses in terms of the nations’ Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as well as in
social terms which most players in the field acknowledge. In most areas where the concept of
road pricing has been adopted, Yildirim explains that traffic planners often charge users in order
to restrain the number of travelers on the transportation network. By charging the users,
transportation planners try to achieve several objectives (Yildirim, 2001). Some of these
objectives enumerated by Lo et al (1996) and May (1986) as quoted in Yildirim’s thesis are: cost
recovery for planning, construction, operation, and maintenance of the network. This type of
objective is widely used by many transportation agencies to recover costs of building new
highways, tunnels, and bridges. In the context of congestion pricing, users can be charged by the
operation agencies to the extent of the congestion that they are causing on the transportation
network. An example the authors cited was the case of a privately owned toll road along side
SR-91 in Orange County, California.
Whilst agreeing that the Orange County case study is feasible, this might not necessarily hold in
the Ghanaian context. The Ghanaian situation calls for a completely different approach, while
drawing from the experiences of other parts of the world. As acknowledged earlier, we do not
32
have that huge traffic volume as compared to other places (like the developed nations) but what
makes the Ghanaian case alarming and urgent, is the inability to embark on physical extension
on the roads due to lack of adequate road space and funding vis-à-vis increase in vehicle
ownership which results in the complexity of other factors like loss in productive time etc.
The other objective why transport planners find it necessary and pertinent to charge road users is
the retrieval of negative externalities. The users of the roads are expected to pay not only the
direct cost including fuel and travel time but also the cost that they impose on others such as
additional congestion and travel delay that drivers create, air pollution and accidents amongst
others. All such additional costs are found to be negative externalities as the economists and
other players in the field (e.g. the transport geographers) term them.
The last reason why planners would like to charge users of roads is for demand management.
According to Arnott and Small (1994), when the use of the transportation resources is not
efficient (that is to say when some parts of the network are over congested compared to other
points), those segments can be tolled or priced in order to shift the demand from the over utilized
areas to other less congested roads. This they acknowledged might increase the overall efficiency
of the system. It is in this direction that this work is investigating the traffic congestion problems
in the Central Business District of Accra in order to observe the prospects as well as the
problems of using a road pricing scheme. It is hoped that if this traffic management strategy
coupled with others are adopted and tailored towards the need of the Ghanaian scenario, the
problem of daily traffic congestion that have bedeviled our roads would be resolved to a large
extent.
33
As Yildirim (2001) acknowledged, the significant contributions that road pricing could make
towards the reduction of traffic congestion cannot be over emphasized. The focus of his thesis
was on road pricing, which he states, is a traffic management tool that can be employed to charge
individuals based on the time, distance, and congestion level of the links they are using. He, for
example, mentioned the Marginal Social Cost Pricing (MSCP) tolls, which can be used to charge
the users of the roads for the negative externalities they impose on others. According to him, the
Marginal Social Cost Pricing (MSCP) toll is the most common form of road pricing and this is
what most economists term the First Best Pricing.
Yildirim further states that there have been several attempts to implement road-pricing projects.
Some of these attempts were successful while others failed because of strong public opposition.
He therefore acknowledged that the most important thing in the implementation phase has to do
with the public acceptance of the subject and it is only appropriate for a study of this nature to be
conducted to make the issues come into the public domain as well as to inform government
decision-making. In this direction, Yildirim’s suggestion becomes very relevant. He states that
users of the road should be informed and be persuaded that tolling the road will make life much
easier in terms of congestion and public transportation.
2.3 The Economists’ Perspective on Road Pricing
Economics, in the words of Hibbs (2003), is all about human behaviour in circumstances of
scarcity. In other words, how we humans behave and/or are likely to behave when confronted
34
with the realities of scarcity. “Anything not scarce has no price” (Hibbs, 2003). Therefore, by
bargaining with prices this represents relative scarcity.
Hibbs (2003) stated that bargaining takes place in a market which may be physical but which for
most purposes is the set of cash relationships that exist in a community that may be larger or
smaller and is increasingly worldwide. He further explains that the function of the market and
the aim of economic policy is to achieve two essential objectives; ‘the efficient allocation of
scare resources of all kinds combined with the satisfaction of effective consumer behaviour’.
Yildirim (2001) also acknowledges that economic theory argues that to achieve economic
efficiency in the market, the price of the good or service should be at its full cost to society. It is
important to indicate here that the type of efficiency being discussed by these two authors is
quite different from the understanding of other experts. They are here referring to economic
efficiency. In this direction, economic efficiency is not used in the same way as an engineer or
as a doctor may understand the term. What is efficient in economic terms is best described as
what is optimal (Hibbs 2003). Economic efficiency is balancing all the expressions of demand
that are shown by our decisions in the market. Effective demand on the other hand, implies a
demand backed up with purchasing power and willingness to pay.
Drawing from the above discussions it is important for one to know that transport is a user of
land – one of the factors of production alongside labour and capital. And, the relative scarcity
of land is reflected in its price. While there may appear to be plenty of land, price always
reflects the strength of demand. In other words, land is a scarce resource based on price and
demand. As acknowledged by Hibbs (2003) in the following quotation: “The interaction of
35
demand and supply means that the scarcity of land is at its greatest in cities and towns and its
lowest in rural areas.” As urban and transportation geographers and above all, as planners, this
should be of major concern to us.
Hibbs (2003) again stated that this scarce commodity, called, land is desired by a wide range of
users including transport. For example, land is desired for housing; industrial and commercial
uses; construction of hospitals; and other medical facilities; religious buildings; entertainment
and educational facilities; and open spaces (i.e. car parks, playing fields, cemeteries, etc) among
others.
Hibbs (2003) further explains that not all of the uses mentioned above lend themselves to the
pricing of land, and that is, of-course the way in which the market turns to allocative efficiency.
Public parks in London would never be used if there had to be an entry price. Public libraries and
many museums are also free at the point of use, and as with parks and open spaces, this reflects a
general agreement that some things should be available for use in this way, for the general
benefit of the community.
The obvious question, one is likely to pose, is why then should the transport industry fall under
the pricing system? As Hibbs (2003) states, the fact that land for transport is essential for the
functioning of the city does not give it the right to any special priority within the general pricing
system, but leaves it in competition with all other users of the land as a scarce commodity, the
degree of scarcity varying with the concentration of demand and other factors. He further stated
that the market for land, though, is highly imperfect, and roads, as users of land, have no value in
36
the market since no one owns them. This is as a result the problem of opportunity cost of public
open space being one example, and one of the most serious weaknesses that arises in the
equation.
The situation therefore leads to what experts termed externalities or simply the external costs.
External costs in simple terms are all costs, which appear hidden and do not appear in a
company’s balance sheet and/or profit and loss account at the end of each year (Hibbs, 2003).
For example, a car, by burning petrol or diesel for energy emits pollutants that make the
surrounding fresh air ‘expensive’ in terms of the health hazards it poses to the public. Other
forms of environmental pollutions associated with the transport industry may be the following:
noise, visual intrusion, local air pollution, and the disposal of condemned/obsolete vehicles, each
of which imposes disutility upon people who suffer from their impacts. Accordingly, therefore,
all these costs are imposed on individuals but they are very difficult to be quantified or
measured. Another type of these external costs may be the consequences of accidents, the direct
impact of emissions on the environment (global warming, the depletion of the ozone, the direct
incidence of acid rain), and the emission of toxins which leads to poor health and actual
sicknesses, all of whose costs are left to go unpaid.
Hibbs’ (2003) statements and explanations are very much similar to that of Yildirim (2001). The
latter author for instance states that the social cost of travel includes both private and external
costs. The private costs, he said are direct such as gasoline costs, travel time, and automobile
users. The external costs too, he stated are those that travelers impose on other people such as
congestion, travel delays, air pollution, and accidents. Yildirim (2001) further explains that for
37
as long as these externalities remain under priced or even not paid for as also identified by Hibbs
(2003), the road network is then not used efficiently. Hibbs (2003) also confirmed that these
external costs are contributive factors to congestion on the network and it should be borne in
mind that this problem of traffic congestion is not peculiar to only advanced nations, but
developing nations as well, hence the need to take pragmatic steps to solve the problem.
Yildirim (2001) quoted the following authors; Pigou (1920), Armstrong-Wright (1986), Luk and
Chung (1997), and Arnott and Small (1994), all of whom recommended Marginal Social Cost
Pricing (MSCP) tolls as the best form of road pricing that is equal to the negative externalities
imposed on other users in order to have an efficient utilization of the transportation network,
since economic theory argues that to achieve economic efficiency in the market the price of a
good, or a commodity, or a service should be at its full cost to society. The case made by these
authors is justified to a large extent. The question still remains whether transportation facilities
should continue to be provided free of charge to society? Should traffic congestion also be
allowed to continue to be an impediment to movement and to development? For this and other
reasons, one must do a critical analysis of the situation and come out with the best practice to
solve the problem.
To put the concerns expressed by economists more diagrammatically, let us take a look at the
relationship between demand for travel and price as demonstrated in the figure below. This was
adopted from Yildirim’s work.
Fig. 2.0: Supply-Demand Equilibrium in Traffic Networks.
Marginal Cost
38
Gen
eral
ized
C
ost p
er T
rip
Trip
Average Cost
M CB
B CC C
CA A
Demand
tS tU Number of Trips
Source: Yildirim (2001)
The demand curve illustrates how much road users are willing to pay for road use. The area
below the demand curve is the total user benefits gained for the road travel. Yildirim (2001)
explained that an individual user entering the road would face only the cost he or she bears
which is usually a combination of vehicle operation costs and the cost of travel time. The cost, he
said, rises with the number of trips, while congestion increases the travel time and decreases
vehicle operating efficiency and travel speeds.
However, the marginal costs represent the effects of adding one extra vehicle or trip to the traffic
flow. Marginal costs include all private costs plus external ones such as delays, pollution, and
accidents. He went on and explained that the extra user affects all other users and the marginal
cost is always higher than the average cost. When the road demand approaches the capacity of
the road, there is a substantial increase in both travel time and delays to other vehicles.
39
In figure 2.0 above, according to Yildirim (2001), users have an incentive to take the next trip
until the total demand‘t’ reaches ‘tU’. For‘t’ < ‘tU’ the benefit gained is less than the cost
incurred. In his estimation, when there is no incentive for the next user to take the trip i.e.
demand is at ‘tu’, the system reaches user equilibrium. However, at this demand level, economic
efficiency in the market is not yet achieved, and when the level of road use is equal to ‘tS’, the
marginal social cost of road travel is equal to the marginal user benefit given by the demand
curve. At point ‘ts’ the economic efficiency is now achieved and this is known as the system
optimal point. In order to have the user equilibrium at ‘ts’, economists argue that the users
should be charged a toll in the amount CB - CA, which is called the MSCP toll.
Yildirim (2001) further explains that the MSCP tolls are optimal in the sense of changing user
behaviour to system optimal behaviour. This makes MSCP tolls one of the most popular tools
for road pricing application. It is no wonder that MSCP tolls achieve the optimal utilization of
the transportation system. And, it should be noted that optimization refers to the economic
efficient use of the network. The issue of pricing the road could not have been stated more
accurately than in these words of John Hibbs (2003, pp.66):
“Despite the beneficial tendency of the market to bring about economic efficiency and the
satisfaction of effective demand, the transport industry, like any other, is subject to a
range of weaknesses that interfere in the process. These are largely the results of
circumstances of which the normal costing and pricing decisions cannot or do not take
account. So the costs and benefits involved are not brought to book. It is desirable that
these externalities be internalized as far as possible in the interest of efficiency and
40
effectiveness, and one major step in this direction would be to introduce a charge or
price for the use of the roads. Other externalities such as pollution, accident costs, and
consequences for the environment more generally may prove more difficult to deal with
and this gives rise to pressure for intervention and statutory control…” (Hibbs, 2003.
pp.66)
In spite of the widely accepted economic position on this subject, there is however some
disagreement among some economists and other experts. The economist Crew (1969) disagreed
strongly with Tipping on his view about road pricing and its potential effect on reducing
congestion. The position of Tipping as quoted by Crew is as follows:
“It seems reasonable to suppose that sooner or later (depending on the elasticity of
demand and the valuation of time etc.) roads will become just as congested as they were
before the pricing system was introduced. Road users would then be demonstrating their
willingness to consume a service at the “cost” of providing it. Market forces in other
words would be operating to secure an optimal resource allocation, but what about the
rest of the population? There is no market in which they can purchase what they may
need; namely, protection from the undesirable features of motor traffic” (Crew, 1969).
Crew (1969), explains that Tipping’s conclusion as stated in the above quote on the scope of
road pricing is very much in opposition to the view held by most economists. He stated that first,
the analysis provided by Tipping is incorrect, and secondly that Pareto optimal solution for roads
depends on pricing and the state of the law.
41
Crew further explains that Tipping’s idea that “the roads will become just as congested as they
were before the pricing scheme was introduced” is based on the view that the system cannot be
expanded and the misconception that once a price is derived it will never be changed. On this,
Crew explained that if demand for road space increases the marginal social cost of congestion
(e.g. pollution, accidents, etc.) will increase and the price will be raised in equality with this.
Crew also observed that Tipping’s concern on the need to protect the population from “…the
undesirable features of the motor traffic…” is undoubtedly an important point. However, in
pointing out the problem, he goes too far in casting doubt on the applicability of road pricing in
this case. It is now proposed to show that road pricing will play an integral part in the solution to
this problem. The solution depends on optimal pricing within the framework of the law. Crew,
therefore proposed that, two polar liability rules should be adopted in the case of automotive
travel-that the automobile users shall be liable in damages for all or none of the effects of its
operations. It is then left to the government to choose or decide on a set of liability rules
between these two extremes. A different Pareto optimum, he said, corresponds to each and every
liability rule. Hence, the choice is now left to the government on which liability rule to adopt and
then use pricing to attain the Pareto optimum.
This position Crew observed was quite different from what Tipping was saying. Tipping says:
“…pricing can then be used to achieve this chosen level of traffic”. Crew, however, stated that
the government cannot just decide upon some level of traffic and price to get this if they wish to
attain a Pareto optimum without deciding upon a liability rule, and once this is decided upon,
pricing can be used to attain the Pareto optimum, not some arbitrary level of traffic.
42
To sum up, the economic discussions on the subject at stake demonstrates the potentiality of road
pricing in reducing traffic congestion in the transportation network. Nevertheless, there remain
some questions to be answered since there are disagreements and/or disenchantments among
certain economists. But one cannot doubt the potentialities of road pricing in checking traffic
congestion as well as helping governments finance new transportation networks and creating
public transportation amongst others.
Christainsen (2006) also observed that elementary economics teaches us that an excess demand
of a good or service can be eliminated if its price is raised sufficiently high. According to him the
demand for roadway use is no different. He observed that chronic traffic congestion indicates
that there is an excess demand for roadway use, but in most cases, there is no explicit price
charged for driving on streets and highways. Christainsen (2006) remarked that, gasoline (or
fuel) taxes may just mildly discourage driving (like in our case in Ghana, fuel taxes do not deter
people from acquiring vehicles and driving), but these fuel taxes, as acknowledged by the author,
do not charge vehicles according to time and place. Roadways, the author observed, may be
mostly free of vehicles at some times and places, but they may be extremely congested at other
times and locations.
Christainsen (2006) observed further that traffic patterns might change over the years. Road
pricing offers the possibility of targeting specific thoroughfares at specific times for more
intensive traffic congestion. If the prices charged bear a reasonable relationship to the supply and
demand for roadways, there are also payoffs with respect to information about driver preferences
and road construction. He acknowledged for instance that if prices are so high, some users might
43
decide to car-pool, change time of their travel, or use an alternative form of transportation. In
short, a higher price is an indication to travelers to consider changing their behaviours, but the
people involved make their decisions based on their own information about circumstances of
time and place.
Christainsen (2006) further observed that some travelers may have close neighbours who
commute to the same general place or area at about the same time and may prefer to carpool.
Others may not know their neighbours very well, or their neighbours may commute to other
locations. In the presence of a higher price, some may prefer another form of transportation, and
some people may still not, but continue to drive in their own cars, but can take another route. He
intimated that, others cannot, and in the long run, some people may even change their residence.
Others, however, would still prefer to stay put. By contrast, a decision by public authority to set
aside a highway lane for carpool during rush hours presupposes that a certain amount of
carpooling is an appropriate response to the existence of traffic congestion (Christainsen, 2006).
The car-pool lane, he argued, may be underutilized, and the congestion problems of the other
highway lane may actually worsen because most drivers are now denied access to one of the
lanes.
The central issue, is whether it is better to rely on the information available to a relatively
handful of public officials, who then make decisions for everyone else, or to just establish a
market price to which thousands of people can respond on their own information. The fact here
is that, the potentials of road user pricing in curbing the congestion menace on our roads remain
incontestable.
44
2.4 The Geography of Road Pricing Around the Globe
There have been several attempts to implement road pricing in many metropolitan cities around
the globe. The oldest of such attempts is the Singaporean example in June 1975. The
Singaporean experience has become associated with road pricing by most researchers, planners,
as well as players in transportation. Since 1975, many changes have been made to this scheme.
Initially the scheme started with a manual (paper license) scheme where paper permits were
issued out to motorists, but over the past thirty-one years it has evolved into an electronic system
that operates almost throughout the day charging motorists for as many times that they drove
pass a gantry.
Singapore with a population of 3,665,920 (a little bit more than that of the city of Accra) and
with a total vehicle number in the city of approximately 707,000 and the city’s size covering a
total of 647.5 square kilometers lost one-third of its potential city products due to travel delays
amongst other things (Victoria Transport Policy Institute, 2006). When the government in 1975
under the leadership of the then Prime Minister- Lee Kuan Yew realized the situation, they began
to enforce an area-licensing scheme for restraining traffic volumes. The road pricing scheme
combined with other vehicle fees (such as custom duties, taxes on petrol, etc.), and the limitation
placed on the number of vehicles in Singapore significantly reduced traffic and reduced air
pollution. Owing to the success that the first scheme achieved, the plan to implement the scheme
on all of Singapore’s major highways was brought to the table. For similar implementation,
however, Yildirim (2001) stated that certain prerequisites such as public acceptability,
appropriate technical features, and complementary transport strategies have to be met. The
45
Swedish National Road Administration (SNRA, 2002) which the national authority assigned the
overall sectorial responsibility for the entire road transport system also stated that Singapore was
the first country to implement a type of area-based system which is considered by many as the
first road pricing model in the world. The SNRA (2002) report remarked that by the fall of 1998
it was made a completely automatic system called the Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) system.
SNRA (2002) further stated that the background for implementing road pricing in Singapore was
the high exploitation of land and rather high standard of living, and these factors made traffic
restrictions necessary. The purpose of implementing such a system as stated by the reports was
to regulate traffic in order to improve accessibility of the general public. The basis for the charge
was to achieve a target speed that gave improved accessibility. If the average speed drops, the
fees that one paid for using the roads as identified by the report increases and vice versa. The
fees are quarterly reviewed, and specified on electronic billboards at every gate. The
environmental components of the fee did not, however, commence with the introduction of the
system until the year 2001.
Again, on the Singaporean experience, electric and hybrid vehicles pay lower fees. The charges
vary between different locations, types of vehicles and hours. The revenue generated from the
system went into national accounts and is not distinguished from other state revenues. The state,
region, and the municipality being one and the same facilitated the political process for the
smooth implementation of road pricing and use of the revenues. Singapore’s road pricing
represents a model for many cities across the world, but one needs to device a system that suits
their own conditions and also acceptable by it’s citizens.
46
Norway introduced road pricing in three of its urban centres. These are Oslo, the city of
Trondheim and Bergen. In 1986 Bergen became the first city in Norway to charge on existing
roads to finance new infrastructure. Eighty percent of the revenue realized from this toll system
was used to extend the road network, and the remaining twenty percent was used to improve the
city’s public bus or transport system. This is so different from the Oslo case, as the purpose of
the Oslo toll system was solely to finance new investments in the road network that otherwise
would have taken too long to complete.
In Bergen’s experience the toll only applies on weekends (daytime), which is not surprising,
because the most affected areas where traffic begins to build up is during the day. As was the
case in the Singaporean model, the Bergen city toll system also started operating as a manual
scheme, but was latter changed to the electronic system. SNRA (2002) reported that the
agreement by the city authorities of Bergen was originally planned to last until the turn of the
year 2002, but it has been prolonged for another ten years with the possibility of an additional ten
year extension.
Oslo’s Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) system was launched in 1990. The reason for introducing
this policy was simply due to the increasing road congestion during the 1980’s. The purpose of
the Oslo road toll system was to finance new investments that otherwise would take too long to
complete. Accordingly, the Norwegian Parliament took a resolution to contribute with half their
financing. The remaining fifty percent of the required funds, as stated by the SNRA (2002)
report was to be covered by the road toll revenues for the period 1990 to 1997. As stated by this
47
report, the emphasis of the Oslo example was on new road construction, and the purpose of the
new roads and passages was a transfer of traffic and thus alleviation of the situation in the central
part of the city.
Following this development a ring of 19 toll stations were set on all roads leading into central
Oslo. The payment was either an electronic or manual or through coin drops, but as at today,
most of the vehicles in Oslo pay electronically. There is a 24-hour charge for vehicles (except
emergency vehicles, scheduled buses, and motor cycles). It is interesting to note that as at 2002,
the fee was 15 NOK, and the cost for a monthly pass was around 400 NOK. Heavy trucks pay a
double fee. The tolls were to be revoked in 2007, but now a second period is being discussed
and will include more investments in public transport. What this, therefore, means is that the tolls
might remain for a longer time than it was originally planned. In the Oslo case, one reason to
extend or prolong the period of the toll system is that there is not enough time to finish the
investments stated in the first package and that new investments are now being discussed
(SNRA, 2002).
It should be stated here that in both cities’ experiences (i.e. Oslo and Bergen), there seems to
have been room for physical extension in the network, and there was a room to provide new road
investments, but in the case of Accra central, where the attention of this study is directed, there
can hardly be any physical extension in the network owing to the current land use. Under these
and other constraints, however, the most feasible solution or appropriate measure is to use part of
the revenues that would be generated from such a scheme to provide new investments in the road
network. Again, investments should also be made in public transport systems to cater for the
48
urban and rural poor (i.e. to provide Metro Mass Transport which is currently in operation across
the country). By so doing, there would be alternative means (or modes) for both motorists and
the general public as a whole.
The city of Trondheim in Norway is also known to have adopted the road-pricing scheme since
the year 1988. The city of Trondheim has a population of 140,000 (VTPI, 2006). The interesting
thing to note is that the figure is much less than the population of Accra. Trondheim’s road
pricing charging area is approximately 4km by 6km. It is worth mentioning that Trondheim had
the world’s first electronic road pricing scheme for entering a city, and a total of seven toll zones.
Subsequently, this later came to be known as the Trondheim toll ring.
As was the case in Oslo and in Bergen, the purpose of the Trondheim scheme was to finance new
road infrastructure. However, part of the revenue was also used to finance public transportation,
environmental measures, and passages for pedestrians and bicycles were to be provided free of
charge to city dwellers. In the city of Trondheim, over 80% of those using the system have
transponders on their windshield (SNRA, 2002). At the same time, there were also payment
machines and a few manned stations. As far back as 2002, the charge was 15NOK per gate
passage. A monthly subscription was discounted by 20 to 50%. There was no extra charge for
additional passengers within the same hour (SNRA, 2002). According to this same report fees
applied between the hours of 6am and 6pm in the city of Trondheim and the charge is lower
during off peak hours. Again, it was stated in the report that there were ongoing trials as at the
same time with ten differentiated fees to control traffic levels, although this is limited by the
49
existing legislation during that time. The ultimate aim of the Trondheim system is to achieve a
transition to a road-pricing scheme that controls traffic when the present agreement expires.
Trondheim therefore implemented what became known as ‘toll ring’ that surrounds the city’s
downtown area. The ‘toll ring’ has 12 toll stations and uses a total of 35 lanes. Each tollbooth
according to the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI) operates with an electronic card
system used by 80% of drivers entering the city and the other 20% use the coin machines or
magnetic strip cards, which are available at all twelve booths. Rates range from 0.62 U.S.
dollars to 1.56 U.S. dollars with a peak charge between 6am and 10am. It is also recorded that as
a result of these pricing schemes, inbound traffic has declined by 10% during toll periods while
non-toll period traffic has increased by 9%. Again, it is reported that weekday bus travel has
increased by 7%. As indicated in previous and/or earlier discussions, revenues are used for road
infrastructure, public transit, and pedestrian and bicycle facilities.
Some of the benefits of the Trondheim road pricing scheme as stated by the Victoria Transport
Policy Institute (VTPI) were the following: immediate dip in peak rush hour traffic by 10%;
revenues from the tolls have also been used to improve roads and build by-passes to cut traffic
congestion. The income is also used to give commuters other options by upgrading public
transits, building bicycle paths and even providing two hundred free bicycles for use in
downtown Trondheim. According to the VTPI, initial public opinion of about 72% opposed the
implementation of road pricing. This figure dropped to 48% two months after the launch of the
scheme, and reduced further to 36% in 1996.
50
Still in Europe, Italian cities have since 1992 had the opportunity to introduce entrance checks
and, levy a fee to protect the cultural and historical values and monuments of their cities (SNRA,
2002). This was not to reduce traffic congestion per se as was the case in other places
mentioned. However, the Italian case had an implicit purpose of reducing traffic congestion in
the cities. In Rome for example, the so-called ‘blue zone’ has existed since 1989 as a means to
protect half of the city core. Between 6:30am and 6pm Monday through Friday, and between
2pm and 6pm on Saturdays, a part of the city center was closed to all vehicles not having a
special permit (SNRA, 2002).
So then, in Rome everyone living and working within this zone and certainly other persons
(except visiting clients, medical doctors, etc) can get permission to drive into the zone. The
report also further states that since 1988, however, everyone but the residents have to pay for
permission that costs a bit over 300 Euro per year, which corresponds to the cost of an annual
public transport pass. The check is completely done manually.
In the city of London, it was noted that since February 17, 2003 authorities have charged a
5pounds daily fee for driving private vehicles in an eight square mile central area during
weekdays as a way to reduce traffic congestion and raise revenues for transport improvements.
However, road pricing has been discussed for many years until now. The background to the
London plan was that the mayor, Ken Livingstone, considered the traffic situation to be the most
important issue in the elections. An automated system checks vehicles entering the charging
zone against a database of motorists who have paid the fee. According to the report, despite
considerable controversy, the programme was implemented without major problems, and has
51
substantially reduced traffic congestion. It has also improved bus and taxi service, and is
generating revenues.
A previous government, as noted by the report, established the legal possibility for road pricing.
Londoners, as it was noted, considered congestion to be the most urgent traffic issue since
motorists in central London spend about 50% of their travel time in queues. So, the purpose of
the London plan was primarily to reduce congestion in the road network but at the same time, to
obtain revenue. The revenue will then be used to subsidize traffic investments in both road
network and public transport at least for the first ten years (SNRA, 2002). The charge levied on
trips in central London (an area of about the same size as the inner city of Stockholm) between
7am and 6:30pm on weekdays was 5 pounds per day for cars and 15 pounds for trucks. The fee
is per day and remains the same no matter how much you drive during the day. Residents of
central London reserve the right to buy a discounted weekly pass. Buses, taxis, motorcycles, and
emergency vehicles were exempted under the scheme. There were other exemptions for a low
annual or one time fee for the disabled and for the environmentally adopted cars.
In central London the technique adopted was not toll stations. Instead, it involves taking a photo
of all vehicles traveling in the zone. The number on the registration plates of the vehicle was
compared with a register of vehicles having paid in advance. Cameras were placed at the
boundary as well as within the zone. It should, however, be stated that the proposed scheme of
Accra, need not necessarily start or begin with all of these advanced technologies. It may simply
begin with a manual system as was the case in Singapore and later be fully automated. In any
case, the proposed Accra scheme should follow the basic principle of tax collection; where the
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expenditure incurred in collecting the tax (road pricing in this case) should not exceed the
revenue to be collected. In this way, we can be assured that there would be excess revenue to be
used in financing the transport sector.
SNRA (2002) report acknowledges that at the time of compiling their report, there were already
advanced plans to implement road pricing in many places all over the world. In Britain, apart
from the city of London, an additional number of British cities (the city of Bristol, Leeds and
Edinburgh) were close to finalizing plans on the subject. Most definitely, London’s experience
would be of great importance to those cities as well as to other cities around the globe seeking to
implement the scheme. It is noted that other cities such as Dublin in Ireland, Auckland in New
Zealand, and Tokyo in Japan are also seriously discussing road price implementation (SNRA,
2002).
We have so far been discussing the geographic spread of road user pricing, more specifically,
talking about where there were attempts to implement the scheme, and where there has been
some appreciable amount of success in the effort to implement the scheme. It is now time to take
a look at some of the proposals that were abandoned after plans were far advanced in
implementing the scheme. The abandonment of such projects was due to several reasons, some
of which have already been mentioned in earlier paragraphs. Yildirim (2001) for instance
associated some of these to strong public opposition. This reason, however, seems to be the
single most common grounds for abandoning such projects as we shall soon see. On this point,
Yildirim recommended that the most important thing in the implementation phase of road pricing
is the public acceptance of the road-pricing project. In this direction he said;
53
“The users should be informed and persuaded that tolling the roads will make life easier
in terms of congestion and public transportation” (Yildirim, 2001:pp.8).
Again, in Hong Kong the first attempt at introducing an automatic road pricing system with an
electronic charge to control traffic was already made in the 1980’s. Subsequently, an experiment
including two thousand five hundred (2500) vehicles was initiated in 1983 where a system of
three zones and different fees for five periods of the day were reviewed. Then in 1985, two years
later, the proposal became a full-scale implementation (SNRA, 2002).
However, the anxiety that the system would reveal a person’s identity led to a public opinion
against it, and the resolution to operationalize the system was revoked. In fact, at this point, one
can easily tell the truism in Yildirim’s comment- that “…the public should be informed and
persuaded…” Hong Kong’s quest to implement road pricing to control traffic congestion failed
simply on grounds of public opposition and/or on the basis of integrity. Hau (1990), states that
another reason for the negative opinion in the Hong Kong experience was that the technology
which at the time was to be adopted was rather undeveloped, and its functionality was doubtful.
Again, another reason why this issue of integrity became so important was probably the
agreement that Hong Kong should be reunited with China, which generated fear for a system that
could be used for other purposes (SNRA, 2002).
Yildirim (2001) also on Hong Kong’s case study stated three reasons for the failure of road price
implementation. First, he stated that the timing was not good. There was noticeably less
congestion due to a new-elevated highway in 1985-1996. Secondly, a recession occurred during
54
the mid 1980’s in Hong Kong. The political situation was not clear due to negotiations with
China, and community participation and consultation were not well handled. Last but not the
least, the government did not have a well-defined revenue redistribution programme for the toll
revenue.
Notwithstanding the difficulties that the Hong Kong scheme encountered, the SNRA report
stated that new studies and proposals are still being presented. In 2001 for instance the report
mentioned that a proposal of a zonal and time differentiated electronic road pricing system was
made. But here again, the question of acceptance was still very sensitive, and it was considered
at the time that road pricing would not be necessary until the year 2006.
Another example of road pricing scheme that was abandoned after implementation is that of
Stockholm. The Dennis Agreement in the 1990’s, which involved considerable investments in
both public transport and roads in Stockholm, was abandoned in 1997. The package in the 1990s
also included road tolls both to finance part of the infrastructure and as a means of controlling
traffic. The tolls were constructed as a ring around an inner circular passage for traffic going
into central Stockholm. As in the Hong Kong case study, the Stockholm experience was also
abandoned for many reasons. But to quote from the SNRA report; “one of the main reasons was
a matter of road tolls-it was a politically explosive issue already from start with a strong
opposing opinion”. There were several reasons for the negative opinion as well. In one strand,
residents of some municipalities feared that they would be excluded from the road network, and
there were also apprehensions that the tolls would strike those low-income residents the most.
55
Furthermore, there were also anxieties that anonymity could not be guaranteed. At the same
time, another opinion grew among the environmental movements that the system was not
designed as an effective means of regulating traffic but rather as a financing method. Opposition
from the politicians and the public finally became too strong. I wish to state that it is basically
the issue of acceptance, which was found to be insurmountable.
Another abandoned road pricing project was in the Netherlands. Until the year 2002, the
Netherlands had plans to introduce distance-based road charges to regulate traffic. Their idea
was based on kilometer-based charges to replace part of the existing vehicle excises from the
year 2004 onwards. However, the elections in 2002 brought about a new political majority in
July 2002, with a policy that such a system would not be introduced until accessibility to both
road network and public transport had been considerably improved (SNRA, 2002).
Subsequently, the budget of that year, 2002, did not include any financing of a road pricing
system in the Netherlands (www.roadpricing.nl). All that this means in practice was that there
would be no kilometer-based charge in the near future in the Netherlands but not necessarily the
scraping of road charges completely. It is necessary to make the distinction between the
Netherlands case, and those previously mentioned in earlier paragraphs. In the former case, it is
only the distance-based (kilometer-based) charge that was to be abandoned and not the whole
concept of road pricing. This is because vehicle excises are also a form of indirect road pricing.
Yildirim also acknowledges some difficulties that road pricing schemes faced in the United
States. According to him, there have been many obstacles to the implementation of road-pricing
projects in the United States. Many of these obstacles he terms as political and institutional
56
problems. Jones and Harvey (1992), and Evans (1992) as stated by Yildirim (2001), all argue
that opposition for not implementing road pricing is not caused by technical reasons, but rather
political - a concern which borders on public acceptability. Yildirim further stated that in the case
of road pricing, public knowledge about what such schemes might achieve or how they might
operate is rather low. This should, therefore, serve as a guide to any city or nation attempting to
adopt road pricing as a scheme to help manage traffic congestion.
Still on the United States experience, Yildirim noted that the public has several objections to the
road pricing idea. First and foremost, the public saw road pricing as an additional tax burden. It
not only discriminates against the low-income driver but also causes other problems such as
invasion of privacy (Yildirim 2001). Several other authors suggested that road pricing would be
more acceptable if it is introduced in the form of a road charge in which the money raised is used
for transport and environmental improvement.
In an article written by Dan Weikel in The Los Angeles Times in 2002, he acknowledged that
political and financial problems have led many state leaders to conclude that California’s nearly
two-decade experiment with toll roads has failed, despite fervent hopes and vast investments. He
further stated that when the state first embraced toll roads, think tanks, politicians, and
government officials could not find enough superlatives to describe them. The article also
acknowledges that toll roads whether government run or privately owned were the transportation
sectors’ future and an effective way to build highways when state funds were running low.
Therefore, in Orange County, the legislature quickly and enthusiastically helped in creating
seven of the toll roads in the County.
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The story, however, is different today. The Express Lanes have generated such a political
nightmare that the Orange County Transportation Authority (OCTA) wants to buy the project
and put it into public hands, (VTPI report, 2006). It has been documented that as a result of all
these disenchantments and public opposition in the state of California, in the Orange County for
instance, the state recently terminated the franchise agreement for the proposed extension of the
Orange freeway – an eleven-mile road that was to follow the Santa Ana River connecting the
Santa Ana and San Diego freeways.
The lesson one needs to draw from the American-Californian example for instance is not the
failure per se, but what actually led to the so-called failure. The unique thing was that most of
the toll roads in that state were privately owned, the SR-91 express lane is a typical example.
This perhaps led to a change in purpose from managing traffic congestion to solely raising funds.
2.5 Benefits and Cost Issues of Road Pricing
In spite of the much disenchantment, oppositions, and to some extent the doubts by some people,
road pricing as a traffic management strategy, to control or manage congestion has many benefits
that have been attested to by many experts in the field of transportation. Congestion pricing is a
particularly effective congestion reduction strategy. According to Goodwin (1997), ‘many
economists consider urban traffic congestion virtually unsolvable without some sort of
congestion pricing’. At the same time, however, Shefer and Rietvald (1997) stated that ‘shifting
58
vehicle traffic to other routes or times provide few other benefits, causes spill over impacts (i.e.
increased traffic on other roads) and many increase crash costs’.
As stated by the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI), road pricing that reduces total
vehicle travel can reduce road and parking facility costs, increase road safety, protect the
environment, encourage more efficient land use, and improve community livability. As an
empirical example, Richards (2006) noted that the central London congestion charging scheme
resulted in a 12% reduction in total vehicle kilometers, and a 30% reduction in car traffic, with a
28% reduction in crashes. Mopeds and motorbikes journey’s also increased by 10-15% while
crashes decreased by 4% and pedestrian crash injuries declined by 6% (Richards, 2006).
Levine and Garb (2000) said road pricing meant to fund an additional highway capacity, has the
tendency to increase total automobile travel ‘rebound effect’. They also stated that it has the
tendency to increase downstream traffic congestion, parking costs, crashes, pollution, and
sprawl, all of which I would like to term rebound costs, in that they are bringing back the very
problem one is looking for solution to overcome. Expanding highway size and traffic volume
tends to reduce traffic liability of communities that it cuts through (Levine and Garb, 2000).
Value pricing and High Occupancy Toll (HOT) lanes all of which are also a form of road pricing
have the tendency to increase transportation options. On unpriced roads, travelers have no
alternative to being delayed by congestion. However, value pricing and HOT allow travelers to
choose between driving in congestion, avoiding congestion by right sharing or avoiding
congestion by paying a toll. According to Kain (1994) this allows individual consumers to
59
choose the option that best meets their needs for a particular trip. Kain further stated that it also
tends to improve transportation choice indirectly by increasing demand for ridesharing and
transit services.
According to the VTPI, road pricing increases motorists direct costs but it is said that these costs
are economic transfers; i.e. payment by motorists are offset by revenues to the tolling agency or
government (i.e. evaluating pricing). The overall consumer impact from road pricing depends on
how revenue is used-if returned as rebates or reductions in other taxes, or used in other ways that
consumer’s value, consumers maybe no worse off financially. Resource costs, as identified by
the VTPI, are primarily the transaction costs of collecting fees (what I referred to earlier on as
basic taxation principle), including costs to highway agencies and to users. Toll collection costs
range from about 10% of total tolling revenue for electronic toll collection up to 40% for
tollbooths. Toll collection that requires motorists to stop at booths causes motorists delays and
increases energy consumption and air pollution. In this direction, therefore, the VTPI noted that
new electronic tolling could reduce these transaction costs. The tables below are the summary of
the benefits and costs issues as noted by the Victoria Transport Policy Institute (VTPI).
Table 2.0 Benefit Summary- Toll Funded Roads
Objectives Rating Comments
Congestion Reduction 3 Increases road capacity and reduces demand
Road & Parking
Savings
-2 Increases total Vehicle travel and facility costs
Consumer savings -1 Increases direct consumer costs, but reduces indirect road
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costs
Transport choice 1 Increases motorists’ choice if untolled roads are also
available or if pricing improves travel alternatives.
Road safety -1 Induced travel and higher traffic speeds can increase crash
costs.
Environmental
protection
-1 Induced travel increases emissions
Efficient land use -1 Induced travel can increase sprawl
Community livability -1 New urban highways may have negative impacts.
Source: VTPI, 2006.
Table 2.1 Benefit Summary- Congestion Pricing
Objectives Rating Comments
Congestion Reduction 3 Increases road capacity and reduces peak-period demand
Road & Parking
Savings
3 Increases total vehicle travel and avoid the need to add
capacity.
Consumer savings -1 Increases consumer direct costs, but overall impacts depend
on how revenues are used.
Transport choice 3 Increases motorists’ choice and improves travel
alternatives.
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Road safety 2 Reduced vehicle travel reduces crashes.
Environmental
protection
2 Reduced travel reduces emissions
Efficient land use 2 Reduced vehicle travel reduces sprawl
Community livability 2 Reduced vehicle travel increases community livability
Source: VTPI, 2006
Note that, rating is from 3(very beneficial) to –3(very harmful). An ‘0’ indicates no impact or mixed impact.
From the above tables, therefore, one can clearly and easily tell the merits of the various forms of
road pricing and the effects that any of them would or is likely to bring to the populations of any
given place. Again, it has been found in many researches that road pricing sometimes is
proposed as a means to reduce the environmental burden of road traffic. And the scheme if
implemented in the proposed area under investigation (Accra Central) would go a long way in
solving some of these problems.
The main purpose of most road pricing systems is to reduce congestion in the road network
and/or to finance investments in the transportation systems. In some cases, for example in the
Netherlands and in London, we learned that the system has been suggested to design the charges
to also include environmental measures additional to the environmental gain of reduced
congestion. This practice, in many circles has been referred to as the differentiated fees,
corresponding with the level of emissions of the vehicles. An example of such a system was seen
in Singapore in 2001 where electrical vehicles paid a fee 20% lower, and hybrid vehicles also
paid 10% lower than the normal fees paid by other vehicles. It is also on record that, the cities of
Oslo, and Toronto have different charges for different types of vehicles (for instance trucks,
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motorcycles and privates cars), but there are major technical obstacles to differentiate charges by
environmental category in the same fashion.
Still on the environmental benefits and cost issues, the system (road pricing) usually proposed or
implemented has relatively small impact on the total number of vehicular kilometers. The local
effects in terms of emissions and air contamination may, on the contrary, be relatively
considerable (SNRA, 2002). Inner city charges (like in the case of this study) may, for instance,
reduce the traffic in these areas by 20 to 30% according to the same report. The report also
acknowledges that since the emissions of hydrocarbons and particles dramatically diminish when
the traffic flows, it may be of great importance for the most affected streets, the total effects then
for a whole region, according to the same report, are, however, relatively small. Here a reduction
of 2 to 3% is typical (SNRA, 2002). Thus the total emissions at a regional level remain almost
the same.
Furthermore the SNRA report also explains that reduction of emissions is, in reality, somewhat
higher than the reduction in number of vehicle kilometers. This, they discovered is due to the fact
that better traffic flow causes less emissions per kilometer driven. Emissions such as volatile
organic compounds (VOC) and carbon monoxide (CO); both are main compounds in smog- and
are around 250% higher at congestion than when the traffic flows (Schiller, 1998). Hence the
quality of the air is directly linked with the congestion situation. The magnitude of the reduction
of the emissions depends on the size of the share of the reduced traffic in and out of queues.
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In the actual sense, the effect of road pricing on emissions is thus fairly small on the whole.
Instead, the big environmental gain is that the need for new roads diminishes, as is claimed by
many (the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation), who consider that new roads primarily
lead to an increase in number of car trips. Available studies, therefore, indicate that the risk of
an incident (in terms of number of incidents per vehicle kilometers) does not seem to increase
when congestion is reduced and the speed thereby increases (Satterthwaite, 1981). However, the
consequences of incidents can be worse at higher speeds. The expected increase of speed is,
however, relatively limited, and it is doubtful if this effect has any practical significance.
Consequently, this, as stated by the SNRA report, implies that reduced congestion caused by
road pricing would not have any significant effects on traffic safety. On the other hand, the
SNRA states that a possible effect is that the number of incidents at low speed is reduced; this
should have significant effects on whiplash injuries. However, we have been unable to find any
study that confirms this position.
Another issue regarding benefits and costs as per the effects of road pricing on localization and
land prices is said to be a complex interaction process between travel pattern, and supply and
demand of land, housing and premises. There are comparatively few empirical studies on these
effects, partly due to the difficulties of measuring such slow changes, and partly due to the
overall lack of practical experience from road pricing. On the other hand, there is relatively
strong consensus among scientists about the main fundamentals of effects to be expected, based
on theoretical studies and computations. The SNRA Report, road pricing generally makes car
trips more expensive. The increased transportation costs urge households as well as companies,
in theory, to strive to reduce their car traveling and avoid congested roads. This must also include
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reduction of the travel distance, which ought to cause a need to move closer to destinations.
Families, for example should try to locate closer to their work places and to commercial areas
centres.
In a city centre, this probably means an increased demand for housing and premises in central
areas. Areas with a good supply of public transportation should become more attractive, which in
most cities also ought to contribute to an increased demand in the city centre. The increased
demands for central localization should, on one hand, result in rising prices for housing and
premises, and on the other hand, an increased supply (through new constructions and/or
increased disposal). In summary, an increased demand is to be expected in central areas, while
the demand will decline in peripheral areas (Wheaton 1974; 1998), and Eliasson and Mattsson
(2001). Changes in localization and transportation patterns are, however, a result of a
complicated interaction between different forces, which means that the final result is dependent
on, for example, the exact design of the road pricing system and the localization structure of the
city prior to the implementation.
According to the SNRA report; ‘experience from theoretical studies, simulations and modeling is
unambiguous: the centralizing forces dominate over the decentralizing forces. The result is that
households, commerce and workplaces are driven towards the city centre- the ‘city’, therefore,
they say, shrinks’. These experiences must, however, be considered with caution. There are two
important reservations; first and foremost, is that detailed results are dependent on the city
structure. Most theoretical studies have handled the ‘mono-centric’ cities where all workplaces
are located in the centre. Simulation studies with a more realistic city structure have shown that
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in some cases it is more semi-central areas (close suburbs) that increase their attraction rather
than the actual city core. These results are, however, in turn dependent on the infrastructure in
the city surroundings, for example if there is a ring road or not. As the report stated further, even
if the major result still show that the city core in a wider aspect becomes more attractive, it
requires detailed studies, where the city’s specific requirements are considered in order to more
precisely determine what can be expected to happen. Secondly, there is also reservation that most
public studies deal with the consequences of ‘optimal’ congestion pricing, i.e. charges are
obtained wherever a queue situation occurs.
2.6 World Bank Study on Road Pricing-Toll Roads
According to the VTPI (2006) document, a World Bank study by Estache; Romero and Strong,
in 2000 came out with the following conclusions on the subject we are dealing with;
“The demand for road services will continue to grow and hence so will the need for
investment. Worldwide, the stock of motor vehicles is growing at nearly three percent per
year. Since the number of vehicle kilometers traveled tends to grow somewhat faster than
the stock of motor vehicles, this implies that at least for some segments of the road
network, the demand prospects are quite good. The fast urbanization of the developing
world adds another dimension that cannot be ignored and explains the strong demand for
urban access roads in many of the most populated countries of the world” (VTPI, 2006:
pp.26-27).
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The report (VTPI, 2006:pp.27) ascribes the following further comment to the World Bank; “The
challenge here is to bet on the right horses. Demand will increase but only on some segments of
the network and it is tempting for governments to oversell a specific road based on aggregate
traffic growth prospects. Even holding the effects of toll levels constant, traffic volumes are very
sensitive to income and economic growth. The failure to recognize this may be one of the main
reasons why so many toll road projects have failed or ended in bitter renegotiations.
Motorization and vehicle kilometers traveled tend to increase faster than income levels. This
high income elasticity, especially for leisure trips, makes toll roads especially sensitive to
macroeconomic conditions. For roads that serve export activities, exchange rate changes can
drastically affect trade, leading to major changes in demand patterns”.
It is important to note at this very point that the World Bank’s sponsored study by those
researchers is only serving as a guide for countries that want or would like to implement such a
policy (road pricing) to help check or manage traffic congestion or to, better still manage traffic
congestion in their cities. Such nations are to take some of these comments into consideration,
and this is not to say; the policy is not to be encouraged or is bad to be implemented by any
particular group of persons or cities. The caution here is to make sure that the traffic volumes are
properly forecast to pave the way for smooth implementation of such a policy. Again, the needed
researches should be done first and foremost in order to input the concerns of the general public
into such a policy (Yildirim, 2001).
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CHAPTER THREE
PROFILE OF STUDY AREA/ ROUTES
3.1 Chapter Overview
The profile of the study area and/ or the routes defining the area covered by the study has been
discussed here. We have also defined extensively the main routes leading to and from the Accra
Central Business District. The character and/or the nature of the roads have been looked into
with reference to some engineering works such as road markings. Attempts have also been made
to look into the population of the area under investigation in terms of its socio-economic and
politico-cultural nature. The demarcation of the CBD was done on the basis of it being the main
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commercial centre of the city; the centre of major retailing activities; the locus for service
industries, business offices and financial institutions, and as would soon be seen, it has being a
zone with limited residential quarters or land uses. The CBD is also the area with high
concentration of both vehicular and human traffic movement and an area with many public
buildings distinct from it’s environs. This demarcation would serve a great deal of purpose in
terms of providing us with much detailed information about the population in that section of the
city and the activities that go on there. The AMA had this to say during our interview with them,
‘the total taxi population of the central business district alone, on daily basis is around ten
thousand.’
The figure quoted above excludes private cars and the mini buses (trotro), and of course, that of
the metro mass transport buses as well as all other forms of buses that operate within the city of
Accra. When one puts all these figures together, we are then talking about a vehicle population
of over fifteen thousand (15,000) that move to and from, the central business district on daily
basis. The figure, as have been demonstrated in chapter one is more than the capacity of the road
infrastructure that exists in the area under investigation. Efforts have also been put into mapping
the social; commercial; and the land use character of the area. Furthermore, there were
discussions on the differences and similarities between some of the routes; places; and the
localities situated within the study area. Templates showing the nature of traffic congestion on
some routes have also been displayed.
3.2 Population of the Accra Metropolitan Area
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The Accra Metropolitan Area within which the area for the study falls, as at the last Population
and Housing Census in 2000 has a total human population of 1,658,937. This area has the largest
population (57.2%) amongst the remaining districts in the region. The male population was
817,378 and that of female was 441,564. But the total population of the Greater Accra Region
stood at 1,945,284 as of the 2000 Population and Housing Census. The figure shows that persons
15years and above, which constitute about 70.8%, formed the economically active population.
However, 183,343 were unemployed. The interpretations one can give here is that, as incomes of
the 70.8% working force increases and if more and more people join this group, the tendency to
acquire vehicles (all things being equal) grows, thereby leading to significant increases in the
number of vehicles in the streets. This phenomenon would then lead to a concomitant increase in
traffic, hence a reduction in average speed and the creation of congestion in the face of
arithmetic increase in the provision of road infrastructure. The census report also stated that the
Accra Metropolitan area was completely urban. This area is also said to be the most urbanized
amongst the other districts in the region. The researcher, however, believes that this was as a
result of Ghana’s statistical definition of an urban area, which uses a population threshold of
5,000 people and above, as a benchmark to determine whether a place is an urban area or a rural
area. On the other hand, if the issue of provision of social amenities and infrastructure comes in,
the picture might be different.
As a centre of attraction, Accra’s population has spiraled significantly over the years. With a
population of about 636,667 in 1970, which increased to 969,195 in 1984 and 1,658,937 in 2000
(GSS, 2002), Accra, Ghana’s capital since 1877, is today one of the most populated and fast
growing metropolises in Africa. This has resulted from its consistently remarkable annual growth
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rate over the years. Available data reveals that the annual growth rate of AMA was 5% within
1960 – 1970, 3.1% during 1970 – 1984, and 3.4% in the period 1984 – 2000 (GSS, 2005b: P.
400). A growing urban population inadequately served by public transport system, and declining
standards in public transport systems would certainly result in increase in car ownership causing
traffic congestion on the roads as can be observed in the city. Unfortunately, the census
population figures do not show the daily movement of people into Accra. It is estimated that the
city accommodates between 2.5 million and 3 million people in terms of socio-economic
activities aside the residential population captured by the 2000 Population and Housing Census.
The area enclosed by the cordon selected for this study is bounded by the Ring Road West
through the Kwame Nkrumah Circle to the Obetsebi Lamptey Circle; turning to the Graphic
Road to the Trust Bank Headquarters at the traffic light on the Okai Mensah Lane; and then
following the Kwame Nkrumah Avenue road in front of the Swanzy Shopping Arcade, right
down to the High Street at Accra Central; then turning left towards the 28 th February Road near
the seat of government (the Castle); through the Lokko Road in Osu; to the Liberation
Square/Roundabout through the Ridge Hospital Road to the Kanda Overpass linking the Ring
Road East and back to the Kwame Nkrumah Circle area. Within this described area (known as
the CBD), are many other roads that also feed into the main ones as described above. The High
Street is undergoing physical extension. But this would not be able to absorb the crowded
number of vehicles that flood the area during the inter peak periods mentioned earlier.
Nevertheless, there would be some form of alleviation in the level of congestion though.
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Using the Nkrumah Circle as the focal point, the territorial road of the CBD turns east (through
the Ring Road East) to the Kanda Overpass, where it then turns south along the Kanda Extension
to the Ridge Circle as Fig. 3.0 shows. The road then extends along the Ridge Extension Road to
the Liberation Circle and onward through Lokko road to the Osu Township as illustrated in the
figure below. The boundary further stretches along the 28th February Road to join the High Street
and then turns north through the High Street Extension road to Kwame Nkrumah Avenue. From
this point, the road stretches westward along the Graphic Road to the Obetsebi Lamptey Circle,
and then turns right to join the Ring Road West Extension to get back to the Nkrumah Circle as
described in the earlier paragraph.
Almost all the territorial roads of the CBD mentioned above are two-lane dual carriageways. The
exceptions are:
the Liberation Circle to Osu road;
from Osu Township through the 28th February Road to the High Street; and
the High Street through to the Graphic Road.
As regards the differences and similarities between the traffic situation (i.e. in terms of the traffic
volumes/vehicular movements) and commercial activities on these arteries, that section of the
Graphic road starting from the Obestebi Lamptey Circle to the Trust Bank Headquarters area
along the Okai Mensah Lane experiences heavy vehicular movements during the two inter peak
periods of traffic congestion (i.e. both morning rush hours-7: 30 to 10:00 AM, and in the
evenings-4.30 to 5.30 PM). Average speed of vehicles using this route was not included in the
field survey, but responses from motorists indicate that the average speed is around 10 to
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12km/hr, and this is a result of the congestion situation. It should, however, be mentioned that,
the responses in support of the evening traffic situation was not as bad as compared to the former
(i.e.7.30 to 10.00AM). This, perhaps, was the case because, workers in this area have become
used to the congestion situation, so they leave at times they deem appropriate and most
convenient in order to escape the congestion that awaits them. Figure 3.0 shows the areas
mentioned above.
Fig. 3.0: Road Map of Accra-the study area
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Source: An extract from a Map by the Ghana Survey Department (2004)
Furthermore, that section of the network (along the Graphic Road) has most of the businesses
and/or commercial activities taking place along it. In fact, one of Ghana’s biggest used vehicle
parts dealers (i.e. Abossey Okai) is located around this section of the study area. Consequently,
this place attracts a lot of shoppers and all manner of people from all parts of the country and
neighbouring countries as well. Also, most of the auto car dealer garages are found along this
area. All these factors and many others contribute to the congested nature of that section of the
road network. On road markings, there are only few visible ones meant for pedestrians, but there
are hardly any footbridges to carry pedestrians across to the other side of the road. This situation
allows pedestrians to interfere with vehicular movements even when congestion becomes worse.
A very sharp contrast is the situation on the Lokko road from the Liberation circle through to
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Osu. Along this artery, there are not much heavy presence of departmental shops and commercial
activities as there are on the earlier road described above. However, during the two inter peak
periods described earlier, there is heavy traffic congestions on almost all of the roads in the area.
The Lokko road is a single artery, whilst the latter (Graphic Road) is a dual carriage road. The
Lokko road also has Ghana’s Legislature or Parliament House located along it. The Accra
International Conference Centre (AICC) and the Ohene Djan Sports Stadium are located along
this street. There are also few residential houses situated along the road, where occasionally the
activities of the natives generate congestion in the area. The Military Cemetery can also be found
in this area along the road where there are occasional activities leading to congestion, which in
most cases last for few hours. A combination of all these factors along this road makes
congestion (a reduction in average speed) comparable to those of other arteries within the
network. Pictures showing traffic along some of the roads have been displayed below.
The roads within the study area can hardly be physically extended in order to contain the heavy
vehicular movements, hence the culmination into the heavy vehicular traffic movements and the
subsequent congestion especially during peak-hours, (i.e. early mornings; 7.30-10:00am and
evenings; 4.30-5.30pm), mostly from Mondays to Fridays. Added to this, is the trading activities
ranging from petty trading to hawking taking place in this area.
3.3 Pictures of Traffic Congestion on some Roads/routes
75
Plate 3.0 showing a long traffic queue on a section of the Lokko Road
Plate 3.1 showing heavy congestion on a section of the Graphic road
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Plate 3.2 showing heavy congestion on a section of the High Street in Accra Central
Plate 3.3: showing congestion on a section of the High Street with vendors taking advantage of the situation to sell.
77
Plate 3.4 showing vendors taking advantage of the congestion situation as vehicles are locked up.
Plate 3.5 showing traffic congestion in Accra Central with a metro mass transport bus caught up in the jam
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Plate 3.6 a tro-tro driver and his mate pick up a passenger in the middle of the road whilst the mate struggles for a seat. This is a typical human action that causes congestion on the roads.
Plate 3.7 showing that section of the High Street under construction, and the heavy congestion on the other section of the road
As observed above, the Accra Metropolitan Area is Ghana’s biggest, most diverse and most
cosmopolitan city. It is also considered as the second largest industrial centre in Ghana. The
79
influential nature of the city relative to other parts of the country is very palpable and unrivaled.
It is therefore not surprising that about half of all the motor vehicles in Ghana are located in the
city (www.ghanadistricts.com).
The primacy of the Accra Metropolitan Area as an administrative, educational, industrial and
commercial centre attracts people from all over Ghana and the outside world. This continues to
be the major force responsible for congestion, both human and vehicular movements, in the city
or the Central Business District in particular. The government of the day has responded
positively by instituting the Metro Mass Transport (MMT) scheme to help alleviate the problem,
but clearly the problem is still glaring. As at the time of this research, the MMT had a total of
two hundred and seventy five (275) buses operating throughout the country. On September 12,
2007, The Urban Transportation Project, which seeks to reduce traffic congestion in some major
cities in Ghana, was launched as one of the means of finding solutions towards the problem of
road traffic congestion.
3.4 The Central Business District of Accra
As the hub of Ghana’s economic activities, Accra Central has a concentration of complex
offices, huge and comparatively affluent markets, government buildings and/ or ministries and
institutions, historic sites and tourist attractions, decent restaurants, nightclubs and hotels, and
other attractions responsible for the influx of large number of people into the area on daily basis.
Simply put, it serves as an important destination for a wide range of people with varied intents
and purposes. The CBD stretches over a wide area of land and has a comparatively well-
networked road infrastructure in relation to other parts of the country. The primary road network
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in the area radiates out from the central area (Accra Central – Kwame Nkrumah – Kaneshie Road
corridor). It is estimated that about 80% of vehicular traffic has this road corridor as their
destination (Department of Urban Roads, 2001 as quoted at www.ghanadistricts.com).
The roads are also paved but with varied quality status or levels. Majority of them require a
facelift or expansion works because of their inability to contain the huge number of vehicles that
use them. However, these expansion works may not be able to contain the increases in vehicle
population. The single carriage roads such as the High Street need to be prioritized in this respect
(since there is heavy traffic on that section at the time), and it is therefore appropriate that the
road is currently under rehabilitation. For most parts of the roads in the CBD, however,
expansion seemingly appears not feasible without prior demolishing of vast number of structures
that closely line up the road. This could consequently increase the budgets of any expansion
work, which governments may not be able to afford. Under these constraints, the most probable
alternative left is how to better manage the traffic situation.
For most parts of these roads also, road markings are either not available or have faded overtime
as already mentioned. Similarly well-positioned visible signposts are not available at several
points of the roads. This phenomenon undoubtedly makes it difficult for drivers who are
unfamiliar with the roads to use them, and consequently increase the likelihood of traffic
congestion and jeopardize safety on the roads. In spite of the large number of cars that access
roads in the CBD of Accra, there is inadequate provision of parking spaces. As a result, it is
common to find cars parking or stopping at unauthorized places, and thereby obstructing free
vehicular movement and also posing a considerable threat to road safety. This situation has
81
therefore created a strong investment potential for the development of car parks either for private
or commercial cars. Mostly the offices, shopping centres and other commercial functions serve
as the ‘magnet’ that attracts people to this area. At the same time, the area itself further
accommodates a host of organizations that pull people from various parts of the country and the
outside world. This partly accounts for large number of roads that link the arterial territorial
roads of the CBD of Accra.
Several vehicles ply these adjoining routes to enter the CBD on daily basis and this contributes
significantly to the traffic congestion on roads in the CBD area, particularly at the junctions.
Even though traffic lights have been strategically mounted at some of these junctions to enhance
easy traffic flow, the need for the construction of overpass at some of these junctions can still not
be overemphasized.
Traffic congestion in the area varies from time to time and from place to place. The periods with
intense congestion are mostly between 7.30 and 10.00 in the mornings and 4.30 and 5.30 in the
evenings. For the morning period, the congestion is mostly due to the influx of people from
various parts of the capital into the CBD mostly for work and other business transactions.
Average speed in these areas is as low as 10- 12km/hr. The evening period, however, coincides
with the closing time for most workers in the CBD, and hence the return to their various
residential quarters outside of the area of work. Even though all the roads are prone to traffic
congestion, the ones with severe incidence include:
the Nkrumah Circle to Obetsebi Lamptey Circle;
the Graphic Road; and
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The High Street.
Reasons for their high propensity to traffic congestion include their proximity to highly
populated residential areas, and the highly commercialized nature of the surrounding areas that
serve people far and near, coupled with the lack of road infrastructural improvement to serve the
continual increase in number of vehicles. It should also be mentioned here that, the traffic in
these areas are caused by sheer through-traffic and not one necessarily generated by the
population around the neighbourhoods. The Ghana Highway Authority, which has as one of its
responsibilities to implement a maintenance management system for planning, organizing,
directing, and controlling a routine and periodic maintenance activities have come under some
criticism for the poor nature of the drainage system in the city. Whereas some of the roads in the
CBD have a well-established network of primary drains, majority do not have. Further
compounding the problem is the lack of maintenance of the drains and indiscriminate dumping
of rubbish into the drainage systems by drivers, passengers and pedestrians alike. The
unfortunate consequence of this phenomenon is the constant flooding of the roads during each
and every heavy rainfall in the area, especially at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle.
Another related issue that needs attention is the absence of pedestrian overpass in the CBD, a
situation which compels in most cases, the pedestrians to interfere with traffic causing brief
gridlocks at busy periods. Within areas like the Kwame Nkrumah Circle and Obetsebi Lamptey
Circle where pedestrians and motorists highly compete for the road space, pedestrian overpass
are conspicuously missing. This further makes it difficult for disabled people to cross the road. It
is therefore hoped that the recently completed pedestrian overpass at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle
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leading to Achimota, would be replicated on the road from the Kwame Nkrumah Circle to the
Obestebi Lamptey Circle as well as on the Kanda Overpass and other similar busy roads in the
metropolis. These would help improve upon the traffic situation in these areas.
The heavy presence of vehicles in the CBD has also become a prominent source of noise and air
pollution in the area. The noise from car engines and from honking of car horns, as well as from
the massive commercial activities constantly disrupts any semblance of serenity in the area. The
exhaust emissions from these vehicles that enter the CBD, on the other hand, have a terrible
deleterious effect on air quality in the area and beyond. Economic theories as stated earlier on
argue that all these associated effects have not been accounted for by the very people who cause
these harms. Road pricing when implemented have the capability to correct these discrepancies
in the network and in the system.
CHAPTER FOUR
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FEASIBILITY OF A ROAD PRICING SCHEME IN ACCRA
4.1 Chapter Overview
This chapter discusses the data and/ or the responses gathered from the field on the topic under
investigation. This has been categorized under the subheadings- the demographic characteristics
of the respondents; private car owners and/ or drivers; the general public and/ or commuters; and
the mini bus or ‘trotro’ and taxi operators. The issues that came out of the discussions with these
various groups of respondents have been discussed. Efforts were made to see how the issues fit
into the main objectives of this work and to what extent it supports what the literature portrays.
Ultimately, the study also discussed how these issues would fit into the overall development
agenda (in terms of provision of road infrastructure) of this country vis-à-vis the Ghana Poverty
Reduction Strategy (GPRS) I and II as well as how they feed into the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD) concept as regards the issue of transportation provision since to
a very large extent, the world has become a global village. Ghana’s transport sector in is not a
thing for only the peoples and citizens of Ghana. The economies of individual countries have
geo-politically shrunk in size, and the phenomenon of road infrastructure provision has become a
developmental matter with global character and concern, which needs a multidisciplinary
approach rather than one left in the care of any one discipline.
4.2 Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
The total number of people interviewed was two hundred and ten (210). The sexes and ages, and
educational status of the respondents have been presented. Out of the people interviewed, the
male constituted the dominant group. This is partly because, the art and/ or profession of driving
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has for a very long time been dominated by males who have more economic power than females.
The table below provides a summary of the above discussion. Males also appeared to have better
education compared to their female counterparts.
Table 4.0 Sex Distributions of Respondents
Sex Frequency Percentage
Male 159 75.7
Female 51 24.3
Total 210 100
Source: Fieldwork, 2006
Only one woman was found to be participating in commercial driving and this may be attributed
to the high risk that is usually associated with this job.
4.3 Age Distribution of Respondents
The ages of the respondents has been categorized into six (6) groups. The age distribution as
displayed in table 4.1 shows that most respondents are concentrated within the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th age
groups with a minimum of 26 years and a maximum of 55 years. These three dominant age
groups contained 72.9% of all respondents.
Table 4.1 Age Groups of Respondents
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Age Classes Frequency Percentage
16-25 20 9.5
26-35 63 30.0
36-45 55 26.2
46-55 35 16.7
56-65 24 11.4
66-75 13 6.2
Total 210 100
Source: Fieldwork, 2006
The distribution is further presented in Fig. 4.1 to enhance a better understanding of the data. The
mean age of the distribution is 41yrs. The standard deviation from this mean value is available
from Appendix A. This gives us the true picture of the cross-section of the ages of the
respondents, as there were some respondents of 18-19yrs found within the sampled population
driving in the central business district.
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4.4 Educational Status of Respondents and its Relevance to the Study
As observed earlier, questions such as how education had influenced peoples’ driving culture
have been looked into under this sub title. To what extent does this go to make people change
their behaviour towards driving properly on the roads? Does education matter at all when it
comes to the issue of ability to own a car? And does this have anything to do with the
management and/ or control of traffic congestion on the roads in question? Interestingly, the
Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy I & II (GPRS-I &II) made mention of what role education
can play as regards the issue of reducing the burden of poverty in our communities in Ghana. For
instance the GPRS I: pp.21, made reference to education and poverty as follows:
“The level of education attained is a signal of income earning potential of individuals
and households and therefore a predictor of the population segment likely to be
vulnerable to income shocks especially with ageing. About 32 per cent of adults and
nearly twice as many females as men had never been to school. And a negligible number
(25%) went to school but did not complete the minimum years for any certificate”
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The responses gathered point to the fact that education has a role to play in the subject under
investigation, and this answers most of the questions posed above. For instance, when asked to
provide some solutions on how to implement the concept of road pricing, the respondents,
thought that education should be the first point of consideration- both in formal and informal
terms. This view also featured prominently in the proposed Ghana Transport Policy Document
known as the Green Paper (now the White Paper). This document is regarded as Ghana’s first
attempt towards creating harmony in the transport. It documents coherent solutions to the
problems faced in the sector, such as educating the citizenry about the best practices of road
usage and markings, as well as other relevant safety measures. When people are well educated
on how to use the road and for that matter, the transport infrastructure, the human factors that
lead to the creation of unnecessary traffic congestion at certain parts of the city or on certain
routes in the city would be reduced drastically to its barest minimum.
It was also observed that most of the people who drove private cars on most of the routes in the
study area were better educated than those who drove commercial and other types of vehicles. A
pattern, nonetheless, translated into the driving culture or behaviour of the respondents.
Generally, private car drivers respected road signs and traffic regulations more than their
counterparts who drove other types of vehicles. But there were instances where people who
attended driving schools hardly respected traffic rules and regulations. On the part of commercial
drivers, it appears there is a lot of anxiety among this group of drivers in trying to meet their
daily sales’ targets set forth by their vehicle owners, hence their recklessness on the roads.
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This situation most likely generates unhealthy competition amongst those commercial drivers
hence they end up racing with each other on the roads. This results in ultimate disregard for
traffic rules and regulations. For instance, in the Road Traffic Offences Regulations Act of 1974,
it is an offence for any person to open the door of any motor vehicle for a passenger while that
vehicle is in motion. But these rules are flouted by these commercial drivers on daily basis with
impunity thereby causing intermittent traffic congestion on some of these roads for several hours.
By and large, education should translate into good driving etiquettes on our roads. During one of
the interactions with one of these mini bus or ‘trotro’ drivers, we obtained the response in Box 1
regarding the jumping of traffic light whenever the police were not at the scene:
Box 1
Some of the other offences in the said document (Road Traffic Offences Regulation Act, 1974)
are for example the following, which these drivers ignorantly flout every passing day which
consequentially results in a gridlock on our roads:
No person shall alight from a stationary motor vehicle so as to endanger any road
user.
No person shall alight from a motor vehicle while that vehicle is in motion.
No person shall park or stop a motor vehicle within thirty feet of a junction.
No person shall park or stop a motor vehicle on a pedestrian crossing or railways
crossing etc (Road Traffic Offences Regulations Acts, 1974)
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“I have to pay my car owner his daily sales and also get some money to look after my children”
It therefore appears that the high sales targets set for these commercial drivers by their vehicle
owners have repercussions such as the impatient attitude and antagonistic mannerisms
demonstrated on the roads when driving. Table 4.2 below gives the summary of the educational
background of the respondents interviewed. Those with University/Polytechnic educational
background were in the majority. The group represents most of the private car owners. It is likely
that this group of respondents is better paid and may also have access to loans for the purchase of
vehicles. Banks in the country nowadays have stepped up efforts to give financial assistance or
loans to white-collar employees and business people more easily than any other individuals since
it is easy for the banks to recover such loans. To an extent, this phenomenon has some
repercussions on vehicle ownership in the country and the concomitant increase in the traffic
situation in years to come.
Table 4.2 Educational Status of Respondents
Educational Status Frequency Percentage
Primary/Elementary 27 12.9
JSS/Middle School 38 18.1
SSS/O & A Level 44 20.9
Post Secondary 20 9.5
Polytechnic/University 81 38.6
Total 210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
While on the field conducting interviews, it was observed that, both the highly/better educated
and the low/poorly educated alike engaged in acts that led to traffic congestion. For example,
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there was a private car driver who pulled over in the middle of the road to buy grocery from a
vendor along the shoulders of the road on the Kwame Nkrumah Avenue near the Swanzy
Shopping Arcade. An act of this nature is likely to obstruct the free flow of traffic. Fig. 4.2 is a
graphical representation of the information contained in the above table.
4.5 The Urban Morphogenesis of Accra and its Sphere of Influence
Pacione (2005), explains that although urban morphogenesis (referring to town plan analysis) in
a more recent formulation has sought to advance from the traditional description and
classification of urban forms to an analysis of the causal forces underlying changes in the pattern
of urban lands, the approach has still been sidelined since it got to its highest point in the 1960s.
The intent of introducing this sub-topic here was to use the methodology to examine the
functional extent of Accra, socio-economically and politico-culturally, and to see if this has also
contributed towards the traffic congestion in the city. In a more recent seminal work on Conzen
(1960), Pacione (2005) explains that he (Conzen) divided the urban landscape into three main
elements: town plans; building forms; and land use, and he demonstrated how each reacted at a
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different rate/scale to the forces of change. Below are Conzen’s ideas as illustrated in Pacione’s
work (2005):
Land Use, he said, is the most susceptible to change.
According to him, since buildings represent capital investments and are
adaptable to alternative uses without being physically replaced, change occurs at
a slower rate than with land use.
The town plan or street layout is most resistant to change.
To comment further on these points, the Land Use of the Accra Metropolis has undergone a lot
of change or transformation since independence. Various parts of the city have been transformed
over the years into one form of land use or the other. A typical example is where many
residential quarters have been converted into departmental shopping arenas; where car parks
have been constructed in the metropolis to take care of the ever increasing need for car parking;
and again where plots of lands have also been converted to bus terminals and for pedestrians’
shopping malls. The Rawlings Park in the heart of the CBD of Accra is a typical example. All
these are done to meet the ever increasing demand for these facilities in the city as the population
grows and income levels increase gradually.
Many of these conversions or what the ecological school of thought termed the concept of
competition among land uses for space result in the invasion of the most desired parts of a city
and eventually leading to the succession of existing land uses by the more dominant activity.
Accra is therefore showing many of these traits where the CBD is expanding very fast into its’
surroundings. This phenomenon, nevertheless, leads to generation of traffic congestion on many
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of the arteries that lead to and/ or within the city centre. For example, the Adenta-Legon-Accra
corridor, and the Teshie-Nungua-Accra road become heavily congested in the mornings and in
the evenings mostly on weekdays.
During the regime of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), and reign of the current
government- the New Patriotic Party (NPP) - the roads in the metropolis have seen a lot of
physical extension. However, these are not enough to meet the ever-growing travel demand of
the population, as there has been tremendous increase in vehicle ownership over the years. More
recently, a section of the high street in the CBD is being expanded to cater for the increase in
travel demand or traffic volume in that part of the city. It is regrettable to note that almost eighty
per cent of the funds for these projects are borrowed from the development partners. Road
pricing, if adopted would help serve many of these needs, and improve the growing need for
cheap urban transportation for most people, especially the urban poor.
Conzen, as Pacione observed introduced the concepts of the fringe belt and burgage cycle to aid
his analysis of urban change. The existence of a fringe belt and associated fixation line reflects
the fact that urban growth is cyclical rather than continuous, with periods of outward extension
alternating with periods of standstill (marked by a fixation line) due to a down turn in the
building cycle (Pacione, 2005). I hasten to add that the city of Accra bear semblance to this
concept in many fronts. The Accra Metropolis has outgrown its size since its creation many years
ago. The city has also witnessed tremendous expansion in functional form since its
establishment. But there were also periods of ‘dark days’ during the eras of political turmoil
when people could hardly come from far and near to transact business for the fear of being
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molested by those disgruntled military officials who paraded the city with their weapons. Experts
at all levels are still working at determining the functional extent (i.e. in socio-economic and
politico-cultural terms) of Accra, and the extent to which it influences its surrounding areas. Any
attempt at introducing road pricing should take into consideration the morphology of Accra (as
an organic structure), and the need of the poor should also be carefully considered.
In line with the objective to look for data to support the socio-economic and the politico-cultural
extent or the sphere of influence of the central business district (CBD) of Accra, respondents
(both drivers and the general group of commuters) were asked to state residential locations and
place of work. The outcome has been displayed in table 4.3. The reality is that the city of Accra
remains very much connected to its surroundings. Accra is also connected to even the other nine
regions at the socio-economic as well as politico-cultural levels. People from other regions come
to transact business in the city on daily basis, and they in turn carry with them some of the urban
cultures to their respective destinations. This is not at-all surprising, since the city of Accra
comparatively has the best of almost all the necessities of life- talk about the hospitals, white-
collar jobs, the banking institutions, and housing to mention but a few.
The territorial boundaries of Accra as a city have not changed since its establishment many
decades ago. However, the buildings and other physical infrastructures like roads and several
others, which constitute the built up environment, keep on changing accordingly as a result of the
dynamic forces of change that are mostly orchestrated by public and private phenomena.
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Table 4.3 Place/ Routes of Residence of Respondents
Place of ResidenceFrequency Percentage
Accra Central Area 16 7.6
Suhum-Achimota-Accra corridor 60 28.9
Teshie-Nungua – Accra corridor 18 8.6
Adenta-Legon-Accra corridor 37 17.6
Kasoa-Mallam-Accra corridor 39 18.6
Tema-T. Quarshie-Accra corridor 14 6.7
Agbobloshie-Korle Bu-Accra corridor 14 6.7
Agbelemkpe-Dworwulu-Accra corridor 12 5.7
Total 210 100
Source; fieldwork, 2006
Table 4.3 above provides us with the spatial locations and/ or the corridors from which
respondents (drivers and general group of commuters) radiate to the CBD on daily basis to
transact business. This was done to give us a rough idea of the extent to which the city influences
or are connected to its’ surrounding areas. The information gathered echoes the point that the
central business district of the Accra metropolis is really the heart of commercial activities in the
country. As has been demonstrated above, only sixteen (16) out of the two hundred and ten (210)
people interviewed, happened to live and work in the central business district or work else
where. Majority of the people come from outside the area giving the impression that the city
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goes ‘dead’ at night. But, there are many activities that go on at night. For instance the
nightclubs, some drinking spots, and some bus terminals among others operate till the next day.
Another example is in some communities where the indigenous Ga people of Accra (at
Jamestown and Osu) stay late doing one thing or the other.
Fig. 4.3: Places/ Routes of Residence of Respondents
0 10 20 30 40
Accra Central Area
Suhum-Achimota-Accracorridor
Teshie-Nungua – Accracorridor
Adenta-Legon-Accra corridor
Kasoa-Mallam-Accra corridor
Tema-T. Quarshie-Accracorridor
Agbobloshie-Korle Bu-Accracorridor
Agbelemkpe-Dworwulu-Accracorridor
Rout
es/C
orrid
ors
Percentage
Percentage Bars
4.6 Driving and the Sampled Population
Respondents were asked if they have gone through any formal driving school or training. This
was to find out how many private car and commercial vehicle drivers have had some formal
training as far as driving was concerned. Over 157 people, representing 75 per cent of those
interviewed (i.e. excluding the commuter population) did not attend any driving school. Neither
did they go through any training programme.
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In effect, this perhaps answers the question why there is such bad knowledge of road signs
among all kinds of drivers on our roads. This finding partly appears to translate into the high
number of fatalities on the roads. Drivers could hardly tell the meanings of road signs, and could
hardly interpret markings on the roads. When pedestrians stood at pedestrians crossing points
expecting drivers to stop for them to cross the streets, these drivers do not either take them
seriously or do not think they should pull over prompting these pedestrians to interfere with the
flow of traffic, and the consequences of such actions, is sometimes death. All these form part of
the human factors that culminate into the problem of congestion on certain parts of the road
network, hence causing delays and a reduction in travel time, and ultimately a loss in revenue to
the individuals themselves, organizations, and the nation as a whole.
Although this causal relationship may look inconsequential to some, it is really a thing to be
worried about. A very good knowledge of road signs and markings would ultimately translate
into proper interpretation of them, and would therefore enhance the flow of traffic and safety on
the roads, and subsequently an improvement in travel time in that part of the network, as well as
improvement in productivity and efficiency levels in the whole system. These revelations again
bring to the fore the issue as to whether having Junior Secondary School (JSS) Certificate would
be enough for one to drive responsibly or not? As indicated earlier, a good number of the
respondents have at least some form of education. The unfortunate thing, however, is that this
does not translate into good driving practices to help curb congestion on our roads. We should
also not be deceived by the fact that the high numbers of respondents who have either university
or polytechnic education are better in terms of safety and responsible driving as against their
other counterparts. It should also be pointed out that, being a university or a polytechnic graduate
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does not in itself give one an excellent knowledge of road signs or markings. It takes a little more
effort than that. It was found out that there were people who were ‘highly/better’ educated, but
who hardly had any knowledge of proper driving rules and regulations and what even constitutes
a traffic offence. Table 4.4 below shows that as many as seventy five per cent of the people who
drove into the CBD did not go through any formal driving school.
Table 4.4 Driving School Attendances of Respondents
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 53 25.2
NO 157 74.8
Total210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
Another disconcerting scenario was how relatively a large number of people acquired their
driver’s licenses even though they barely had any good knowledge of road signs and markings or
even safety driving. Here is what one commercial driver had to say when he was asked how he
got his license:
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Box 2:
When he was further probed as to why he prefers the ‘back door’ to the ‘front door’, he blatantly
said there are too many bureaucracies in going through the approved channel. This respondent’s
views concerning the acquisition of driver’s license represents perhaps the views of many more
others who perhaps for one reason or the other could not be candid with us on this subject. In
their judgment, even if one goes through the acceptable channel, there are still some unnecessary
bureaucracies along the way. So, for most of these individuals, they simply do not have faith in
the current system in operation.
The table below gives us an idea about the figures of those who possess valid driver’s license as
against those who do not. This is an alarming situation since this problem cut across all
categories of respondents including private vehicle owners and/ or drivers as well. Ultimately, a
good knowledge of road signs and driving regulations is expected to curb the menace of bad
driving on the roads, and consequently reduce those human factors, which cause traffic
congestion. The situation becomes difficult if the trend continues in this direction. As evident in
table 4.4 above, nearly 75 per cent of the people interviewed did not go through driving school.
In Table 4.5 below, however, almost 85 per cent of the interviewees managed to secure valid
driver’s license; 15 per cent answered ‘NO’, which could either mean they do not have a valid
driver’s license or they do not have one at all. This development raises the question as to how
safe our roads are.
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“… If you have the money and when you know the right people, you can always get your license; you do not have to waste your time at a driving school”
Table 4.5 Possession of Valid Driver’s License
Response Frequency Percentage
Yes 178 84.8
No 32 15.2
Total 210 100
Source; fieldwork, 2006
4.7 Relationship between Private Car Ownership and Income
Table 4.6 demonstrates the number of people interviewed who drove into and/ or from the
central business district (CBD) of Accra on daily basis. As many as 75% of this group conceded
that they drive into and/ or from the CBD on routine basis thus making them have the experience
of the twice daily travel through the congestion in that part of the city. Nearly 25% do not drive
into and/ or from the CBD. Out of the 75% who drove into and/ or from the CBD, 112
representing 53.3% were the private car drivers/owners.
Table 4.6 Number of people who drove into and/ or from the CBD
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 157 74.8
NO 53 25.2
Total210 100
Source; fieldwork, 2006
Further, to map the various times that these people drove into and/ or from the CBD in a bid to
see if this conforms with the double daily congestion times, we came up with the following
zoning. It turns out that, 7.30 to 10.30 in the mornings (as portrayed in the table below) marked
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the heaviest time range that most of these people make their trip into the central business area of
Accra, and this time range coincides with the morning’s congestion period. This range marks the
period when people struggle to reach their activity points on time ready to start working. We
could appropriately describe this time range as the morning rush hours. Logically, people who
want to visit that part of the city for various reasons would have to be very circumspect about
this, especially people who want to leave their work posts briefly in order to purchase any item
from that area of the city, should be mindful of this fact as they are not likely to get there in time
if they do not make provisions for this far ahead of the congestion that await them. Only a few
people (about 12%) leave their homes much earlier than this time range in order to beat the
heavy traffic that awaits others. This group of persons cannot simply handle the situation and
therefore find it more convenient to leave their homes early ahead of the heavy morning traffic
that awaits others on daily basis.
Upon closing from their various places of work, only 8.6% are able to drive back within the time
range 4.30 to 5.30 representing the evenings. Majority would prefer to stay behind or hang
around, and wait for the situation (congestion) to ease to a considerable level before making their
second journey back home. This may be the reason why they are not able to wake up early
enough in the mornings in order to set off to their work stations early as do those who do that.
People get home exhausted and therefore the possibility of waking up from bed early enough to
drive to their work stations is very bleak. As one driver told us:
“By the time I get home I am often too tired. I cannot do anything any more than sleep,
not even having time for my family”
Table 4.7 Time Ranges Respondents Drive into Accra Central Area
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Time Frequency Percentage
5.00 – 7.00 am 19 11.7
7.30 – 10.00 am 78 48.2
4.30 – 5.30 pm 14 8.6
Anytime 51 31.5
Total 162 100
Source; fieldwork, 2006
To know what people do in that area of the city, we endeavoured to ask them why they drove to
that part of the city. The results are those displayed in table 4.8 below. There are various reasons
why people travel, but as popularized in most literature the travels to a CBD is mostly for
economic reasons. Nonetheless, we came across a few cases where people went to visit friends
and relatives, which might accordingly be termed social trips. There might be many more of such
cases.
Table 4.8 Reasons for driving into Accra Central Area
Reasons Frequency Percentage
For passengers 50 30.9
For shopping 26 16.0
For freight/goods 0 0
Work 67 41.4
Visit/Pick up someone 19 11.7
Total 162 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
As can be seen in table 4.8, there were no responses for freight and goods as a reason for driving
into the CBD. But, this does not necessarily mean that people do not drive there for these
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purposes. The ‘no response’ for this question could simply be due to several factors. In Ghana,
there is no clear-cut policy on putting goods and passengers in separate vehicles-at least not as
far as the Road Traffic Offences Regulations Act of 1974 is concerned. So, goods and humans
are most of the time put into the same vehicle. This partly explains why people, especially
commercial drivers could not state in categorical or in distinguishable terms if they went into the
CBD for passengers or for goods. In effect, it would not be out of place if one concludes that the
30.9% who drove to the CBD went to convey or load passengers, and to load or to off-load
goods.
As part of the objectives of this work, the study aimed at unearthing any relationships that exist
between people’s incomes and the number of vehicles they owned/drove since this, according to
Pacione (2005) and Yildirm (2001) contributes to a very large extent to the problem of
congestion in many metropolitan cities across the world. As regards the case study of the city of
Accra, there exist clear-cut or strong evidence to support this school of thought. So, we set out,
amongst other things to empirically prove/investigate this relationship.
A question was posed relating to the incomes of respondents who owned and drove basically
private vehicles in the CBD. Private vehicle owners were to state their monthly incomes
covering the period 2000 to 2005 so we could observe the changes that took place over this time
period to enable us analyze the changes over this period. Unfortunately, this target of running a
time series analysis was not achieved since most of the people were reluctant to volunteer this
detail. The information provided by a segment of the respondents in this category for the year
2000 seems very useful at this point, and this was the only data subsequently used in the
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computation. Nevertheless, the information thus provides us with a very useful pattern that is
very interesting and would serve the rationale of this work. The table below illustrates this, and
details about the mathematical computations have been provided in Appendix B.
Table 4.9a Relationship between Monthly Income and Private Car Ownership in Year 2000
YEARS 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000
Income
(X)
400 600 800 1,000 1,200 1,400 1,600 1.800 2,000
Average No.
of Vehicles
(Y)
1 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 5
NB: All Incomes quoted above are the New Ghana Cedis: ¢10,000≡ 1GHC≡100p N=9
Using the simple regression equation or the predictive model quoted in chapter one (Y = a + bX),
we could make predictions about the number of vehicles that people are likely to own if their
salaries increase in the years to come (i.e. if all other factors remain constant). For instance, as
shown by the calculations in Appendix B, the values of ‘a’ and ‘b’ were 1 and 0.0016
respectively. Let us then assume that the income of a person (X) increases to GH¢ 500 in the
near future with all other factors such as inflation and other parameters (like the will to purchase)
remaining constant. What would then be the state of car ownership?
Before addressing this illustration, let us take a look at the computation of the level of
significance (i.e. the confidence level test) as shown in Appendix B. It turned out that at five
percent (5%) level of significance (which is confidence level of 95%), tn-2,α/2 (turn to Appendix
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B) was calculated to be 2.365, which was less than ‘T’ with a value of 3.38, where ‘T’ is given as
the test statistic. Hence, H0 can therefore be rejected leaving us to conclude that, the observed
correlation between income and private car ownership is statistically significant. With this, we
can then continue with the illustration above.
If we should substitute these figures into the equation above to observe what would then happen
to the other variable- vehicle ownership (Y)? It would then tend out that, if this was the case, the
person is likely to purchase or own approximately 2 vehicles. And, by the same prediction, at
income level of GH¢ 2,000 people are likely to own approximately 5 more vehicles. This, of
course, is not surprising as there was a man who boasts of having six (6) private vehicles. Simply
put, one could describe the man’s work as a-well-paid job. As to why he had decided to invest in
that number of vehicles, the team did not bother to ask since it does not have a bearing on our
work. But ideally, there is certainly a point beyond which people would say, enough of the
vehicles, and they may decide, to an extent, to buy two or three luxurious vehicles instead, or
may also decide to invest the extra money they make in other ventures. These are decisions
purely left to individuals to make.
Should the predictions made above be the case, there is bound to be tremendous increase in road
traffic congestion across the country if incomes of the people get better as anticipated under the
Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy documents, with the city of Accra obviously being the worse
affected. This is because the Greater Accra Region had had the highest levels of income as
compared to the other nine regions in the country since independence; besides, it has also been
the most urbanized of the ten regions. As demonstrated in Appendix B, the correlation between
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the two variables in the table is a very significant one based on the test of confidence level of
95%. This, therefore, is a potential for congestion to get out of hand if things are not properly
managed. About 80% of the nation’s industries and factories are located in Accra and Tema,
which are found within the Greater Accra Region. Most of the commercial activities and other
forms of trading occur here in this region. The commercial sector is dominated by wholesale and
retail trade that accounts for 30.4% according to the Census Report (2002) and the
manufacturing sector accounts for only 16.7%. These figures leave us in no doubts that, should
there be an economic boom; the region is surely going to be the highest recipient among the ten.
Again, the three largest occupational groups dominated by males are: the production, transport
operators and related workers 29.6%; sales workers 19.4%; and clerical workers 14.4% as
compared to 42.0% of females in sales occupations; 19.5% in productions, transport and
equipment; and 13.9% in service occupations (Census Report, 2002). This information further
strengthens earlier findings where the numbers of males found/interviewed driving, were more
than their female counterparts.
The correlation expressed above between the two variables is in no doubt strong as has been
demonstrated in Appendix B. Aided by these two indices- the correlation coefficient (r), and the
coefficient of determination (r2) - therefore, one can say that 67 per cent of the variability in the
criterion variable (Y) is predictable on the basis of the predictor variable (X). Table 4.9b below
provides the responses of the people interviewed regarding perception of income levels and car
ownership. Over 74.5% of private car owners interviewed thought that, when their income levels
go up, they are likely to own more vehicles. With these perceptions, there is bound to be increase
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in private car ownership, which will contribute to the congestion on the roads. Table 4.9b also
illustrates that only 25.5% of the respondents thought they would not own a car should their
incomes go up.
Table 4.9b Perceptions on Private Car Ownership with Increase in Income
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 82 74.5
NO 28 25.5
Total 110 100
Source; fieldwork, 2006
To find out the various types of vehicles that travel within the study area, we tried posing the
question to respondents to state the types of vehicles they drive. Below are the absolute figures in
terms of the various categories and their percentage scores.
Table 4.10 Types of Vehicle Respondents Drive
VEHICLE TYPE FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE
Private Car 112 69.1
Taxi 15 9.3
Mini bus/Trotro 15 9.3
Public bus 20 12.3
Total 162 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
From the above table, it is obvious that private car owners/ drivers were those in the majority.
This is perfectly in line with the objectives of this work. Over 112 private vehicle owners
responded to the questions posed. Here is the view of one man who works along the Kwame
Nkrumah Avenue:
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Box 3
As evident in the above statement, people throughout the study seem to have problem with how
the money generated from such a scheme would be used. These concerns reaffirm the views of
Yildirim (2001), and Hibbs (2003). Yildirim in reference to the Hong Kong scenario stated that
users should be informed and persuaded that tolling the roads will make life easier in terms of
congestion and public transportation. By so doing they would then have confidence in the
authorities that, monies generated from such schemes would be put to good use for the benefit of
all. Once these parameters are made clear to the people, it is probable that they would laud the
idea, and therefore embrace it.
The main goals as outlined in the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (I) document was to ensure
sustainable equitable growth, accelerated poverty reduction and the protection of the vulnerable
and excluded within a decentralized, democratic environment (GPRS I:pp.30). It was further
stated that to achieve the above; the following specifics would be done:
Ensuring economic stability for accelerated growth
Increasing production and promoting sustainable livelihoods
Facilitating direct support of the vulnerable and excluded ensuring gender equity
Ensuring good governance and the increased capacity of the public sector
The active involvement of the private sector as the main engine of growth and
partner in nation building
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“Congestion is a serious problem in this country and it is delaying our time of doing business. So, we welcome studies of this nature that seek to find solutions to the problem. I think the idea is good, if the monies would be used for the right purpose”
The pertinent question, however, is how does one achieve these goals/objectives right from step
one to the very last one? Goods manufactured and/ or produced at their various points would
have to be conveyed to the final consumer. Until this is done, there is no need talking about
growth and subsequently development. That would mean that people, goods and services would
have to be moved quickly and swiftly in space from one activity point to the other. This means
further that there has to be free movement of traffic on the roadways between activity points
located in space.
We have always resorted to borrowings from the international community before building such
road infrastructures and even maintaining existing ones to accommodate the growing traffic.
Heggie (1994) acknowledges that, during the past 20 years, nearly a quarter of the capital
invested in Sub-Saharan Africa’s roads has been eroded through insufficient maintenance.
Ghana’s GPRS I document also observed that, overall donors contributed the largest share of
non-wage expenditure, and this share represents 75% of total non-wage expenditure in 1997 but
declined to about 66% in 1998. At the same time, donor aid to economic services and
infrastructure represents a substantial proportion of our total expenditure in those two areas
afore-stated (economic services and infrastructure) in 2001. Heggie (1994) also observed that,
the road sector in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA) absorbs 5 to 10 percent of central government
recurrent budgets and 10 to 20 percent of their development budget. He further stated that a
significant proportion of the central government’s disbursed and outstanding debt is attributable
to road loans and the sector also absorbs a great deal of grant finance, mainly for procurement of
construction and maintenance equipment. The question then is must we continue to rely on our
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donors? The launching of the Urban Transport Project is a welcomed news in this regard to help
solve the problem of traffic congestion. But this could be under threat if funds are not
forthcoming.
Road pricing then offers a sort of double-edged razor. It could, when properly managed, serve as
a source of revenue to augment the Road Fund to help solve some of these problems. And at the
same time, it could help manage congestion on our roads. The GPRS I & II documents that spell
out the development agenda of this country recognize the need to expand revenue sources for the
Road Fund. For instance, it was observed that corporate bodies would be encouraged to adopt
feeder roads for maintenance, and to make contributions to the Road Fund. Feasibility of such a
programme is in doubt as such an initiative seems remote. This is why a well-managed road
pricing scheme complemented by other traffic management strategies offers a more capable and
pragmatic solution towards answering many of these challenging questions.
Another solution which the GPRS document mentions in relation to speeding up the process of
delivering goods and services, and perhaps indirectly easing the traffic congestion (although not
explicitly stated in the document), was rehabilitating and maintaining a complimentary network
of about 14,000km of trunk and 3,000km of urban roads to augment the effort by the feeder
roads to facilitate the distribution of activities in space. This is, nevertheless, a welcome idea, but
as to whether this would be able to contain the increasing demand for road space for that matter
the increase in demand for travel, is another thing altogether. It is almost six (6) years since the
implementation of GPRS I, but still foodstuffs get stacked in the villages and prices of these
foodstuffs are still generally high although relatively stable across the country. Production costs
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of most goods still remain high. One cannot run away from the fact that congestion is part of the
equation.
As table 4.11 below clearly demonstrates, over 62% of the private car owners interviewed
answered ‘no’ to the question whether they are able to report to work on time. Table 4.12 shows
the frequencies and percentages of responses to the question on lateness to work. This was a
reflective pattern seen amongst commercial vehicle drivers as well. They also claimed their
inability to reach terminals in a more timely fashion was mostly due to traffic congestion. In our
part of the world, people look up to governments to provide roadways, which are nonetheless
capital intensive. We need money for these infrastructural developments. The transportation
system must also be properly managed in a way to greatly reduce waiting time and improve
tremendously travel time or average speed levels, and thereby improving the economic activities
as well as the wellbeing of people in general. These are the realities confronting us.
Table 4.11 Responses to Reporting Time at work
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 41 37.3
NO 69 62.7
Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
Table 4.12 Responses to Traffic Congestion Causing Lateness to Work
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 74 78.7
112
NO 20 21.3
Total 94 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
To find out the reasons why private car owners prefer to ride in their private vehicles instead of
riding on the public buses or metro mass buses, the researcher structured a question to address
this. Below in Table4.13 are the categories of feedbacks we gathered from respondents. Sixty-
seven (67) people out of the one-hundred and ten (110) interviewed, representing 60.8%
affirmed that it is to avoid traffic congestion/delays on the roads during the double peak times
that they chose to ride in their own cars to work so that they may get to their places of work on
time. This also supports the data above in table 4.11 where 63% out of the 110 people
interviewed perceived traffic congestion as responsible for not reaching their activity points in
time. Furthermore the perceptions of 67% are that, traffic is the major factor why they are late
for work (Table 4.12). The perception about congestion is still so strong and definitely something
very pragmatic needs to be done about this problem.
Table 4.13 Reasons for Going to Work in One’s Own Vehicle
Reason Frequency Percentage
Unreliable MMT/PBS 16 14.5
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Unreliable taxis &trotro 19 17.3
Traffic congestion/Delays 67 60.8
Convenience/Comfort 8 7.3
Totals 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
It is important to note here some of the interesting views by the respondents at the Accra
Metropolitan Assembly. When the question concerning what factors in their view cause traffic
congestion in the CBD of Accra was asked, the following were their comments:
Box 4
The factors identified above, are in support of the earlier viewpoint in previous paragraphs.
These factors and others, cause delays to workers and the general public as a whole, thereby
having serious consequences on the entire system of efficient delivery of goods and services.
Christainsen (2006:pp.71), made the following observation during his analysis of the
Singaporean case study:
“…Congestion results not only in time lost while sitting in traffic jams. It also constitutes
a disruption to company supply chain and the general flow of commerce. Idling vehicles
contribute as well to air pollution. Congestion thus reduces the quality of life, but
government efforts to limit it have been, for the most part, woefully inadequate…”
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Pedestrians interfering with the roadways Hawkers selling on the roads and on pedestrian walk ways Lawless driving by all manner of drivers Colonial Legacy of making Accra the only centre of all things Proliferation of small vehicles (taxi, trotro, private cars) since
there are not enough public buses; and Regional inequality
It is very important to note that, this assertion by this expert can be supported by the responses in
table 4.14 by our sampled population. During our interview, we also tried to record the
perceptions of the sampled population regarding their experiences driving through the gridlock
or traffic congestion on daily basis, and the information in the table below were what they had to
say. As many as 67 respondents out of the total of 110 private vehicle owners, representing
nearly 61% describe their experiences as very bad driving through the gridlock on daily basis. Of
course, not surprising to us, no single individual was found saying that the congestion was very
good since this is a menace which could not be described as very good. This only strengthens the
assertion made that congestion is really becoming a nuisance in cities in this country and that it is
high time we did something concrete about the phenomenon. The Singaporean example offers us
better grounds to start searching for the benefits of such a scheme in this country.
Table 4.14 Perceptions about driving experiences through the heavy traffic congestion
Perception Frequency Percentage
Very bad 67 60.9
Moderately bad 28 25.5
Bad 12 10.9
115
Good 2 1.8
Moderately good 1 0.9
Very good 0 0
Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
To double check if the respondents were being consistent and if they were being honest enough
in responding to some of the questions posed to them, a follow-up question was asked
concerning the satisfaction private car owners who drove in their own vehicles derive instead of
joining the few public metro buses in the system. Incredibly, eighty-eight people representing
80% claimed they were satisfied going to work in their own vehicles. In fact, with this kind of
enthusiastic response coming from the people, it is really unclear if they would change their
behaviour. The construction and maintenance of roadways has been the policy where some new
roadways are being constructed and existing ones are being improved to supposedly cater for the
increase in traffic volumes and in travel demand. This policy to an extent offers some solution
towards solving the problem, however, it is not certain if this has any prospects in the long run in
terms of helping curb traffic congestion.
Table 4.15 Respondents satisfaction to go to work in own car
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 88 80
NO 22 20
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Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
On the issue of riding on a bus instead of the private car, the study tried to enquire if they would
have preferred to use the public transport services that were more efficient to enable them arrive
at their activity points or destinations on time. Again, majority of them responded in the
affirmative. Geographically speaking, all the routes/corridors as demarcated earlier on and the
drivers who drove on these routes expressed similar viewpoint although the traffic volumes on
these routes are not similar. Congestion although not so bad at the moment on some of these
corridors as compared to others, should be taken as a grave nuisance which demand the needed
attention of all of us, especially those at the helm of affairs who make decisions regarding these
issues. The tables below show us this sharp dichotomy between the views expressed by these
respondents.
Table 4.16 Those who would consider using public transport system to work
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 93 84.5
NO 17 15.5
117
Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
Table 4.17 Perceptions about Traffic Congestion Causing Lateness to Work
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 74 67.3
NO 20 18.2
NON-RESPONSE 16 14.5
Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
As can be seen in the tables above, peoples’ perceptions about such issues as congestion in the
CBD of Accra causing delays, has actually been the driving forces behind riding in their private
vehicles to work instead of joining any form of mass public transport to their work places. Again,
as evident in table 4.16 above, a significant number of these people are nevertheless, prepared to
go to work on board any form of efficient public transportation. These therefore give us the
impression of the potentials of the mass public transport services in helping solve the problem.
This is therefore an affirmation of the proposition made earlier on that the reduction in the
number of low capacity vehicles entering the study area may be a function of road pricing. The
system must be enhanced to attract the masses that are prepared at all times to patronize the
services. Indeed, one private car driver testified that it would be cheaper and more economical
for him to ride on the public bus to work if the system was that efficient. Here’s what he said:
Box 5
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“I would be able to save the money I spend on buying fuel all the time on other things like taking care of expenses at home”
Comments such as this were found across the sampled population on almost all the routes
throughout the study area. For instance, on the Kasoa-Mallam-Route or Corridor to the CBD, the
travelers who use this route claim they spend nearly three hours sometimes just driving through
the morning traffic jam to work, and this means spending extra money on fuel. The claims by
these drivers along this route were found among the ones who also drove along the Teshie-
Nugua-Accra corridor into the CBD on daily basis for work and other things. The soaring fuel
price on the international market and for that matter in Ghana has been a thing of great concern
to most of these folks. The author of this thesis is of the view that all these perceptions
concerning the effects of traffic congestion, and lamentations of fuel prices which do not even
bring any changes in the travel behaviour of the people although it is supposed to deter people,
and the possibility of boarding public transports amongst others, create in his view, a fertile
ground for us to take a second look at our road traffic management strategy. The country’s
population is increasing; more and more people are becoming better educated; governments as
well as the entire people of this country are more determined than ever to get the economy on a
sound footing. All of these phenomena put together, means that movements of goods and
services, and people in space have to be better enhanced to lead us onto achieving the
development goals set forth in the GPRS document as discussed earlier, and that in the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) as Ghana is part of the global economy. Some
of the objectives set forth in the NEPAD document are as follows:
To reduce delays in cross-border movement of people, goods and services.
To reduce waiting-time in the port
To promote economic activity and cross-border trades through improved land transport
linkages, and
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To increase air passenger and freight linkages across Africa’s sub-regions.
These objectives cannot be achieved if the internal mobility and accessibility crises in the
respective countries are not pragmatically attended to. Better management of traffic congestion
must overcome delays that are basically caused by long queues as a result of congestion on the
roadways. The threat congestion poses in the minds of the people cannot be taken for granted.
And, one cannot deny these claims made by the people. During one of the visits to the CBD, the
team got locked up in a jam on the Kwame Nkrumah Avenue when visiting that section of the
network in the CBD. The view of one respondent has been expressed in the box below:
Box 6
The investigation of the correlation between psychological stress and traffic congestion is
beyond the scope of this work for now, but one can generally tell by the way and manner these
drivers behaved in queues that they are going through stressful conditions. Some of them had to
scream at the top of their voices at other drivers who were not moving to fill the small gaps left
ahead of them. This might not appear to be a weighty problem to some, but it is indeed, an
alarming situation that need not be overlooked. The consequences of this is ailing population,
which would in a long run affect the productivity of the country, hence shattering our dreams of
becoming a middle-income country by the year 2020 and beyond. Scholars such as Addo (1979)
and Mabogunje (1980) commonly observed that development in its modern form means more
than a mere economic growth or the growth in gross domestic product (GDP). It is to be seen as
the overall embodiment of the social; economic; political; and cultural as well as the
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“Sometimes I have to spend one hour in traffic before getting to my office, and when I close from the office, it takes me more than two hours to get home, and I become so stressed out”
technological advancement of a group of people, and not to be seen in that parochial sense as
used to be the case centuries ago.
Yet another problem that traffic congestion causes is the pollution of our environments, which on
many occasions has been relegated to the background in many developing countries, as well as in
some developed nations. Experts observed that in general, there is a U-shaped relationship
between speed and emissions. That is to say emissions decline as speed increases (California Air
Resource Board, 1990). This simply implies that the more speed increases; emission declines up
to about 80 to 96 kilometers per hour, then at this point, emission increases again with higher
speeds. It was observed in the Californian case further that, trips with more accelerations and
decelerations result in higher emissions than those with constant speed.
According to Sampath et al (1991), emissions are also somewhat dependent on the type of
vehicle used in trip making. For example, the presence or absence of a catalytic converter affects
the emissions from a vehicle. Emissions, he observed are different between diesel engines and
gasoline-powered engines. The former, he said tend to have lower hydrocarbon and carbon
monoxide emissions and considerably higher particulate emissions than the latter group of
vehicles- gasoline-powered. Unfortunately in our Ghanaian case, most of our vehicles fall within
the latter group of vehicles, and since in our case we do not manufacture vehicles tailored to our
domestic needs and problems, it would be almost impossible to stop the importation of such
vehicles. This makes pollution of our environment a serious case, but we rarely take this issue
very seriously or we simply are doing very little about this right now. So, the longer vehicles
wait in queues, the more emissions they will cause to our environment and consequently, pose
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health problems (respiratory diseases such as asthma etc.) to us, which are not compensated for
by the actors.
In this regard, most authorities hold the view that, road pricing has the potentials to reduce the
number of small capacity vehicles, encourages car sharing or car pooling, thereby reducing
congestion on the roads to a significant proportion and consequently, curbing the health related
problems emanating from congestion whilst improving the patronage of public transportation.
This is yet an affirmation that, the reduction in the number of low capacity vehicles entering the
study area may be a function of road pricing. It must be stated, however, that, road pricing alone
does not offer an express solution to the problem; it must be considered in line with all the other
forms of complementary traffic management strategies- such as; constructing new roadways,
expanding existing ones to cater for the demand in travel, and maintaining the existing network
to increase average speed. None of these measures should be looked at in isolation; they should
rather be considered holistically. By introducing a well-managed road pricing scheme, we can
therefore pay for some of the externalities that congestion imposes on others. Some of these
externalities in the views of the respondents at the AMA are summarized in box 7 below:
Box 7
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Delay to work Reduction in efficiency, productivity, and delays in distribution Health related cases such as asthma Pollution of the urban environment (both noise; water and air) Increased fuel costs as well as increases in government
expenditures Social, psychological and other related problems, etc.
We may now try to ascertain the projected effects of road pricing on private car ownership and/
or use. So far, we have implicitly been trying to draw the link between the possible effects of
road pricing on the usage and/ or the ownership of private cars. In other words, are people likely
to use and/ or drive private cars any longer should road pricing be implemented? Answers to this
question have already been tackled up to this point implicitly. But just to reiterate and put in a
more concise structure, we wish to revisit the issue.
Table 4.18 below demonstrates the results from the field with regard to this question posed to
respondents during the field interview. After thoroughly explaining the concept of pricing the
roadway to these people and informing them about the merits and demerits therein, they were
asked what in their opinion, would be the possible effects of such a scheme on their intention of
owning a vehicle. It should be placed on record that this question was an open-ended one so as to
observe freely their responses. Nearly forty four per cent (44%) of the people who responded
indicated that implementing such a policy would reduce traffic congestion in the area in
question. According to this group, they would then park their cars at home and join the public
buses instead. Some also lamented about the need for parking spaces at certain distances away
from the city centre so they can park their vehicles and board the public buses. This would mean
they would have to use their private vehicles only on certain occasions, hence saving a lot of
money. This outcome/or finding affirms the proposition that, a relationship may exist between
road pricing and reduction in traffic congestion.
As portrayed in the data below, slightly over 28% of the respondents also believed that such a
mechanism is likely to increase the expenditure of people. Yes, very much so, since road pricing
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is a form of punitive measure to control and/ or check the travel behaviour of the people. The
other side of the discourse is that, before the measure is even implemented, there has to be
certain alternatives provided (for example: routes, multi-modal transport facilities, and of course,
a-well-laid out transport framework/structures). Some of these factors have already been taken
care of. What we need to do is to enforce the transport regulations in this country and to
strengthen the mandated bodies and institutions to efficiently discharge their duties without
unnecessary interferences from any individual or group of persons. Moreover, as we keep
mentioning, we need to also subject such a policy to public scrutiny, as has always been the
convention in the country, so that the issue would be looked at in a much broader perspective. As
Yildirim (2001:pp.8) observed:
“…the users should be informed and persuaded that tolling the roads will make life
easier in terms of congestion and public transportation…”
Table 4.18 Respondents perception about likely effects of road pricing
Effects Frequency Percentage
Reduce traffic 48 43.6
Discourage use of Private car 18 16.4
Increase expenditure 31 28.2
Restrict movement 13 11.8
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Total 110 100
Source; Fieldwork, 2006
What would be the likely consequences should road pricing be introduced? What are the things
to be done before a policy such as this possibly takes off? These are some of the questions that
this work seeks to answer. The revelations already noted in previous paragraphs in this chapter
and previous ones are all lending support to the purpose of this study. For instance, the
correlation between income levels and car ownership as demonstrated above, disclosed to us that
indeed there is a strong connection between the two variables (income and vehicles ownership).
In our quest to manage congestion as a country; we have to look into indicators such as income.
Thus as peoples’ standard of living is getting better, one should know that there is bound to be a
rise in travel demand subsequently, the supply of infrastructure should rise accordingly to match
demand, if not we would end up in a chaotic situation. Again our urban transport development
policy should be re-focused to place emphasis on a good and efficient mass transport system. In
short, this provides us with the needed scientific option to better forecast and plan ahead for the
future.
The study also tried to sort the views of respondents on what type or form of road pricing listed
below they would recommend/suggest for implementation should the need be. The outcome is
what has been displayed in the table below. Majority of the respondents supported cordon
pricing. In their view, this should be area based such that it would restrict people from driving
into this area, and they could therefore park their vehicles some distances from this area to board
the public metro buses. This would sound more appropriate a method to be applied if the scheme
is to be used as congestion management strategy instead of one solely for revenue mobilization.
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On a whole the responses by the private vehicle owners were encouraging and it provides us with
the way forward.
Table 4.19 Recommended types of Road Pricing to reduce/remove traffic congestion
Forms of Road Pricing Frequency Percentage
Cordons (area) pricing 61 55.5
Congestion/Value pricing 28 25.5
Road space rationing 8 7.3
Vehicle use fees 5 4.5
None Response 8 7.3
Total 110 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
4.8 Relationship between Road Pricing and the Use of Trotro/Mini Buses and Taxi
Under this objective, the study made an effort to examine, mostly in qualitative terms-since this
work was for the most part qualitative; any possible relationship that may be found between
pricing the road and the use of commercial vehicle such as taxis and mini buses (trotro) in the
likely event that road pricing is introduced. Pricing the roads, as experts portray, is likely to
cause a rebound effect if care is not taken. Estache et al (2000:pp.240), observed that:
“…Overall, average daily traffic volumes in excess of 10,000 vehicles per day seem to be
required to attract private capital in the implementation of road toll projects…”
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The authorities quoted above also observed that toll roads could be classified as congestion
relievers; intercity arterials; development roads; or bridges and tunnels. Congestion relievers
are relatively short roads built to relieve traffic on the existing urban routes or networks. These
types of roads, they acknowledge, are expensive to build due to land costs, nonetheless, they
generally have significant revenue potentials because they tend to serve heavy traffic demand.
The high land acquisition and construction costs, however, may require high tolls if privately
financed. As the authors acknowledged, pricing decisions and regulatory oversight become
important. They went on to say that because congestion may be concentrated at peak periods,
time-of-day, other variable pricing schemes (like cordon pricing, road space rationing and even
road pricing etc.) may be required. Tolling, they say is becoming more widely used as a
mechanism to manage traffic demand on increasing congested highways.
After explaining the concept of road pricing to respondents in this category, they were asked if
they would welcome this new ‘double-edged’ management strategy as a mechanism to deal with
the traffic congestion that they would have to live with on routine basis as they have lamented.
Table 4.20 below shows the responses to this question. Out of the total number of the taxi and
trotro operators interviewed, 22 representing 73.3% answered in the affirmative. The question
was intended to only give us a fair idea of the possible consequences of road pricing on the
operations in this group should such a scheme be introduced. We were prompted to ask a
follow-up question to see what they would do should such a scheme be introduced. The answers
were in the affirmative. Below is what one taxi driver has to say:
Box 8
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“…I go pay to go there and take passengers. I go fit make more money to cover the money I pay…”
The view of this respondent represents that of many. These certainly affirm the propositions
made earlier that; a relationship may exist between road pricing and reduction in traffic
congestion and that reduction in the number of low capacity vehicles entering the study area may
be a function of road pricing. People are aware of the fact that the CBD offers tremendous
economic potentials and they would not loose if they make any investment there. We should,
however, learn from the Singaporean example where the charges for taxis that go in and out of
the CBD several times within a single day were phased out in a matter of three years. Of course
there is the other group of people who also trust that they would find jobs with the mass transport
services if the organization expands. In short, people have absolute confidence in such a system
to help manage the very problem that has bedeviled them for several decades now.
Table 4.20 Acceptance of Road Pricing as a license to enter CBD
Response Frequency Percentage
YES 22 73.3
NO 8 26.7
Total 30 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
The views of those who are prone to say no to such a policy and the reasons that are likely to
prompt their stand were also sought. The margin of those who thought a policy such as road
pricing would have little bearing on traffic congestion, were negligible as compared to the total
sampled population. Let us take the argument away from the issue of absolute numbers. The fact
remains that their worries and grievances are certainly to be considered for further deliberations.
At the end of the discussions with them, it turned out that people were thinking that there exist
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already too many forms of taxes imposed on commercial vehicle drivers in this country. It was
not too hard to cogitate that they were certainly viewing road-pricing as a form of tax. Certainly
road pricing is a form of punitive measure instituted to regulate/manage the problem of traffic
congestion in mainly urban environs. However, at the same time, many people also view it as a
source of raising funds to augment other sources of funding meant for the construction and
maintenance of transportation infrastructure. It should therefore not be viewed as a tax. This is a
misconception that must be promptly corrected.
Owing to some of these misconceptions and skepticisms that loom in the minds of people, the
purpose of implementing road tolls or pricing the roads should be clearly specified to the road
users. This is an assertion many experts such as Yildirim and others agree with. If this was not
done, people would still lack confidence in the system and would still be skeptical about its
purpose making its’ acceptance very difficult. Professor Glaister at the Imperial College in
London clearly observed on a BBC programme dabbed: BBC Radio 4’s in 2007 as follows:
Box 9
Box 10
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“…It was important for ministers to make it clear where the extra money generated would be spent…" Professor Stephen Glaister, 2007
“… If you spent the money reducing fuel duty… it would make a big benefit in the rural areas…”
“…But if you keep the money to spend it on public transport or improving the road network, that’s quite a different thing and that would look very different in cities and in rural areas…” Glaister, 2007
On the other hand, the people who were against the implementation of such a policy also have
given their reasons for not supporting such a policy. But on a whole the available data suggest
that those who were for the implementation of such a policy should the need be, numerically out-
numbered their counterparts on the other side of the divide. This is an indication that, such a
scheme could be embraced or has a high probability of being welcomed should it be introduced.
However, a study such as this one should be carried out on a large scale to determine the full
scale benefits that road pricing has over other methods for managing or controlling congestion in
our cities.
Table 4.21 Reasons for not accepting Road Pricing
Response Frequency Percentage
Can’t remove traffic congestion completely 2 25
No guarantee of passengers in the area 2 25
So many taxes on vehicles already 4 50
Total 8 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
The table above needs no further explanation as it speaks for itself. Clearly, as regards the issue
of pricing reducing traffic congestion, eight people feel it could not remove traffic congestion. It
is interesting to note that these people are not saying that it cannot remove traffic congestion, but
their concern is about it removing the congestion completely. Honestly, the goal of this work is
the reduction of traffic congestion to its barest minimum, and not a complete removal of traffic
congestion from the roadways. Congestion will always be with us in as much as we try to better
our lots. In effect, these people do not really seem to have any problem with the policy as a
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matter of fact. They are only expressing their worries in a different manner, which is nonetheless,
a healthy thing to begin with. This should be a welcome concern. We could also observe that the
views, as expressed by a group of commercial drivers, are very much similar to those expressed
by a section of Londoners in Great Britain at the time their government was considering a-wide-
scale implementation of road pricing. For example the Independent Transport Commission in
Britain (2005) observed that:
Box 11
Certainly the purpose is to keep drivers off certain parts of the road network during certain times
of the day so they could use other sections of the network instead. One apprehension also
expressed by this same commission, was that, such a policy would lead some motorists to detour
along country lanes to avoid paying extra on major roads. However, in the Ghanaian case, this
would not be a problem as the chief purpose is not to generate revenue but to manage congestion
and to encourage a modal shift. Hence, it would rather be a-welcome-news when road users
divert attention to other routes. But once a person drives into the CBD, they would be obliged to
pay these tolls.
Another issue people often raised is that the scheme is likely to cut traffic congestion on busier
roads by making journeys more predictable and instead of switching to public transport, drivers
would try to drive early or late to avoid high charges. They may also opt for car sharing. But, the
ultimate goal is to get many of the small or low capacity vehicles off the roads in order to reduce
their numbers on the roads thereby curbing congestion. Once this aim is achieved, we could
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“…Road pricing proposals will not keep motorists off the roads but will change where and when they drive…”
possibly say that the scheme has the capacity to manage the situation. Nonetheless the issue of
diverting to rural routes if it would create the very problem of congestion should not be taken
lightly. This is what we have been referring to all along- to manage the situation, not to eradicate
or to permanently remove it from the system. The interview with the 112 private vehicle
owner/drivers as demonstrated earlier revealed that majority of those interviewed were more than
willing to use public transportation should their services become efficient enough as per the
judgment of the people. Hence the way forward is to better equip or resource these public buses
to have the capacity to offer the best attractive and desirable service that would make it possible
for people to patronize their services.
Finally, the fear expressed by the Independent Transport Commission in Britain which bear a lot
of semblance with those expressed by the members of our sampled population was the danger of
road pricing adding up to the current or the existing car tax and fuel duty. The Commission is of
the view that it would amount to a few pounds extra a week for the average household. On the
other hand, the cost of the health hazards (in terms of pollution amongst other things) cannot be
sacrificed for high fuel tax. Congestion also imposes a lot of psychological trauma on the people,
which has never been quantified in monetary terms (at least not in Ghana). The issue of
increasing the expenditure of the road user is neither here nor there since their very actions cause
harm to other humans. As Yildirim (2001), and others observed, people have to be responsible
for the external cost they impose on others. The diagram below echoes the responses of
respondents.
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All thirty interviewees representing a total of one hundred (100) per cent claimed that road traffic
congestion in the CBD of Accra is of great concern to them. This was the popular concern
throughout the entire survey in the area, and pragmatic solution is needed to arrest or cut back
the situation to prevent any further deterioration. Intervention programmes must be implemented
within certain time intervals and just when the situation calls for it. The famous Singaporean
example is a good lesson here. As soon as they recognized that the measures they had in place in
1972 and early part of 1975 were not working, they marshaled all the essential logistics to tackle
the problem. Yildirim (2001:pp.3) has this to say:
“…Congestion is an inevitable part of everyday life in most metropolitan areas. It is
clear from… that congestion imposes a high burden on the people using the
transportation system in those areas. Thus transportation planning agencies use several
traffic management tools like road pricing and parking pricing in order to restrain the
traffic and reduce the congestion level on the transportation network…”
Table 4.22 Drivers Perception of Road Traffic Congestion
Response Frequency Percentage
Yes 30 100
No 0 0
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Total 30 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
As portrayed in table 4.23 below, it turns out that enforcement of traffic regulations in the
country should be employed to complement the efforts of road pricing scheme should the scheme
be introduced. This would therefore lead to the full realization of the potential benefits of the
scheme. It should, however, be mentioned that the launching of the Urban Transport Project by
the Government of Ghana through the Ministry of Transportation and the Department of Urban
Roads is a laudable idea. The project is the design of an Area Wide Management System, which
involves the provision of a clean reliable power supply for uninterrupted operations of an area-
wide traffic control system. It also involves the development of a comprehensive signal and
electrical design standard; provision and installation of detection devices at all signalized
junctions. Furthermore, there would also be the provision of an advanced signal control system
and wireless communications between the field signal controllers and the Traffic Management
Centre.
This effort may form part of the preparation works for a possible implementation of a road
pricing scheme in the future. If the detection devices record the offenders of traffic regulations,
there must be the will to bring these people to book. The form/type of punishment is not yet
clear, but either way, this can bring a lot of revenue to the state to help pay for the cost that
would be incurred in implementing this management system. The funds for the project are
coming from development partners with a small fraction from the Government of Ghana. Road
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pricing if efficiently and effectively managed would give us the opportunity to raise money
domestically and at the same time help manage congestion on certain roads in the CBD.
Table 4.23 Suggested Measures by the Public to Complement Road Pricing to Check Congestion
Suggestion Frequency Percentage
Enforce traffic regulations 10 33.3
Improve road infrastructure 7 23.3
Regular traffic lights operation 2 6.7
Educate stakeholders 5 16.7
Road space rationing 6 20.0
Total 30 100
Source: Fieldwork, 2006
As in the case of private car drivers/owners, commercial vehicle drivers were also asked the
question relating to their perceptions on the possible prospects of road pricing if implemented.
As anticipated, there were brilliant contributions from this category. Table 4.24 below
demonstrates the sanitized views of the people. The views expressed by these people fall in line
with most ideas expressed in the literature regarding the topic under investigation. Combining
the views of this category and those of private car owners, and what already existed in the
literature, one can therefore arrive at a broader picture. In fact, the views expressed below also
re-emphasize the position of many experts in this area. Like the private car owners, the group of
commercial vehicle owners/drivers also thinks that road pricing if implemented would enhance
the free flow of vehicular and pedestrian movements in the CBD as well as help mobilize
revenue for road construction projects and maintenance.
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According to the AMA, the idea as to what new strategies the Metropolis has initiated or is
planning to put forward to regulate the traffic congestion in the CBD is a timely one. They are
planning on infusing the issue of pricing certain sections of the roadways into a strategy of
revenue mobilization and waste management within the city of Accra. They were also quick to
add that, this policy is still at its’ embryonic stages and that nothing is tangible as of now. They
mentioned that the idea was to make it expensive and/ or prohibitive to drive into the central
business district of Accra, but at the same time help mobilize revenue for developmental projects
in the city. As we were told during our interview with these officials, the deliberation generated a
heated debate. But the good aspect of it is that at least members agreed there has to be a form of
pricing of sections of the roadways in the city.
They further observed that before going all out on the issue of pricing in the metropolis, there has
to be some necessary and pertinent measures (or as they termed it, certain parameters) put in
place. Below in the box were some of the views expressed at the interview:
Box 12
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There has to be development framework or Concept A definition of workable definition of congestion Discussions with stakeholders in the country Provision of parking space To calculate the actual number of vehicles that ply in the
CBD Limit vehicles (e.g. trotro) to certain routes only Make sure private cars with only one person must pay
more
The views of all the two hundred and ten interviewees as regards the possible prospects of road
pricing have been illustrated in the table below. These are general concerns by the very people
who are going to be affected in one way or the other should a policy such as road pricing be
introduced in the CBD of Accra. Twenty-nine per cent (29%) of those interviewed, think that if
implemented, road pricing has the benefit of reducing congestion and improving vehicular and
pedestrian movements in areas in the CBD.
Table 4.24 Prospects of Implementing Road Pricing in the CBD
Prospects Frequency Percentage
Free vehicular & pedestrian movement 61 29.0
Improve road safety 8 3.8
Generate revenue 40 19.0
Increase public bus patronage 15 7.1
Reduce fuel consumption 34 16.2
Reduce cars entering Accra Central 43 20.5
No Prospects 9 4.3
Total 210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
Yildirim (2001), Glaister, and others have all questioned such things as to the uses to which the
money generated from the scheme is to be put. Educating the people about the scheme and
possibly on even any adverse effect if the need be is, in our view, the first step towards
addressing any perception of embezzlement in the minds of the people, and probably any other
forms of threat as illustrated by table 4.25 below. Steps such as these are likely to win the
confidence of the stakeholders and ultimately their trust in the system thereby making the nation
accomplish the right results. The city of London for example is on record to have introduced
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congestion pricing in part of its downtown area in 2003. The pricing has succeeded in reducing
traffic volumes by about 15 per cent, and average traffic speeds have also increased by about 22
per cent (The Economist, 9th June 2005). Another example worthy of note is that of Singapore.
After the implementation in 1975, traffic volume was known to have reduced by more than 50%.
Also average traffic speed was recorded to have doubled for 36 km/hr in the CBD.
Table 4.25 Perceptions on Possible Threats to Implementing Road Pricing
Problems Frequency Percentage
Unwillingness to pay 83 39.5
Logistical/Technical problems 16 7.6
Difficulty in getting car in Accra 36 17.1
Increase in fares 31 14.8
Revenue Misappropriation 19 9.0
Increase expenses on vehicles 25 11.9
Total 210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
It is interesting to note that the responses of the people pointed to a clear acceptance of the
scheme, should it be implemented in this country. Generally speaking, it appears that if their
concerns raised would be taken more seriously and factored into any decision making process
regarding this particular subject matter, then the way forward would be something encouraging
contrary to what some experts think- for example that road pricing is what economists loved, but
which the people hate (Christainsen, 2006). The table below again demonstrates the views
expressed by the people as to whether they were willing to accept the policy.
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This study was conducted within a fraction of the rather large population of Ghana and for that
matter, only within a small fraction of the entire population of the city of Accra. Therefore it
would be statistically unacceptable to conclude at this point that people would accept the policy
wholeheartedly for even in Singapore there were few political squabbles on the issue among
politicians. Table 4.26 illustrates the views of the respondents.
Table 4.26 Acceptance and/ or Rejection of Road Pricing
Response Frequency Percentage
Yes 151 71.9
No 59 28.1
Total 210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
4.9 Effects of Road Pricing on the Operations of Public Transportation
We posed some questions to the operators of a few of the public metro buses in the metropolis
of Accra in order to observe the probable effects of road pricing on their activities. The few ones
interviewed were; the Metro Mass Transport (MMT), Kingdom Transport Services, Pegah
Transport Services, and other public bus operators.
The table below shows the various groups and the break down of the number of people talked to
in those organizations. Usually the view of the respective managers represents the positions of
the entire group or organization. However, we also had discussions with others so as to seek their
personal opinions on this subject, but that does not really represent the position of their
respective organizations. As table 4.27 below shows, MMT operators have the highest number of
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buses that operate in the Accra Metropolis. The Public Relations Manager of the organization
stated that, currently they have only one bus operating on the route to the CBD of Accra since it
is not efficient to allocate more buses to that route at the moment. Buses are not able to return to
station in time due to heavy traffic congestion amidst other factors. They are presently operating
on the following corridors: Lartebiokorshie; Adenta; Tema; Kaneshie; and Kwashiman.
Table 4.27 Various Public Metro Transport Operators
Transport Groups Respondents Percentage No. of Buses
Metro Mass Transport 3 15 275
Kingdom Transport 5 25 X
Pegah Tranport 5 25 X
Others 7 35 98
Total 20 100 373
Source: fieldwork, 2006. Note: X denotes the reluctance of the interviewees in providing information.
An attempt was made to find out from him what their position was with respect to the issue of
road pricing and if they think such a policy could make it easy for them to allocate more or
adequate number of buses to ply that section of the city. The response of the Manager is as put in
the box below:
Box 13
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The problem is not about the number of buses per se, it has to do with the delay of the bus as a result of the heavy presence of congestion in the area. And we welcome any policy to decongest the area for swift movement to take place.
Here again the problem as put forward by this person is not about assigning more buses to a
particular route, but it has basically to do with the swift movement and return of the buses. He
admitted that, should the congestion in that area be improved upon; there might not even be the
need to assign more than two buses to that route, based on their technical assessment of the new
situation.
It was apparent throughout the field data gathering and interview that, people in general were not
pleased with the problem of traffic congestion. Nevertheless their optimism towards finding
solution to the problem remains positive, which is a good thing. We also need to rely on the use
of a multidisciplinary approach to solve the problem as the problem itself is a cause of many
complex factors. It is not possible for us as a people, to easily build our way out of congestion by
relying solely on a single strategy. There is the need for some new road capacities to be built to
complement the existing ones. At the same time we need to reconcile this ‘traditional’
way/method of road infrastructural improvement with the policy of demand management and
traffic management.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND CONCLUSION
5.1 Chapter Overview
The summary of the findings have been discussed in this chapter. Some recommendations
regarding any possible implementation of a road pricing scheme in the probable future have also
been made in this chapter. These recommendations were made drawing inspiration from other
places around the globe as well as what is currently happening elsewhere in other parts of the
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world concerning how to manage the problem of traffic congestion. The last section of this
chapter is the conclusion.
5.2 Summary of Findings
The average age of people interviewed was 41yrs. This perhaps gave an impression that any
policy regarding driving within the central business district of Accra should take into account the
needs of this age group. But the spread of the age data around this average reveals the actual
dispersion of the ages across the population of people who drove into and/ or from the CBD on
daily basis; an indication that there were people below the mean age who also drive within the
CBD of Accra on daily basis. In this respect, the needs of this other group should also be
factored into any decision making process. These different age groups portray the general
character of the economically active group within the study area. There were people around
68yrs who were still involved in active economic activities in the CBD. This general pattern is
very vital for planning.
The disparity found in sexes among the driving population was not that encouraging, but it does
give a general idea as to which sex group possesses more wealth. There were more than thrice as
many men who drove in the central business district of Accra as compared to the female
counterparts. This could partly be associated with the disparity between the circumstances of the
females’ economic and/ or their financial strengths as against that of their male counterpart. One
can also liken this disparity to those who drove/own private vehicle. Among this category, the
male population is again dominant. The picture is the same for those who drove commercial and
all other forms/types of vehicles. No female commercial vehicle driver in the city centre was
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seen; a development one can attribute to specialization in occupations defined by gender roles.
Generally people tend to brand the driving profession as a high-risk occupation, and mostly such
jobs were reserved for men. This probably accounts for the wide disparity in the numbers of
males who drove as compared to their female counterparts across the entire study area.
On education, we found out that almost all the two hundred and ten people interviewed have
some form of education. Those who had high level of education were those with the polytechnic
and/ or university education. It is this group who drove mostly the private cars in the study area,
whilst almost all the commercial vehicle drivers had at least Primary/ or Elementary education.
One alarming development that was observed was how people acquired driver’s license as
against their poor knowledge of driving regulations and abysmal knowledge of road-markings.
This disturbing trend was found among the entire population interviewed irrespective of their
educational backgrounds and/ or levels. This trend calls for prompt action to reverse the decay.
For more than 80% of the people interviewed to possess driver’s license without good
knowledge of road signs, markings and regulation is really a cause for concern. Perhaps we
could partly attribute the high incidence of accidents reported on daily basis to this tendency.
Regarding the extent of growth of the CBD of Accra and the extent to which it influences its
environs, the CBD could only be likened to the behaviour of a magnetic field. It pulls people
from all over the countryside and even outside the territorial boundaries of Ghana. We could
only say that the city of Accra has tremendous influence on its environs, and this calls for a
better planning of facilities and infrastructure- chief among them is transportation infrastructure,
in order to take care of better service delivery and the increasing growth in the vehicle ownership
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and delays to travel. Another obsession that was observed throughout the data collection and
analysis was the issue concerning the time ranges that people drive into and from the city centre.
A total of 162 people drove into and from the city centre on daily basis. It also became apparent
that more than 48% of the people drove into the CBD in the mornings between 7.30am and
10.00am mostly on weekdays. This could perfectly be described as the morning rush hours. The
evenings on weekdays are pretty much the same. These present the individuals the opportunity to
plan ahead of time. Almost 38% of the people who traveled to the CBD went solely for to
transact business. It was also clear that only a small margin of respondents went to the CBD to
occasionally visit friends and relatives during business hours. This development is an indication
that transportation facilities to a large extent are strictly used for economic reasons, and it has
really been used in this respect by many of our people.
Probably the single most significant finding was the existence (or the re-discovery at least in the
Ghanaian case) of relationship between income level and car ownership among the
owners/drivers of private cars in the CBD of Accra. The income samples collected were
correlated against the number of cars respondents claimed they owned/ or drive. The correlation
coefficient found was a very strong one- 0.82 at a confidence level of 95 percent (refer to
Appendix B). This illustrates that there truly exists a relationship between these two variables
and if the assumptions and propositions underlined under chapter one are any thing to go by,
then we should therefore be mindful that a rise in the independent variable is very likely to have
a concomitant rise in the dependent variable. It therefore means that we need to develop proper
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and better planning measures to combat the problem of road traffic congestion in the not distant
future.
It was further discovered that there is a high sense of perception about vehicle ownership should
incomes go up. Generally, people have good sense of feeling about owning vehicles should their
incomes increase in the future. This phenomenon should therefore prompt us to re-think of
concrete measures to cater for traffic congestion in the CBD of Accra given that we cannot
physically extend the roadways in the CBD beyond its current level (scope). Again, another
qualitative indicator that lend support to the relationship described above as regards the two
variables (income and number of private cars), was the general feelings among the people that
lateness to their work places was chiefly due to the heavy congestion on the roadways in the
CBD. The inability of the people to get home on time has also been attributed to the same
phenomenon. In short, congestion was identified as the chief cause of most of these problems.
Among the reasons provided by private car owners/ or drivers for riding in their cars, traffic
congestion and avoidance of long queues featured most prominently. Over 20% of respondents
out of the total sampled population of this category think that they like to ride in their own cars
because the other types of vehicles waste too much time before reaching their destinations. In
the same vein, more than 30% of the people interviewed thought that traffic congestion is the
reason why they like riding in their private cars to work. Thus in their opinion, it is faster to ride
in their own vehicles to their activity points since they could choose to leave their homes at any
time they so wish. Contrary to popular opinions, less than eight per cent of those interviewed
think they love riding in their private cars for comfort or for convenience. These people prefer to
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ride in their own cars to work rather than any other form of transport. This then gives us a
positive signal that some people no matter the consequence would not change their behaviours,
and would be ready to pay the price for their comfort thus helping raise revenue for the state.
Others would also change their behaviours and go for a more efficient and reliable transportation
system. These directions could serve as a basis to introduce or implement a-three-type price
system in case we decide to go road pricing in the near possible future. For instance we could
have a road-pricing scheme that incorporates the following: price discrimination; user charges;
and set-up charges.
Generally there is a good feeling amongst the people that suggest their willingness to accept such
a policy should there be the need to implement it in the CBD of Accra. Amongst all categories of
respondents’ interviewed, the general feeling concerning pricing is that there is a great
probability that such a policy could be allowed to operate if the people are well educated about
the subject and if they are re-assured about the proper use of the proceeds from such a scheme.
It was further gathered from the findings that there were other groups of people interviewed who
do not agree with their counterparts who think the scheme when implemented would help solve
the problem of traffic congestion. It is not in our interest to play down the views of these other
groups since such critics are very crucial in any decision-making. There has really not been any
single attempt at implementing road pricing without any form of protest from the people. Till
today, the Singaporean model has some political protests from both the general population as
well as from the members of parliament, but their criticism has to do more with the effectiveness
of the scheme. Christainsen (2006:pp.72) stated as follows:
‘…it should be emphasized that road pricing is viewed in Singapore as only one part of
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an eclectic approach to transportation management, and even in Singapore-where one
political party has dominated the government-there are some political barriers to
effective pricing’.
Consequently, it would have been out of place if there were no such questions or criticisms on
this subject from the people interviewed.
5.3 Policy Recommendations
The foremost attempt by the researcher towards making any such recommendations as regards
the subject under investigation was to find out from the people at the grassroots their views on
the matter. Table 5.2 below summarizes the views of the people. The following are
recommended for paving the way for any possible implementation of road pricing as a strategic
mechanism for reducing road traffic congestion in urban areas especially that of the city centre as
projected by this thesis.
The problem of road haulage and congestion has been with us for a very long time now, and the
causes of this congestion have been attributed to many factors. Tamakloe (1989) for example
attributes the problem to the following amongst other factors:
“…The large proportion of personal means of transport, especially, private cars and
taxis, which carry a relatively small proportion of the demand for person movements in
our cities. For example, in Accra and Kumasi about 67 per cent of all vehicle journeys
are undertaken by cars and taxis. This is because the motor car is used for all kinds of
journeys; for work, for shopping, and for social journeys…”
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This relationship, we have already established in previous paragraphs, and the way forward is to
take that pain-staking measure to combat this rot from escalating to the level that would become
very difficult if not practically impossible to resolve. Our earlier discovery tells us that, there is a
relationship between income levels of people and their quest or the desire to acquire more
vehicles if the need be, and this would continue to fuel the problem of congestion. Again, as
population grows coupled with the ever-burning desire of governments and the masses to build a
healthy economy (as espoused in the GPRS document), the problem is bound to continue if we
do not find practical solution quickly. This therefore means that we have to take pragmatic steps
towards curbing the menace before it gets out of control.
Table 5.1 Recommendations to Facilitate the Introduction of Road Pricing
Implementation Process Frequency Percentage
Good research and planning 39 18.6
Involve major stakeholders 24 11.4
Public education 74 35.2
Improve MMT & PTS 15 7.1
Enforce traffic regulations 27 12.9
Institute task force 24 11.4
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Construct toll gates 7 3.3
Total 210 100
Source: fieldwork, 2006
The remedies proposed by others like Tamakloe (1989) Segbefia (2000) and Addo (2006) are
indeed suggestions we have to critically look into. An example here is what Segbefia termed
telecommuting: - the partial or total substitution of telecommunications, with or without
assistance of computers, for the twice daily commute to/from work (Nilles, 1988).
Telecommuting is a transportation control measure/ or strategy for reducing the physical travel
demand of people or improving the flow of vehicular traffic, thereby ensuring air quality and
many others. On the contrary, we must also insinuate that, studies are still on-going in this area;
therefore, a lot of caution needs to be exercised in this regard. In our part of the world, as rightly
identified by Segbefia (2000), this process can be hampered by the non-availability of
telecommunication facilities in remote areas or peri-urban communities. This is bound to make
such a method almost impossible to use here albeit its’ immense potential in curbing physical
travel demand and consequently in reducing congestion on the roads. Besides the impairment to
the use of such a measure in solving our rather ‘long-deep-routed’ road haulage problem,
telecommuting remains an untried strategy on a wide scale. Still other measures such as ‘smart or
smarter travel choices’ (including: travel planning, proper cycle facilities, marketing of public
transport, and of course telecommuting) can be used to augment the efforts of road pricing in
realizing our objective of improving accessibility to activity points in space.
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Urban traffic congestion has been a challenge for many decades now, and all cities around the
world have been looking for the most feasible way out of the problem using many different
means, as the problem itself is a cause of multiple factors. Some of the measures can be grouped
as the ones below:
The construction of new road capacities or new roadways
The improvement in existing road and rail network projects or programmes, and
The policy on demand and traffic management
It is therefore imperative that we do not have to compromise on any of these three approaches
when tackling this menace. In fact, these have been the approaches adopted by most cities
around the world. Implicit in the third measure can be found the strategy under investigation-
road pricing. In most cities that have attempted to introduce/ or have introduced this measure as
an antidote to curb the problem of congestion, there was evidence about this strategy altering
greatly the travel behaviour of the people. What we need as a people determined to combat the
problem of congestion is a proper evaluation of the cost congestion imposes on us and an
understanding of the impact congestion has on our economy. This we need to do in order to
ascertain the full scale of the problem.
Governments have to recognize the importance of further research to increase understanding of
the full-scale impact of congestion. There is the need for a balanced, cost effective approach
through the process of appraising proposals for new roads, improving the existing roads, and
other policies aimed at reducing congestion on our roads in the CBD of the Accra Metropolis
before the situation gets out of control.
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Again, should road pricing be introduced in this country, the authorities need to ensure that the
quality of road transport deserves the costs it imposes on the people. There is therefore the need
for governments to set out the objectives of road pricing if we decide at any point to go road
pricing. However, care should be exercised not to let the issue become one of political discourse
as this has the potential of undermining the scheme’s efficiency and performance. Such an
objective should include the targets of reducing road traffic congestion, road accidents (deaths
and injuries), and the more current issue of climate change. The government’s objectives as
espoused in the GPRS documents relating to improving accessibility of the urban communities
should also be part of such an objective.
Experts such as Yildirim (2001) are of the view that the starting point of any possible attempt to
introduce a pricing scheme is to reflect better to motorists the costs of their driving to the people
and the entire communities in which they live. This should not be about whether motorists pay
more on the whole, but the notion should rather be about a system which allows the amount paid
to vary according to such factors as location, time of day, and vehicle type (for example, private
vehicle owners/ or drivers should pay more than taxis and trotro etc.). What needs to be
considered is whether revenue generated from such a scheme would fully cover the costs of
operating the scheme, improve public transport, reduce the cost of driving and fund local
economic rejuvenation (TSO: www.tso.co.uk/bookshop). Road pricing, it is said, must not be
sold to the people on an unworkable promise of how much money will be available to be spent,
and to what end. It is important for the government to prioritize investment in other areas. For
151
example, the issue of providing public transportation, traffic management projects, and road
improvements etc must receive high priority.
Furthermore, in order to decide whether road pricing either on a national scale or on small scale,
would be acceptable or not, the people would need to know who would set the charges. Simply
put, all the stakeholders including local authorities and members of the political divide are to be
invited when it comes to this important subject of the fixing of charges. The issue of
transparency and accountability would have to be incorporated in any such proposal. This was
the cry of many people during the field data gathering. In our part of the world, the issue relating
to corruption is very widely spread and common among the population. Thus transparency and
accountability need to be dealt with very comprehensively and in its totality. If the whole attempt
of introducing any such measure with all its genuineness is compromised, then this might
undermine the whole scheme.
It is also a common knowledge that any such attempt to implement road pricing would require
strong commitment and direction from government. Such foremost leadership and commitment
have been seen coming from the Accra Metropolitan Assembly as well as from the Department
of Urban Roads. According to these officials, there are plans to inculcate the idea of road pricing
within a much wider policy framework of revenue mobilization and waste management strategy,
which is at an embryonic stage right now.
Another recommendation to get across is when considering the issue of implementing road
pricing in the future to help rescue the already deteriorating problem of congestion, we should
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take into account the much talked about subject of road safety. The national road safety
commission is already doing a lot in this direction, but more still needs to be done. It should be
an integral part of the scheme. For example, any possible and/ or potential road pricing scheme
in the strategic area under investigation would need to include consideration of possible
diversion impacts and how these impacts might be truncated so as not to compromise on safety
measures on that aspect of the network.
The key issue of transaction costs must also be considered. The costs of toll collection itself
scholars agree are not anything trivial and have very important implications for the success of the
scheme or otherwise. Christainsen (2006) cited that if tolls are collected simply by having
vehicles stop at a booth to hand someone bills or coins, or drop coins in a collection bin, then toll
collection itself can cause congestion. Vehicles, he observed would have to queue up to pay tolls.
In the case of Accra therefore drivers could be made to buy these area licenses on weekly or
monthly basis from an authorized body ahead of driving into the area to avert some of these very
problems of congestion, which we seek to eliminate. After enough funds have been mobilized,
we could purchase some of the latex technologies used in pricing regimes.
5.4 Conclusions
We need to always remember that the problem of traffic congestion is caused by multiple factors.
There is the human or the behavioural dimension to the problem; the design and/ or type of the
vehicles that are involved in the daily conveyance of people and goods, and in the delivery of
services; again there is also the engineering aspect of the roadway, which also forms part of the
problem. Colonial heritage is at least the other side of the problem. Lack of political will on the
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part of governments is yet another dimension to the problem of traffic congestion; and in general
the actions and inactions of the entire citizenry also contribute in various forms to the problem.
In this direction therefore, there is the need to handle the issue of congestion using a more
holistic approach and/ or methodology. We need for instance to re-examine our current
methods/strategies of trying to solve the problem and do a proper evaluation concerning the
performances of the strategies. It is also imperative to re-examine in both quantitative and
qualitative terms the costs that congestion poses to the general population of this country.
It is at this critical point that we need to turn our focus to the enormous potentials of road pricing
on easing the pressure congestion imposes on people, the economy, and governments as a whole.
Road pricing as has been demonstrated all along has the potentials to reduce the burden that
congestion poses to people in general. Governments are constantly under immense pressure from
citizens to provide transportation facilities in order to match current travel demand, but the
construction of such new road capacities involve huge fixed costs, which in most cases cannot be
borne by governments, especially in our country. This pressure on governments is a result of the
fact that roadways are still viewed in the social market perspective in most countries. However,
in Ghana, since we could hardly raise enough money from managing the roadways to finance
such new capacities, we have to, in many instances, resort to borrowings from the international
community to offset such huge fixed costs. No more of that, if road pricing is looked into
critically. Road pricing has been described in many spheres as a double-edged razor that could
help us mobilize revenue to support such investments and at the same time help reduce or curb
the problem of congestion in the central business districts.
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As demonstrated by the field discussions, there seems to be prospects as regards the introduction
of road pricing in this country. The people seem ever ready to help put an end to the problem of
congestion. A combination of these factors makes the ground fertile to explore the potentials of
road pricing. It should, however, be stated that road pricing alone does not offer the express
solution or ‘a one-stop-shop’ towards solving this herculean problem. We would have to keep all
the other strategies in place to complement the efforts of road pricing in order to arrive at a
holistic solution. For example the adherence to our transportation codes in this country must be a
strategic issue for all who use the roadways on daily basis. Pedestrian footbridges are lacking on
most of the roadways throughout the city of Accra. Measures need to be put in place to take
pedestrians off the streets from obstructing or interfering with traffic flows during busy hours.
There should also be appropriate road markings and signs to guide people as well as the drivers.
Driver knowledge tests need to be re-visited. The procedures for issuing driver’s licenses also
need to be re-examined by the authorities.
When all these issues are brought to the table, we can then arrive at a proper and a more realistic
solution of the problem. The issues having to do with telecommuting cannot be a substitute for
physical travel at least for now since most of our businesses and communities do not have access
to information and communication technologies (ICTs). Furthermore, the individuals who would
have avoided physical travel and use these technologies are themselves handicaped when it
comes to the appropriate knowledge in this arena. These factors make the use of telecommuting
almost impossible or difficult to be implemented at least in our parts of the world. Nevertheless,
this could be a possible area to look into or to explore in years to come. We therefore need a
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strategy like road pricing that could help alter the behaviour of people when it comes to the
usage of roadways in the central business district of Accra. In our part of the world, the causes of
congestion are mostly due to these behavioural factors. So, a strategy such as this-road pricing-
has the ability and capacity to alter peoples’ ways of doing things to a large degree.
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www.mrt.gov.gh
APPENDIX A
TABLE SHOWING AGE FREQUENCY
Frequency
(F)
Class Marks
(X)
U=Xi-M/CFU
U2 FU2
20 20.5 -2 -40 4 80
63 30.5 -1 -63 1 63
55 40.5 0 0 0 0
35 50.5 1 35 1 35
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24 60.5 2 48 4 96
13 70.5 3 39 9 117
210 fu= 19 fu2 =391
To calculate the mean age we used the technique or the method known as the coding method:
The mean ≡ П = M + C [fu / f ]
M = the assumed or any guessed mean which we chose as 40.5
C = the class width which again according to the class interval chosen is 10
fi = 200 from the table above
fu= 21 again this can be seen in the above table.
Given the above then our mean = 40.5 + 10 (19 ∕210)
= 40.5 + 10 (0.0905)
= 40.5 + 0.905
= 41.4 Ans.
Therefore the mean age is approximately = 41yrs.
The Standard deviation was also calculated using the following method:
165
c√[1/n∑fiui2 ─ (1/n∑fiui)2]
Again, given the formula above we can compute the standard deviation to the how the raw data
spread about the mean.
So then standard deviation = 10√[1/210(391) − (1/210*19) 2 ]
= 10√[0.005*391 − (0.005*19) 2]
= 10√[1.955 − 0.009025]
= 10√1.803975
= 10*1.343121365
= 13.43121365
Therefore the Standard Deviation of the Age distribution is approximately = 13yrs
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APPENDIX B
TABLE 1: SHOWING THE CORRELATION BETWEEN INCOME PER MONTH AND NUMBER OF
CARS OWNED BY RESPONDENTS
YEARS 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000 2000Total
167
Income
(X)
400 600 800 1,000 1,200 1,400 1,600 1,800 2000 ∑X=
10,800
Average
No. of
Vehicles
(Y)
1 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 5 ∑Y=
26
Using the Simple Regression or Correlation Equation: Yi = a +bXi which could also be termed
the predictive model or equation, we can then predict one the variables with respect to the other.
Where:
b = n∑xiyi – ∑xi*∑yi
n∑x2 – (∑x)2
And:
a = yˉ - bхˉ
TABLE 2: SHOWING THE TWO MEASURED VARIABLES IN QUESTION
Xi X2i Yi Y2
i (Xi * Yi)
400 160,000 1 1 400
600 360,000 2 4 1,200
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800 640,000 3 9 2,400
1000 1,000,000 3 9 3,000
1200 1,440,000 3 9 3,600
1400 1,960,000 3 9 4,200
1600 2,560,000 3 9 4,800
1800 3,240,000 3 9 5,400
2000 4,000,000 5 25 10,000
∑ Xi = 10,800 ∑ X2i =15,360,000 ∑ Yi =26 ∑ Y2
i =84 ∑(Xi * Yi)=35,000
Pls. note: Income (X) is quoted in the new Ghana cedis: ¢10,000=1GH¢=100Gp
∑Yi = 26 ∑Yi2 = 84
∑Xi2 = 10,800 ∑Xi
2 = 15,360,000
(∑xi)2 = 116,640,000 ∑Xi Yi = 35,000
(∑Yi)2 = 676
∑xi *∑yi = 10,800 * 26 = 280,800
Note that N = 9
X‾ = 400+600+800+1000+1200+1400+1600+1800+2000 = 1200
9
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Y‾ = 1+2+3+3+3+3+3+3+5 = 2.9
9
So, the value of ‘b’ as in the formula quoted above:
═ 9(35,000) − 280,800
9(15,360,000) − 116,640,000
═ 315,000 − 280,800
138,240,000 − 116,640,000
═ 34,200
21,600,000
═ 0.00158
Hence ‘b’ ═≡ 0.0016
Again, using the formula above we can obtain the value of ‘a’ since we now have the value of
‘b’:
The value of ‘a’ ═ 2.9 − 0.0016(1200)
═ 2.9 − 1.9
170
═ 1
So, the value of ‘a’ ═ 1
Given these values therefore, we can now feed them into the predictive equation or the simple
regression equal quoted above to predict for instance the number of vehicles people are likely to
own should their incomes increase by certain margin.
Let’s then say the income of an employee increases to GH¢ 500, what is likely to be the number
of vehicle(s) that this person would own using the model above; Yi = a +bXi
Y = 1 + 0.0016(500)
= 1 + 0.8
Y = 1.8
So, we can say that the person is like to own approximately 2 vehicles in the future. This could
only be the case if all others factors remain constant though. We can also calculate the values of
the coefficient of correlation (r ) and the coefficient of determination ( r2 ).
Formula for calculating ‘r’ =
n∑xy − ∑x*∑y
√ [(n∑x2) − (∑x)2] [(n∑y2) – (∑y)2]
So, ‘r’ = 9(35,000) − ( 10,800* 26)
√ [(9 * 15,360,000) − (10,800)2] [(9 * 84) − (26)2]
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= 315,000 − 280,800
√[(138,240,000 − 116,640,000)(756 −676)]
= 34,200
√[ 21,600,000(80)]
= 34,200
√1,728,000,000
= 34,200
41569.21938
= 0.823
Hence ‘r’ approximately = 0.82
Therefore the coefficient of determination (r2 ) = (0.82)2
r2 is approximately = 0.67 or 67 %
Interpretation of the result: the correlation found between the two variables is best described as
a strong correlation, and it gives us a cause for an alarm since there is surely a correlation
between income and number of vehicles owned by people. One can also say that 67 per cent of
the variability in the criterion variable is predictable on the basis of the predictor variable owing
to the test ran on significance level as shown below:
The correlation coefficient, ρ, between X and Y is found to be 0.823. To test for the significance
of the correlation, we test the hypotheses:
H0: ρ = 0 versus H1: ρ 0.
172
The test statistic is given by:
and the H0 is rejected if T > tn-2, α/2 where α is the level of significance of the test.
Now, from the data,
At 5 percent level of significance, tn-2, α/2 = t7, 0.025 = 2.365
Hence, we can reject H0 and conclude that the observed correlation between income and no. of
cars is statistically significant.
APPENDIX C
QUESTIONNAIRE
PURPOSE OF THIS SURVEY: one of the chief purposes of this research is to find out the
response of the general public (i.e. road users and policy makers alike) on the possible problems
and prospects of implementing road pricing in certain areas of the city of Accra so as to inform
173
any policy in this direction to help remove/reduce traffic congestion to its barest minimum to
enhance efficiency in service delivery and productivity.
CONFIDENTIALITY: the researcher wishes to assure all the respondents that all the
information provided WILL be treated very confidential, and it remains purely an academic
work.
DIRECTIONS TO FILLING OUT THIS QUESTIONNAIRE: please endeavour to answer all
questions as applicable to you. Read carefully before answering any of the questions. Please tick
the most appropriate answer.
SECTION A…General Characteristics of Respondents
1) Sex: Male Female
2) Age.……….
3) Place of Residence: ………………………...Place of Work…………………….
4) What is Your Level of Education?
i. Primary/ Elementary
ii. JSS/Middle School.
iii. SSS/ ‘O’ and ‘A’ Level
iv. Post Secondary
v. University / Polytechnic
vi. None
5) Did you attend a driving school? YES NO
174
6) Which type of vehicle, listed below do you drive?
i. Taxi
ii. Private Car
iii. Mini Bus/‘Tro-tro’
iv. Public Bus
v. Truck
7) Do you have a valid driving lincence? YES NO
8) Do you drive into and/ or from the Accra Central area? YES NO
9) If your answer to question 8 above is yes, which of the time ranges below do you drive
into the area in question:
i. 7:30 to 10:00am
ii. 4:30 to 5:30pm
iii. Other……………………………………………………………………………
10) Which of the following is the reason for driving there? For:
i. Passengers
ii. Shopping
iii. Freights/goods
Which other reason(s) can you give?………………………………………….
SECTION B………Private Car Owners and/or Drivers
11) Where is your place of work and/ or office located?……………………………….
12) At what time do you get to the office and/ or work place?……………………
13) Is that the time you should report at work and/ or begin work? YES NO
175
14) If your answer to the previous question 13 is NO, what then would you say accounts for
the lateness?
i. Traffic congestion, usually in the mornings around 7:30 to 10:00
Yes No
15) What time do you leave your office or place of work for the house?………………
16) What reason(s) would you give in support of your answer in question 15 above?
i. ………………………………..
ii. ……………………………….
iii. ……………………………….
iv. ……………………………….
v. ………………………………
17) Why have you chosen to go to work in your own car instead of metro mass transport or
public bus?
i. Unreliability of the metro mass transport and other forms of public buses
ii. Unreliability of taxis and ‘tro-tro’
iii. Traffic congestion
iv. Other reasons………………………………………
18) Would you say that high incomes or salaries made it possible for you to own a car?
YES NO
19) What would you say your monthly salary was in the year 2000? (i) 400GHc Below (ii)
600GHc Below (iii) 800GHc Below (iv) 1000GHc Below (v) 1200GHc Below (vi)
1400GHc Below (vii) 1600GHc Below (viii) 1800GHc (ix) 2000GHc Below
176
20) How many car(s) do you have?………………………..
21) How would you describe your experience driving through the heavy traffic in the
mornings and in the evenings when you close from work?
i. Very bad
ii. Moderately bad
iii. Bad
iv. Good
v. Moderately good
vi. Very good
22) Are you satisfied going to work every day in your own car? YES NO
23) Would you consider going to work using a more efficient, reliable and cost effective metro
transport or any other public transport system for that matter? YES NO
24) Do you think traffic congestion is part of the problem why you can’t reach your work place
or office in time? YES NO
25) If your answer to the previous question is YES, would you recommend any of the
following as a strategy to help remove/reduce the traffic congestion in the area?
i. Cordons (area) pricing
ii. Congestion/ or value pricing
iii. Road space rationing
iv. Vehicle Use fees
v. Others……………………………………….
177
26) What would you say is likely to be the effects of road pricing on you owning a private car?
……………………… ………………………… ……………………
………………………….. ………………………… ………………………
SECTION C……….Metro Mass Transport Operators
27) Currently, do you operate in the Central Accra area? YES NO
28) If your answer to the previous question is YES or NO, please give reasons:
i. …………………………………..
ii. …………………………………
iii. ………………………………….
iv. ………………………………….
v. …………………………………
29) How many of your buses operate in that part of the city currently?………………..
30) Is traffic congestion in that part of the city a problem? YES NO
31) Would you welcome road pricing as a management strategy to help reduce/remove the
number of private cars, taxis and ‘tro-tro’ from that part of the city in the mornings and
evenings? YES NO
32) Would such a policy enable you increase the number of your buses into that area? YES
NO
33) How would you rate the current level of your operations in that part of the city?
i. Very bad
ii. Moderately bad
iii. Bad
iv. Good
178
v. Moderately good
vi. Very good
34) In what way do you think road pricing would affect your service?……………………
……………………… …………………….. ……………………..
SECTION D……….Policy Makers
35) Does your outfit recognize the problem of road traffic congestion in Accra Central as a major
concern? YES NO
36) What are some of the factors does your outfit think account for this problem? ………………
………………… ……………….. ………………….. …………….
…………………………………
37) Do you think the proliferation of private cars, taxis, and tro-tro contributes to this problem?
YES NO
38. a.) What are some of the measures your outfit uses to address this problem in the past?
i)………………………………………………
ii)……………………………………………...
iii)……………………………………………..
iv)…………………………………………………….
v)……………………………………………………..
38.b.) What are some of the measures used to address the problem now?
i)………………………………………
ii)…………………………………….
iii)……………………………………
179
iv)……………………………………
39) Would you encourage the use of metro mass transport instead of the private cars, taxis, and
tro-tro? YES NO
40) If your answer to Q39 is NO, what are your reasons?……………….. ………………
…………………… ……………………… ………………………………
…………………………… ………………………. ………………………………
SECTION E…….Taxi and Tro-tro Operators
41) Given that the concept of road pricing has been explained to you, would you accept it as a
license permitting you to enter the Accra Central Area? YES NO
42) If NO, give your reasons?…………………… ………………………………………
………………………… …………………………… ………………………
43) Are you then concerned with the problem of road traffic congestion in that part of the city?
YES NO
44) If you answer is YES to Q43 above, how do you think the problem could be solved given
that the existing roads could not be extended?
………………….. ……………………….. …………………………………
…………………. ………………………… ………………………………….
SECTION F……… To be Answered by All Category of Commuters
45a) What would you say are some of the prospects of implementing road pricing in the area in
question?
i. ………………………………………………………………….
180
ii. ………………………………………………………………….
iii. ………………………………………………………………….
iv. ………………………………………………………………….
v. …………………………………………………………………..
45b) What would you also say are some of the problems of implementing it?
i. …………………………………………………………………..
ii. …………………………………………………………………..
iii. ………………………………………………………………….
iv. …………………………………………………………………
v. …………………………………………………………………
46) How do you think such a policy could be implemented?
i. …………………………………………………………………
ii. …………………………………………………………………
iii. …………………………………………………………………
iv. ………………………………………………………………….
v. ………………………………………………………………….
47) Would you welcome road pricing now that you understand what it means?
YES NO
48) Why?..............................................................................................................
APPENDIX D
Month Activity
August 2006 Correction of proposal
September 2006 Preliminary study of study area
181
October 2006 Mapping of all study routes in the area
November 2006 Gathering of literature
December 2006 Gathering of literature
January 2007 Questionnaire administration and interviews
February 2007 Questionnaire administration and interviews
March 2007 Questionnaire administration and interviews
April 2007 Questionnaire administration and interviews
May 2007 Write-up of first draft
June 2007 Submission of first draft
July 2007 Awaiting approval
August 2007 Awaiting approval
September 2007 Awaiting approval
October 2007 Correction and inputting of comments
November 2007 Correction and inputting of comments
December 2007 Proof Reading and Editing of Completed Draft
January 2008 Submission of Completed Draft
February 2008 Awaiting Approval
March 2008 Awaiting Approval
April 2008 Correction
May 2008 Correction
182
June 2008 Final Submission
183