a future in the past: urban agroforestry systems in future planned...
TRANSCRIPT
A future in the past: urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban
settlements in Kiribati, a Pacific case
study
By Andrew John East Bachelor of Built Environment (2003)
Graduate Diploma in Landscape Architecture (2004)
School of Design and Institute for Sustainable Resources
Queensland University of Technology
Doctor of Philosophy 2008
i
Keywords
Pacific islands
Agroforestry
Kiribati
Homegardening
Sustainable development
ii
Abstract
In the last 50 years, Pacific Island Countries (PICs) have experienced unprecedented levels
of urban development. During this time, the general failure of traditional industrialised
planning models to be successfully adapted in PICs has resulted in the need to explore
alternative models for urban settlement in the Pacific. In this way, the incorporation of tree
based agricultural systems (agroforestry) into urban settlements has considerable potential to
address many of the problems associated with rapid urbanisation such as food security, waste
management, environmental degradation and unemployment. Research in the Pacific has
already shown how urban agroforestry systems can improve food security, increase access to
nutritional foods, recycle organic waste, create employment and protect fragile ecological
systems. However, in Pacific towns and cities urban agroforestry systems are rarely
developed beyond a homegarden setting.
The growth of urban centres in the Republic of Kiribati is an example of the challenges
confronting many rapidly urbanising PICs. With infertile soils, severely restricted land and
water resources and an emerging economy, Kiribati is a developing nation where sustainable
development faces some of its greatest challenges. Due to rapidly expanding urban
populations, the Kiribati Government is currently investigating the development of future
planned urban settlements. In such a scenario, potential exists to extend urban agroforestry
systems beyond a homegarden setting and explore alternative models for sustainable
urbanisation in the Pacific.
This research uses a mixed methods case study approach to investigate the potential role of
food producing urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.
More specifically, qualitative procedures are used to explore issues surrounding the
promotion and development of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements while quantitative procedures are used to analyse the nutritional contribution of
these systems. Findings from this study show that although urban agroforestry is a highly
sustainable land use it faces two main challenges in Kiribati: (i) people’s perception that
urban agroforestry systems are a relatively low value land use and (ii) the general inability of
the Kiribati Government to effectively regulate urban land uses. However, in the event that
urban agroforestry systems were deliberately included at a settlement wide scale beyond a
homegarden setting, this study highlights the initial importance of equally allocating
productive lands to individual households. Furthermore, the results emphasise the value of
simple on-site composting technologies as components of the broader urban agroforestry
iii
system. Finally, the marginal nature of the atoll environment is evident in findings on the
nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry species in future planned urban settlements.
In summary, while considerable constraints must be overcome to ensure the long term
viability of planned urban agroforestry systems at a whole of settlement scale, it is argued
that such an approach is one of the most cost effective, culturally acceptable and
environmentally responsible methods for addressing a range of urban issues in the Pacific
and is therefore an essential component to the design of future planned urban settlements in
Kiribati.
iv
Papers resulting from this thesis
East, AJ 2007, ‘Homegardening as a panacea: a case study of South Tarawa,’ paper
submitted to Asia Pacific Viewpoint on 5th of December 2007.
East, AJ and Dawes, LA 2008b, ‘Sustainable urbanisation in Kiribati: an oxymoron?,’
International Journal of Island Affairs, May, pp. 23-35.
v
Table of contents
1.0 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Background to the research............................................................................................ 1
1.2 Identifying the research problem ................................................................................... 2
1.3 Justification and contribution of the research ................................................................ 4
1.4 Methodology.................................................................................................................. 5
1.5 Thesis outline................................................................................................................. 5
1.6 Definition of urban agroforestry .................................................................................... 7
1.7 Delimitations and scope of research .............................................................................. 8
1.8 Summary and conclusion............................................................................................... 9
2.0 URBANISATION IN THE PACIFIC .......................................................................... 10
2.1 The shared development history of cities in the Pacific islands .................................. 10
2.2 Sustainable development in the Pacific ....................................................................... 14
2.3 Summary and conclusions ........................................................................................... 20
3.0 AGROFORESTRY AND HOMEGARDENING IN THE PACIFIC ....................... 22
3.1 Agroforestry and its place in the Pacific...................................................................... 22
3.2 Homegardening as a system of urban agroforestry...................................................... 29
3.3 Urban forestry as a form of urban agroforestry ........................................................... 35
3.4 Literature on homegardening, urban forestry and urban agroforestry in the Pacific ... 37
3.5 Summary and conclusions ........................................................................................... 42
4.0 ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND TO
URBANISATION IN KIRIBATI ....................................................................................... 44
4.1 Physical geography of Kiribati .................................................................................... 44
4.2 Brief history of settlement in Kiribati .......................................................................... 48
4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati............................................. 56
4.4 Property regimes and Research Question Two: ownership and management of
agroforestry resources........................................................................................................ 62
4.5 Summary and conclusions ........................................................................................... 70
5.0 THE URBAN FORM OF SOUTH TARAWA ............................................................ 72
5.1 Urban management in South Tarawa........................................................................... 72
5.2 Land, squatter settlements and housing in South Tarawa............................................ 77
5.3 Waste management, water supply and the urban environment.................................... 83
5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati ........................................................................... 90
5.5 Summary and conclusions ........................................................................................... 95
6.0 ATOLL AGRICULTURE AND URBAN AGROFORESTRY IN KIRIBATI........ 97
6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati .............................................................. 97
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6.2 Dietary preferences, nutrition and food security in South Tarawa.............................110
6.3 Nutritional value and agricultural productivity of key food producing agroforestry
species ..............................................................................................................................113
6.4 Summary and conclusions..........................................................................................123
7.0 PLANNING A PRODUCTIVE FUTURE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH125
7.1 The use of theory: connection between the literature review, theoretical framework
and research questions......................................................................................................125
7.2 Justification and explanation of the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm........128
7.3 Research strategy........................................................................................................130
7.4 Research procedures...................................................................................................134
7.5 Qualitative analysis of interview data ........................................................................144
7.6 Quantitative analysis procedures and the investigation of Research Question Four: the
nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems ....................................................147
7.7 Validation of research ................................................................................................150
7.8 Summary and conclusions..........................................................................................152
8.0 ANALYSIS AND RESULTS.......................................................................................153
8.1 Results from qualitative research questions ...............................................................153
8.2 Research Question One: the potential and constraints associated with the planned
inclusion of urban agroforestry systems...........................................................................154
8.3 Research Question Two: the effect of different ownership and management models on
food productivity and cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems................161
8.4 Research Question Three: the appropriateness of existing organic waste management
systems for use in agroforestry system.............................................................................188
8.5 Research Question Four: quantitative results on the nutritional contribution of
regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land .............................198
8.6 Summary and conclusions..........................................................................................205
9.0 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS.......................................................................206
9.1 Discussion of results from each research question.....................................................206
9.2 Implications of findings to theory, policy and practice ..............................................227
9.3 Research limitations ...................................................................................................231
9.4 Contributions..............................................................................................................232
9.5 Summary ....................................................................................................................232
10.0: CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS ..................................................234
10.1 What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future planned
urban settlements in Kiribati?...........................................................................................234
10.2 Future research directions ........................................................................................238
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APPENDIX 1: CENSUS DATA USED TO DEVELOP THE TYPICAL URBAN
HOUSEHOLD.................................................................................................................... 240
APPENDIX 2: WRITTEN AND VERBAL CONSENT PACKAGES USED TO
OBTAIN INFORMED CONSENT .................................................................................. 241
APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW SCRIPT AND VISUAL AIDS USED IN QUALITATIVE
INTERVIEW ON AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS IN FUTURE PLANNED URBAN
SETTLEMENTS................................................................................................................ 246
APPENDIX 4: ADDITIONAL RESULTS FROM ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEW DATA
............................................................................................................................................. 272
APPENDIX 5: CALCULATION OF THE NUTRITIONAL CONTRIBUTION OF
URBAN AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS ......................................................................... 282
REFERENCES................................................................................................................... 291
viii
List of Figures
Figure 1: map of the Pacific islands .......................................................................................11
Figure 2: linear and circular metabolisms of cities ................................................................18
Figure 3: example of the different vegetation strata existing in a Javanese homegarden ......32
Figure 4: factors impacting farmer incentive to partake in homegardening...........................34
Figure 5: extent of the nation of Kiribati................................................................................45
Figure 6: typical atoll section showing fresh water lens ........................................................46
Figure 7: creation of a coral atoll ...........................................................................................47
Figure 8: division of atoll lands into traditional land holdings showing the general
predictability of the atoll environment ...................................................................................48
Figure 9: division of land according to the traditional Gilbertese settlement model..............50
Figure 10: traditional settlement pattern of the Gilbertese people .........................................51
Figure 11: abstract model of future planned urban land uses in a typical atoll environment.52
Figure 12: location of Tarawa atoll in the Gilbert islands......................................................55
Figure 13: population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005 ...............................56
Figure 14: copra production in Kiribati..................................................................................57
Figure 15: settlement model A – integrated individual tenure ...............................................67
Figure 16: settlement model B – private property, separate tenure........................................68
Figure 17: settlement model C - collective access approach, separate tenure........................69
Figure 18: settlement model D – state owned land ................................................................70
Figure 19: map of key urban centres in South Tarawa...........................................................73
Figure 20: native land ownership in Bairiki showing the division of the land into thin strips
................................................................................................................................................78
Figure 21: cycle of deterioration in South Tarawa.................................................................81
Figure 22: proposed design of two bedroom house for future urban settlement ....................82
Figure 23: composting toilet design used in Kiritimati trial...................................................86
Figure 24: household waste by weight showing the high organic component of household
waste.......................................................................................................................................87
Figure 25: section showing the design of a banana circle ......................................................89
Figure 26: land capability map for the initial stages of the Temaiku Project.........................94
Figure 27: configuration of a traditional homestead and surrounding vegetation..................99
Figure 28: example of a homegarden in South Tarawa........................................................105
Figure 29: living fence using local materials and species ....................................................106
Figure 30: cross section showing the design of a banana circle ...........................................108
Figure 31: the design of a coastal windbreak on an atoll .....................................................109
Figure 32: summary of research strategy showing specific research procedures.................136
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Figure 33: male translator explaining the settlement models to a homegardener during an
interview .............................................................................................................................. 140
Figure 34: the process of qualitative analysis ...................................................................... 146
Figure 35: flow chart of the procedure used to calculate the nutritional contribution of urban
agroforestry systems in future urban settlements................................................................. 150
Figure 36: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model A................................ 162
Figure 37: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model C................................ 163
Figure 38: participant ranking of different ownership and management models for producing
the most food from available urban agroforestry land in future planned urban settlements 165
Figure 39: participant ranking of different ownership and management models according to
which model was believed to be most socially and culturally appropriate.......................... 174
Figure 40: participant ranking of preference for which model they would like to live in ... 186
Figure 41: participant agreement on the personal use of composting technologies in future
planned urban settlements.................................................................................................... 189
Figure 42: daily consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government
nutritionists to maintain a balanced diet for the typical urban household assuming set inputs
of fish, rice and bread........................................................................................................... 199
Figure 43: comparison between the nutritional values of the diet of the typical urban
household from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes
from Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the typical urban household.......... 200
Figure 44: an example of the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future
planned urban settlements on 1000 square metres of productive land................................. 202
Figure 45: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres
compared to the required Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)
calculated for the typical urban household .......................................................................... 204
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List of Tables
Table 1: list of key sources on agroforestry in the Pacific .....................................................24
Table 2: different periods of agroforestry development in the Pacific...................................25
Table 3: positive and negative interactions at the tree-crop and tree-animal interface ..........28
Table 4: description of the major agroforestry practices identified in existing literature ......29
Table 5: general structure of a homegarden ...........................................................................32
Table 6: four main property regimes ......................................................................................65
Table 7: demographic composition of the typical urban household.......................................83
Table 8: number of South Tarawa households cultivating specific agroforestry species near
their house ............................................................................................................................105
Table 9: nutritional and agriculture values of some of the key agriculture species in Kiribati
..............................................................................................................................................124
Table 10: management of variables to create the future planned urban settlement scenario
within which to base research ..............................................................................................127
Table 11: choices for determining a mixed methods strategy of inquiry .............................134
Table 12: key benefits associated with maintaining the most productive land in future
planned urban settlements for food production ....................................................................156
Table 13: key criticisms associated with maintaining the most productive land in future
planned urban settlements for food production ....................................................................158
Table 14: positive and negative issues surrounding the lease of productive lands to urban
farmers in model A and C ....................................................................................................164
Table 15: limitations of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................166
Table 16: advantages of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................167
Table 17: limitations of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................168
Table 18: advantages of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................169
Table 19: limitations of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................170
Table 20: advantages of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................171
Table 21: limitations of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements ..........................................................172
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Table 22: advantages of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from
productive lands in future planned urban settlements.......................................................... 173
Table 23: limitations of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 175
Table 24: advantages of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 177
Table 25: limitations of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 178
Table 26: advantages of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 179
Table 27: limitations of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 181
Table 28: advantages of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 182
Table 29: limitations of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 183
Table 30: advantages of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome .............................................................................................................. 184
Table 31: development and implementation of different ownership and management models
............................................................................................................................................. 184
Table 32: criticisms of the banana circle composting approach .......................................... 190
Table 33: benefits of the banana circle composting technology .......................................... 192
Table 34: criticisms of the community composting scheme................................................ 193
Table 35: benefits of the community composting scheme................................................... 194
Table 36: criticisms of the composting toilet composting approach.................................... 195
Table 37: benefits of the composting toilet composting approach ...................................... 197
Table 38: number and type of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000
square metres of productive land ......................................................................................... 203
Table 39: results from agricultural interviews and literature review on optimal spacing of
selected agroforestry species................................................................................................ 203
Table 40: example of the variety of investment options for urban agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements ......................................................................................... 212
Table 41: key strengths and weaknesses of management models A to D............................ 218
Table 42: key themes and indicative costs associated with differing composting technologies
............................................................................................................................................. 223
Table 43: examples of the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry approaches into the five
components of the STP ........................................................................................................ 230
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List of abbreviations
AusAID - Australian Agency for International Development
ACIAR - Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research
CI - Conservation International
CLPB - Central Land Planning Board
CMT - Customary Marine Tenure
DSAP - Development of Sustainable Agriculture in the Pacific
FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization
FSPK - Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific Kiribati
IPGRI - International Plant Genetic Resources Institute
IWPK - International Waters Project Kiribati
KOFA - Kiribati Organic Farmers Association
MAFFA - Ministry of Agriculture Fisheries Forests and ALTA
MELAD - Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development
MSA - Multi Species Agroforestry
NEAq - New England Aquarium
MoU - Memorandum of Understanding
MIRAB – Migration, Remittances, Aid and Bureaucracy
NDS - National Development Strategies
NGOs - Non-Government Organisations
NZAID - New Zealand Agency for International Development
PICs - Pacific Island Countries
PGEFP - Pacific German Regional Forestry Project
PNG - Papua New Guinea
PRAP - Pacific Regional Agricultural Program
QUT - Queensland University of Technology
RERF - Revenue Equalisation Reserve Fund
SCP - Secretariat of the Pacific Community
SPREP - South Pacific Regional Environment Programme
STP - Sustainable Towns Program
TTM - Taiwan Technical Mission
UNDC - United Nations Development Corporation
UNPFA - United Nations Population Fund
UNICEF - United Nations Children's Fund
UN – United Nations
xiii
List of I-Kiribati words
Babai - giant swamp taro (Cyrtosperma chamissonis)
I-Kiribati – the Kiribati people
Maneaba – traditional meeting house and an autonomous district overseen by a clan-based
government
Maneaba ni Maungatabu - Kiribati unicameral House of Parliament
Boti – clan grouping
Bubuti – form of reciprocal aid, still common between friends and family, where an
individual asks for a gift or favour such as money or food (such a request can rarely be
denied)
Buakonikai- bush land holdings
Kainga – small group of extended families or a piece of land on which an extended family
settles
Kaoki Mange - return the rubbish
Mwanga - residential family units within a kainga
Te mange - solid waste
Te mronron - a non-traditional type of organisation where a family or larger group can pool
resources for a specific purpose
Te butae - human excreta
xiv
Statement of original authorship
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for
an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and
belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person
except where due reference is made.
Andrew John East
18/9/08
xv
Acknowledgements
Firstly, I would like to thank my wife Miriam for all her support and advice during the past
three and a half years. I appreciate your constant proofing, editing and feedback more than
can be expressed on this page. I would also like to acknowledge and thank my supervisory
team (Les Dawes, Glenn Thomas and John Hockings) for their efforts in directing and
shaping this research project.
I also wish to acknowledge the contribution of all participants in this research. Thank you for
making time to share your insights with me. The support and services of my translator
(Tekirati Betero) was also invaluable. Funding from the Queensland University of
Technology for this research through the Institute of Sustainable Resources and the Faculty
of the Built Environment and Engineering has also been greatly appreciated. Finally, I would
like to thank my friends and family (particularly my grandparents) for their continued
interest and feedback on my work.
God bless you all.
1
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the research
Increasing urbanisation is profoundly changing the relationship between human settlement
and the earth. In 2008 the world’s urban population exceeded its rural for the first time in
history (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). Globally, the population of urban centres is expected to
continue to increase; by 2030 it is predicted that 61 per cent of the world’s population will
live in cities (United Nations 2004, p. 3), much of this growth will occur in the developing
world (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). As global populations continue to shift from rural to urban,
energy supply, food security, waste management, environmental degradation and
unemployment will become increasingly pressing issues (Carter 1995, p. 82).
As in many parts of the developing world, Pacific Island Countries (PICs) are forced to
confront continually growing urban populations (Jones 2007; Tabureguci 2007). While the
last 50 years have seen unprecedented urban development in this region, the notion of urban
living in the Pacific is essentially a construct of recent history (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 19).
As one of the last regions in the world to undergo widespread urbanisation, many PICs are
struggling to come to terms with problems and issues associated with managing and planning
growing urban centres (Jones 2005, pp. 39-41). An increasing need exists to explore
alternative approaches to urban planning and management beyond traditional industrialised
planning approaches (Jones 2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006).
Increasingly, Pacific towns and cities are becoming the loci of migration and change, where
modern technologies and perceived “limitless opportunity” exist within a mix of poverty,
insecurity, crime and tension (Connell & Lea 2002). The challenges associated with
increasing urbanisation in the Pacific have been the focus of a growing body of literature
(Bryant-Tokalau 1993; Connell 2003; Connell & Lea 2002; Jones 2007; Overton & Storey
1999; Storey 1999, 2006; Tabureguci 2007; World Bank 2000). In general, these authors
emphasise the connection between increased urban poverty, squatter settlements, pollution,
unemployment and the growth of Pacific towns and cities. Furthermore, some authors (Jones
2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006) have questioned the ability of traditional
industrialised planning approaches to adequately address such challenges, calling for the
exploration of new models for urban planning and management in the Pacific.
2
Literature on urban agroforestry appears to offer potential solutions and an alternative
perspective from which to approach many of the urban challenges faced in Pacific towns and
cities (Carter 1995; Kuchelmeister 1998a; Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy
2006). In brief, authors in this field suggest that the promotion, preservation and
improvement of tree based agricultural systems in urban areas offer one of the most direct,
cost-effective, culturally and ecologically appropriate means of meeting the majority of the
development goals in PICs. This notion of cultivating food in an urban environment is part
of a larger concept pertaining to urban agriculture (Baumgartner & Belevi 2005; Mougeot
2005; RUAF 2007; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). Urban agriculture is commonly presented as
one of the most efficient tools for transforming urban waste into food, creating jobs and
producing healthier, cleaner urban environments (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).
Although urban agriculture is already informally present in all Pacific cities in the form of
homegarden agroforestry, the full potential of these agricultural systems to address problems
arising out of rapid urbanisation is rarely recognised or developed (Thaman 1995, p. 222).
1.2 Identifying the research problem
Urban settlement in the Republic of Kiribati is indicative of many of the challenges facing
urban development throughout the Pacific. As with other PICs, the recent history of urban
development in Kiribati has been marked by high levels of rural to urban migration and
unplanned and unregulated urban expansion (Jones 2005; Storey 2006). In the past 50 years,
Kiribati has experienced a dramatic population shift from outlying islands (outer islands)
towards its capital and only urban centre, South Tarawa (Macdonald 2001, p. 216). The
continual influx of rural populations from outer islands has resulted in areas of South Tarawa
having some of the highest population densities in the Pacific (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 119).
South Tarawa faces many urban challenges largely due to overpopulation, poor lifestyle
choices and limited natural resources. Key urban problems include waste management,
malnutrition, food insecurity, unemployment and rapid degradation of the natural
environment (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b). The tremendous land pressures associated with
urban development in Kiribati has resulted in the Kiribati Government considering the
redevelopment of large areas of Government owned land for urban settlement (Asian
Development Bank 2004, 2005; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings 2003). The
opportunity to redevelop Government owned land, without the land constraints typically
associated with urban development in this region, presents an opportunity to explore the
potential contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned settlements and
investigate alternative approaches to urban settlement in the Pacific.
3
Thus, the research problem addressed in this thesis is:
What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future
planned urban settlements in Kiribati?
In brief, it is argued that the intentional provision of food producing urban agroforestry
systems is a vital component of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In support of
this argument, literature from a variety of disciplines is synthesised with results from the
analysis of data collected during research trips to Kiribati in 2005 and 2007 to draw
conclusions and make recommendations on the potential of urban agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements.
Specific research questions
A number of specific research questions exist within the broader research problem. These
research questions are based on gaps in existing knowledge identified through reviewing
literature relating to urbanisation and agroforestry in the Pacific, and urban management,
agriculture and urban development in Kiribati. Reference to literature in each of these fields
is contained in Chapters 2 to 6 of this thesis. The four research questions in this thesis are:
1. What are the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most
productive land in future planned urban settlements for food producing urban
agroforestry systems?
2. How would different ownership and management approaches effect the cultural
appropriateness and food productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements?
3. How appropriate are existing organic waste management systems for use in
agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements?
4. What nutritional contribution would locally produced, regularly consumed urban
agroforestry foods make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on
a daily basis?
4
1.3 Justification and contribution of the research
Investigation into the role of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements
can be justified at a number of levels. Firstly at a regional level, little research has been
carried out into the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific
(Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 95). Considering the current challenges associated with
urbanisation in the Pacific and the reported potential of urban agroforestry systems, further
research in this field is necessary.
Secondly, although the potential of urban agroforestry systems has been heavily advocated in
the Pacific (Thaman 1995, 2004; Thaman & Clarke 1993b; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy
2006), the actual practice of urban agroforestry is still in its infancy in Kiribati (Thomas
2002). Greater understanding of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements is necessary at this time because of the inevitable development of future growth
centres on South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004) and Kiritimati
island (Asian Development Bank 2006a). Although the potential role of urban food systems
is acknowledged by many of the documents relating to future urban development (Butcher-
Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 102; Hockings et al. 2004, p. 21) little research exists into the
incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in planned urban settlements in Kiribati and the
Pacific.
Finally, sustainable urban development is currently a topical issue in Kiribati due to the
proposed commencement of the Kiribati Sustainable Towns Program (STP); a joint initiative
of the New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID), Australian Agency for
International Development (AusAID) and the Kiribati Government. This program is
designed to developed a strong and proactive vision for future urban development in Kiribati
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). The decisions made in the STP will profoundly influence
future urban settlement in Kiribati over the next decade. It is therefore important that policy
makers are well informed regarding the potential contribution that food producing urban
agroforestry systems could make to future planned urban settlements in Kiribati and the
Pacific.
5
1.4 Methodology
This study uses a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) research paradigm to examine
the research problem. This paradigm is used because of the pragmatic philosophy that
underpins mixed methods research, allowing the researcher to select the methodological mix
that best answers the research problem (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, pp. 16-7). The
freedom to base methodological decisions from a pragmatist perspective is necessary
considering the strong emphasis of this research on practical solutions to urban problems.
Within this paradigm, a case study research strategy is used to further direct the
methodological approach. This research strategy is designed to explore the development of
urban agroforestry systems within a conceptually transferable settlement scenario based
around a typical urban atoll settlement, illustrative of urban settlement in a number of
locations in Kiribati. Results from this investigation are then generalised to the broader
Pacific region according to the capacity of case study research to successfully generalise to
theory (Yin 2003, pp. 31-3).
A number of procedures exist within the case study research strategy. Each of these
procedures can be categorised according to qualitative and quantitative problem solving
assumptions related to the four research questions. Data for Research Questions One, Two
and Three is collected through a semi-structured interview with Government employees,
consultants and volunteers, and local homegardeners in Kiribati. These interviews are then
analysed using qualitative coding techniques to identify key themes and categories. In
contrast, quantitative procedures related to Research Question Four, combine nutritional and
agricultural data from existing literature with results from interviews with nutritional and
agricultural experts in the Kiribati Government to calculate the nutritional contribution of
popular urban agroforestry foods to a typical urban Kiribati family. For further details on the
methodology in this thesis refer Chapter 7.
1.5 Thesis outline
This thesis comprises 10 Chapters. Chapters 2 and 3 focus on the broad “parent theories”
overarching the research problem. In particular, Chapter 2 provides background into
urbanisation in the Pacific, identifying the similarities and differences between PICs and the
need to explore alternative models for urbanisation in the region. Furthermore, this chapter
also addresses broad concepts of development, sustainability and urban agriculture.
6
Similarly, Chapter 3 presents a broad summary of literature into agroforestry in the Pacific.
In particular, this chapter investigates the importance of agroforestry and the adaptation of
agroforestry into an urban setting in the Pacific. Key outcomes of Chapter 3 include the
definition of agroforestry, identification of the potential and constraints of urban agroforestry
in the Pacific and the need for further research into the role of urban agroforestry systems
beyond a homegarden setting.
Chapters 4, 5 and 6 build on the broad overview established in earlier chapters to address
more specific issues relating to urban development and agroforestry in Kiribati. In this way,
Chapter 4 addresses the environmental, cultural and economic background to urbanisation in
Kiribati. From a methodological perspective, key achievements of this chapter include the
identification of different ownership and management approaches that could be used in
future planned urban settlements and the general ecological homogeneity of the atoll
environment.
Chapter 5 addresses more specific literature on urban management and settlement in Kiribati.
This chapter is crucial in highlighting the challenges associated with achieving sustainable
urbanisation in an atoll environment and documenting the cultural complexities associated
with land tenure and waste management in Kiribati. Furthermore, Chapter 5 addresses the
current state of urban settlement in Kiribati and summarises current projects relating to the
development of future planned urban settlements. This information is essential in justifying
later assumptions on land ownership, composition of the typical urban household and
identifying existing waste management approaches to include in qualitative interviews.
As the last chapter in the literature review, Chapter 6 investigates literature relating to atoll
agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati. This chapter is used to establish key
agroforestry species and cultivation practices in Kiribati. Furthermore, the extent of
knowledge on the nutritional value and productivity of regularly consumed urban
agroforestry species is also documented in Chapter 6. This information is necessary to
inform assumptions regarding the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements.
Drawing on the information contained in the literature review, Chapter 7 documents the
methodological approach used to answer the research problem and associated research
questions. In bridging the divide between literature review and data collection, this chapter
highlights how literature contained in pervious chapters informs the problem solving
approach used to answer the research problem. In this way, Chapter 7 describes and justifies
7
the research philosophy, paradigm, strategy and research procedures in this study. This
information then leads into a detailed discussion of qualitative and quantitative analysis
procedures.
Following the analysis of collected data, Chapter 8 presents the results obtained from
analysis of the collected data. Results are synthesised and documented according to each
research question. Key findings are then communicated using tables, graphs and direct
quotes from interviews. In Chapter 9, these results are compared and contrasted with existing
literature. During this discussion, the implications and limitations of research findings are
highlighted. In this chapter, particular attention is given to identifying the key contributions
of this research and the development of recommendations for policy and practice.
Hypotheses, insights, propositions and designs generated from this research provide a vital
starting point from which to commence the larger task of designing future planned urban
settlements in Kiribati and more broadly in the Pacific.
Finally, Chapter 10 closes the thesis by drawing together information contained in
proceeding chapters to reach final conclusions on each of the research questions and the
broader research problem. These conclusions are then used to identify areas where future
research could be undertaken.
1.6 Definition of urban agroforestry
In the existing literature, urban and rural agroforestry are not commonly separately defined
but are rather combined within the term agroforestry (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000,
p. 4). However, precisely defining this term is necessary in this thesis because of the
orientation of this research specifically towards urban agroforestry.
The term agroforestry has been defined by various authors including Nair PKR (1993, p. 13),
Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 10), USC and OTA (1987, p. 174) and Rogers and Thorpe
(1999, sec. 1, p. 2). While many definitions exist, it is important to adopt a definition of
urban agroforestry that recognises the distinctive nature of urban cultivation in the Pacific.
Thus, the definition of “agroforestry” in the Pacific in Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson
(2000, p. 4) is combined with the definition of “urban” in Foeken and Mwangi (2000, p.
303) to define urban agroforestry as:
8
the deliberate planting and protection of trees and forestry in and around
agricultural systems within city boundaries, in order to improve or maintain the
short-term and long-term economic productivity, cultural unity, and ecological
stability of agricultural systems.
1.7 Delimitations and scope of research
This study exists within clearly defined delimitations1 that give direction and focus to the
thesis. While, the explicit boundaries of the thesis are already firmly established through the
statement of the research problem in Section 1.2, the orientation of this study towards broad
concepts of “urban agroforestry” and “future planned urban settlement” means that further
clarification of the scope of the study is necessary.
Specific delimitations present in this study include the decision to focus research on soil
based agroforestry systems and not include the large variety of design, management and
tenure issues associated with marine species. Although seaweed cultivation, fishing, shell
fish collection and milk fish cultivation play a key role in Kiribati, these practices are largely
peripheral to the land based agroforestry systems examined in this project. Furthermore,
significant work into marine tenure and aquaculture in Kiribati has already been undertaken
by Thomas (2001; 2003).
Additional constraints on the scope of the study include the decisions to orient research on
food producing urban agroforestry systems. This narrowing of the study, does not imply that
many urban agroforestry systems have low medicinal, fuel, fodder and material benefits. On
the contrary, Thaman and Clarke (1993a, p. 19) list over 75 traditional uses for Pacific tree
species. Rather, this delimitation recognises that detailed examination of the many benefits
of urban agroforestry systems could potentially blur, rather than clarify the potential role of
urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. In a similar way, this
research will primarily focus on homegarden and coconut dominant agroforestry approaches
in atoll environments due to the dominance of these agroforestry approaches in existing
urban areas in Kiribati.
1 A limitation is beyond the control of the researcher while a delimitation is an aspect of the research
that has been purposefully excluded from the study for any number of reasons.
9
Further delimitations in this study include the decisions to focus research on a highly
transferable and generalised notion of future urban settlement rather than a specific area of
land in an existing geographical location. This approach provides greater insight into all
future urban settlements in Kiribati without limiting findings to site specific constraints of
any one land parcel. The relatively homogeneous nature of the atoll environment makes such
an approach possible.
Similar issues of transferability inform the decision to focus research on the interaction
between residential land uses and productive land, rather than studying the full variety of
land uses which could occur in future urban settlements. By means of justification, this
project is specifically concerned with the inclusion of agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements rather than examining the many different town planning issues associated
with the design of future planned urban settlements. Furthermore, urban agroforestry systems
typically hold greater connection to residential than to other land uses (Kumar & Nair 2006).
Finally, this research is focused on the development of future planned urban settlements
where the Kiribati Government has exclusive land tenure. While this situation is a rarity in
the Gilbert islands, it is more common in the Phoenix and Line islands. Furthermore, the
development of future planned urban settlements on Government owned land is supported in
literature on future urban development in Kiribati (Asian Development Bank 2006a;
Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003).
1.8 Summary and conclusion
This chapter lays the foundation for the remainder of the thesis. In introducing the research
problem and associated research questions, the reader is given a broad overview of the
direction of the study. Summaries of the contribution, methodology, outline, definitions and
scope of this research are designed to provide the reader with a clear direction of the thesis.
On this foundation, the study now proceeds with a more detailed examination of the research
problem.
10
2.0 URBANISATION IN THE PACIFIC
Increasing urbanisation in the developing world has been a feature of human settlement in
the twentieth century (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). As in other parts of the world today, managing
and planning urban growth in PICs is becoming an increasingly pressing issue. The
following chapter presents a summary of urbanisation in the Pacific, investigating the core
issues confronting urban residents, planners and governments throughout this region. An
appreciation of such factors is necessary to understand more specific issues relating to urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In this way, this chapter
broadly establishes the research context of urbanisation in Kiribati and provides justification
for this research through discussing literature on urban development in the Pacific,
international development, sustainability and urban agriculture.
2.1 The shared development history of cities in the Pacific islands
The Pacific Ocean contains some 7,500 scattered islands and is a region of tremendous
cultural and environmental diversity. Despite such diversity, many nations adjoining or
within the Pacific Ocean share broad geographical, developmental and economic similarities.
More recently, rapid urbanisation has emerged as one such similarity. The following section
reviews literature relating to the phenomenon of increasing urbanisation in the Pacific to
establish the connection between the urban challenges facing Kiribati and large regional
issues.
2.1.1 Geography of the Pacific islands
Geographically, the southwest Pacific can be grouped into two broad sub-regions largely
defined by levels of national development (Jones 1997, Ch. 3, p. 3). The first of these regions
is identified by Jones (1997, Ch. 3, p. 3) as the highly urbanised and modernised nations of
Australia and New Zealand. In contrast, the second group consists of a collection of scattered
and often fragmented PICs whose economies are still industrialising. As a region, the Pacific
covers over a third of the globe and has an estimated population of around nine million (SPC
2004; Wartho & Overton 1999, p. 33). Figure 1 illustrates this region’s further categorisation
into Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia.
11
Figure 1: map of the Pacific islands
Source: adapted from Macdonald (2001, p. xx); Connell and Lea (2002, p. 5) and SPC (2004)
Similarities and differences throughout the Pacific region
As a region the Pacific is both diverse yet full of broad commonalities. In many ways, the
Pacific is a region of ‘tremendous linguistic, cultural and geographical diversity’ (Hooper
1993, p. 314). Although the vast majority of PICs are still “developing countries”,
considerable variation exists in key indicators such as per capita income and adult literacy
levels (AusAID 2006, p. 17). However in general, nations in the Pacific share important
similarities including their relatively recent political independence from Colonial rule,
smallness of scale2, influential traditional sector and dependence on aid from other nations
(AusAID 2006, p. 32; Hooper 1993, p. 318). Interestingly, ‘on a per person basis the Pacific
islands receive the most aid of any group in the world’ (AusAID 2006, p. 34).
2 This does not imply that all nations in the Pacific have small populations or territories (although this
is true in many cases) but that decisions and choices throughout the Pacific are heavily influenced by
small-scale patterns of multi-faceted social relationships.
12
One of the most significant regional similarities in the Pacific is the influence of the socio-
cultural order3 on public and private sectors in PICs (Hooper 1993, p. 318). Common
features of the socio-cultural order in the Pacific include the strength of the subsistence
sector, land ownership issues associated with customary land tenure and strong kinship ties
in and between families (Hooper 1993). Despite the strength of traditional approaches in the
Pacific, the socio-cultural order is not a static and unchanging set of values and beliefs. As
Hooper (1993, p. 329) points out, the socio-cultural order of differing people groups in the
Pacific is a flexible entity capable of adapting to changing circumstances. The regional
population’s shift towards urban living in the Pacific is an example of a phenomenon that
both influences and is influenced by the socio-cultural order of people groups throughout the
Pacific.
2.1.2 History of urbanisation in the Pacific
It has been predicted that in 2008, the earth’s urban population will exceed rural populations
for the first time in history (UNFPA 2007, p. 1). UNFPA (2007, p. 1) states that ‘by 2030,
the towns and cities of the developing world will make up 80 per cent of urban humanity’.
Despite these figures, the notion of urban living in the Pacific is a relatively recent
phenomenon (Jones 2007, p. 13). Prior to outside contact with industrialised societies,
settlement in the Pacific took the form of scattered hamlets and villages oriented towards a
subsistence existence with little to no evidence of urbanisation (Jones 2005, p. 39). It was
only with the arrival of explorers, traders, missionaries and whalers during the early
nineteenth century Colonial period that the concept of urban living was introduced into pre-
literacy, subsistence based societies (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 45). From an “outside”
viewpoint, traditional culture and society during this time was seen as inferior to the more
technologically advanced and industrialised European cultures (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 11).
However, up to the end of the nineteenth century, urban settlements had relatively little
affect on the settlement patterns of the native islanders but rather remained creations of
“white aliens” residing on the edge of the European empires (Connell & Lea 2002; Wartho
& Overton 1999).
3 For the purpose of this thesis the socio-cultural order is defined as the shared and accepted sets of
social understandings between groups of individuals (Hooper, 1993).
13
From the start of the twentieth century to the commencement of World War II, urban centres
in the Pacific gradually grew as the function of towns and cities diversified beyond their
original trading and administrative functions into resource extraction and agricultural
production (Connell & Lea 2002, pp. 23-9). The end of World War II signalled the start of a
new period of development, ushered in by more liberal Colonial regimes focused on
education and economic development (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 35). The 1950s, 60s and 70s
marked a continued push towards the independence of individual PICs from Colonial
powers. This resulted in the emergence of numerous democratic and independent PICs
(Wartho & Overton 1999, p. 37). This change was also accompanied by unprecedented
levels of urban migration towards urban centres throughout the Pacific; the new economic,
national and educational hubs of PICs (Storey 2006, p. 1).
Early commentary on urban planning in the South Pacific region is recorded in Harre and
Knapman (1977). Connell and Lea (1998, p. 206) comment that urbanisation in Micronesia
has many common themes including the: general lack of implementation of land-use plans,
involvement of multiple municipal authorities in planning jurisdiction, high cost of service
provision and frequency of piecemeal, poorly planned development. These issues are also
raised in similar publications on urban development in Melanesia (Connell & Lea 1993) and
Polynesia (Connell & Lea 1995). Although these publications are now over 10 years old,
more recent literature indicates that little has changed. In this way, Jones and Lea (2007, p.
488) state that ‘evidence thus far suggests that urban conditions in the postcolonial Pacific
are uneven, have worsened almost everywhere and are most acute in parts of Melanesia’.
Such failures in urban management reflect deeper issues to do with governance itself
(Connell & Lea 2002).
2.1.3 Urbanisation in the Pacific today
The Pacific is more urbanised today than in any other point time in history (Jones 2007, p.
13). Some authors place current levels of urbanisation in the Pacific at around 40 (Storey
2006, p. 5) or even 45 to 50 per cent of the region’s total population (Jones 2005, p. 39). The
trend towards accelerated urban growth in the Pacific appears unlikely to change in the near
future, estimates predicting that by 2020 more than half of the population in the majority of
PICs will live in urban areas (Jones 1996, p. 162; World Bank 2000, p. 11). The position of
urban centres as vital nexuses for economic growth, cash employment, commerce and
education continues to encourage this growth trend (Jones 2007, p. 14; Storey 2006, p. 10).
14
In PICs, rapid urbanisation has also been accompanied by rapid population growth (AusAID
2006, p. 19; UNFPA 2007, p. 1). Unfortunately, population increase has not been
accompanied by strong economic growth, resulting in current levels of high unemployment
in the Pacific (AusAID 2006, p. 25). AusAID (2006, p. 38) states that there is a growing
consensus that economic growth is necessary if the future of the Pacific is to be secured. This
is believed to be necessary because in the past ‘no country has significantly reduced poverty
without rapid economic growth’ (AusAID 2006, p. 30). In a similar way, urbanisation is
believed to be an essential component to achieving significant economic growth in the
industrialised age (UNFPA 2007, p. 1).
Yet, while urbanisation in the Pacific creates significant potential for economic growth and
poverty alleviation, it has the potential to compound environmental and social problems by
concentrating poverty in a single location and stretching existing infrastructure to breaking
point (Jones 2005, p. 43; Lea 1995; UNFPA 2007, p. 1). The growth of urban centres in the
Pacific has also resulted in towns and cities becoming places where underlying tensions
between traditional and modern approaches surface (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 121). Such
tensions often manifest themselves in culturally sensitive issues such as customary land
tenure. Thus, developing workable solutions to land tenure issues is believed to be essential
in improving the future urban settlements in PICs (Connell & Lea 2002, p. 192; Jones 2005,
p. 41; Storey 2006, p. 18).
Other urban problems in the Pacific include the growing occurrence of urban poverty (Jones
2005, p. 43). Due to rising poverty and land tenure issues, the supply of adequately serviced,
affordable and safe housing stock is becoming an increasing problem for governments in
PICs. In response, urban populations have turned to informal, squatter like housing often
residing on the edges of existing urban areas (Storey 2003). One of the inevitable
consequences of such settlement is the rapid deterioration of the natural environment due to
a lack of effective urban management. Environmental problems in Pacific urban centres
include waste disposal, water and air pollution and coastal erosion (Lea 1995; Overton &
Storey 1999, p. 241).
2.2 Sustainable development in the Pacific
During the last 50 years, many PICs have struggled to manage and plan their growing urban
centres using conventional European town planning approaches. The general failure of
traditional industrialised planning models to be successfully adapted to the Pacific raises
questions on the appropriateness of such approaches. The following section addresses these
15
issues in greater depth, establishing the foundation for sustainable development of future
urban centres in Kiribati.
2.2.1 Past development approaches in the Pacific
During the Colonial period, the prevailing view of European administrators was that the
traditional lifestyles of Pacific islanders was a hindrance to development and advancement of
towns and cities (Burt & Clerk 1997, pp. 3-4). This approach was still evident in the neo-
liberal, capitalist policies adopted around the end of World War II (Burt & Clerk 1997, pp. 6-
7). However, Burt and Clerk (1997, p. 6) argue that this approach was unable to deal with the
emerging issues of poverty and environmental degradation that resulted from developmental
change. Under this system, “development” served the wishes of whatever ‘particular interest
group promoted in the name of progress’. Thus, development work in Pacific islands in the
past has frequently reflected foreign rather than local interests (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 5;
Escobar 1995).
The inability of neo-liberal development approaches to deliver lasting improvements to the
quality of life of local people resulted in a ‘crisis in confidence’ around the 1980s in
capitalist theories of development (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 7). In this way Geddes et al. (1982,
p. 9) comments that it was obvious ‘to many students of developing countries over the last
decade that the European approach is not only inadequate but positively harmful’. Thus,
‘development’ began to be seen as a ‘bottom-up’ approach that enabled and empowered the
poor and powerless to advance their own situation through participating in projects that were
responsive and accountable to their needs (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 7; Sillitoe 1998, p. 223). In
theory, this approach was more dependent on local culture and experience rather than
“superior” western knowledge (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 20). Around the same time, the
concept of sustainable development began to gather momentum, challenging the traditional
notions of development and progress that had been prominent for so many years.
2.2.2 The concept of sustainable development
Sustainable development emerged in the 1980s largely in response to the destructive nature
of post World War II development and increasing understanding of the importance of
protecting natural and social environments. Today this concept continues to be upheld as the
panacea for harmonising infinite human need with finite earthly resources; reconciling the
age old enemies of growth and the environment (Escobar 1995, p. 192). The most common
definitions of this concept are based upon that given in the Brundtland report by the World
16
Commission on Environment (1987, p. 43). In this report, sustainable development is
defined as, ‘development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs’. While this definition provides a useful
philanthropic point of departure, it solicits little in the way of real operational guidelines
(Lawn 2001, p. 15). Due to the ambiguity inherent in this concept it has often been used to
justify sustaining development in order to gain maximum benefit from the earth’s limited
resources instead of wise stewardship of resources and life systems (Escobar 1995, pp. 193-
5; Lawn 2001, pp. 15-71).
The complexity and enormity of the challenge contained within the concept of sustainable
development is made apparent when it is taken out of a theoretical vacuum and placed into a
world of seemingly infinite human need (Lawn 2001, pp. 11-6). The difficulties inherent in
transferring such a concept from theory to reality has resulted in some authors proposing that
sustainability should be seen as a trajectory rather than a specific end point (Forman 1995, p.
484). As a desired state of existence rather than a final goal, sustainable development
involves the harmonisation of desirable ends with the wise stewardship of limited means to
create an appropriate legacy for future generations (Lawn 2001, p. 21). Such a definition,
reflects the importance of informed choice where certain ‘trade-offs between different
sustainability objectives are often necessary’ (Tisdell 2004, p. 61). In particular, sustainable
development must harmonise the competing socio-cultural, economic and ecological needs
of a society and the environment in which it exists. Sustainable development remains a key
concern in the Pacific today, particularly with looming threats posed by climate change and
sea level rise (Government of Kiribati 2007; Preston et al. 2006).
Sustainable development in a Pacific context
As a global imperative, the concept of sustainable development has reached all corners of the
world, including the Pacific islands. While it is a popular belief that the Pacific was
sustainable before the arrival of Europeans, numerous examples exist of unsustainable
practices long before the influence of industrialised societies. The over-exploitation and
deforestation of parts of the New Guinea highlands is one such example (Burt & Clerk 1997,
p. 2; Crocombe, R. 1995, p. 6). Despite this, the influence of European technologies and
worldviews created many new problems and challenges for achieving sustainable
development in the Pacific (Overton & Storey 1999). Many of these problems can be traced
to increasing lifestyle demands that have accompanied peoples’ education and exposure to
new technologies.
17
Today, sustainability is becoming an increasing issue in many Pacific cities struggling to
supply growing populations with urban services from outdated industrialised urban planning
models (Crocombe, R. 1995, p. 6; Overton & Storey 1999, p. 254). While sustainable
development is often a popular concept on paper, few Pacific island governments are
prepared to count the cost of such philosophies for the sake of “sustainability” alone. Many
governments who attempt to implement such policies, often struggle to enforce their new
laws (Nunn 2004, p. 317). Similar problems are associated with developing sustainable
donor initiatives capable of continuing after donor support has been withdrawn. A history of
failed aid programs can be found throughout the Pacific. Such programs frequently fail due
to lack of consultation, poor planning and training, inappropriate choice of technology and
lack of consideration of socio-cultural dimensions (Liew 1990, p. 83).
Urban agriculture and sustainable cities
The industrial revolution ushered in new perspectives on the separation between urban and
rural land uses. In particular it was increasingly assumed that residents should buy food,
rather than grow it themselves. This understanding of city form has its roots in the planned
and regulated urban model emerging from the European Colonial period. During this period,
more affluent nations embraced the city as a sterile and sanitized environment which should
exist separately to rural food production. Such a model championed the city as a consumer of
goods, where resource inputs were consumed in a “linear metabolism” (refer Figure 2)
(Girardet 1993, p. 23; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 33). However, in more recent times this
model has been challenged in the debate over the design of sustainable cities. This debate
has prompted an increased appreciation for cities with “circular metabolisms” where ‘every
output can also be used as an input’ (Girardet 1993, p. 23).
18
Figure 2: linear and circular metabolisms of cities
Source: adapted from Girardet (1993, p. 23)
The notion of producing food in an urban environment (urban agriculture) has much to
contribute to the debate on sustainable urban development. Urban agriculture is a generic
term used in reference to a variety of food production practices in and around city boundaries
including hydroponics, aquaponics, urban forestry and homegardening (Drescher, Holmer &
Iaquinta 2006, p. 319). Research into urban agriculture has gained increasing support
following the global shift towards urban living, particularly in developing countries. The
nature and importance of urban agriculture is discussed in sources such as RUAF (2007),
Mougeot (2005; 2006) and Smit Ratta and Nasr (1996).
As a natural system, ‘agriculture is perhaps that most sustainable of all human activities’
using raw inputs such as waste, sunlight, soil, water and labour to create produce with a
higher economic value (Overton, Murray & Ali 1999, p. 180). The concept of urban
agriculture in cities is not new but rather has existed in the form of household gardens since
Neolithic times (Cleveland & Soleri 1987, p. 259). Empirical investigations into urban food
production show how urban agriculture can be used to significantly increase the self-
sufficiency and decrease the environmental impact of cities. Findings from various Asian
(Latz 1991; Yeung 1987, 1988; Yi-Zhong & Zhangen 2000) and Latin American case
studies (Altieri et al. 1999) are often used to support the claims of authors such as Deelstra
and Girardet (2000), Garnett (2000), Gordon (1990), Girardet (1993) Haughton and Hunter
• Food and water
• Fuels and energy
• Processed goods
• Timber and pulp
• Sewerage
• Exhaust gases
• Household and factory
waste: liquid and solid
LINEAR METABOLISM
Input Output
CIRCULAR METABOLISM
Input Output
• Food & water
• Clean energy
technology and
maximum efficiency
• Processed goods
• Plant nutrient recycling
• Sulphur & nitrate
interceptions
• Recycled goods (with
minimum pollution)
19
(1994), Smit and Nasr (1992), Smit, Ratta and Nasr (1996) who promote urban agriculture as
one of the most efficient tools for transforming urban wastes into food, jobs and a healthier,
cleaner urban environment (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).
However, as a concept urban agriculture is not without its problems (Ellis & Sumberg 1998;
Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). Some of the major criticisms associated with promoting urban
food production include potential pollution of the urban environment from agricultural
activities, theft of urban produce, increased toxicity of crops resulting from absorption of
chemically harmful urban pollutants, increasing pressure on already stretched urban
infrastructure, the high cost of land in urban areas, and unnecessary interference with urban
land markets. While such criticisms are biased towards preserving the traditional
“urban/rural divide” as a product of free market economics, they largely ignore the waste
reduction potential of urban agriculture or the potential for positive environmental benefits.
However, such criticisms emphasise the importance of understanding both the strengths and
weaknesses of food production within particular urban context before policy decisions are
made on the promotion of urban agriculture initiatives by either non-government of
government organisations.
2.2.3 Future research directions
Re-evaluating traditional models of city planning is particularly relevant to urban settlements
in the Pacific, as towns and cities move beyond their Colonial planning legacy and transition
from subsistence to industrialised economies. In this way, the inability of Pacific towns and
cities to tightly mimic the planning models used in western cities has prompted authors to
explore new urban development models focused towards decentralised rather than
centralised development (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250). In discussing this topic, Overton
and Storey (1999) compare the compact urban model, most closely associated with the
traditional Colonial core of Pacific cities with the decentralised, informal and sometimes
illegal settlement patterns, often found on the outskirts of urban centres. Conclusions from
this comparison are in many ways similar to those from the urban agriculture sustainable city
movement. In this regard, Overton and Storey (1999, pp. 246-7) emphasise the potential of
village lifestyle, decentralised, urban settlements in the Pacific with quasi-independent
communities, homegardening and communal land to contribute to developing a greater
understanding of sustainable urban development in the Pacific.
For many years planning and managing Pacific cities has been guided by an attitude of ‘plan
what you can - forget the rest’ (Storey 2003, p. 275). While the reality of limited natural,
20
institutional and financial resources need to be considered, such a position only invites
conflict and chaos (Storey 2003, p. 275). Future models of urban development need to
achieve a workable balance between requirements for improved standards of living and the
affordability and enforcement of such standards (Jones 2005, p. 43). A similar balance is
needed between the pursuit of economic development (and associated growth of urban
centres) and the preservation of traditional subsistence approaches that, in general are highly
sustainable.
The need for further research into urbanisation in the Pacific islands is clearly seen in
publications such as Overton and Storey (1999, p. 255) and Storey (2006, p. 2). Furthermore,
the continued interaction between traditional and westernised approaches in urban areas
highlights the potential to explore new sustainable models of urban development based on
the strength of each approach (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250). At this point in time, the
relatively small size of Pacific towns and cities means that they are generally ‘more
straightforward entities to deal with’ (Burt & Clerk 1997, p. 19; Overton & Storey 1999, p.
253).
2.3 Summary and conclusions
PICs are under increasing pressure and strain as a result of a short history of rapid growth
and change. Without action, Pacific towns and cities will continue to be ‘characterized by
slums, endemic poverty and environmental degradation’ which will only serve to undermine
stability and productivity in the region (Storey 2006, p. 7). Planning and managing urban
areas is clearly a critical component in the successful and stable transition of PICs from pre-
industrialised subsistence living into a post modern global community. Both the inevitability
of future growth and the general failure of Colonial planning models to be successfully
adapted to Pacific towns and cities further emphasises the importance of future research into
new models of urban settlement in this region (Overton & Storey 1999, p. 250).
For Pacific towns and cities to continue to move closer to a blueprint for sustainable
development, new models for urban settlement need to be developed. Such models must
combine traditional decentralised settlement patterns with creative reinterpretations of
western planning approaches that align culturally appropriate, bottom-up development
initiatives with the wise stewardship of resources (Connell & Lea 2002; Storey 2003). The
reintroduction of food producing systems into urban areas has been shown to have numerous
benefits, particularly with regard to closing waste cycles. The further exploration of the
potential of urban food systems in the Pacific towns and cities is particularly important at
21
this time because of the current transition of PICs from subsistence to industrialised
economies and the relatively small size of urban settlements.
However, combining urban and rural in the form of urban agriculture is not without
economic, social and environmental challenges. Similarly, numerous challenges lie ahead for
Pacific towns and cities. One of the greatest challenges will be to manage and plan growing
urban centres to increasing economic growth and standards of living while not further
compounding environmental degradation and urban poverty. The following chapter
discusses the potential role of urban agroforestry (as a system of urban agriculture) to
address many of the challenges associated with increasing urbanisation in the Pacific.
22
3.0 AGROFORESTRY AND HOMEGARDENING IN THE PACIFIC
This chapter reviews literature on agroforestry systems in the Pacific in order to further
establish the theoretical and regional context of the research problem. The first half of this
chapter is directed towards the general practice of agroforestry with particular reference to
identifying key definitions, systems and the benefits of urban agroforestry systems. The
remainder of the chapter focuses on urban agroforestry, urban forestry and homegardening in
the Pacific. This literature is reviewed with reference to the general structure, benefits,
constraints and methodological challenges associated with researching tree based agricultural
systems in the Pacific.
3.1 Agroforestry and its place in the Pacific
Agroforestry is a technical term to describe an approach that has been used by humans for
many centuries to plant and protect trees (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 13). Similarly, in the Pacific
traditional food production practices have been connected with planting and protecting
productive tree species for thousands of years (Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000a, p. 3).
3.1.1 Definition of agroforestry
Various definitions exist for “agroforestry” including those given by Nair PKR (1993, p. 13),
Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 10), USC and OTA (1987, p. 174) and Rogers and Thorpe
(1999, sec. 1, p. 2). Although general similarity exists between the different definitions, it is
important for this thesis to adopt a definition that reflects the distinctive nature of
agroforestry in the Pacific (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 10). For this reason, the definition of
agroforestry in this thesis is based on the work of Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000, p.
4) into multipurpose agroforestry trees in the Pacific to define agroforestry as:
the deliberate planting and protection of trees and forestry in and around
agricultural systems in both rural and urban areas, in order to improve or
maintain the short-term and long-term economic productivity, cultural unity, and
ecological stability of agricultural systems.
23
This definition deliberately approaches agroforestry from a generic perspective making
provision for the many different tree based systems that exist in the Pacific, from
homegardens in urban squatter settlements to large scale commercial intercropping of
coconut plantations (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 10).
Although broad, the abovementioned definition satisfies the theoretical requirements of
authors such as Nair PKR (1993, pp. 13-6) and Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1, p. 2) who
stress the importance of productivity, cultural appropriateness, sustainability, deliberate
retention of woody perennials and beneficial ecological or economical interactions between
tree and non-tree agroforestry components. However, while the production and cultural
adaptability aspects of agroforestry are important, Nair PKR (1993, p. 28) states that it is the
inbuilt sustainability aspect that makes this concept different from other agricultural
approaches. This focus on sustainable yields is also supported by many other authors such as
USC and OTA (1987, p. 174), Thaman (1993b, p. 191) and Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1,
p. 2) who emphasised that the goal of agroforestry is to optimise crop combinations while
achieving sustainable yields through conserving/improving soil productivity and ecological
balance.
3.1.2 Historical development of agroforestry in the Pacific
According to Thaman and Clarke (1993c, p. 1) the term “agroforestry” became widely
recognised following the publication of “Trees, food and people: land management in the
tropics” by Bene, Beall and Cote (1977). This book was instrumental in establishing the
International Council for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF). Since this time, an extensive
list of publications has been written by various authors focusing on the practice of
agroforestry in a variety of different global regions, including the Pacific. The rapid
expansion of research in this field is largely due to an increasing awareness of the
importance of sustainable agricultural practices (Thaman & Clarke 1993c, p. 1). Today,
ICRAF (2006) continues to publish literature on addressing global poverty and food
production through the practice of agroforestry.
Although often not prominent in ICRAF publications, agroforestry practices in the Pacific
have become an area of increasing interest in the past 20 years. A summary of key
publications in this field, arranged by date of publication is given in Table 1.
24
Table 1: list of key sources on agroforestry in the Pacific
Author Title Brief summary Elevitch (2006) Traditional trees of Pacific
Islands: their culture, environment, and use
This book provides in-depth agroforestry information for 80 of the most important Pacific island trees
Thaman (2002a) Trees outside forests as a foundation for sustainable development in the Small Island Developing States of the Pacific Ocean
This article focuses on the importance of protecting and planting multipurpose trees in Small Island Developing States of the Pacific in order to achieve higher levels of sustainable development
Rosheko (2001) Agroforestry species and technologies: a compilation of the highlights and factsheets published by the National Fertilizer Industry Agency (NFIA) and FACT Net 1985-1999 extension series number 138
Selected sections of this book provide detailed information on the design and maintenance of agroforestry systems in the Pacific
Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000b)
Agroforestry guides for Pacific islands
This book comprises eight Agroforestry Guides that give well illustrated and highly practical information on a variety of agroforestry practices in Pacific islands. Individual chapters from this book are contained on the agroforestry.net web site such as Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000).
MAFFA and PGRFP (n.d.)
Agroforestry: the way ahead to the year 2000
This four page article gives a brief description of agroforestry practices that are recommended for farmers in Fiji
Rogers and Thorpe (1999)
Pacific agroforestry: an information kit
This book covers many specific practices, techniques, and species used in Pacific island agroforestry and is well supported by numerous case studies and diagrams
Clarke and Thaman (1993)
Agroforestry in the Pacific islands: systems for sustainability
This book examines past and present agroforestry systems in the Pacific with particular focus on the potential of these systems to achieve sustainable agriculture development
Vergara and Nair (1985)
Agroforestry in the South Pacific Region
This article investigates the undiscovered potential of locally available trees and agricultural crops in the Pacific
Source: analysis of relevant literature
The history of agroforestry in the Pacific is summarised by Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson
(2000, pp. 5-8) as consisting of five separate periods (refer Table 2). The first period
(agriculturalisation of the forest) involved the selective modification of the natural island
forests around human settlements for clearing agricultural land, accessing firewood and
obtaining construction resources. This period resulted in the formation of Multi Species
Agroforestry (MSA) systems as Pacific islanders gradually developed an understanding of
the multipurpose capabilities of their local tree resources (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p.
2).
25
Table 2: different periods of agroforestry development in the Pacific
Period Time Frame 1. Agriculturalisation of the forest 40,000 to 10,000 BCE* 2. Indigenous agroforestry enrichment and deforestation 40,000 to 1,000 BCE 3. Colonial agroforestry enrichment and agrodeforestation 1600 CE to present ** 4. Post World War II agroforestry enrichment and accelerated agrodeforestation
1940s to present
5. Twenty first century agroforestry re-enrichment multi species agroforestry development
2000 CE onwards
Notes: * different islands groups were settled at different times, this period began at different times in different island groups ** the Colonial period varies in length and continues in some cases for different Pacific nations and territories Source: adapted from Thaman, Elevitch and Wilkinson (2000, p. 5)
Initial agriculturalisation of the forest was followed by the indigenous agroforestry
enrichment and deforestation period where existing settlements were consolidated and new
settlements constructed. This period resulted in both the increased interaction of the island
people with productive trees and the increased clearing of native forests to make way for
agroforestry plantations. During this era, the expansion of human settlement across the
Pacific increased with inter-island trade and the further enrichment of agroforestry systems
through the introduction of new species and uses for multi purpose trees (Thaman, Elevitch
& Wilkinson 2000). However, in some populations, unsustainable clearing of native forests
resulted in the mass expansion of treeless grasslands and the widespread destruction of local
ecosystems. The mass deforestation of Easter island (Rapa Nui) is a dramatic example of
unsustainable clearing in this period (Rainbird 2002).
The arrival of Colonial stakeholders in the Pacific signalled the beginning of the third era in
agroforestry. During this period, agricultural production generally focused on export driven
monocultural crop and livestock cultivation with little emphasis on more traditional MSA
approaches (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 6). While contact with Colonial powers
did further diversify and enrich agroforestry systems (particularly in homegardens), the
continuing growth of cash crop cultivation and growth of Colonial towns and cities resulted
in the loss of native forests and the expansion of large areas of monocultural treeless
agriculture.
The fourth period of agroforestry was marked by the expansion of World War II into the
Pacific. Events of this time brought Pacific islanders into increased contact with the outside
world, opening trade and cash employment opportunities in and around towns and cities.
This increased exposure to the cash economy further fuelled demand for earnings from local
26
cash crops. In response, Pacific agricultural departments heavily promoted export cropping
through the use of unsustainable monocultural cultivation (Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson
2000, p. 7). This promotion of cash crops was associated with an increasing neglect of
traditional agroforestry approaches in both educational institutions and in agricultural
practice.
The fifth and final period of agroforestry development to date in the Pacific, is recorded by
Thaman and Elevitch (2000, p. 8) as the twenty first century re-enrichment era. Clearly these
authors hope that this period will see the reintroduction of MSA systems into the Pacific to
address issues of deforestation and environmental degradation. Thaman and Elevitch (2000,
p. 8) suggest that MSA systems provide a viable alternative to monocultural cultivation
while at the some time minimizing the continued loss of significant tree species and
traditional agricultural knowledge. Similarly, Rogers and Thorpe (1999, sec. 1, p. 3)
emphasise the importance of adapting traditional agroforestry approaches as a sustainable
solution to meeting the growing demands that are being placed on agricultural land resources
in the Pacific.
3.1.3 Reengaging with traditional agroforestry approaches
Prior to the introduction of industrialised technologies, the Pacific was heavily dependent on
subsistent MSA agroforestry systems. An example of this dependence is shown in Thaman,
Elevitch and Wilkinson’s (2000, p. 3) list of over 55 separate ecological and cultural uses for
traditional Pacific tree species. Similarly Thaman and Clarke (1993a, p. 19) list over 75
traditional uses for Pacific tree species ranging from fuel, shade, toilet paper and bush
medicines to food production. Furthermore, detailed studies into traditional agroforestry such
as Clarke (1977, pp. 372-7) have emphasised the following characteristics of traditional
MSA systems:
• closed system agriculture;
• organic cultivation;
• high net energy yields (high return on labour inputs);
• dependence on local renewable resources (wood for construction and ash for
fertilisers);
• equitable dispersion of resources throughout community (land, energy, vegetation);
• habitat preservation for future generations;
• diversity of tree and non-tree crops and animals.
27
Despite the changes that have taken place in the Pacific over the last 100 years, traditional
agroforestry approaches such as MSA, shifting cultivation and bush fallow systems still play
an important role throughout the Pacific (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p.2; Thaman 2002a,
pp. 268-9). However, over the last century traditional agricultural and food systems have
suffered widespread neglect as a result of unsustainable “modern” agricultural practices
(Thaman 1990a, p. 2, 2002b, p. 24, 2002a, p. 270). This process is identified in Thaman
(1990a, p. 2) as agrodeforestation. Today, the reintroduction and development of traditional
agroforestry technologies is seen as one of the most economically, culturally and
ecologically effective means of arresting unsustainable agricultural practice in the Pacific
(Thaman, Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 8).
On the other hand, traditional MSA systems must not be viewed as a panacea for all future
development in the Pacific (Rogers & Thorpe 1999, sec. 1, p. 3). Such a belief would clearly
disregard the growing societal complexities that have emerged in the Pacific in the last 200
years (Thaman & Clarke 1993b, p. 192). Instead, MSA systems should be used as a
departure point for future agricultural development which acknowledges the value of
embracing time tested and culturally appropriate food production technologies (Thaman,
Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 4).
3.1.4 Key components of agroforestry systems
In general, agroforestry systems combine woody perennial, crops and animals/pasture
components into a holistic production system (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 25). Assuming that the
woody perennial component is always present (in order to classify as agroforestry), these
components can be combined to form either agrosilvoculture (crops and trees), silvopastoral
(pasture/animals and trees) or agrosilvopastoral (crops, animals/pasture and trees) systems.
In each of these systems, complex above and below ground interactions (positive and
negative) occur within and between each component as living species compete for soil, water
and light resources (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 244). The challenge involved with designing and
managing agroforestry systems is to balance component interactions by selecting species,
densities and planting arrangements that capitalise on the positive interactions and minimise
the negative (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 254). Such interactions occur at either the tree-crop
interface or the tree-animal interface of any given systems. Table 3 identifies the potential
positive and negative interactions at these interfaces.
28
Table 3: positive and negative interactions at the tree-crop and tree-animal interface
Tree-crop interface Tree-animal interface Positive Shading trees (stress reduction) Shading Biomass contribution Manure deposition Water conservation Soil conservation Negative Light competition Phytotoxins Nutrient competition Browsing damage Water competition Trampling Allelopathy Disease/pest hosts Source: adapted from Nair PKR (1993, p. 245)
Combining complementary, multiuse species into an integrated agricultural system is one of
the foundational principles of agroforestry (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 178). In particular,
multipurpose trees are often favoured due to their ability to increase ecological stability and
productivity whilst providing a variety of useful food and non food products (Thaman,
Elevitch & Wilkinson 2000, p. 9). While all trees are multipurpose in some form, the term
“multipurpose tree” in an agroforestry context refers specifically to ‘trees and shrubs which
are deliberately kept and managed for more than one preferred use, product, and/or service’
(Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 172). The broad and inclusive nature of agroforestry creates the
potential for many different crop combinations and interactions particularly in a tropical
climate such as in the Pacific. The many different agroforestry systems that exist in the
Pacific can be classified according to the structural (composition of components), functional
(primary purpose of production), socioeconomic (commercial versus subsistence) and
ecological (environmental suitability of systems) interactions of any given system (Nair, P.
K. R. 1993, p. 22).
Despite the many different combinations of agroforestry systems made possible by
combining the vast number of structural, functional, socioeconomic and ecological factors,
the complexity of agroforestry systems can be simplified through the identification of a set
of distinctive “agroforestry practices” (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 32). Table 4 provides a brief
summary of some of the most common agroforestry practices identified by existing
literature. Although many different agroforestry practices exist, this research will primarily
focus in greater detail on homegarden and coconut dominant agroforestry approaches in atoll
environments due to the orientation of this thesis towards urban agroforestry in Kiribati.
29
Table 4: description of the major agroforestry practices identified in existing literature
Agroforestry practice Brief description Agrisilvicultural systems Improved fallow Woody species planted and left to grow during the “fallow
phase” Taungya Combined stand of woody and agricultural species during
early stages of establishment of plantations Alley cropping Woody species in hedges; agricultural species in alley Multilayer tree gardens Multispecies, multilayer, dense plant associations with no
organised planting arrangements Multipurpose trees on crop lands Trees scattered haphazardly or according to some
systematic patterns on bunds, terraces or plot/field boundaries
Plantation crop combinations Integrated and intercropped multi-storey mixtures of plantation crops
Homegardens Intimate, multistorey combinations of various trees and crops around homesteads
Shelterbelts and windbreaks, live hedges Trees around farmland/plots Fuel wood production Interplanting firewood species on or around agricultural
lands Silvopastoral systems Protein banks Production of protein-rich tree fodder on farm/rangelands
for cut and carry fodder production Plantation crops with pastures and animals
Examples include cattle under coconuts
Agrosilvopastoral systems Homegardens involving animals Intimate, multi-storey combinations of various trees, crops
and animals around homesteads Multipurpose woody hedgerows Woody hedges for browsing, mulch green manure, soil
conservation Source: adapted from Nair PKR (1993, pp. 33-4) Vergara and Nair (1985, pp. 367-75) and Rogers and
Thorpe (1999, sec. 2, pp. 4-5)
3.2 Homegardening as a system of urban agroforestry
Urban agroforestry is a term used to describe the existence of agroforestry systems within
the boundaries of a town or city. Urban agroforestry is most commonly practiced in urban
homegardens. Many homegardens can be classified as urban agroforestry systems because of
the integration of productive trees within a productive urban landscape. The promotion of
homegarden systems is recognised as a poverty alleviation strategy internationally and
within the Pacific region. This section reviews this literature to establish key definitions,
structure, function and challenges associated with homegardening as a system of urban
agroforestry.
30
3.2.1 Development of literature on homegardening
Homegardens are believed to be one of the oldest food producing land uses ever to have
existed (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 136). Despite the ancient nature of homegardens, pioneering
research into these systems only commenced in the 1940s (Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 136).
Midmore and Niñez (1991, p. 5) report that the idea of using homegardens as a development
tool was first discovered around the 1950s. However, after this time support for using
homegardens as a development initiative lessened until the 1980s when United Nations
Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) showed
renewed interest in small scale food production (Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p.
5).
The first international workshop on tropical homegardens was held at Bandung (Indonesia)
in 1985. Papers presented at this conferences were compiled by Landauer and Brazil (1990)
and published under the banner of the United Nations (UN). In 1991 a workshop was held on
household garden projects in Bangkok (Thailand). The outcomes of this workshop were
summarised in Midmore and Niñez (1991). The second international workshop on
homegardening was then held in Witzenhausen (Germany) 2001. Proceedings from this
workshop were compiled by Watson and Eyzaguirre (2002) and published under the banner
of the International Plant Genetic Resources Institute (IPGRI). More recent reports such as
Mitchell and Hanstad (2004), demonstrate international organisations such as the FAO’s
continuing commitment to acknowledging the potential of homegardens. A more detailed
summary of the full history of homegarden research can be found in literature reviews such
as Kumar and Nair (2004) and Brownrigg (1985). More recently, Kumar and Nair (2006)
released an edited book on tropical homegardens that continues to build the understanding of
homegardens as a time-tested example of agroforestry.
3.2.2 Definition of homegardening
The term “homegarden” and other associated terms (dooryard gardening, mixed gardening,
food gardening, compound garden, kitchen garden, homestead agroforestry) have been used
to describe a variety of practices involving food production at a household level in both
urban and rural areas (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 108; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 85). Although
a universally agreed definition has yet to be reached, these low cost systems are extremely
common through most cultures and are particularly popular in topical and subtropical
settlements (Fernaandes & Nair 1990; Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 135; Marsh 1998, p. 5). In this
thesis, the term “homegarden” is used to refer to multipurpose, multilevelled tree, crop
31
(annual and perennial) and livestock systems cultivated by family labour within the
compounds of individual houses (Fernandes & Nair 1986, p. 281). This definition establishes
homegardens as an agrosilvopastoral agroforestry system where tree, crops and animal
systems are optimised to achieve desired household outcomes (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p.
107; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 34).
Further similarities exist when comparing the concept covered in agroforestry and
homegardening with the organic design solutions associated with the trademarked
permaculture philosophies4 of Mollison and Jeeves (1988). Permaculture is based around the
sustainable ‘integration of landscape and people’ to provide for a community’s food, energy,
shelter and any other material and non-material needs (Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. ix).
However, despite the similarities between agroforestry, homegardening and permaculture in
regard to the integrated and sustainable design of crop, animal and tree species, permaculture
differs substantially from agroforestry and homegardening in that it includes reference to
various ethical and societal issues relating to sustainable human development that go far
beyond the production system driven approach associated with agroforestry and
homegardening.
Furthermore, although permaculture is a relatively new concept, homegardening is believed
to be one of the oldest land uses in existence (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 136). The practice of
homegardening has evolved over thousands of years in countries such as India and Indonesia
as farmers have tested and refined cultivation techniques, passing their knowledge down to
future generations (Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006, p. 2). Due to its age, homegardening
originated in rural settings but in more recent history is also practiced in urban settlements
(Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006, p. 1).
In general, homegardens possess four key characteristics. Firstly, Kumar and Nair (2004, p.
140) state that the multi-tiered, multi-species, multi-purpose canopy structure in
homegardens is one of their most distinguishing features. In a summary of existing studies
into homegardens, Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 140) found that homegardens possessed
anywhere from three to six layers of vegetation strata. This division of vegetation strata can
be seen in Table 5 and Figure 3. Although homegardens may often appear unplanned, each
species is usually chosen to fulfil a specific purpose and function within the larger garden
system, where shade tolerant species (occupying the lower stratum) gradually give way to a
canopy of shade intolerant trees (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140; Nair, P. K. R. 1993, p. 91).
4 Permaculture is a term that is trademarked by the Permaculture Institute in Australia.
32
The species diversity associated with homegardens allows for a variety of production cycles
to run simultaneously throughout the year. The continued production of food crops is usually
made possible through high levels of nutrient recycling and organic decomposition within
homegarden systems (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, pp. 105-7).
Table 5: general structure of a homegarden
Vegetation zone
Specific strata Vegetation height Description
Herbaceous layer
Lower ground less than 1 metre Vegetables and medicinal plants
Upper ground 1 to 4 metres Food plants such as cassava, banana, papaya and yams
Intermediate layer
Above ground 5 to 9 metres Timber and fruit trees
Tree layer Medium trees 10 to 20 metres Timber and fruit trees
Emergent trees 21 to over 25 metres
Fully grown timber and fruit trees
Source: adapted from Fernaandes and Nair (1990, p. 111)
Figure 3: example of the different vegetation strata existing in a Javanese homegarden
Source: Fernandes and Nair (1986, p. 286) redrawn from Michon (1983)
The second distinguishing feature of homegardens is their proximity to the primary place of
residence of the gardening household. Furthermore, Fernandes and Nair’s (1986, p. 281)
definition of homegardening limits agricultural production to within household compounds.
Similarly, comparison of various homegarden studies by Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 140)
showed that in general, food and fruit producing species are located nearer the place of
33
residence with small annual vegetable patches (often near the kitchen) separating this section
from more distant timber producing species. Further ornamental and medicinal species are
usually planted in clusters in between food species nearer the house (Kumar & Nair 2004, p.
140). Other common practices in homegardens include the planting of multipurpose trees
and shrubs as living fences on household boundaries (Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140) and the
configuration of garden design around dominant tree species such as the coconut palm
(Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 140).
The third characteristic of homegardens is that their primary purpose is food production
(Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 105). Although homegardens are capable of producing
considerable amounts of food, they are rarely used to cover a household’s entire staple food
requirements but rather act as dietary supplements (Marsh 1998, p. 4). Apart from the size of
a tropical homegarden, food production in any given garden is primarily influenced by the
selection, sequencing and stratification of crop species (Marten 1990, p. 158). Finally,
homegardens occupy a “small” area compared to large scale agriculture. While there is no
maximum size for homegardens, studies done by Fernaandes, and Nair (1990, p. 105) across
different ecological regions show that the average size of a homegarden is less than half a
hectare.
3.2.3 The decision to participate in urban agroforestry
In a developing country context, a household’s decision to cultivate food in city or town is a
product of any number of complex considerations including an urban household’s need for
survival, agricultural training or ability, financial prospects and environmental opportunity
(climate, rainfall, soil fertility) in a given settlement (Choguili 1995, p.149; Sanyal 1987,
p.198). In general, a household will choose to invest in urban agroforestry because they
believe that such an investment will positively affect their quality of life (Mbiba 1995, p.23).
At its core, urban agroforestry is both a consumer and producer of resources, where marginal
lands are intensively cultivated with very little capital investment (Midmore, Niñez &
Venkataraman 1991, p. 19). Thus, in a settlement where land is in abundance, water is
available, climate is conducive to food production, high profits can be made from selling
food and people are hungry, the potential for homegardening agroforestry is greatly
increased. However, in a settlement where the agricultural inputs, financial incentive and
agricultural expertise are limited and the general food stocks are plentiful there is little
incentive to invest labour and resources into urban agroforestry systems such as
homegardens. Figure 4 shows the relationship that exists between these factors.
34
Figure 4: factors impacting farmer incentive to partake in homegardening
Source: synthesis of key variables in existing literature on urban food production
As an investment choice, homegardening as a system of urban agriculture is often more
attractive to the urban poor, who use it to produce the food necessary for survival (Smit,
Ratta & Nasr 1996, p.168). As urban residents’ food needs increase due to events such as
famine, economic crises or war, the attraction to produce food also increases (Sanyal 1987,
p.198). In summary Nugent (2000, p.73) remarks that ‘a household will produce its own
food when it is less costly [in terms of time and money] than purchasing food’.
3.2.4 Methodological challenges associated with researching homegardens
Various challenges are associated with conducting research into urban agroforestry systems
such as homegardens. Although much has been written regarding qualitative descriptions of
existing practices such as species inventories, benefits of homegardening systems and
evaluation of homegarden projects, little work has been conducted to improving these
systems (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 106; Kumar & Nair 2004, p. 138; Nair, P. K. R. 1993,
p. 95). According to authors such as Fernaandes and Nair (1990, p. 106) and Kumar and
Nair, (2004, pp. 137-40) this deficiency in the literature is largely due to the complexities
involved in using existing procedures to address the structural complexity, species diversity,
multiple output nature and variability of homegardens. As suggested by the title of Kumar
and Nair’s (2004) article, homegardens largely remain an “enigma” that potentially still
holds tremendous potential for meeting humanity’s most basic needs in an urban setting.
35
In this way, results from studies that have attempted to calculate the amount of land required
for homegarden cultivation to support a medium sized household have varied greatly
(Thaman 1995, p. 219). In some studies, complex optimisation models have been used to
calculate the optimal configuration of homegarden species, land area and nutritional outputs
(1990). In this study the minimum area required to supply the necessary nutritional intake of
a family in West Java was investigated. Results from Marten (1990) showed that la and area
of between 0.26 and 0.33 hectares was necessary to support such a family. These findings
indicate that it would be nearly impossible to achieve total self-sufficiency in future planned
urban settlements in Kiribati (where soils are considerably less fertile) through using urban
agroforestry systems while still maintaining the densities associated with an urban
settlement. The optimisation methodology used by Marten (1990) shows that numerous
assumptions are required to carry out modelling on homegardening urban agroforestry
systems and that the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems is heavily
dependent on the amount of urban land under cultivation.
3.3 Urban forestry as a form of urban agroforestry
Urban forestry is yet another concept used to describe agricultural systems in urban areas.
The following section outlines the key concepts of urban forestry, connecting this concept
into the broader notion of urban agroforestry.
3.3.1 Definitions and focus of urban forestry
According to Kuchelmeister (1998b, para. 5) urban forestry is defined as ‘planning,
management and conservation of trees, forests and related vegetation to create or add value
to the local community in an urban area’. Clearly this term has significant conceptual overlap
with urban agroforestry defined in Section 1.6. However, for the purposes of this research
the term urban agroforestry is preferred because of the orientation of urban agroforestry
systems towards agricultural production (the central concern of this thesis), sustainable
yields and the long history of agroforestry practice in the Pacific.
Despite urban agroforestry being the preferred term to describe tree based production
systems in urban areas in this thesis, literature on urban forestry still has much to contribute
to the theoretical understanding of urban food production. In general, literature on urban
forestry relates to developed countries with little reference to developing countries (Carter
1995, p. viv). This is partly because the planning, management and conservation of trees
36
‘requires high political support’ (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 136). The orientation of urban
forestry towards developed countries is evident in the large number of articles on developed
country issues addressed in the journal “Urban Forestry and Urban Greening” first published
in 2002. However, the few publications relating to urban forestry in developing countries
successfully highlight the potential and importance of tree based agricultural systems (Carter
1995; Konijnendijk et al. 2004; Kuchelmeister 1998b).
In this way, the potential for urban forestry initiatives in developing countries to provide
material (food, fodder and timber production) environmental (habitat preservation, erosion
control, recycling urban wastes) social (education, health improvement, recreation) and
economic (employment) lifestyle improvements for many urban residents is emphasised by
Carter (1995, pp. 25-39, ) and Kuchelmeister (1998b, para. 178-232). The benefits identified
in this literature are similar to literature on urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p.
152), homegardening (Kumar & Nair 2004, pp. 141-3) and urban agroforestry (Thaman,
Elevitch & Kennedy 2006, p. 26).
3.3.2 Urban forestry approaches and management issues
Various landscaping approaches are included in literature on urban forestry in developing
countries (Carter 1995; Kuchelmeister 1998b). These include greenways, street trees, parks,
trees in farming, watershed management, storm water control, protected area wetlands, solid
waste management and land reclamation (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 45-89). Literature on
urban forestry also engages with the broader management issues surrounding the integration
of forestry systems into urban areas. This is often not comprehensively addressed in
literature on urban agroforestry or homegardening.
Thus, literature on urban forestry frequently goes beyond investigating the role of
agricultural production systems in a homegarden setting and engages with broader settlement
issues. In this way, Carter (1995, pp. 20-6) addresses urban forestry on private, company,
community and government owned land in addition to a homegardening setting. In this
investigation, Carter (1995, p. 61) concludes that urban residents will ‘choose to cultivate the
most valuable trees only on land over which they have good control’. Therefore, urban
forestry initiatives ‘must begin with an initial assessment of management needs and
opportunities’ of the society in which they will be implemented (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para.
132). Yet, even when a community based approach is taken it is often difficult to stimulate
“community spirit”. This is frequently due to the diversity of people groups associated with
rapidly urbanising cities (1995, p. 81).
37
3.4 Literature on homegardening, urban forestry and urban agroforestry in the Pacific
The potential of tree based agricultural systems in developing countries is already known
(Konijnendijk et al. 2004). However, unlike other regions, urban agroforestry in the Pacific
is a relatively new phenomenon due to the unprecedented growth of urban centres discussed
in Chapter 2 (Thaman 1990b, p. 42). In this way, relatively little research has been carried
out into urban agroforestry systems in tropical regions (Carter 1995, p. 40). The following
section provides specific detail into the extent of literature on urban agroforestry,
homegardening and urban forestry in the Pacific.
3.4.1 Conceptualising urban agroforestry in the Pacific
Prior to the introduction of urban living in the Pacific, agroforestry systems such as family
food gardens were a common feature of rural settlements (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes
1999, p. 66). For this reason urban agroforestry in homegardens is a ubiquitous feature of
urban landscapes in the Pacific (Thaman 1993b, p. 145). In urban areas, Thaman, Elevitch
and Kennedy (2006, p. 32) remark that urban agroforestry in the Pacific takes one of two
forms, either “homegarden” or “undeveloped land” where no buildings exist (such as playing
fields, parks, road frontages and vacant lots). From this perspective, urban agroforestry is
viewed as a land use that utilises vacant spaces both around the house and in the community.
However, the narrowness of this definition leaves little room for the deliberate management
and conservation of trees in urban settlements. Thus, the vast majority of literature on urban
agroforestry in the Pacific is focused on the study of homegarden systems.
By far the most prolific author in this field is Professor Randy Thaman of the University of
the South Pacific. With over 30 years of research experience into 12 different Pacific island
nations, key publications on homegardening in the Pacific include Thaman (1977; 1988;
1990b; 1993b; 1995; 2004) and Thaman, Elevitch and Kennedy (2006). Despite the large
number of publications by Professor Thaman on urban agroforestry in the Pacific, the core
thesis of all of these works remains the same. In brief, that the promotion, preservation and
improvement of urban agroforestry and in particular homegardening is one of the most
direct, cost-effective and culturally/ecologically appropriate means of achieving sustainable
development and meeting the majority of the development goals of Pacific nations (Thaman
1988, p. 174, 1995, p. 223; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy 2006, p. 26).
In particular Thaman’s publications are based around data on homegardening collected from
Pacific nations such as Papua New Guinea (PNG), Fiji, Tonga, Kiribati, Nauru and Vanuatu.
These results are used to show how the inclusion of time-tested, locally driven agroforestry
38
technologies in urban areas can positively impact nutrition, food security, cultural
preservation, household finance, waste management, community belonging and the
environment (Thaman 1977, 1987, 1988, 1990b, 1993b, 1995, 2004).
Other publications on urban agroforestry and homegardening in the Pacific include Sommers
(1990), Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999) and Vasey (1985). In particular,
Sommers’s (1990) paper focuses on successful implementation of a homegarden
development initiative in Tonga following the 1982 typhoon. This project was based around
a bottom up approach using homegardening to combine exotic vegetables with traditional
Tongan crops such as sweet potato, papaya and cassava. The success of this project again
emphasises how homegardening can significantly contribute to increasing a community’s
nutrition and food security levels. Similarly, the brief section in Malolo, Matenga-Smith and
Hughes (1999, p. 66) on family food gardens again emphasises the potential for semi-
subsistence farming practices to maintain a safe and nutritious food supply particularly for
low income and urban families. Based on the potential of family food garden systems to
increase food security and household nutrition, Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999,
p. 66) state that the promotion of these systems ‘should be given priority by local, regional
and international organisations’.
In contrast, Vasey’s (1985) paper presents the results from various interviews that were
conducted with homegardeners in Port Moresby in an attempt to explain the existence of
homegardens and explore the major constraints affecting the further expansion of this
practice. Unlike more recent publications by Thaman (1988; 1990b; 1993b; 1995; 2004)
which are high on advocacy and focus on the benefits of homegardening, Vasey (1985) takes
a more impartial, analytical approach concluding that homegardening in Port Moresby was a
product of:
1. the rapid expansion of urban areas;
2. migration of subsistence farmers into the city;
3. a general shortage and therefore high price of fresh produce;
4. the economic necessity of households to grow their own food.
Vasey’s (1985) findings regarding various constraints to homegardening will be discussed in
the next section.
The small amount of literature on homegardening in the Pacific is reflected in Kumar and
Nair’s (2004) literature review on homegardening, where only two sources on
homegardening in the Pacific (both by Thaman) were referenced. Furthermore, very few
studies have been undertaken on planned urban forestry initiatives in the Pacific because
39
‘modern urban forestry is virtually non-existent in the developing countries of the Pacific
region’ (Kuchelmeister 1998b, para. 95). Thus, while homegardening urban agroforestry is a
ubiquitous feature of urban landscapes in the Pacific (Thaman 1993b, p. 145),
institutionalised and planned urban forestry agroforestry initiatives are not.
Furthermore, Thaman (1990b, p. 43) notes that relatively little attempt has been made ‘to
systematically promote mixed home gardening [sic] as an integral part of national
development in the Pacific islands.’ Although this statement was made over 15 years ago,
there is little evidence in the literature to suggest that this situation has changed. Thaman
(1990b, p. 42) goes on to explain that planners, policy makers, politicians and other
professionals are generally not aware or rather choose to ignore the importance of urban
agroforestry systems. Similarly Midmore and Niñez (1991, p. 8) state that homegardens are
often overlooked in favour of field based agriculture. One explanation for this is that
homegardening ‘falls into the portfolios of several government agencies’ and is therefore
never fully appreciated (Sommers 1990, p. 201). In addition, Kumar and Nair (2004, p. 136)
believe that the fragmented nature of homegarden land uses and general difficulty often
associated with gaining quantitative measures of beneficial outcomes of homegardening
significantly contribute to this lack of interest.
3.4.2 Difficulties and opportunities regarding the further development of urban
agroforestry in the Pacific
Although the benefits of homegardening are considerable, various challenges exist in
increasing levels of urban cultivation. Vasey (1985, p. 42) concluded that in Port Moresby
the major constraints to homegardening were insufficient garden space, the
unavailability/high cost of water and other inputs. Such problems are also supported in
publications by Thaman (1977, p. 159; 1988, p. 173; 1995, pp. 214-5), who adds additional
factors of unfavourable climate, insufficient time and labour, theft and lack of government
assistance as key issues affecting urban agroforestry in the Pacific. More particularly,
Thaman (1993b, p. 155) comments that in Kiribati ‘the most significant problems are
extremely poor soils, limited water availability, and extremely high population densities,
especially in South Tarawa’. The majority of these problems are typical of issues facing
urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, pp. 200-7) and urban forestry (Carter 1995, pp.
46-9). However, even in the most difficult homegardening environments in the Pacific
Thaman (1995, p. 215) believes that ‘these constraints are not insurmountable’. Yet for such
a statement to be true, homegardeners will often need the support of government and donor
bodies to assist in overcoming various challenges.
40
The promotion of urban agroforestry systems and lessons learnt from past failures
While numerous homegardening projects have succeeded in achieving their desired goals,
there are also various examples where projects have failed due to errors in project planning
and implementation (Brownrigg 1985; Marsh 1998; Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991;
Niñez 1986). Lessons that can be learnt from failed projects include the need to:
• understand and acknowledge the traditional agricultural practices of the target group
(Niñez 1986, p. 34);
• ensure the commitment of development agencies over an extended periods of time
(Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p. 12);
• focus project objectives simply on producing desired food outputs (Midmore, Niñez
& Venkataraman 1991, p. 12);
• encourage homegarden participants to take up homegardening for its intrinsic value
rather than free handouts (Midmore, Niñez & Venkataraman 1991, p. 18).
The many different recommendations that exist for overcoming the challenges confronting
the further development of urban agroforestry in the Pacific are evidence that no simple
solution exists (Thaman 1977, p. 165). Rather, it is likely that any solution will include a
number of different approaches such as the following listed by Thaman (1977, pp. 165-6;
Thaman 1990b, pp. 62-4):
1. development of agricultural extension services to further assist homegardeners;
2. completion of various pilot projects to further develop homegarden technologies;
3. further research into the nutritional, economic, social, technological, and ecological
benefits of urban agroforestry practice;
4. legalisation of crop cultivation on idle land in urban areas;
5. development of legislation to address theft of urban crops;
6. incorporation of community gardens near high density housing areas in current and
future housing developments;
7. promotion of homegarden benefits to increase public awareness;
8. improving connection between educational institutions and agroforestry production;
9. micro finance for agricultural production in urban areas;
10. construction of food markets;
11. introduction of new plant species to further improve existing agroforestry species.
41
3.4.3 Potential for future research into urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific
The potential of tree based agricultural systems in developing countries is already
understood (Konijnendijk et al. 2004). However, unlike other regions, urban agroforestry
systems in the Pacific (such as homegardens) is a relatively new phenomenon due to the
unprecedented growth of urban centres discussed in Chapter 2 (Thaman 1990b, p. 42). While
little research has been carried out into homegarden systems in the Pacific, an even greater
deficiency exists in understanding the role of urban agroforestry systems beyond the
homegarden (Carter 1995, p. 40). Clearly there is significant potential to extend urban
agroforestry in the Pacific beyond unplanned private homegardens to maximise the benefits
offered by urban food systems. Such an investigation could potentially focus on the
integration of urban agroforestry systems as a land use in its own right beyond the
compounds of a house. This is important because, ‘trees are very often considered as an
afterthought once development has taken place, rather than being incorporated at the original
design phase’ (Carter 1995, p. 4).
3.4.4 Agricultural land in past large scale community design projects: Hoskins oil palm
scheme
One example where agricultural land has been combined with a large scale resettlement in
the Pacific is in the Hoskins oil palm scheme in PNG. This scheme involved the voluntary
resettlement of families from over populated regions to “alienated” lands in “under
populated” areas of PNG (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. 3). The Hoskins oil palm
scheme was developed using a nucleus estate smallholder model where lands were
subdivided and land holdings of approximately six to six and a half hectares leased to settlers
on a 99 years lease (Benjamin 1977, p. 57; Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001). Of this land
four hectares were planted with oil palm with the remainder given over to food gardens. This
model allowed smallholder farms to be supported by the central nucleus estate which was
jointly owned and managed by both the government and a private company that processed
the oil palm fruits (Benjamin 1977, p. 57; Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. 4). Such
resettlement schemes are seen to be one of the more successful rural development
approaches in PNG (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001, p. xvi).
Although the Hoskins scheme was based around a rural setting, significant population
growth since the project’s establishment in 1968 has resulted in a growing demand for
alternative income sources (Koczberski, Curry & Gibson 2001). Koczberski, Curry and
Gibson (2001, p. xxi) note that as populations have increased households are becoming more
42
reliant on garden produce to meet household needs and supply alternative income. While the
densities at Hoskins are still far from those commonly associated with Pacific towns and
cities, the connection between increases in population density, designated agricultural land,
employment and homegardening is important to note.
3.5 Summary and conclusions
Agroforestry is a broad and generic term used to explain agricultural systems that have
existed for thousands of years. Agroforestry systems in the Pacific have and continue to play
a critical role in providing food, material and medicinal needs of island cultures. Despite the
value of such systems, the influence of industrialised agriculture and the growing demand for
increased agriculture production during and following the Colonial era has resulted in the
gradual deterioration of traditional agroforestry systems.
Today, the increasing demands and expectations of Pacific populations necessitate the
adaptation of traditional agroforestry systems to an urban context. The recent emergence of
urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens in the Pacific is one example of how
traditional agroforestry approaches have been modified to meet changing needs. In
particular, these principles and approaches to agroforestry provide an excellent framework
for addressing the challenge of sustainable development in the Pacific. Urban agroforestry
enables urban residents to meet the majority of their most basic needs in a cost effective,
culturally appropriate and ecologically viable manner. However in cases where homegarden
initiatives have been used as development strategies, past failures show the importance of
focusing interventions on the food producing capacity of such urban agroforestry systems.
Urban agroforestry is but one of a variety of terms which have been used to describe tree
based productive systems in an urban context. Other terms include homegardening and urban
forestry. Conceptual overlaps exist within each of these terms. However, for the purposes of
this study, urban agroforestry is preferred because of the orientation of urban agroforestry
towards agricultural production (the central concern of this thesis), sustainable yields and the
long history of agroforestry practice in the Pacific.
Despite the growing body of knowledge on urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific, two
key gaps exist. Firstly, further quantification of the contribution of urban agroforestry
systems is needed to further understand the potential value of tree based agricultural systems
in urban settings in the Pacific. Research in this field could include studying the nutritional
contribution of a tree based productive system in a future planned urban settlement.
43
Secondly, while existing literature focuses the benefits of urban agroforestry, documenting
existing designs of typical homegardens and evaluating the success of homegarden projects,
little work has been carried out into how urban agroforestry systems can be planned,
designed or managed to maximise identified benefits beyond a homegarden setting. In this
way, urban agroforestry in the Pacific is currently classified according to production on
“homegarden” or “undeveloped land” with little regard for urban agriculture as distinct land
use in its own right. This gap is believed to exist because of inability of traditional research
methods to explore complex urban food systems and the lack of capacity of urban planning
in PICs. One of the first steps in filling this research gap is assessing the appropriateness of
different management and ownership approaches associated with urban agroforestry systems
in a given settlement context. Chapter 4 will address more specific environmental, cultural
and economic issues surrounding urban development in Kiribati.
44
4.0 ENVIRONMENTAL, CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC BACKGROUND TO
URBANISATION IN KIRIBATI
This chapter details the environmental, historic, economic, political and cultural setting of
Kiribati. This information is necessary to understand the context of future planned urban
settlements and integrate past, present and future ownership and management approaches
with broader theory on property regimes. The following discussion focuses primarily on the
atolls located in the Gilbert islands group (particularly Tarawa), as these islands have largely
been the focus of settlement, politics and development throughout Kiribati’s history.
4.1 Physical geography of Kiribati
The atoll environment is a major constraint on future urban development in Kiribati.
Understanding the physical geography of Kiribati is an essential step in researching future
urban development. This section provides a brief description of the location and physical
environment of Kiribati.
4.1.1 Location and size
At the end of 2005 the Republic of Kiribati had a population of 92,500 people dispersed
across 33 coral atolls straddling the equator 2,200 kilometres north of Fiji (Government of
Kiribati 2006, p. 12). Geographically, Kiribati consists of the Gilbert islands to the west,
Phoenix islands in the centre, the northern and southern Line islands to the east and the
single island of Banaba (Ocean Island) 400km to the west of the Gilberts (refer Figure 5). In
total, these islands cover around 810.5 square kilometres of land, spanning from east to west
approximately 5,000 kilometres of ocean (Van Trease 1993a, p. 3). Kiribati’s small land
mass is spread across a vast 3.5 million square kilometres of ocean. With a sea to land ratio
of 4000:1, Kiribati is effectively a ‘nation of water’5 (Jones 1996, p. 160; Roniti Teiwaki &
Associates 2004, p. 32).
5 Kiribati possesses one of the largest Exclusive Economic Zones for fishing in the Pacific covering
around 3.5 million square kilometres and is arguably its greatest resource.
45
Figure 5: extent of the nation of Kiribati
Source: author’s synthesis of a variety of existing maps
The vast majority of Kiribati’s population reside in the fertile6 western atolls of the Gilbert
islands where around 90 per cent of the population lives on 35 per cent of the total land area
(Baaro 1993, p. 162; Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 12). Outside the Gilbert group, only
three northern islands in the Line islands group and Kanton in the Phoenix group are
inhabited. Of the 16 islands that make up the Gilbert group, Tarawa atoll is by far the most
populated, being the location of the nation’s capital and only urban centre, South Tarawa.
Tarawa atoll is divided into South Tarawa and North Tarawa. South Tarawa is urban while
North Tarawa maintains a more traditional subsistence village lifestyle. All islands in
Kiribati outside South Tarawa are considered to be ‘outer islands’ including North Tarawa.
Compared to South Tarawa the outer islands are distinctively rural (Bryant-Tokalau &
Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 18).
4.1.2 The typical atoll environment
The atoll environment is one of the most marginal locations in which to support human
settlement (Kunzel 1996, p. 141; Lawrence 1992, p. 264). In general, the majority of islands
in Kiribati can be described as ribbon-like, long skinny crescent landmasses with ocean on
one side and a shallow sheltered lagoon on the other (refer Figure 6). These atolls are rarely
more than three metres above the level of high-tide, with few of the islands more than 500 6 Although the Gilbert islands maybe fertile compared to other islands in Kiribati, they are highly
infertile compared to the productive lands of many other nations.
46
metres wide in any place (Sofield 2002, para.20; Thaman 1990a, p.6). A lack of surface fresh
water, resulting from the permeability and porosity of the soil, adds to the harsh
environmental conditions of the atoll environment. As some consolation, many of the larger
atolls in Kiribati have a fresh water lens that hydrostatically floats on the higher density
saltwater beneath the island.
Figure 6: typical atoll section showing fresh water lens
Source: Small (1972, p. 27)
The islands of Kiribati are a product of the gradual accumulation of coral, sand and marine
matter on ancient volcanic platforms (refer Figure 7) (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Small 1972, p. 7;
Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 2). Due to the calcareous origins and relatively young
geological age, soils are typically shallow, sandy and highly alkaline, with little water
holding capacity (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Thaman 1990a, p. 6). Soils in Kiribati are some of the
most infertile on earth, with plant growth depending on the breakdown of organic matter to
form shallow soil layers (Small 1972, pp. 5-9; Thaman 1990a, p. 6).
47
Figure 7: creation of a coral atoll
Source: Small (1972, p. 7)
Temperatures in Kiribati are warm and humid and relatively uniform through the year. Small
(1972, p. 9) states that in the Gilbert islands temperatures generally range from 29 degrees to
32 degrees Celsius. Annual rainfall is often highly variable from island to island and drought
is a serious problem, particularly in the southern islands of the Gilbert, Phoenix and Line
islands (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 1). Although island life is accustomed to prolonged periods
without water, droughts add further difficulty to cultivation of food in an already
environmentally challenging setting. Storm surges, sea level rise and tsunamis are additional
environmental constraints that increases the difficulty of sustaining human populations in
atoll environments (Thaman 1990a, p. 6). However, Kiribati is located in the doldrums and
so the threat of storm surge is substantially lessoned due to lack of cyclonic activity.
Despite the significant difficulties apparent in atoll settlement, Stone, Migvar and Robison
(2000, p. 1) emphasise the benefits offered by the unique features of these tropical
environments. Although constrained with regard to soil and water, atolls in Kiribati typically
have positive climatic conditions, an abundance of sunlight, lack of periodic plagues,
excellent soil drainage, no acidic soils and warm humid tropical conditions.
The general homogeneity of the atoll landscape and the predictability of different ecological
zones is evident in Hocking’s (1989, p. 83) image of traditional land ownership (refer Figure
8). The clear identification of distinct zones within atolls is also supported by Raynor (1992,
pp. 19-20) and Liew (1990, p. 82). In general, three main ecological zones exist on atolls.
48
The poorest land is usually located on the most exposed ocean edge of the atoll where soil is
the most sandy, fresh water lens the thinnest and salt spray/winds the greatest. Fair land is
typically located on the comparatively sheltered lagoon side of the atoll where soil fertility,
fresh water availability and shelter are generally higher than the ocean edge. The centre of
the atoll is typically the best land where the environment is most conducive to food
production due to the increased soil fertility from the build up of organic material and shelter
from damaging sea breezes (Raynor 1992, pp. 19-20). In particular, the low lying swamp
areas in the centre of the atoll are often the only areas where vegetation can be sustained
during times of severe drought (Liew 1990, p. 82).
Figure 8: division of atoll lands into traditional land holdings showing the general predictability
of the atoll environment
Source: Hockings (1989, p. 83)
4.2 Brief history of settlement in Kiribati
Land and traditional notions of land settlement remain vitally important to the I-Kiribati
today. Understanding past and present settlement patterns in Kiribati and their historical
context is therefore necessary for an investigation of future urban settlements. This section
focuses on the transition from traditional settlement to urban settlement and highlights the
historical context in which such changes have taken place.
4.2.1 Traditional land management, settlement and ownership
The first people to settle on the Gilbert islands came from the west, sometime after 4000
BCE (Macdonald 2001, p. 1). Centuries later, these settlers were overtaken by Micronesian
seafarers who arrived on the Gilbert islands 4000 to 5000 years ago (Macdonald 2001, p. 1).
49
The new island settlers were taller in stature, with lighter skin and today form the basic
genetic pool of the indigenous people (Macdonald 2001, p. 1). While the exact origins of the
I-Kiribati is not certain, history points towards a sea-based people with a well developed
canoe and navigational understanding allowing for distant island travel (Lawrence 1992, p.
267).
In the fourteenth century, the population of this low lying atoll group grew further with the
migration of Samoan tribes into the southern Gilbert islands (Macdonald 2001, p. 3). The
arrival of these tribes considerably altered the land management and social structure systems
of the island people particularly in the southern Gilbert islands (Macdonald 2001, p. 9).
Although the settlement patterns differed slightly between atolls in the Gilbert island group,
all the islands in this group were in some way influenced by the social structures and land
management systems that came with the influx of Samoan settlers around the fourteenth
century (Macdonald 2001, p. 9). The following settlement model was particularly strong in
the southern Gilberts, although its influence also stretched throughout the Gilbert islands to
varying extents after the military conquests of the seventeenth century (Macdonald 2001, p.
6). However, in the most northern islands such as Butaritari and Makin the chiefly system of
chiefs, nobles, freemen and slaves remained until the European era (Macdonald 2001, p. 6).
Typically, traditional landownership was governed by a well-developed clan-based system
that allowed limited atoll resources to be divided among island inhabitants. This system
‘played down the principle of hierarchy in favour of gerontocracy – the rule of island
districts by councils of old men’ (Macdonald 2001, p. 6). The largest of these ruling bodies
was the maneaba. In the traditional sense, this word was used to refer to both an actual
community building/meeting place as well as an autonomous district overseen by a clan-
based government which extended anywhere from one to ten kilometres either side of the
maneaba building (Hockings 1989, p. 77). Each island was divided into different districts,
with each district having a maneaba serving as both an arrival point for visitors and meeting
place for large community gatherings. This building was usually located on the sheltered
lagoon side of the islands (Hockings 1989, p. 43). Similarly, the lagoon side of the atoll was
typically recognised as the best place to build family dwellings. In contrast the middle of the
atoll was reserved for island travel. Figure 9 shows the conceptual simplification of such a
settlement within a typical atoll environment.
50
Figure 9: division of land according to the traditional Gilbertese settlement model
Source: Hockings (1989, p. 69)
In matters pertaining to governance and decision making, each maneaba consisted of a
variety of clan groups (boti), with each boti having a representative male leader to participate
in formal maneaba meetings (Lawrence 1992, p. 270). All members of the associated boti
lived within a small group of extended families (kainga), in discrete residential family units
(mwanga) (Atanraoi 1995, p. 557; Macdonald 2001, p. 9). As a group of people connected
by blood ties, members of kainga lived together on clan lands to achieve a common interest
(Johannes & Yeeting 2001, p. 5; Lawrence 1992, p. 270). As such, the dominant ownership
of the land was vested collectively in the kainga unit. The kainga transferred the right of
individual ownership of the land to the head of the boti who then returned the right to use the
land to members of the kainga (Atanraoi 1995, p. 55; Hockings 1989, p. 122). Thus,
although given the right to use the land as he saw fit, the head of the boti (and the owner of
the kainga) was subject to the collective ownership of the clan (Atanraoi 1995, p. 72).
The kainga formed the major feature of island settlement; as the Gilbertese settlement
pattern was based more on ‘isolated clan hamlets rather than a village arrangement’
(Hockings 1989, p. 43). Thus the boti and associated kainga were the basic operating
structures comprising on average 25-40 persons, from which day to day religious, social and
work activities operated (Hockings 1989, pp. 68-109; Lawrence 1992, p. 270). Although not
having direct ownership of kainga lands, family members of the kainga had individual
ownership of the bush lands (buakonikai) that existed outside the kainga (Lawrence 1992, p.
2707; Macdonald 2001). Like the kainga land, the rights to use these lands were given to
individuals by the clan, providing individuals rather than the clan with the right to make day
to day decision about land management and subsistence cultivation (Lawrence 1992, p. 271).
51
The traditional decentralised settlement model ensured that the limited atoll resources were
shared between island inhabitants, preventing unsustainable settlement concentrations which
might lead to resource depletion (Hockings 1989, p. 67). The common elements in
traditional Gilbertese settlement were therefore the maneaba (communal meeting building),
kainga (residential areas), and buakonikai land areas (harvested bush lands) (refer Figure 10)
(Hockings 1989).
Figure 10: traditional settlement pattern of the Gilbertese people
Source: adapted from Hockings (1989, p. 45)
Due to the predictability of ecological zones, ranging from lagoon to ocean shores, kainga
land parcels typically took the shape of elongated narrow strips that covered all vegetation
zones. This was so that members of the kainga had access to the variety of vegetation types
in the natural bush land (refer Figures 8 and 9) (Liew 1990, p. 82). While this strip-like
division of land was common on narrow islands such as Tarawa, different plot like divisions
were used where the land was wider such as in the southern Gilberts (Atanraoi 1995, p. 56).
As the basis of the traditional subsistence lifestyle, land was immensely important both as a
symbol of one’s status and as a means of providing for one’s family (Atanraoi 1995, p. 58).
Infertility of the land and the availability of productive tree species in the native vegetation
meant that the Gilbertese people generally harvested foods directly from the buakonikai
lands rather than focus on the intensive cultivation of small land areas (Hockings 1989, p.
68).
52
Marine areas were also subject to collective ownership of the extended family. Thomas
(2001, p. 405) comments that as well as clan based landholdings, each kainga owned
designated marine areas in the lagoon that were managed under Customary Marine Tenure
(CMT). CMT existed in Kiribati, up until the late 1940s where it was replaced by the
western concept of public rights (Thomas 2001, pp. 405-7). The transition of traditional land
management techniques to more westernised concepts of property ownership is discussed in
greater detail in Section 5.2.
4.2.2 The typical atoll environment and future planned urban settlement
The conceptual simplification of atoll settlement seen in Figure 9 can also be applied to a
future planned urban settlement scenario. In such a situation, the traditional preference for
settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll, intensive agricultural and transport activities
oriented towards the middle of the atoll and the general disregard for land development on
the ocean side of the atoll can be translated to create the urban settlement scenario such as
Figure 11. This image can be used as a basis to understand the ownership and management
of productive land in an urban atoll context.
Figure 11: abstract model of future planned urban land uses in a typical atoll environment
Source: author’s synthesis of atoll settlement in Kiribati
53
4.2.3 An expanding world: the effect of contact with industrialised nations
Early contact with industrialised nations began with whaling vessels in the nineteenth
century. These outsiders were keen to trade their technology and food species for basic
resources necessary to sustain long voyages. Trade agreements saw the introduction of new
materials (steel and whale teeth), technologies (axes and knives) and agriculture species
(pigs, chickens, pumpkins) (Lawrence 1992, p. 275). Such arrangements demonstrated the
willingness of I-Kiribati to explore and embrace new opportunities presented by foreigners
(Christensen 1995; Lawrence 1992, p. 275). This willingness to embrace change continued
with trade in coconut oil. The new cash value of coconuts further displaced traditional
subsistence systems in favour of cash cropping plantations. Increasing trade was also
associated with increasing cash incomes and the introduction of new technologies such as
sewing machines (Lawrence 1992, p. 277). Further changes followed with the arrival of
missionaries in 1852 and the introduction of new education, handouts, and spiritual
worldviews that challenged traditional leadership and forged a new power structure centred
on the church (Lawrence 1992, pp. 283-6).
1892 saw the United Kingdom extend its sphere of influence in the region, declaring a
protectorate over the Gilbert and Ellice islands. Between 1916 and 1919 the United Kingdom
established the Gilbert and Ellice Colony. By 1937 the Colony included the Gilbert, Ellice
and Phoenix islands, some of the Line islands (Kiritimati, Tabueran and Teraina) and the
single island of Banaba (Lawrence 1992, p. 286; Van Trease 1993a, p. 3). Despite a change
in autonomy, very little was imposed by the British Empire other than the codification of
laws and more efficient Colonial-based administration (Lawrence 1992, p. 289). In effect,
the British presence merely placed a higher authority over existing traditional systems, the
vast majority of the islands continuing to act largely independently of Colonial influence
(Van Trease 1993a, pp. 6-7). Through the Colonial period, Britain expanded colonies in an
“umbrella-like” fashion over its’ possessions in the central Pacific islands (Macdonald 2001,
p. vi). The phosphate reserves on Banaba were one of the major resources of interest to the
British Empire in this region. By 1937 the Gilbert and Ellice colony had been gradually
expanded to include Banaba, and most of the Line and Phoenix islands (Macdonald 2001, p.
vi).
Further contact with the outside world occurred with the expansion of World War II into the
Pacific region. The breakdown of Colonial powers after World War II was pivotal in moving
the Gilbert and Ellice Colony towards independence. This period was marked by further
infrastructure development and increasing inter-island migration towards South Tarawa
54
(Macdonald 2001, p. 177). In 1976 the Gilbert, Line and Phoenix islands along with Banaba
were divided from the Ellice islands to form the separate nations of Kiribati (Gilbert, Line
and Phoenix island groups) and Tuvalu (Ellice Island group) (Van Trease 1993a, p. 5). On
the 12th of July 1979 full independence was finally achieved and the Republic of Kiribati was
born with a new system of Government that combined traditional models of governance with
more recent concepts of democracy (Van Trease 1993a, p. 5). The phosphate mine on
Banaba was closed shortly after independence as the reserves were depleted (Thomas 2002,
p. 164).
Although now including a variety of islands groups the people of this nation identified
themselves as I-Kiribati; meaning the Gilbertese people. Despite Kiribati’s independence it
is the opinion of some authors that the move toward independence in many ways created
greater dependence, as new opportunities continued to create new desires which could only
be satisfied by increasing imports and exports (Lawrence 1992; Lewis Jr 1988; Thaman
1982). Rapid change continued in the wake of independence. In particular, South Tarawa
remained the focus of infrastructure development and rapid urbanisation. More recently,
years of sustained growth, combined with limited physical and institutional capacity, have
resulted in an increasing emergence of social and environmental problems associated with
urban living. Rapid urban growth and population change are predicted to continue in Kiribati
with estimates from the 2000 census (Government of Kiribati 2003, p. 13) forecasting a total
Kiribati population increase to 140-145,000 by 2025, with 70,000 persons living on Tarawa
atoll.
4.2.4 Evolution of urban living in Kiribati: the rise of South Tarawa
Like other nations in the Pacific, urban living in Kiribati is a ‘comparatively recent
phenomena’ (Thaman 1977, p. 146). The short history of urbanisation in Kiribati has focused
on the development of the southern region of Tarawa atoll, known today as South Tarawa.
Initially, Tarawa atoll was the location of administrative headquarters of Britain’s Gilbert
and Ellice Colony (refer Figure 12). Prior to WWII, urban settlement in the south of Tarawa
largely remained a small Colonial outpost, having little impact on the overall settlement
pattern of the Gilbertese people (Lawrence 1992, p. 289).
55
Figure 12: location of Tarawa atoll in the Gilbert islands
Source: Van Trease (1993c, p. 4)
The real stimulus for urban growth occurred during the post-war period leading up to
independence in 1979. During this time, South Tarawa became the focus of unprecedented
inter-island migration from outlying islands. This growth can be largely attributed to
centralised infrastructure development, lack of restrictive policies on migration and the
existing network of extended families in the Gilbert islands (Lawrence 1992, pp. 290-1;
Lewis Jr 1988, p.88; Macdonald 2001, p. 216). Many of Kiribati’s problems associated with
urban living can be traced back to development decisions made during this period (Van
Trease 1993b, p. 135).
Urbanisation in South Tarawa has continued to increase since independence, with the most
recently published census data placing South Tarawa’s population at approximately 40,300
(Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 32). Figure 13 shows population growth in South Tarawa
56
relative to the total population growth of Kiribati. The rapid increase in urban residents has
generated a variety of development issues relating to managing South Tarawa’s finite
resources to provide necessary urban services to urban residents. Due to forecast
continuation of this urban population trend, the creation of future urban settlements is a
central aspect of future urban planning.
Population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
80000
90000
100000
1931 1947 1963 1968 1973 1978 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
Time period
Popu
latio
n
Kiribati
South Tarawa
Figure 13: population change in Kiribati and South Tarawa 1931-2005
Source: data from Government of Kiribati (2002; 2006), Van Trease (1993b, p. 138) and Connell and
Lea (2002, p. 32)
More recently the Kiribati Government has attempted to slow migration from outer islands to
South Tarawa by adopting a population policy to improve population distribution by 2025
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 8). Based on the difference in South Tarawa’s growth
between the 1995 to 2000 inter-censal period (5.2 per cent per annum) and the 2000-2005
inter-censal period (1.9 per cent per annum), Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 8) comment
that this policy appears to be having some success. However, a slowing in the growth pattern
of South Tarawa has occurred in the past only to be followed by periods of increased growth
(refer Figure 13).
4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati
Kiribati’s economy is ‘one of the smallest and least developed in the world’ (Tarhan 2006, p.
79). Acknowledging and working within the economic, cultural and political constraints of
Kiribati is essential for the successful design of future urban settlements in this nation. The
following section addresses these categories in more detail.
57
4.3.1 Migration, remittances, aid, bureaucracy and the economy of Kiribati
On the fringe of the capitalist world, Kiribati is highly dependent on globalised trade flows
to sustain the lifestyles of many residents in South Tarawa (Lawrence 1992, p. 297). The
limited opportunities for economic expansion; as seen in Kiribati’s restricted market size,
land area, infertile soils, labour force and low Gross Domestic Product has led to the
adoption of the Australian dollar as the official currency (Thomas 2002, p. 163).
Furthermore, the natural beauty and tourism potential of Kiribati is constrained by poor
transport connections, general remoteness and a lack of consumer awareness (Tarhan 2006,
p. 79).
Despite such constraints, exports such as copra, seaweed and aquarium fish make a
substantial contribution to sustaining the nation’s economy (Asian Development Bank 2002,
p. 44). Additionally, many authors believe that the vast ocean resource of Kiribati holds
significant untapped potential for future economic expansion (Thomas 2002; Tikai 1993;
Van Trease 1993a). However, utilisation of this resource continues to be constrained by
inadequate technology, capital and expertise base (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994,
p. 17). In the past, the agricultural sector’s contribution to GDP has come from copra
production. However, falling copra prices, ageing coconut plantations and varying rainfall
have led to high variability in copra production (refer Figure 14).
Kiribati: copra production
0
2,000
4,000
6,000
8,000
10,000
12,000
14,000
1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
Year
Met
ric
tone
s
Figure 14: copra production in Kiribati
Source: Kiribati National Statistics Office (2006)
58
The economy of Kiribati changed significantly with the closure of the Banaba phosphate
mine soon after independence. This closure caused export earnings to decline by 80 per cent
and Government revenue to decline by 50 per cent (Tarhan 2006, p. 79). Since this time,
Kiribati has often struggled to balance expenditure against income. In response, an outward
looking economy has emerged focused towards Migration, Remittances, Aid and
Bureaucracy, otherwise known as MIRAB (Bertram 2006; Bertram & Watters 1985). While
the MIRAB approach is often used to describe many small Pacific island economies, such a
model is limited in its ability to make provision for locally driven business initiatives which
increase growth in the private sector. Despite this, MIRAB describes the current economy of
Kiribati fairly accurately.
The MIRAB system allows the nation of Kiribati to function and develop despite a variety of
resource, labour, education and infrastructure challenges. The remittance of cash earning
from migrant workers back to family members is a cornerstone of Kiribati’s economy. I-
Kiribati seamen employed by international shipping companies is an example of such
behaviour (Borovnik 2006). In contrast employment on the outer islands is severely limited
and dominated by village agriculture (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 3). Other international monies
include earning from Revenue Equalisation Reserve Fund (RERF) established by the Kiribati
Government from royalties and compensation from the phosphate mine on Banaba prior to
independence. More recently, Kiribati secured further international income through the
declaration of the Phoenix islands Protected Areas in partnership with the New England
Aquarium (NEAq) and Conservation International (CI) (New England Aquarium 2007).
International donor organisations and associated aid monies are another source of income,
which make a considerable contribution to the economy in Kiribati. External aid increased
from A$49.7 million in 2004 to A$62.7 million in 2005 (Asian Development Bank 2006b, p.
250). In the past, major donors have included Australia, Britain, European countries, Japan,
New Zealand and Taiwan. Often aid packages are given in the form of grants and not loans,
resulting from ‘certain “obligations” of former Colonial powers established during the
Colonial era’ (Bertram & Watters 1985, p. 513). However despite the appearance of
benevolence, care needs to be taken to ensure that aid monies foster increased independence
rather than dependence (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 152). As Thomas and Tonganibeia (2007, p.
39) state the attitude of aid dependence in Kiribati today, ‘dampens local initiative and
encourages communities to wait for donor assistance’.
59
Government bureaucracy and dominance of public sector employment is also a component
of a MIRAB economy. Although the Government is currently the main source of
employment, the capacity of the public sector to absorb the growing number of unemployed
young people, many of whom have a lack of skills, is limited. The weak private sector which
is often constrained by egalitarian cultural norms and high levels of Government control only
adds further economic issues (Asian Development Bank 2005). This situation reflects the
tension that currently exists between free market economics and more traditional ideals of
egalitarian resource distribution. The 2000 census recorded that two out of every three
employed persons worked for the public sector and two thirds of these were located in South
Tarawa (Government of Kiribati 2002). This figure demonstrates the dominance of
Government as the nation’s primary employer and key stakeholder in services, infrastructure
and commerce.
A central part of Kiribati’s economy is the connection between subsistence and cash sectors.
While South Tarawa is seen as the centre of cash employment it remains strongly influenced
by the subsistence sector. The family members of educated Government employees often
access food from remnant agroforestry systems on their land. However, increasing
population densities has seen the emergence of landless urban poor, who unlike their rural
counterparts are not able to re-engage with their traditional subsistence lifestyle when cash
and food reserves are low (Connell 2003).
Urban centres in Kiribati face many challenges in provision of employment opportunities for
existing urban residents. If the rural-urban population drift in Kiribati continues into future
years, the already strained employment opportunities in South Tarawa will be exposed to
even greater pressure. Asia Development Bank (2002, p. 127) reports that while 1,700
student leave school each year, only 400-500 jobs become available in the formal economy.
Therefore, one of the major challenges facing urban centres in Kiribati is the need to provide
job opportunities for growing populations.
4.3.2 Island lifestyles, family, land and reciprocity
Traditional attitudes and beliefs still exert considerable influence throughout Kiribati.
Traditional culture predisposes I-Kiribati to approach life one day at a time with little worry
about the future (Talu 1985, p. 4). Similarly, traditional concepts of land ownership connect
an individual’s identity, status and wealth to their ownership of land (Macdonald 2001, p.
206). This is reflected in the high levels of freehold native title ownership in Gilbert islands
(Atanraoi 1995, p. 64; Talu 1985, p. 10). The importance of the family is often evident in
60
land ownership in South Tarawa. Although held in individual names, land ownership is still
largely vested in the family unit (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 59). The role of land in urban
areas is discussed further in Section 5.2.
Family, community support, sharing and equality are also traditionally important. Macdonald
(2001, p. 207) comments that there remains a strong sense of disdain for ‘those who profit
from the efforts of others’ and a general sentiment that ‘no man [should] rise above his
fellows’. In the past, individuals and families have been expected to adhere to conservative
egalitarian norms (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 97), which are especially strong is the southern
Gilberts. Sometimes the belief in equality has been so strong that it discouraged individuals
from seeking to raise themselves above the general community level or develop wealth
(Geddes et al. 1982, p. 84). Due to the traditional emphasis on sharing and reciprocity,
cooperative activities are often seen as an acceptable approach for conducting business and
trade (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 97). Particularly in the outer islands, the anonymity and
collective effort of group work is highly valued (Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007, p. 50).
Community expectations of sharing, reciprocation and egalitarian distribution of resources
are best encapsulated in the traditional notion of bubuti. This form of reciprocal aid, still
common between friends and family, is where an individual asks for a gift or favour such as
money or food which can rarely be denied (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 85; Jones 1997, Ch. 4, p.
43).
4.3.3 Civil society, religion and cooperatives
Civil society is generally well developed in South Tarawa where numerous church, women,
youth groups and other Non Government Organisations (NGOs) are based (Butcher-Gollach
et al. 2007b, p. 103). In particular, religious groups are frequently the basis of community
activity and often exert a powerful influence throughout Kiribati, as evidenced by dominance
of the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches (Macdonald 2001, p. 213). Religious
institutions have replaced the traditional village structure; the church maneaba ‘becoming
more important than the village maneaba as the center [sic] of local politics’ (Roniti Teiwaki
& Associates 2004, p. 4). This is because of the fragmentation of traditional structures
(particularly in urban areas) and the affinity of I-Kiribati for cooperation and community. As
stated by Thomas (2001, p. 414), ‘while not denying the existence of competition among
groups and among individuals, cooperation remains a hallmark of Kiribati social relations
and so provides a solid foundation for creating or strengthening ventures geared towards
resource management strategies’.
61
Yet, despite their organisational and mobilisation capacity, religious groups are generally
concerned with spiritual matters and not the management and development of local
infrastructure. This is largely because ‘their areas of influence extend across village
boundaries and overlap each other’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 100). However, church
based projects such as the hydroponics facility at the Bikenibeu Kiribati Protestant Church
demonstrate that potential exists to draw on religious decision making structures to
encourage community infrastructure and micro credit schemes including homegardening
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 40).
In the past, fishing and copra cooperatives have been set up outside church institutions with
the assistance of the Kiribati Government. The concept of te mronron (Geddes et al. 1982, p.
97), is critical to the potential success of a cooperative in Kiribati. This non-traditional
organisation allows a family or larger group to pool resources for a specific purpose.
However, such cooperatives have had limited success in the past due to poor management
and planning (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January).
4.3.4 Politics: the Government and people
Government in Kiribati is comprised of both national and local levels. The national level is
made up of a unicameral House of Parliament (Maneaba ni Maungatabu) with 42 elected
members led by a President. Local Government is comprised of 23 locally elected councils
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, pp. 78-9). The Government and the general population of
Kiribati share a somewhat paradoxical relationship. On one hand the majority of I-Kiribati
believe that the role of the Government is to ‘look after the people’ (Geddes et al. 1982, p.
117). However, on the other hand many I-Kiribati distrust the Government, believing that
the Government frequently abuses its power, collecting taxes to secure its own wealth rather
than acting for the welfare of the people (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 21). While the work of
Geddes et al (1982) is over 25 years old, the general attitude of the people toward their
Government remains largely unchanged (Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural
Development, pers comm., 30 January). Ironically, the Government is the largest employer
in Kiribati and therefore the primary employer of many households, particularly in South
Tarawa (Asian Development Bank 2006b).
62
4.4 Property regimes and Research Question Two: ownership and management of
agroforestry resources
Various approaches to the ownership and management of atoll resources exist in Kiribati. At
a theoretical level, these different approaches can be defined within a body of literature
known as property regime theory. The discussion of each of these approaches, informs later
methodological procedures in answering Research Question Two.
4.4.1 Property regime theory
When discussing resource ownership and management issues it is important to acknowledge
the broader body of theory surrounding property rights and resource management regimes.
This field is generally poorly understood in the public domain, due mainly to a lack of
understanding of property and property rights theory (Bromley 1991, pp. 1-2).
To clarify this misunderstanding, Bromley (1991, p. 2) defines property as ‘a benefit (or
income) stream’, a ‘social relation that defines the property holder with respect to something
of value’. In this context a property right becomes ‘a claim to a benefit stream that the state
will agree to protect through the assignment of duty to others who may covet, or somehow
interfere with, the benefit stream’ (Bromley 1991, p. 2). Within this context, a resource
management regime is a human creation based upon a structure of rights and duties to a
particular environmental resource (Bromley 1991, p. 22). Four property regimes are typically
considered within this body of theory. These include open access, common property, private
property and state property.
Tragedy of the commons: open access versus common property
Much of the confusion regarding resource management regimes stems from the poorly
conceptualised economic theory know as the “tragedy of he commons” (Hardin 1968).
Hardin’s (1968) work claimed that property under a village common system would
inevitably be depleted beyond recovery due to users’ exploitation of shared resources.
Hardin’s (1968) theory was incorrect in that it failed to recognise the difference between the
property regimes of “open access” and true “common property”. Resources under open
access ‘are owned by no one and protected by no one’ (Baines 1989, p. 199). This absence of
ownership rights results in a complete lack of user incentive for conservation and protection
of shared resources. In this way, Hardin’s (1968), “tragedy of the commons” can be more
accurately described as the “tragedy of open access” (Stevenson 1991, p. 4).
63
On the other hand, common property is not open to access by all people. Rather, a common
property regime is based on collective ownership by a select group of people. While co-equal
owners have a right to access the property resource, those who are outside the commons
group have no right of access. Thus, it is in the interest of the group to ensure that the benefit
provided from the property is not compromised. This is achieved through establishing a set
of ‘property rights relationships designed to eliminate open access exploitation’ (Stevenson
1991, p. 104). However, Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 13) comment that the appropriate
institutions are required to ensure effective common property management systems.
Common property regimes hold considerable appeal as a tool to facilitate community
ownership and bottom up development. Increased responsibility for land management at a
local level increases the likelihood of more sustainable forms of resource use. However, the
complexity of managing a common pool of resources often raises questions on which
institutional structure is best suited to manage the shared resource (Baker 1992, p. 39). In the
international developed field, the logical approach for development planners is to strengthen
existing community structures to encourage increased cooperation (Berkes & Farvar 1989, p.
13). According to Berkes (1989a, p. 73), these institutions frequently emerge as a result of
kin, reciprocity and/or group selection.
Common property in an urban setting: a potential tragedy
Although common property regimes provide a highly sustainable approach to distribution of
community resources, the probability of their failure is substantially increased in an urban
setting. This is because with increasing density comes increasing fluidity and casual
relationships resulting in the breakdown of the intimate contact necessary to ensure
appropriate management and collective responsibility (Berkes 1989a, p. 71). In the case of
Kiribati, urbanisation has resulted in the distortion of common property access rights due to
the establishment of new kinship ties between unrelated urban residents, effectively blurring
the divide between “outsiders” and “insiders” (Thomas 2001, p. 408). This inevitably leads
to property disputes. In cases where common property disputes arise, Thomas (2001, p. 413)
suggests that strengthening local authority institutions would enable greater capacity to
negotiate a solution. Similarly, where traditional resource conservation have been lost due to
the expansion of alternative regimes, Berkes (1989a, p. 83) suggests that reengaging with
common property systems should take into account both the ‘wisdom of ancient practices’
and the contemporary world in which they now exist. This is particularly important in an
urban setting given the apparent tension between traditional common property approaches
and urban living.
64
Private property and state property
In the absence of the distinction between common property and open access regimes, it is
commonly concluded that the solution to the poorly conceptualised “tragedy of the
commons” phenomenon is either the establishment of private property or state property
regimes. In a private property regime, a single owner posses the power to decide what is
done (Bromley 1991, pp. 173-4). This secure and exclusive right to resource extraction
potentially encourages more responsible and efficient land management through
concentrating resource cost and benefits with a single owner. Despite this, Stevenson (1991,
p. 4) points out that such a property regime may not be appropriate in a given culture where
an enduring experience with common property exists. Furthermore, Bromley (1991, p. 181)
states that private ownership may not be appropriate for certain goods and services that are
indivisible, unique, immobile and are difficult to establish entitlements for. Finally, private
property, often results in negative social impacts due to inequitable wealth and income
distribution (Stevenson 1991, p. 104).
In contrast, a state property regime is based around centring ownership and control with the
nation state. Although individuals may be permitted to use these resources, it is only with the
permission of the state (Bromley 1991, p. 23). Thus the nation state manages the land to
ensure that appropriate resource extraction occurs. However, one of the disadvantages of this
approach is the disconnection between an individual’s ability to access state resources and
their ownership of these resources. This disconnection results in the potential inefficiency of
resource use due to the lack of market signals (Bromley 1991, pp. 168-9). Furthermore,
unless strict management guidelines exist, resource overexploitation is likely to occur. The
abovementioned property regimes are summarised in Table 6.
65
Table 6: four main property regimes
Regime Details
Open access Free-for-all; resource-use rights are neither
exclusive nor transferable, rights are owned in
common but are open-access to everyone (and
therefore owned by no one).
Common property Use-rights for the resource are controlled by an
identifiable group and are not privately owned or
managed by Government; there exist rules
concerning who may use the resource, who is
excluded from using the resource, and how the
resource should be used.
Private property An individual has a right to undertake socially
acceptable uses and has a right to expect that only
socially acceptable uses will occur.
State property Ownership and management control is held by
the nation state or crown. Individuals have a duty
to observe use / access rules.
Source: adapted from Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 10) and Bromley (1991, p. 31)
Co-management
Although Table 6 provides a convenient theoretical classification of different property
regimes, most resource management systems are in reality a mix of various systems (Berkes
& Farvar 1989, p. 9). More particularly, certain authors emphasise the potential of “co-
management” to provide an effective approach to managing natural resources (Berkes,
George & Preston 1991; Pinkerton 1993). Berkes, George and Preston (1991, p. 12) define
co-management as the ‘sharing of power and responsibility between the Government and
local resource users’. In such a situation, power sharing provides a check on the performance
of both private and public stakeholders.
Traditional ownership and management regimes in the Pacific
Common property regimes have been one of the dominant mechanisms by which traditional
societies have sustainably managed their natural resources for thousands of years (Berkes &
Farvar 1989, p. 6). Yet, Berkes and Farvar (1989, p. 13) comment that the ‘implementation
of foreign economics and technologies have often upset age-old and time-tested resource-use
developed over generations in each successful common-property system’. The Pacific
islands is no exception to this generalisation.
66
The subject of traditional land and marine tenure in the Pacific is so vast and varied that it is
impractical to attempt a detailed discussion of the literature at this juncture. Suffice to say
that despite the introduction of new economic models and political systems in the Pacific,
traditional tenure systems have shown remarkable resilience and capacity to adapt (Baines
1989, p. 273). However, although resilient, Baines (1989, p. 289) states that ‘traditional
resource-management systems of the South Pacific island region are unlikely to survive in a
meaningful form without Government support – institutional and legislative’. For a more
comprehensive analysis of this subject see Crocombe (1987).
4.4.2 Differing approaches to ownership and management in Kiribati
The four property regimes identified in 4.4.1 are helpful in understanding both past, present
and future ownership and management approaches and options in Kiribati. Combining
property regime theory with the earlier discussion of the typical atoll environment,
traditional land and marine management practices, the importance of the Government
bureaucracy and the recent emergence of free market economics allows the identification of
broad options for the ownership and management of agroforestry resources in future planned
urban settlements. Each of these options exists within the overriding assumption that the
Government initially owns future planned settlement land. This assumption will be
addressed more fully in Section 5.4.
The first approach (integrated individual tenure, refer Figure 15) emerges from the
traditional emphasis on the importance of egalitarian distribution of atoll resources amongst
island inhabitants and the traditional strip land division in the typical atoll environment
(Hockings 1989, p. 67). In this approach, the tenure between house and productive land is
integrated to reflect the traditional connection between land ownership both within and
outside of the kainga. In a modern context, this approach lends itself to two key regimes:
private property (household has direct ownership of productive land) or state property
(households lease productive land from the Kiribati Government).
67
Figure 15: settlement model A – integrated individual tenure
Source: Author’s synthesis of literature
In the second approach (separated individual tenure, refer figure 16) the division of
agroforestry resources occurs according to the principles of western capitalism. Based on a
free market approach, individual choice is placed as a higher priority than social equality and
therefore productive land is acquired by households that are willing to pay for the right to
access that land. This private property regime is suited to this model due to the high level of
individual ownership and control necessary to buy and sell productive land.
Explanatory notes:
• Each household either leases the plantation land from the Government or owns it outright.
• Each household has the same size plantation land. • Ownership of plantation land cannot be separated from ownership of each house plot.
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Figure 16: settlement model B – private property, separate tenure
Source: Author’s synthesis of literature
In the third approach (collective access to separate tenure, refer Figure 17), value is placed
on traditional notions of collective effort, ownership and participation (Thomas &
Tonganibeia 2007, p. 50). In this model, the paradox of eroding traditional common property
regimes whilst maintaining the importance of traditional values provides an opportunity to
further explore bottom up solutions to the protection of local resources (Thomas 2001, p.
401). The principles of common property in traditional management approaches, highlighted
in Section 4.2, suggest that a common property approach to the ownership and management
of agroforestry resources in future planned urban settlements could be effective. However,
the problems frequently associated with common property in an urban setting suggests some
involvement from the Kiribati Government may also be required. Thus, this approach lends
itself to two key regimes: common property (cooperative of households with collective
ownership of productive land) or state property (cooperative of households leasing
productive land from the Kiribati Government).
Explanatory notes:
• No Government restrictions on the size of agricultural land • Plantation land exists on a separate title to the house and can be bought, sold and
leased but must remain as productive land. • Different households have different sized plantation land based on what they have
bought or sold. • Some larger plantation lands (5 and 9) are owned and managed by individuals who
employ members of other households to farm the land.
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Figure 17: settlement model C - collective access approach, separate tenure
Source: Author’s synthesis of literature
In the final approach (state property, refer Figure 18) the dependence of the general public
on centralised Government management systems is emphasised (Geddes et al. 1982, p. 117).
This model, highlights the integral role that the Kiribati Government already plays in
managing and planning urban areas. Such an approach is reflected in the MIRAB model
frequently used to describe Kiribati’s economy (Bertram 2006; Borovnik 2006).
Explanatory notes:
• Plantation land communally owned or leased from the Government by a cooperative of households grouped together based on church, island of birth or general location in the settlement.
• Families own and work land together and divide produce according to a cooperative agreement.
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Figure 18: settlement model D – state owned land
Source: Author’s synthesis of literature
4.5 Summary and conclusions
Serious problems exist in trying to develop industrialised cities in fragile atoll environments.
However, the continued growth of existing urban centres necessitates the creation of new
urban settlements. The general homogeneity of Kiribati’s atolls provides a useful starting
point for considering issues relating to the design of future urban settlements. Such designs
must learn from past settlement approaches to appropriately respond to the demands of atoll
urban living.
Like other nations in the Pacific, Kiribati’s recent history has been shaped by rapid growth
and change. These changes have occurred despite the severe environmental constraints of the
atoll environment where vast ocean resources are interspersed by small, infertile, low lying
atolls. The ecological homogeneity of the atoll environment is in contrast with the growing
heterogeneity of South Tarawa, where the cash economy creates a connection point to the
outside world.
Prior to European contact, traditional Gilbertese society was defined by high levels of
reciprocity, sustainability and equality expressed in a complex land tenure system based
around individual and family ownership. Since contact with the industrialised world,
traditional understandings of atoll living have been challenged by industrialised models of
Explanatory notes:
• Plantation lands owned and managed by the government agricultural department. • The Government offers to employ one person from each household to work on the
agricultural land.
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urban living that emphasise consumer choice in a free market economy. At the same time,
the public sector has emerged as the key employer in urban areas. Finally, religious and other
cooperative groups have gained increasing strength in place of traditional village based
community systems in urban areas. Today, Kiribati faces many challenges in attempting to
remain competitive in a global economy. In response, an outward looking economy has
emerged, heavily dependent on aid, remittances and public sector employment. These
influences reflect the different property regimes that have already been identified in existing
literature.
Despite the changes associated with exposure to the global economy, traditional ways of life
in Kiribati are still strong as expressed in the importance of land, religion, family and
reciprocity. Effective responses to the future will be those that are able to reconcile the needs
of the people with the constraints of the atoll environment, local culture and economy. The
following chapter addresses the urban form of South Tarawa and investigates in greater
detail the current and future state of urban development in Kiribati.
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5.0 THE URBAN FORM OF SOUTH TARAWA
South Tarawa is the major international and national connection point for the nation of
Kiribati. At a local level, South Tarawa links urban to rural. At an international level, it links
Kiribati to international markets and the global community. Although contact with the
“world beyond the reef” has had many positive lifestyle outcomes for I-Kiribati, it has also
brought an array of previously nonexistent challenges. Understanding the key components of
the existing urban form and the planning and management constraints that surround urban
development in Kiribati is a necessary step for studying the development of future urban
settlements. This chapter addresses key components of South Tarawa’s urban form including
issues of urban management, land tenure, public housing, waste management and past and
future options that have been suggested to accommodate the growing number of urban
residents.
5.1 Urban management in South Tarawa
Urban management involves the strategic development and coordination of public and
private actions to ensure that urban residents have access to basic urban services both now
and in the future (Dijk 2006, p. 56). Developing workable urban management policies to
ensure the supply of urban services remains a constant challenge in South Tarawa due to
considerable environmental, socio-cultural and economic constraints. The following section
presents a description of South Tarawa today and discusses the influence of traditional
values on urban management processes.
5.1.1 South Tarawa today
According to population levels in the 2005 census over 40 per cent of Kiribati’s population is
located on approximately 16 square kilometres of land in South Tarawa (Government of
Kiribati 2006). This is approximately 1.9 per cent of the total land area in Kiribati. The
convergence of outer island migrants on South Tarawa is driven by a variety of push and pull
factors associated with radical changes in employment and education expectations
throughout Kiribati (Connell 2003, p. 36). In a study into waste management in the urban
village Bikenibeu, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 21) found that 65 per cent of all
urban residents were from the outer islands. Many of these people migrate to South Tarawa
for education and employment. Tebano’s (1996, p. 11) survey of 250 South Tarawa
households found that jobs and education were dominant attractions in South Tarawa. On the
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other hand, alcoholism, overcrowding, lack of amenities and social problems (in order of
priority) were the four most disliked aspects of urban living (Tebano 1996, p. 11). Similar
issues are also identified in more recent reports into urban renewal in South Tarawa
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b).
The continued growth of South Tarawa has resulted in the once separated rural villages
along the length of the southern section of Tarawa becoming increasingly amalgamated into
one continuous strip of urban settlement, with little room for further expansion (refer Figure
19) (Connell & Lea 1998; Takaio 1993, p. 278). In 1989 the completion of the Japanese
funded Nippon Causeway (linking Betio to the rest of South Tarawa) finalised the
transformation of South Tarawa from a ‘string of small islets divided by tidal passages’, to
one long continuous strip of low lying land spanning 28 kilometres in length (Van Trease
1993b, p. 125). One main road runs the length of this land mass. Private buses frequently use
this road, providing the main source of public transport to the majority of the population
(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 28).
Figure 19: map of key urban centres in South Tarawa
Source: author’s synthesis of a variety of existing maps
Today, a variety of urban villages are located in a string along the length of South Tarawa.
Betio is the densest of the urban village settlements, supporting a population of over 12, 000
people on 1.67 square kilometres of land, making it one of the most densely populated areas
in the Pacific (Government of Kiribati 2002, p. 174, 2006, p. 32; Van Trease 1993b, p. 125).
In their report on urban settlement in South Tarawa, Bryant-Tokalau and Kumarasuriyar
(1994, p. 78) emphasise that it is the combination of high urban densities and the location of
74
these densities on small, low lying atolls with ‘low carrying capacity in terms of various
urban services’, that remains a cause of serious concern.
Authors agree that the current urbanisation process in South Tarawa is unsustainable
(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 19; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109;
Larmour 1982, p. i; MELAD 2003, p. 48; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007). Howes and
Williams (2005, Ch. 8, p. 22) state that if major urban centres continue to grow at current
rates, urban poverty and the occurrence of infectious diseases will continue to increase
because of the general inability of atoll environments to absorb waste. The impact of
urbanisation on the atoll environment and overall living conditions is already evident. In
particular the depletion and pollution of both groundwater and fishery stocks, rapid coastal
erosion, overcrowding, related diseases and illegal mining of beach sand all indicate the
decline of the natural environment in South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 106).
Problems such as waste disposal, eroding shorelines and unsafe drinking water can be
addressed through high technology capital investment solutions. However, in the past such
capital investments have often not been successful because local communities do not highly
value these services and are either not willing or able to pay for their usage and maintenance
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 108). A preferable approach is to improve planning and
management processes to guide future growth and address existing problems (Bryant-
Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 88).
5.1.2 The influence of the socio-cultural order on urban management
Rapid urbanisation and economic growth have profoundly changed Kiribati society since
independence. As a “society in transition”, traditional subsistence living is gradually being
replaced by “modern” lifestyles underpinned by the cash economy. As the connection point
between the global community and Kiribati, South Tarawa is located at the centre of this
transition and is exposed to the full influence of the international community and traditional
I-Kiribati socio-cultural order (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 51).
Many of the difficulties associated with planning and managing urban services in South
Tarawa are directly connected to the tension between the traditional socio-cultural order and
“modern approaches”. The study by Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p.8) into the influence of the socio-
cultural order on urban management in South Tarawa found that while the influence of
westernised countries profoundly altered the fabric of I-Kiribati society, South Tarawa was
still ‘underpinned by traditional expectations, attitudes, beliefs and feelings, including
widespread linkages to outer islands’. Furthermore, Jones (1997, Ch.9, p.4) found that while
75
urban households retained aspirations commonly associated with rural villages such as
shared social understandings, land inheritance, subsistence lifestyles and governance based
on cultural principles, they also possessed a greater degree of more urban aspirations such as
education, permanent dwellings, freehold land title and material goods. However, while most
urban I-Kiribati willingly seek more westernised lifestyles, many are not prepared to take
ownership or responsibility for the final urban product (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.9). This is
particularly evident with regard to the modern understanding of “sustainability”. Despite the
declining urban conditions, the concept of sustainability (as understood by developed
nations) has little meaning to the I-Kiribati social-cultural order (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.10).
Sustainability for many I-Kiribati is about sustaining the social-cultural order itself and
emphasising the importance of being happy in the present with little concern for the future
(Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p.9).
Since Jones’ (1997) study, culture and society have continued to change rapidly as
traditional structures are further weakened (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 51). However,
the socio-cultural order still exerts a significant influence on urban processes such as waste
management and land ownership. At the time of his 1997 study, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 9)
commented that one of the greatest challenges that future urbanisation faced in Kiribati was
that land tenure was critical to both preserving the social-cultural order and improving urban
management processes. In this way, traditional notions of land ownership still provide land
owners the power to veto development proposals, even on land that is leased by the
Government (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). Similarly, the Government is often
hesitant to remove squatters from Government leased land for fear of interfering with
traditional agreements (MELAD 2003, p. 12). In such situations, providing urban services to
a population still strongly influenced by a “rural mindset” has obvious urban management
challenges.
The apparent tension between the values and principles of the socio-cultural order and
managing and planning the sustainable delivery of urban services implies that significant
challenges lie ahead for urban planning in Kiribati (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 9). For this reason,
Jones (1997. Ch. 9, p. 12) comments that changes and improvements in urban management
are likely to involve trade-offs and the ‘modification of existing social-cultural values’.
Recent changes in attitudes towards the sale of land indicate that these changes are taking
place (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17). However, the real challenge confronting future
urban settlement is the need to manage and plan urban growth while preserving the essential
elements of the social-cultural order that are necessary to ensure a high quality of life for
urban residents (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 12). Public education and strong Government
76
leadership are of primary importance if this is to be achieved (Jones 1997, Ch. 9). Where
such leadership and commitment exist, urban transformation is possible in Kiribati (1997,
Ch. 9, p. 7).
5.1.3 Policy and institutional framework surrounding urban management in South
Tarawa
The difficulties associated with urban management in Kiribati are surprising given I-Kiribati
exposure to town planning processes during British administration (Macdonald 2001, p.
205). In many cases those living in the Gilbert islands were forced to move from scattered
kainga settlements and live in designated village settlements controlled by island
Governments where strict planning guidelines applied (Macdonald 2001; MELAD 2003, p.
38; Talu 1985, p. 12). In this way, the original land use plan for South Tarawa was put in
place by the British for the Government leased areas of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 24). However, many of these planning constraints were
lifted when the Republic of Kiribati gained independence from Britain in 1979. As a result,
‘planning generally and urban and environmental planning in particular are non-traditional
activities which, in the main, remain alien to the I-Kiribati way of life’ (MELAD 2003, p. 4).
Policy framework
Despite the changes since independence, urban planning and strategic planning still exist in
the Kiribati bureaucratic system. In fact, the Kiribati Government has had a Land Planning
Act since 1973 (Larmour 1982, p. 39). Similarly, the 2004-2007 National Development
Strategy (Government of Kiribati 2003) clearly sets out a strategic framework guiding
development in Kiribati. This document acknowledges that over-population, environmental
degradation and fragmentation of traditional values are issues to be addressed. Numerous
other pieces of legislation relating to urban development also exist. A recent analysis of the
legal framework surrounding urban development and management in Butcher-Gollach et al.
(2007b, pp. 79-84) identified 28 legislative instruments related to urban issues. Although
overly complex and with a number of gaps and deficiencies, the appropriate legal framework
already exists to guide and control urban development (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 79).
Furthermore, the establishment of the Central Land Planning Board (CLPB) in the Ministry
of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development (MELAD) demonstrates that a certain
commitment to improving urban management exists. Likewise, the main urban villages of
Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu have some level of land use planning with specific land areas
zoned for residential, educational or commercial purposes (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
77
2004, p. 23). However, public compliance and Government enforcement of such land use
planning is poor.
Institutional framework
Kiribati’s legislative framework has created a number of local and national statutory bodies
responsible for various aspects of urban management and planning. These include the Betio
Town Council, Teinainano Urban Council, Land Management Division, MELAD
Environment Division, Ministry of Public Works and the Public Utilities Board. The
involvement of both national and local agencies combined with the large number of
bureaucratic bodies (often poorly trained) further complicates the effective delivery of urban
services because of inefficient communication and coordination (Bryant-Tokalau &
Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 79; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 105).
Finally, the lack of law compliance and enforcement is a major issue in South Tarawa
(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 80). In their review of laws relating to
management of waste and water in South Tarawa, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, pp.
46-9) identified 10 relevant pieces of legislation, regulations or bylaws relating to waste
management legally required to be enforced in South Tarawa. However in many instances,
both the relevant Government employees and the general public were oblivious of these
laws. In this way, MELAD (2003, p. 36) comments that ‘where Colonial based law and
concepts conflict with traditional lifestyles, little or no action is taken and the prevailing
social and cultural order prevails’.
5.2 Land, squatter settlements and housing in South Tarawa
Low land availability and high population density remain two of the most crucial issues in
South Tarawa today. The following section provides an overview of the constraining
influence of land in South Tarawa resulting in the Government leasing large areas of land
from traditional land owners. This has encouraged the development of squatter settlements
and increased urban densities around areas of Government leases and public housing.
Furthermore, this section addresses literature relating to the sustainable design of housing in
Kiribati and uses recent census data to predict the demographic composition of the typical
urban household in future urban settlements.
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5.2.1 The importance of land
Land and land availability is the greatest limitation to development in South Tarawa and is
therefore a resource that must be managed ‘efficiently and productively’ (Butcher-Gollach et
al. 2007b, p. 30). The value of land is reflected in Government policy that does not allow
land in Kiribati to be directly owned by foreigners (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17).
While the geography of the atoll environment presents obvious physical limitations to land
availability, traditional land ownership also remains a constraining factor. The majority of
land in the Gilbert islands is native land and is the major form of wealth in Kiribati (Bryant-
Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 233). Traditionally land was owned by a family unit and
divided up according to social status and rank (MELAD 2003, p. 12). Traditional notions of
joint ownership and inheritance still play a major role in the ownership of urban land, the
traditional strip division still a prominent feature of the urban landscape (refer Figure 20).
Figure 20: native land ownership in Bairiki showing the division of the land into thin strips
Source: Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 15)
The joint ownership of land has led to continual subdivision and fragmentation of land into
smaller and smaller plots (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 21). Even in cases
where a single owner is registered they are often unable to sell the land without discussing
and receiving agreement from their wider family, all of whom have some level of shared
ownership (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 59). Based on such law, individual tenure is still
79
bound, at least in some form, within the kainga. Land fragmentation, communal ownership
and physical unavailability have resulted in an increasing number of land disputes, often
requiring the involvement of the courts (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 223).
Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 17) comments that customary systems of land ownership
have ‘precluded the development of what could be termed a “normal” land market’.
In his study into urban planning and management in South Tarawa, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 5)
found that land was the major issue underpinning the socio-cultural order of both urban and
rural life. The over-riding influence of traditional land tenure patterns in South Tarawa is
also supported by Bryant-Tokalau and Kumarasuriyar (1994, p. 20). As the ‘main element
necessary for maintaining and enhancing social and economic cohesion within the family
group’, land continues to be of vital importance in both rural and urban areas (Jones 1997,
Ch. 9, p. 5).
State owned land is the other major form of land ownership in Kiribati. However, in South
Tarawa only five per cent of land is State owned (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 15). Due
to the small amount of land directly owned by the State, the former Colonial administration
in the 1950s leased approximately 30 per cent of South Tarawa’s land for a period of 99
years (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 15). These leases continue today and are generally
confined to the urban villages of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu7 where Government office
blocks and Government housing were constructed in the Colonial period. For leased land, the
Kiribati Government provides a set amount of compensation to land owners (Takaio 1993, p.
278). Although the Government possesses the power to forcibly acquire land for the public
good, it generally prefers the option of leasing land in order to avoid confrontations with
landowners (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 37).
The limited availability of land has resulted in issues of illegal occupation (squatting) on
land in South Tarawa. Typically squatting occurs on Government leased land where the
traditional owners sometime give permission for families to settle despite the lease
agreement with the Government (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). The Government is
often hesitant to evict squatters because it requires interference with traditional landowner
rights (Larmour 1982, p. 38; MELAD 2003, p. 12). Similarly, landholders also have the
power to veto Government development projects on land that the Government is leasing
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18). The tension between the eviction of squatters and the
7 Significant leased lands are also held in the water reserves in Bonriki and Buota.
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provision of future residential land is a critical issue to be addressed in future urban
settlements (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 20).
Despite the strong influence of traditional values on land ownership, a more individualistic
and capitalistic approach is emerging in South Tarawa (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar
1994, p. 21; Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 17). The increasing willingness to sell land,
particularly in urban centres, demonstrates that, to some extent, land is now seen as a
marketable commodity (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 68). This is in spite of the
traditional practices and customs that view land sale as shameful and taboo (Butcher-Gollach
et al. 2007b, p. 17). While an increased willingness to sell land does allow greater
development opportunities, it also has the effect of further breaking down traditional
structures on which I-Kiribati society is based.
5.2.2 Housing in South Tarawa
Urban settlement throughout South Tarawa is generally poorly planned and serviced (Roniti
Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 22). The main urban villages of Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu
contain the bulk of rural-urban migrant populations due to the construction of Government
housing on leased land which creates opportunities for squatting and over-crowding
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 19). Furthermore, the general lack of tenure on both
Government leased and illegally settled land means there is little incentive for urban
residents to maintain their environment (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 22).
The bulk of Government housing stock in South Tarawa has been inherited from the
Colonial administration and is becoming increasingly dilapidated due to lack of maintenance
(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 28). The cycle of deterioration in Kiribati is
summarised in Figure 21.
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Figure 21: cycle of deterioration in South Tarawa
Source: adapted from Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 12)
The need for construction of further Government housing led to the publication of a report
by Hockings (2003) on the design of sustainable housing in Kiribati. In his report, Hockings
(2003) criticises the unsustainable design of past Government housing in Kiribati. This is
because past designs fail to respond appropriately to the local context. Hockings (2003)
developed a number of new low cost housing designs whilst working with the Kiribati
Government. The internal floor area of the two bedroom house is around 55 square metres.
The inclusion of two water tanks and a laundry expanded this area to around 90 square
metres. Figure 22 shows a design of a two bedroom house.
High rate of in-migration from outer islands
Lack of policies and weak capacity of institutions to cope with influx
Lack of forward planning and servicing of new plots, lack of community consultations, poor user payments Squatting,
overcrowding of existing housing stock, overburden on infrastructure and facilities
Destruction of natural environment, increasing social ills, deteriorating public heath and assets
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Figure 22: proposed design of two bedroom house for future urban settlement
Source: Hockings et al. (2004, p. 14)
5.2.3 The urban household
Despite the fragmentation of traditional approaches often associated with living in South
Tarawa, urban households are still quite similar to their rural counterparts. One of the
greatest similarities is the flexibility and fluidity of both rural and urban households. In cases
where relatives from one island visit another island, the host family will often support them
until they can establish themselves or otherwise leave (Macdonald 2001, p. 217). During this
time, family members are expected to live, work and function as part of the host family and
contribute to the common well-being of the household (2001, p. 55). Due to the attractions of
South Tarawa this has resulted in large families with many dependants, often supported by
one or two family members in cash employment. Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 55)
comment that households of over 20 people are not uncommon.
Households commonly comprise a number of children from outer islands, staying with their
extended family in South Tarawa for educational purposes (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
2004, p. 17). Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 16) comment that traditionally the
extended family is a means of ‘mutual support and survival amongst the family members,
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and as long as this system of interdependence exists, the extended family will persevere to
function as a social and economic asset’.
The family unit in South Tarawa remains the ‘cornerstone of I-Kiribati society’ despite some
level of modification (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 7). The importance of the household unit is also
reflected in the 2005 census where data was collected using the household as the primary
unit of data collection (Government of Kiribati 2006). Analysis of the 2005 census data
(Government of Kiribati 2006) gives insight into the composition of the typical urban
household (refer Appendix 1). On average, the typical urban household comprises around 8
people with 5 people above the age of 15. Table 7 shows the general configuration of the
typical urban household in greater detail.
Table 7: demographic composition of the typical urban household
Age Number of males Number of females
0 to 4 1 5 to 14 1 1 15 to 24 1 1 25 to 49 1 1 50 + 1 Total 4 4 Source: data from the 2005 census document (Government of Kiribati 2006)
5.3 Waste management, water supply and the urban environment
The disposal of te mange (solid waste) and te butae (human excreta) is a constant challenge
in an atoll environment. However, if waste is correctly managed and recycled, tremendous
opportunities exist to improve fertility and biomass of atoll soils and to create jobs for urban
residents. The following section addresses waste management in greater detail, highlighting
the pollution of the ground water lens, traditional practices of waste disposal and possible
composting technologies that could be used to address waste in future planned urban
settlements.
5.3.1 Sewerage and ground water pollution
In general, sanitation throughout South Tarawa is inadequate, with years of poor waste
management resulting in the pollution of key water reserves in South Tarawa. Although
ground water can typically be accessed almost ‘anywhere that a hole can be dug to a depth of
five to ten feet’ (Mason 1960, p. 8), wells in Betio, Bairiki and Bikenibeu are now unsafe for
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drinking due to contamination of ground water by human and animal faeces (Coffey MPW
& FSPK 2001, p. 1; Paeniu 1999, p. 161).
The use of the lagoon and the ocean as a public toilet is one of the major pollution sources in
South Tarawa (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 51). Despite the traditional nature of
this practice, increasing densities and health concerns make it unsustainable in an urban
environment (MELAD 2003, p. 26). While there is a general consensus that toileting on the
beach is an unacceptable practice in South Tarawa (Tebano 1996, p. 28), it remains an
attractive option for many households because of its low cost and maintenance requirements
(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 51). Likewise, wet, pit and septic tank toilets
dramatically increase the potential for faecal contamination of the fresh water lens through
poorly planned discharge points and lack of maintenance (Coffey MPW & FSPK 2001, p. 1).
Furthermore, flush toilets frequently become blocked due to households using non flushable
material because toilet paper is frequently too expensive for a household to afford (Bryant-
Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 209). Finally, the keeping of household pigs is an
additional source of urban pollution affecting the ground water lens (Roniti Teiwaki &
Associates 2004, p. 41).
As a result of increasing groundwater pollution in South Tarawa, fresh water is pumped from
designated water reserves near the international airport to small household tanks in South
Tarawa (Thomas 2002, p. 169). However, MELAD (2003, p. 24) comments that the water
supply system and the sewerage system are ‘already operating above capacity’. Rainwater
tanks are sometimes used to supplement freshwater supplies in wealthier households.
Considering the pollution, salt-water intrusion, maintenance, and depletion issues associated
with the current supply of fresh water, Paeniu (1999, p. 161) recommends that the obligatory
installation of ‘durable roofing, guttering, downpipes and storage tanks’ would be the most
environmentally and economically feasible long term solution to the supply of fresh water.
This is similar to Hockings’ (2003) recommendation for the design of sustainable housing.
Composting toilets
Composting toilets have been suggested as a technology that could be used to combat
sanitation issues in Kiribati (Burke 2001). In brief, the composting toilet composts te butae
(human excreta) into fertile organic material that can be used as soil. Although, composting
toilets appear to be a “win, win” solution to basic sanitation problems in Kiribati, the transfer
of this technology into I-Kiribati culture faces a number of cultural hurdles. One of the
greatest challenges involves overcoming past attitudes towards waste and waste reuse.
Traditionally waste is seen as ‘dirty, filthy and smelly … unpalatable and useless, and should
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be disposed of as soon as practicable’ (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 44). Cleaning
in general is traditionally seen as a low status job; prisoners are sometimes instructed to do it
as a form of punishment (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 44). Furthermore, due to the
newness of this technology, I-Kiribati are often sceptical of the potential of human waste to
be turned into anything useful (Burke 2001, par. 39).
Other cultural issues include taboos such as sorcery and perceptions that composting toilets
are unhygienic (Burke 2001, par. 23; Tebano 1984, p. 23). In a 1996 survey of 250
households in South Tarawa, 67 per cent of households did not approve of the composting
toilet and 4 per cent stated that they had no opinion on its use. Of those who did approve, 82
per cent stated that the ability to use compost in the garden was one of the reasons that they
approved of the scheme (Tebano 1984, p. 23). Based on the mixed results of this study,
Tebano (1984, p. 23) recommended that ‘composting toilets could be included as part of a
pilot project' in Kiribati.
As Tebano (1984, p. 23) suggested, composting toilets have been a component in a variety of
different donor pilot projects. In 1996, the Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific
Kiribati (FSPK) partnered with the Local Government to promote the Atollete, a locally
adapted composting toilet (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8). Roniti Teiwaki and
Associates (2004, p. 54) state that this project had limited success but give little information
to explain the negative response. The design of the Atollete is documented in Coffey MPW
and FSPK (2001). This design proposed the construction a single composting toilet with two
separate chambers. The duel chamber systems allowed a filled toilet chamber time to break
down accumulated solid waste (over a period of six months) while the second chamber is in
use. The continued addition of leaves and ash to the toilet is recommended to help manage
pests and bad odours and to enhance the composting process. A small plastic lined/gravel
filled trench with species such as Saccharum officinarum (sugar cane) Tournefortia argentea
(Beach heliotrope) and Guettarda speciosa (Guettarda) is also recommended to process
liquid waste piped from the bottom of the composting chamber (Burke 2001).
In 1995 a composting toilet trial was established by AusAID in Kiritimati. The design of
these toilet systems is similar to those proposed by Coffey MPW and FSPK (2001) (refer
Figure 23). Results of the trial show that although sorcery taboos, maintenance, training and
education are all issues, these problems were mostly overcome as the trial progressed (Burke
2001). Towards the end of his report Burke (2001, par. 38-43) states that although
composting toilets are highly recommended in Kiribati, the success of the project is largely
dependent on the ‘co-operation of women in the community’ and that due to the continuing
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nature of the trial, the suitability of composting toilets in Kiritimati was yet unknown. On the
other hand, a more recent report on Kiritimati as a future growth centre by the Asia
Development Bank (2006a, p. 115) reports that only a few of the 160 composting toilets are
still in use due to inadequate maintenance and cultural taboos about human waste. However,
the same report also states that similar maintenance problems exist for septic tanks (2006a, p.
115).
Figure 23: composting toilet design used in Kiritimati trial
Source: Burke (2001, para. 15)
An interesting feature of both the FSPK and AusAID projects was the connection to atoll
agroforestry systems. In this way, tree leaves were added to assist the composting process
while the toilet is in use. Similarly, vegetation was used in the evapo-transpiration trench to
absorb harmful nutrients and prevent contamination of the groundwater lens. Burke (2001,
para. 16) also recommended that food crops such as papaya, banana or breadfruit could be
‘planted adjacent to the trench to further assist evapo-transpiration’. Finally, the composted
manure itself can be used to increase the production of different agroforestry species. The
importance of the food producing component of the composting toilet is reflected in Burke’s
(2001, para. 23) comment that at the outset of the composting trial, ‘there was a definite
aversion to the prospect of using the end product for fertilizer’ but that ‘when the pile in the
toilets did actually produce compost there was … a marked increase in interest in the toilets’.
This is similar to Tebano’s (1996, p. 23) findings on the importance of using compost within
the garden.
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5.3.2 Solid waste management in South Tarawa
The disposal of solid waste such as organic matter, plastics and metals remains a constant
challenge in South Tarawa despite work of numerous NGOs into this issue. Each day women
in urban households sweep up any loose organic material surrounding the house and add it,
along with other solid household waste to a communal rubbish pile beside the road for the
council to collect (MELAD 2003, p. 19). Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 51)
comment that this outdated method of council collection has encouraged poor rubbish
sorting and disposal practices at a household level. As a result, landfills and illegal dumps
are almost always sprawling, unplanned and unsound, creating both visual and health
hazards (Thaman et al. 2003, p. 13). To add to the challenges of waste management, notions
of waste sorting and recycling are new concepts for I-Kiribati (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
2004, p. 51). Interestingly, in a survey of 250 households, only 18 per cent stated that the
rubbish disposal system was unsatisfactory (Tebano 1996, p. 35).
Several studies and waste management projects have been undertaken in South Tarawa by a
variety of organisations and consultancy firms. The most recent study by Roniti Teiwaki and
Associates (2004) analyses waste produced from the South Tarawa community in Bikenibeu
West. Like previous reports (Gangaiya 1994; Sinclair Knight Merz 2002), the most recent
report found that a considerable amount (48 per cent) of household solid waste was organic
(refer Figure 24). Similarly, Sinclair Knight Merz (2002) found that organic matter
comprised 51 per cent of a household waste stream.
Figure 24: household waste by weight showing the high organic component of household waste
Source: Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 59)
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Projects by NGOs such as FSPK have focused on recycling solid waste materials in South
Tarawa. In 2003, FSPK started the Kaoki Mange (Return the Rubbish) project to address
general waste recycling in South Tarawa (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8). This
project used a variety of promotion techniques such as competitions, radio advertisements
and theatrical performances to target the recycling and disposal of aluminium and plastic
bottles; organic matter and non recyclables (SPREP 2007, para. 5).
The recycling scheme for aluminium cans and plastic bottles was particularly successful for
three main reasons. Firstly, in 2004 the Government passed legislation to place a five cent
deposit on drink cans and plastic bottles (SPREP 2007, para. 6). This new legislation formed
the basis for the introduction of a container deposit recycling system allowing individuals to
exchange five recyclable items for 20 cents. The remaining 5 cents financed the operation.
Once the recycling process was financially self sufficient, the recycling scheme was leased
to the private sector. SPREP (2007, para. 5) comments that the FSPK scheme is now paying
people to remove cans and plastic bottles and ship them back to Australia. In cases where
households were not able to recycle rubbish, the FSPK project introduced the concept of a
biodegradable “green bag” to be collected by the local council and placed in landfill sites
(SPREP 2007, para. 5). Many of the initiatives used in Kaoki Mange have continued in a
pilot waste management project by the International Waters Project Kiribati (IWPK).
Banana circle
The FSPK project also targeted the large volume of organic waste from urban households in
South Tarawa. This initiative promoted a food producing composting system know as the
“banana circle”. In a banana circle, a shallow pit is dug above the ground water lens, lined
with cardboard, then filled with organic matter. A ring of bananas is then planted around the
pit (refer Figure 25). Household organic waste is placed in the pit, which breaks down and
fertilises the bananas. Grey water from household laundries can be used to water the bananas
and further fertilise soils (SPREP 2003). One of the main advantages of the banana circle
concept is that waste is composted close to the point of generation (Roniti Teiwaki &
Associates 2004, p. 65). The popularity of the banana circle concept is reflected in the 466
per cent increase in the numbers of households in South Tarawa growing bananas from the
2000 census data (Government of Kiribati 2002, p. 105) to the 2005 census data
(Government of Kiribati 2006, p. 78).
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Figure 25: section showing the design of a banana circle
Source: author’s depiction of the design of banana circles in South Tarawa
Community composting scheme and communal piggery
The community composting scheme is another initiative with significant potential to reduce
the problem of organic waste management on atolls. In a project on waste management in
the atoll nation of Tuvalu, organic material was collected by the local council and “chipped”
by a motorised shredder. These chips were then composted and the final composted soil sold
to local gardeners (Golder Associates & AusAID 2002). Like the FSPK recycling project in
Kiribati involving aluminium and plastic bottles, potential exists for a well managed
community composting scheme to convert organic material not composted in the
homegarden into a saleable item. Good quality compost is in high demand in South Tarawa
(Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 65).
The waste management project in the atoll nation of Tuvalu also trialed construction of a
communal piggery to reduce pollution in and around residential areas (Golder Associates &
AusAID 2002). This type of scheme also has potential for future urban settlements in
Kiribati as a component of the urban agroforestry system. If properly managed, such an
initiative could reduce many of the negative health impacts of animal husbandry in urban
areas by concentrating pig effluent and correctly composting pig waste for organic fertiliser.
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5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati
Future population increase in urban centres is inevitable. Both the Kiribati Government and
NGOs are aware of the increasing pressure on urban centres in future years. The following
section deals with possible options for accommodating the growing number of urban
residents and slowing rural to urban migration.
5.4.1 Decentralisation and growth
As the only urban centre in Kiribati, South Tarawa plays an important role in national
coordination, forming a collective sense of national identity and providing an alternative to
rural life (Larmour 1982, p. 8). However, it is generally acknowledged that the current state
of urbanisation is unsustainable and that some form of decentralisation is necessary (Bryant-
Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 87; Larmour 1982, p. 7; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007).
The current Kiribati Government population policy is based around promotion of smaller
family sizes, further international emigration and development of growth centres removed
from South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 8).
Plans to develop new settlements to alleviate pressure from overpopulated islands in the
Gilbert group have been attempted at various times throughout history. The first attempt was
made in the 1930s when selected islands in the newly annexed Phoenix group were
designated for resettlement (Schutz & Tenen 1979, p. 81). Although currently uninhabited,
archaeological remains on Sydney island demonstrate that at least some of the islands could
support life (Schutz & Tenen 1979, p. 81). In total 700 colonists chose to take part in the
resettlement scheme (Macdonald 2001, p. 141). Twenty years later the scheme was
abandoned on two of the three islands in the Phoenix group due to lack of water, complex
administration and high financial costs (Macdonald 2001, pp. 141-75; Schutz & Tenen 1979,
p. 82).
Later in the 1980s, the northern Line islands of Kiritimati (Christmas island), Tabuaeran
(Fanning island) and Teraina (Washington island) were identified as potential locations for
resettlements schemes. Although around 3000km distant from the Gilbert islands, these three
islands contained over 60 per cent of Kiribati’s landmass with small or no existing
populations, excellent proximity to principal markets (Hawaii), transport routes, tourist
opportunities and some of Kiribati’s most productive agricultural land and marine resources
(Asian Development Bank 2004; Langston 1993). One of the greatest strengths in this
scheme is that the Kiribati Government holds full ownership of these islands and could
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therefore control the leasing of land to prospective settlers without the usual difficulties
associated with traditional ownership. Until resettlement, these islands remain largely
undeveloped because of the vast distance from the main administrative centre (South
Tarawa), relatively undeveloped and unreliable inter-island transport, inadequate
development resources and the relatively recent acquisition of the land by the Government
(Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 25; Thomas & Tonganibeia 2007).
In 1988 the first group of voluntary settlers departed, the resettlement scheme focusing on
the relocation of entire families rather than just individuals (Langston 1993, p. 207). In 1995
and 1996, further settlers arrived at Washington and Fanning islands. As part of the
resettlement plan, emphasis was placed on promoting traditional agroforestry systems to
support the new communities (Langston 1993, p. 208). While significant communication,
transport and infrastructure difficulties accompanied the resettlement scheme in the northern
Line islands, the majority of authors maintain an optimistic view of the potential worth of
such an approach (Asian Development Bank 2006a; Langston 1993). The most recent
resettlement to Washington and Fanning islands occurred in 2001 (Butcher-Gollach et al.
2007b, p. 21).
This resettlement scheme continues today, with particular attention devoted to the
development of Kiritimati island as a future growth centre and significant support from
Asia Development Bank (ABD) (2006a). However, in recent times, the ABD project has
been delayed due to inaction on behalf of the Kiribati Government. To re-establish the
project, ADB has requested that the Kiribati Government satisfactorily address rising
squatter settlements, outstanding rent arrears and the ability to use leases as a security for
mortgage or loans. In July 2007 after nearly a year of inaction, the Government agreed to put
into action steps to resolve these issues (P Jones, 2007, pers. comm., 3 August).
5.4.2 Urban renewal and future urban settlements
A strong and proactive vision for future urban development in Kiribati is needed to combat
the serous environmental, social and economic challenges of sustaining urban populations in
an atoll environment. As a recent report on urban management states, ‘the costs of doing
nothing are extremely high’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109). Although the National
Development Strategies (NDS) for development in Kiribati from 2004 to 2007 (Government
of Kiribati 2003) provide some guidance for future development initiatives in Kiribati, they
fail to give clear direction to the development of urban centres (Butcher-Gollach et al.
2007b, p. 105).
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Strategies for the development of future urban centres are likely to involve the development
of future growth centres and the expansion of South Tarawa. In particular, the consolidation
of existing land, reclamation of new land and development of Government owned land in
both South Tarawa and North Tarawa have been suggested as future settlement options
(Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003, p. 50). Despite the diversity of development strategies,
a common feature of the majority of resettlement proposals is their orientation towards land
that is either directly acquired or already owned by the Kiribati Government (Asian
Development Bank 2006a; Hockings et al. 2004; MELAD 2003). The recommendations
from a recent study into urban renewal also suggest a similar approach (Butcher-Gollach et
al. 2007a, p. 35).
In early 2007, a team of consultants undertook the Kiribati Urban Renewal Program Scoping
Study on behalf of New Zealand Agency for International Development (NZAID) and
AusAID. The purpose of the study was to ‘establish the priorities and define the scope of an
urban renewal development partnership to address the development impacts of urbanization
[sic] in Kiribati’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 4). The ensuing reports recommended that
in addition to continuing to pursue a growth policy for the outer islands, the Kiribati
Government should ‘address the conditions in the urban areas in a coherent, holistic and
timely way so as to ensure livable and sustainable towns’ (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p.
14). To achieve this Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) recommend that the Sustainable Towns
Program (STP) be implemented over a five year period. According to the title of this donor
initiative, achieving sustainable development in urban centres of Kiribati is a high priority
for both the Kiribati Government and associated donor organisations.
The STP is based around five key program components. The first of these is institutional
realignment and capacity building. The purpose of this initiative is to further strengthen
policy and institutional frameworks to ‘better plan, manage and sustain urban development’
(Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 21). In particular, this component focuses on the further
development of environmental policy (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 26). The second
component of the STP is the phased upgrading of selected communities in South Tarawa.
The purpose of this component is to substantially improve the amenities of densely
populated urban settlements through a holistic, integrated and phased development process.
Amongst other considerations, this component of the STP will continue to address issues of
solid waste disposal including the potential use of on-plot sanitation solutions in selected
areas (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 28). The third component of the STP is the
engagement of existing communities to develop stronger partnerships between communities
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and all levels of Government. The purpose of this initiative is to effectively harness the
power of communities to address social ills (such as youth unemployment) and improve
ownership and delivery of urban services and infrastructure.
The fourth component of the STP is the development of new plots on serviced land. The aim
of this component is to develop new “greenfield” land to cater for future growth in urban
centres. It is currently proposed that Government owned land in Temaiku be developed
under a leasing system to accommodate minimum plot sizes of 150 square metres (Butcher-
Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 37). The reason given for the preference of smaller plot sizes is the
affordability issues associated with renting larger lands. It is recommended that planning
standards be enforced in these new settlements. Such standards may include: specifying the
location of pig pens, enforcing setbacks and minimum land size and the use of hedge
plantings as boundary markers (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a, p. 37). The last component of
the STP is the further development of primary infrastructure to cater for both new and
existing settlements. This could include placement of road signs, pedestrian foot paths,
community facilities, sewerage works.
In summary, the recommendation of Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) makes a clear attempt to
find a balance between “top down” and “bottom up” development in Kiribati. The
recommendations to date provide an enabling framework within which consultation
processes are designed to identify specific needs and wants of the people. However in some
situations, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a) are more prescriptive in their recommendations.
An example of this is the requirement of contractors engaged in the development of new
plots to hire and train local labourers aged between 18-25 years old (Butcher-Gollach et al.
2007a, p. 38). Although little direct reference is made to the role of urban agroforestry
systems, significant potential exists for such systems to be integrated across all five
components of the STP.
Future visions of urban living and the Temaiku project
The development of land in Temaiku has also been a feature of other reports into future
urbanisation in Kiribati (Hockings et al. 2004). Queensland University of Technology
(QUT) began preliminary investigations in 2004 for the large scale urban settlement in
Temaiku. As with land in the northern Line islands, much of this land area is directly owned
by the Kiribati Government, due to the reclamation of low lying lands following construction
of a causeway that closed off a large section of lagoon (refer Figure 26). The QUT
resettlement plan advocates a staged master planning approach where waste, water, transport
infrastructure and agroforestry food production would be strategically planned at a broad
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scale to create an integrated and sustainable urban settlement (Hockings et al. 2004). It was
proposed that this development would represent an ‘exemplary landmark project’ for the
Pacific on the development of sustainable urban settlement (Hockings et al. 2004, p. 3). The
Kiribati Government is currently seeking funding for this project from the United Nations
Development Corporation (UNDC).
Figure 26: land capability map for the initial stages of the Temaiku Project
Source: adapted from Hockings et al (Hockings et al. 2004, p. 9)
5.4.3 The potential of urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements
The potential of urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements is acknowledged in
the recent report by Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b) on urban development in Kiribati. In
particular the importance of urban agroforestry in poverty alleviation, issues associated with
the loss of productive tree species in urban areas and the potential contribution of urban food
gardening to a micro-credit scheme are all discussed. Thus, the recent focus on future urban
settlement in Kiribati and the pressing need for a clear vision of sustainable atoll urban
living, combine to raise important questions on the potential of urban agroforestry systems in
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future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In particular, understanding: the strengths and
weaknesses associated with the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on
productive land; how different ownership and management approaches of urban agroforestry
systems effect the cultural appropriateness and food productivity of urban agroforestry
systems; and the appropriateness of previously suggested waste management systems as
components of the broader urban agroforestry system, would assist the decision making
process for the development of future planned urban settlement.
5.5 Summary and conclusions
South Tarawa’s urban form is heavily influenced by the linear atoll land mass, strong I-
Kiribati socio-cultural order, influx of rural households from outer islands and the general
inability or reluctance of Government institutions to enforce planning controls. In particular,
the socio-cultural order appears to be one of the main constraining influences on the further
development of urban management in Kiribati. The influence of social-cultural values is
evident in regard to land availability, housing density, water pollution and poor waste
management in South Tarawa. Yet, despite the strength of the socio-cultural order, change is
occurring in existing urban areas, as the people of South Tarawa continue to seek improved
lifestyles and further education.
Numerous reports and studies have already been undertaken in an attempt to improve the
urban management of South Tarawa. These sources show that there is no panacea for
creating more liveable urban settlements in Kiribati. However a common theme within the
literature is the recommendation for development of future urban settlement or growth
centres on land directly owned by the Kiribati Government. In such a scenario, potential
exists for the design of future planned urban settlements to act as an exemplar of sustainable
urban living and a catalyst for change in other urban settlements.
The STP soon to commence in South Tarawa will profoundly influence the development of
future urban settlements in Kiribati for the next decade. Therefore, recommendations in this
research need to engage with the current objectives of STP to influence future urban
development decisions. In this way, existing literature on urban management and the urban
form of South Tarawa reveals much about the likely state of future planned urban
settlements in Kiribati. Firstly, the household unit is likely to remain the cornerstone of
urban society despite some modification by western values. Recent census data provides a
good indication of the likely demographic of future urban households. Secondly, future
planned urban development is likely to occur on Government owned land due to the
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increased level of ownership and control. Finally, a precedent for the future sustainable
design of Government sponsored housing already exists and should be encouraged wherever
possible.
The design and development of future planned urban settlements or growth centres on
Government owned land opens a variety of new areas for research. The role of urban
agroforestry systems in such settlements is of particular importance considering the need to
explore new models of urbanisation, the past and present importance of agroforestry, and the
potential of urban agroforestry systems in the Pacific. In particular, questions within this
topic relate to the case in support of and in opposition to: the inclusion of urban agroforestry
systems in future urban settlements on the most productive lands; the ownership and
management of urban agroforestry systems; and examination of the appropriateness of
previously suggested waste management systems as components of broader urban
agroforestry systems. In the following chapter, specific literature on atoll agriculture and
agroforestry is discussed to give further insight into such questions.
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6.0 ATOLL AGRICULTURE AND URBAN AGROFORESTRY IN KIRIBATI
Developing a thorough understanding of food production within atoll environments is
necessary in the identification of possible approaches for the design of future urban
settlements. This chapter focuses on atoll agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati. In
brief, this chapter discusses traditional agricultural practices used within the atoll
environment, environmental challenges and opportunities for urban food production, current
agroforestry practices in Kiribati and key local species that are currently grown and
consumed in existing urban settlements. The chapter combines existing literature with
personal observations and communications with research participants during research trips to
Kiribati to establish an understanding of agroforestry systems.
6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati
The isolation and remoteness of Kiribati increases the importance of agricultural systems
because of their capacity to provide locally grown and nutritious foods. The importance of
agricultural systems in sustaining human settlements is particularly evident in traditional
agroforestry practices. The following section discusses current day agriculture and
agroforestry practice in Kiribati commenting on similarities and differences to traditional
approaches. Furthermore, this section addresses the incorporation of agricultural systems
within existing urban centres to gain insights into the potential role of urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban settlements.
6.1.1 Traditional agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati
Traditional agricultural practices are still used to varying extents in both urban and rural
areas. Traditional agriculture is based around a specialised system of agroforestry, where
severe environmental constraints resulted in the dominance of trees over other plant species
(Thaman 1990a, p. 6). In this way, traditional agroforestry approaches in Kiribati are based
around a small number of food trees, shrubs and animal species cultivated within a
superdominant matrix of coconut palms (Thaman 1990a, p. 7).
Prior to contact with developed nations, authors agree that the Gilbertese culture was self-
sufficient and essentially sustainable (Johannes & Yeeting 2001, pp. 2-5; Lawrence 1992, p.
271; Liew 1990, p. 83). Before European contact, the Gilbertese diet was highly dependent
on marine resources due to the Gilbertese skill as fishermen (Williams 1982, p. 88). The high
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protein fish based diet was supplemented by starches and vitamins supplied through
subsistence farming of hardy, well-adapted tree and animal species. Traditional island
existence of the Gilbertese people is described by authors such as Lawrence (1992, p. 270) as
‘a successful balance between man and nature’ although sometimes precarious due to
droughts, population increase and infertile soils.
The primary tree crops in traditional agroforestry systems are the coconut (Cocos sp.),
pandanus (Pandanus tectorius) and breadfruit (Artocarpus sp.) (Koch & Slatter 1986, pp. 53-
64; Lewis Jr 1988, p. 81). Although all three of these species are an important part of the
traditional diet, the coconut is dominant as both physical vegetation and as a dietary staple
(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 56; Lawrence 1992, p. 268). The importance of the coconut is
partly due to the ability of coconut palms to produce “toddy”, a liquid sap collected from the
cut flower spathe. Thus, agroforestry in Kiribati is often described as ‘palm dominant’
(Thaman 1990a, p. 6).
The native fig (Ficus tinctorial) is also an important food tree in traditional Gilbertese diets
(Koch & Slatter 1986, pp. 63-4). However in traditional times, the native fig was primarily
used during periods of drought and bad weather and is therefore known as a famine food
(Baiteke 1994, p. 5). Pawpaw (Carica papaya), banana (Musa spp.) and pumpkin (Cucurbita
pepo) are other species also regarded as part of the traditional palm dominant agroforestry
system. While these species were brought to the Gilbert islands after contact with Europeans
they were quickly integrated into the existing agroforestry system (Baiteke 1994, pp. 2-3).
Another key traditionally based agroforestry species is the giant swamp taro or babai
(Cyrtosperma chamissonis).
Unlike other tree crops that are merely propagated and then harvested, babai pits are
intensively cultivated through a labour intensive farming system in a moist composting pit
dug sometimes over four feet into the hard compacted soil in the middle of the island. These
pits allow farmers to access the purest supply of fresh water from the underground water lens
with which to grow babai (Paeniu 1999, p. 156; Small 1972, p. 65). In traditional
agroforestry systems, these artificially created swamps are then planted with rows of babai,
and filled with organic material to create nutrient rich organic compost. Although widely
grown throughout the Gilbert islands, Koch and Slatter (1986, p. 64) comment that very
rarely are babai eaten as part of a regular diet. Rather, babai were held in reserve for events
of ceremony and celebration, often being deliberately cultivated for up to several years so
that they could grow to an adequate size (Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 64). Babai cultivation
demonstrates that in the past the Gilbertese people understood principles of composting and
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soil improvement, a practice that was sometimes used in the preparation of planting holes for
new seedlings (Baiteke 1994, p. 4).
Pigs and chickens are other examples of foreign species that were quickly assimilated into
the traditional Gilbertese culture. Like many other Pacific island cultures, pig ownership in
Kiribati is strongly connected to status and wealth, representing a valuable capital reserve
which is used to fulfil social obligation in times of marriage, birth and death (Thorne 1992,
para. 2). Thus, like babai, pigs do not form part of the daily diet but rather are eaten at
special events. Poultry are also a traditional part of an I-Kiribati household. However, Mason
(1960, p. 14) states that poultry are often underutilised as a food resource and not regularly
consumed or farmed. This remains the case is the vast majority of homegardens in South
Tarawa today
The configuration of the abovementioned species around the homestead can be seen in the
design of a traditional self-contained and self-sufficient homestead by Baiteke (1994, p. 3)
(refer Figure 27). Although Baiteke’s (1994) image is helpful in understanding the design of
agroforestry systems around homesteads, the number of people in the homestead is not
mentioned. This makes it difficult to compare such a design to current day urban
agroforestry practices.
Figure 27: configuration of a traditional homestead and surrounding vegetation
Source: Baiteke (1994, p. 3)
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6.1.2 Changes in atoll agriculture
Agricultural development in Kiribati beyond traditional methods has been slow due to the
infertility of the soils and lack of agricultural expertise. While current day agricultural
approaches are very similar to traditional practices, change has occurred in some areas.
Small (1972, p. 1) states it was only since the 1960’s and 1970’s that the possibility of
improving agriculture in Kiribati was considered. The establishment of the Government
Agricultural Department greatly assisted in the development of atoll agriculture in Kiribati.
Publications such as Small (1972), authored by the Agricultural Officer in charge of training
in 1970s, have assisted greatly in maturing the concept of atoll agriculture. Small (1972)
provides a detailed account of key species and systems involved in atoll agriculture and is
one of the most comprehensive sources of information on food production in Kiribati.
Similarly, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000) is a publication written by agricultural experts
with experience in the cultivation of food crops on atoll soils. The agricultural approaches
suggested by both of these publications demonstrate that in general, agriculture in Kiribati
has changed relatively little from pre European times.
Monocultural versus polycultural approaches
One of the greatest changes in agricultural practice has been the shift towards cash cropping
of monocultural coconut plantations (Thaman 1990a, p. 16). As the most dominant atoll
species, the coconut is both consumed locally and exported as copra (Thaman 1990a, p. 7;
Thomas 2002, pp. 167-70). When cash crop coconuts are produced on the outer islands they
are shipped to South Tarawa for processing in a copra mill. While coconut is frequently
shipped in and out of South Tarawa, the transportation of fresh foods from rural areas (outer
islands) to urban areas (South Tarawa) is on the whole, not well developed. This is largely
due to unreliable transport, lack of basic infrastructure and the high cost of transporting fresh
foods (Kunzel 1997, pp. 21-4). A feasibility study carried out by Kunzel (1997, pp. 23-4) on
the transportation of fresh vegetables showed that while a market for fresh vegetables exists
in South Tarawa further work is required to make transportation of fresh goods more
reliable.
Despite the benefits to the economy of copra production, Thaman (1990a, p. 16) comments
that an over emphasis on monocultural coconut cash cropping for export has led to the
neglect of traditional polycultural systems. Furthermore, new generations of I-Kiribati are
now largely unaware of the long term utility and importance of trees due to their pursuit of
cash crops and imported foods. Similarly, Kunzel (1996, p. 143) comments that traditional
agricultural knowledge is being lost as traditional agricultural systems are being neglected
due to increasing levels of nutritionally inferior imported food. Lewis Jr (1988, p. 85)
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comments that coconut cash cropping in Kiribati was often used to produce funds to
purchase imported food items. Increased cash cropping resulted in the clearing of other
agroforestry species to allow for the expansion of coconut production. Such clearing has
resulted in the emergence of poor nutrition and food insecurity facing Kiribati today.
Introduction of new species
Although contact with westernised countries has changed agroforestry methods relatively
little, it has resulted in the introduction of a number of new species. While many species
have been suggested and trialled; few species are sufficiently well adapted to maintain a
permanent place in the agroforestry system outside Government nurseries (Kunzel 1996, p.
142). A good example of this is seen in the attempted introduction of 26 nitrogen fixing tree
species for building atoll soils. Many of these species were recommended in a publication on
nitrogen fixing trees as atoll soil builders (Rosa 2001b). Of the 26 trees only one of these
species (Casuarina equiseifolia) became established (Kunzel 1996, p. 142). Furthermore,
members of the agriculture division now believe that nitrogen fixation is not effective in
Kiribati because of the high soil salinity (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2005, pers. comm., 7
December).
The success of a small number of introduced vegetables is an exception to the general failure
of introduced agricultural species in Kiribati. These species include the Chinese cabbage
(Brassica chinensis), cucumber (Cucumis sativus), and edible hibiscus (Abelmoschus
manihot). A comprehensive account of the cultivation of these and other traditional species
can be found in Small (1972) and Peduzzi (1999). Although not a vegetable, the leaves of the
Drumstick tree (Moringa oleifera) can be eaten as vegetables. This nutritious species has
also been successfully introduced to Kiribati and offers great potential for future cultivation
(Kunzel 1996, p. 142). However, this species is not widely grown in Kiribati and is not yet
consumed as a regular part of the local diet (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers.
comm., 17 May).
Exotic pests and diseases have also been introduced into Kiribati. The babai beetle (Papuana
hubneri), otherwise know as the swamp taro beetle, is one of the most serious threats that
agricultural production in Kiribati has experienced (Dharmaraju 1982, p. 90). This beetle
bores into the babai corm and feeds within the root. The beetle was first reported in 1935 in
South Tarawa (Dharmaraju 1982, p. 93). While the Australian Centre for International
Agricultural Research (ACIAR) is currently researching methods to control this pest in the
Pacific, an effective control suitable for use in Kiribati has yet to be identified. The babai
beetle throughout South Tarawa and in parts of North Tarawa has significantly contributed to
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decline in babai cultivation. Other contributing factors also include the time required to
harvest corms and increasing salt water intrusion into babai pits (Kiribati Agriculture
Division 2007, pers. comm., 31 January).
Climate change
It is generally acknowledged that rising sea levels are one of the greatest threats to
agricultural production and sustained human settlement on atolls in Kiribati (Asian
Development Bank 2006b, p. 250; Manner 1990, p. 60; Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 307;
Preston et al. 2006, p. 31). Although responsible for only 0.01 per cent of carbon emissions
from 1850 to 2000, atoll nations such as Kiribati will poentailly be one of the greatest losers
from sea level rise (Connell & Lea 1992; Preston et al. 2006, p. 57). Modelling by Preston et
al. (2006) predicts that a sea level rise of 30 centimetres would result in a significant loss of
land and salt water intrusion into the ground water lens. However, this is not expected to
occur until the latter end of the twenty first century (Preston et al. 2006, p. 32). Similarly the
former President of Kiribati, Iremiah Tabai, said in Connell and Lea (1992, p. 295) that ‘if
the greenhouse effect raises sea levels by one metre it will virtually do away with Kiribati’.
An increase of this kind would profoundly impact agricultural productivity in an already
marginal environment through increased coastal erosion, salinity and salt water intrusion
(Manner 1990, pp. 42-53). Although dire, the predictions for future sea level rise reiterate the
importance of identifying well adapted flora and fauna species capable of prolonging the
human habitation of atolls. In this way, the Kiribati Government with the assistance of donor
organisations is implementing adaptation strategies to respond to the threat of sea level rise
(Government of Kiribati 2007). Similarly, in their paper on global warming and atoll states,
Connell and Lea (1992, p. 295) conclude that ‘taking note of the possible changes associated
with long-term environmental warming is less important than the necessity of incorporating
environmental considerations into contemporary development planning’.
6.1.3 Similarity between past and present agroforestry approaches
The species and approaches used in traditional Gilbertese agroforestry systems continue to
play a key role in atoll agriculture in Kiribati today (Thaman 1990a, p. 16). Despite
introduction of monoculture coconut production and increasing amounts of imported food
staples, species such as coconut, breadfruit, pandanus and the native fig retain an important
role in supporting atoll settlement in South Tarawa and in the outer islands (Thaman 1990a,
pp. 8-10; Thomas 2002, p. 166). Similarly, animal husbandry practices have also largely
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remained the same, with pigs retaining their position of cultural significance and chickens
rarely caged and generally poorly maintained.
Soil infertility continues to remain one of the greatest constraints to food production in
Kiribati despite over a century of exposure to modern agricultural techniques. This problem
is compounded by the financial and ecological constraints on the use of chemical fertilisers
due to high import costs and potential to leach into the ground water lens. For these reasons
Teunissen (1997, p. 1) states that ‘attempts to adopt intensive farming systems which rely on
imported inorganic fertilisers and other inputs to produce high yields have largely failed’.
Therefore, except for limited use within the agricultural department, soil improvements
remain dependent on organic composting approaches. In such situations, Peduzzi (1999, p.
13) identifies a variety of local products such as feathers, mangrove fruits, wood ash,
pumice, animal manure and rusty cans that can be used in the soil to increase fertility.
Organic approaches such as these are commonly identified in the majority of publications on
food production in Kiribati and atoll environments more generally (Kunzel 1997; Mollison
& Jeeves 1988; Peduzzi 1999; Small 1972; Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000). Such mulching
systems build upon the traditional babai pit approach using leaves of trees, grass, seaweeds,
pumice, tin cans and other plant debris to supply nutrients to growing plants (Thaman 2002b,
p. 274).
Restrictions on the use of pesticides are similar to those of fertiliser use. In overcoming these
restrictions authors such as Peduzzi (1999, p. 31) propose a home made organic pesticide
that minimises the risk of ground water contamination and substantially reduces the cost of
pest control. In areas where such ideas have yet to be taken up, farmers still practice the
labour intensive method of hand picking insects off plants (Thomas 2002, p. 170).
6.1.4 NGOs projects and urban agroforestry in South Tarawa
A variety of different donors or NGOs have been involved with agricultural research and the
promotion of agroforestry systems in both urban and rural areas in Kiribati. The Pacific
Regional Agricultural Program (PRAP) was one such initiative. PRAP was designed to
improve atoll farming systems throughout Kiribati through agricultural research, education
and capacity building (Kamauti 1999; Kunzel 1996, 1997). One feature of PRAP’s work
included the promotion of homegarden systems and establishment of demonstration plots in
South Tarawa (Kunzel 1997, p. 10).
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Agriculturally based aid programs have also been a feature of a variety of other NGO
projects operating in South Tarawa. Over the last five years, increasing attempts have been
made by foreign donor nations, NGOs and quasi-Government organisations in South Tarawa
to harness the benefits of low cost urban agroforestry systems such as homegardening. In
particular, organisations have focused on the increased cultivation of a vegetable understorey
and compost based waste management in homegardens. Such agencies currently working in
South Tarawa include the Taiwan Technical Mission (TTM), FSPK, Development of
Sustainable Agriculture in the Pacific (DSAP), Kiribati Organic Farmers Association
(KOFA) and the International Waters Project of Kiribati (IWPK). These organisations
continue to promote the value of urban agroforestry by undertaking a range of activities,
including homegarden competitions, and the provision of training, gardening equipment and
(often) seedlings to local gardeners and have experienced varying levels of success (Roniti
Teiwaki & Associates 2004, pp. 18-9). Homegardening has also been promoted on the outer
islands through community competitions coordinated by organisations such as DSAP
(McGlashan 2006, p. 21).
The impact of such projects in South Tarawa is reflected in the general increase in food
producing species in urban households from the 2000 to 2005 census (refer Table 8). Table
8 shows that remnants of traditional subsistence palm dominant agroforestry systems are still
a prominent feature of many homegardens in South Tarawa, despite the accelerated urban
growth of the past 50 years (refer Figure 28). Urban residents’ deliberate cultivation of
coconut based agro-ecosystems in an urban homegarden setting demonstrates that traditional
agroforestry practices still have a role to play in future urban environments (Thaman 1993a,
pp. 130-44). Such gardens are often a mixture of productive atoll species, intentionally
planted and maintained to produce food. Although the majority of homegardens are
comprised of a variety of crops, more structured plantings of single species (such as
pawpaw) were observed during visits to homegardens.
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Table 8: number of South Tarawa households cultivating specific agroforestry species near their
house
Census year
Household total
Breadfruit Babai Banana Coconut Pawpaw Local pig
Local chickens
Cabbages
2000 4529 1754 86 361 - 1826 3781
546 -
2005 5245
2865
247
2042
4204
3420
4268 512 638
Per cent change
16 63 187 466 - 87 12 -11 -
Notes: * Near includes area surrounding the house; total households exclude “collective households” such as institutions, schools, etc. ** The lack of data in some cells is due to differences in the data collected in the 2000 and 2005 census Source: Government of Kiribati (2002, pp. 105-6; 2006, pp. 78-82)
Figure 28: example of a homegarden in South Tarawa
Source: Author’s photograph of a homegarden in South Tarawa
The design of mixed gardens in Kiribati
Mixed gardening or homegardening was not traditionally practiced by the Gilbertese. This
was introduced in the early 1990s through campaigns jointly sponsored by Government and
NGOs (Tekanene 2004, p. 34). Few authors address the design of agroforestry systems such
as homegardens in existing or future urban settlements in Kiribati. One publication that does
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investigate such systems at a household level is Peduzzi (1999). This publication strongly
promotes the connection between homegardening and household nutrition. Although simple,
the design solutions suggested by Peduzzi (1999) are practical responses to the challenges
that face homegardeners in South Tarawa. These include the use and reuse of local materials
(coconut timber and fronds, cans, plastics, canoes), use of composting pits, raised garden
beds, locally produced organic pesticides, living fences (refer Figure 29) and the
incorporation of multipurpose tree species.
Figure 29: living fence using local materials and species
Source: Peduzzi (1999, p. 11)
In his study of self-reliance in South Tarawa Thomas (2002, p. 169) comments that the
mixed garden concepts of Peduzzi (1999) were clearly evident in the agricultural practices at
Bonriki. In this settlement, Thomas (2002, p. 169) found that households occupied between
0.25 and 1 hectares of land, of which between 0.1 and 0.25 hectares were devoted to
agroforestry food production. However, Thomas’ (2002) study was carried out on the outer
fringe of South Tarawa and it can therefore be assumed that homegardens in denser areas of
South Tarawa such as Betio and Bairiki, would be considerably smaller. This record of
homegardening in South Tarawa provides one of the few estimates of the size of productive
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lands connected to urban household in Kiribati. On the other hand, Macdonald (2001, p. 207)
states that most families on the outer islands have regular access to around five hectares.
Peduzzi’s (1999) designs again reinforce the importance of species such as coconut,
breadfruit, pandanus, native fig, banana, pawpaw, edible hibiscus, Chinese cabbage and
cucumber in producing food in Kiribati. This food production supplements other sources of
food such as purchases from the local shop, fishing or food gifts from other families.
However, while successfully focusing on the details of individual species in homegardens,
Peduzzi (1999) gives little consideration to the broader issues involved with integrating
urban agroforestry systems at settlement level. Additionally, Peduzzi (1999) fails to capture
the integrated complexity of agroforestry systems which are addressed more fully by authors
such as Mollison and Jeeves (1988) in their publication on permaculture.
Permaculture in atoll environments
The work of Mollison and Jeeves (1988, pp. 250-307) into integrated permaculture systems
in palm-dominant polyculture tropical environments provides a variety of useful suggestions
for the inclusion of food producing agroforestry systems in future urban settlements in
Kiribati. This work presents a discussion on how naturally designed systems provide organic
solutions to infertile and harsh environments through composting, nitrogen fixation, animal
tractors, fodder systems, crop rotation and integrated total system design. Conclusions and
design solutions proposed by Mollison and Jeeves (1988) include:
• dense planting of nucleus areas such as keyhole and banana circle gardens;
• development of different agricultural zones around settlements to achieve an
integrated system approach to food production;
• use of movable animal tractors to fertilise depleted soil structures;
• further development of traditional systems such as the babai pit;
• replication of natural systems to create wind breaks and climatic protection for both
natural systems and built forms.
One of the distinctive features of Mollison and Jeeves (1988) is the exploration of palm
dominant permaculture systems beyond the household level to a community setting.
Although the ideas contained in Mollison and Jeeves (1988) have much to offer the
development of agricultural practices and urban settlements in Kiribati, permaculture
systems such as banana circles are still relatively new and emerging production systems in
Kiribati (SPREP 2007) (refer Figure 30). Although Mollison and Jeeves (1988) are the only
authors to officially use the term ‘permaculture’, it is clear that the ideas and concepts of this
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theory have existed in different forms in Kiribati for many years prior to the creation of this
term.
Figure 30: cross section showing the design of a banana circle
Source: Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p. 275)
Windbreaks
Windbreaks are an important component of atoll agroforestry systems. Although many atoll
windbreak species are not food producing, they are mentioned here because of the
importance of windbreaks for reducing salt spray and damaging winds so that more
vulnerable food producing species can grow further inland. Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p.
306) suggest the construction of a layered windbreak to stabilise atoll foreshores (refer
Figure 31). Similarly, Rosa (2001a, p. 331) suggests the layered planting of small trees (2 to
3 metre spacing), medium trees (3 to 4 metre spacing) and larger trees (maximum 6 metre
spacing), emphasising that different rows should always be planted in line with the gaps
between the proceeding rows. Various species are suggested in the literature for use in atoll
windbreaks. Key species include in order from shortest to tallest: Scaevola sericea,
Tournefortia argentea, Pandanus tectorius, Terminalia catappa and Cocos nucifera
(Fleming 1996, p. 47; Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 306; Rosa 2001a, p. 176).
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Figure 31: the design of a coastal windbreak on an atoll
Source: Mollison and Jeeves (1988, p. 306)
6.1.5 The tension between urban development and urban agroforestry systems
A fundamental tension exists between the increasing urban densities and the protection of
and promotion of locally grown foods such as coconut and breadfruit (Butcher-Gollach et al.
2007b, p. 56; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 39). Thaman (1990a, pp. 16-7) states
that traditional agroforestry systems are commonly seen as ‘anachronisms or obstacles to
modern development’. In this way, the expansion of urban settlements or monoculture
coconut plantations is frequently associated with the unmitigated clearing of vegetation
(including productive trees). As Thaman (1990a, p. 2) argues the issue of agro-deforestation
is a serious threat to cultural and ecological foundations that underpin Kiribati.
The loss of productive trees is a serious issue in South Tarawa particularly because of the
blending of the cash and subsistence economies. In urban villages such as Bikenibeu, it is
often necessary for many households to participate in both the subsistence economy and the
cash economy to provide adequate support for the household (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
2004, p. 40). Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 51) states that traditional foods
such as fish, coconut and pandanus contribute significantly to preventing the spread of
absolute poverty in South Tarawa. Therefore the retention of traditionally based urban
agroforestry systems is imperative (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 40). The
importance of strengthening traditional approaches has also been supported by authors such
as Neemia and Thaman (1993, p. 287) and Geddes et al. (1982, p. 155).
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The tension between the construction of built forms and the preservation of agroforestry
systems is further highlighted in Williams’ (1982, p. 88) discussion of the problem of future
land shortages in South Tarawa. Williams’ (1982, p. 88) statement that in 20 years land
shortages would mean many families would ‘lack the necessary land to grow their food
crops,’ leading to potential food shortages has proven to be accurate (Thomas 2002). In
response Williams’ (1982, p. 88) suggests the ‘promotion of crop and livestock production
geared towards self-sufficiency’. Similarly Thaman (1990a, p. 16) states that polycultural
agroforestry, traditionally based agroforestry systems found in Kiribati, ‘offer ideal bases for
further development and innovation’ because of their wide range of environmental, cultural,
nutritional and economic self-reliance benefits.
6.2 Dietary preferences, nutrition and food security in South Tarawa
The inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements has
considerable potential to address developmental issues such as poor nutrition and food
insecurity in Kiribati. Despite the clear connection between local food production, nutrition
and food security, many urban residents in Kiribati continue to consume large amounts of
imported foods. The following section addresses how dietary preferences in Kiribati have
changed over the last fifty years and addresses associated issues of food security and
nutrition.
6.2.1 The nutritional value of local fresh produce versus imported processed foods
Today, many I-Kiribati people, once self-sufficient in their way of life, are devoting an
increasing amount of their income to the import of foreign foods such as rice, flour, sugar
and processed meats even though many of them ‘remain capable of feeding themselves from
indigenous sources’ (Kunzel 1996, p. 143). This is largely due to the process of “gustatory
subversion” where an ‘acculturating society comes to see the foods of the technologically
dominant society as a significant source of superiority’ (Lewis Jr 1988, p. 80). Lewis Jr
(1988, p. 79) goes on to state that dietary change in Kiribati started during the early contact
period with explorers and traders and has now transitioned into the hands of multinational
companies who seek to ‘open new markets and consequently bring Pacific peoples into the
world economic system’.
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Malnutrition due to the lack of vitamins and minerals in urban diets is becoming an
increasing problem in Kiribati and the Pacific (Englberger 2003; Englberger et al. 2006;
Thaman 2002b). Many of Kiribati’s nutritional problems are a result of ever-increasing
separation from traditional subsistence lifestyles (Englberger et al. 2006; Thaman 1982, p.
112). The majority of urban residents now live on ‘imported diets high in sugar, salt, alcohol
and animal fat and low in vitamins, minerals and fibre’ (Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 297).
Even when local foods are available, there is a perception that imported foods are superior.
This general lack of nutritional understanding, combined with poor nutritional choices, has
led to an increase in nutritionally related diseases such as night blindness (dietary vitamin A
deficiency) and diabetes (Englberger 2003; Thomas 2002, p. 166).
The extent of nutritional problems associated with urban living in Kiribati is seen in the
World Health Organisation (2004) study in health and nutrition in South Tarawa. This study
focused data collection on five main risk factors including smoking, consumption of less
than five servings of fruits and vegetables per day, low level of physical activity, obesity and
raised blood pressure. A stratified sample of 928 participants aged 25 to 64 found that over
69 per cent of participants from aged 25 to 44 and over 75 per cent of participants aged 45 to
64 had three of the abovementioned risk factors.
Studies into the nutritional value of locally grown food species in Kiribati and the Pacific
show that traditional foods are considerably more nutritious than processed, imported staple
foods such as rice, bully-beef and canned fish (Christensen 1995; Englberger et al. 2006;
Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984; Thaman 1982). Although the
nutritional value of local foods continues to be promoted in Kiribati, the majority of
households continue to consume large amounts of imported and nutritionally inferior foods
(Englberger et al. 2006, p. 632). Thomas (2002, p. 172) comments that despite the work of
NGOs and Kiribati Government, the link between health and nutrition is still poorly
understood particularly among the less educated. Thus, the replacement of time-tested diets
with untested nutritionally inferior imported food continues to occur in Kiribati and more
broadly throughout the Pacific (Englberger et al. 2006, p. 632; Malolo, Matenga-Smith &
Hughes 1999, pp. 4-5). Attempts to change this trend are only as effective as the
commitment of a given population to changing dietary preferences. As Malolo, Matenga-
Smith and Hughes (1999, p. 65) state, ‘the final arbiters are the people’. Therefore, the
importance of identifying culturally appropriate, locally grown, nutritional foods is even
more essential, particularly as I-Kiribati are known to be very conservative and resist change
(Tabokai 1985, p. 191).
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Although, imported foods are often seen as “modern” and “superior” (Lewis Jr 1988, pp. 79-
80), local foods still remain a culturally acceptable dietary choice and are regularly
consumed. In particular, traditional foods are consumed in traditional recipes, as healthy
snacks or at times of celebration (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999, p. 5). Similarly,
Thomas (2002, pp. 170-71) states that traditional seafood caught during inshore fishing
accounts for the vast majority of protein consumed in both South Tarawa and the outer
islands. Furthermore, Sharp’s (2005) study of local markets in South Tarawa found that local
foods remain a key saleable food item. However, the consumption of particular types of local
food is often influenced by the perception of what is “modern”. In this way, Kunzel (1996, p.
143) comments that two of the most common locally grown vegetables in Kiribati during the
PRAP project were cucumber and Chinese cabbage. While, none of these species are
particularly nutritious, Kunzel (1996, p. 143) states that they share a connection to the
foreign administration and are therefore popular and modern. Similarly, such vegetables
have started to fulfil a cultural role that was previously reserved for the babai, with big plates
of vegetables used during festivities to show ‘wealth and prestige’ (Kunzel 1996, p. 143).
6.2.2 Food security
Food security is a continual issue in both rural and urban settlements due to the remote and
isolated location of Kiribati. While food imports diversify the base of food security in
Kiribati, they also place consumers at the mercy of foreign producers (Thomas 2002, p. 172).
Today, the majority of Kiribati’s urban residents rely on imports such as rice and flour to
guarantee food security, instead of traditional foods. In the inter-censal period 2000-2005,
food products were the largest imported commodity, totalling over AU $31 million (Kiribati
National Statistics Office 2006).
Thaman (1990a, p. 16) states that Kiribati’s dependence on imported staples is ‘dangerously
high’. Any significant disturbance to global trade would have dramatic ramifications for
South Tarawa. While it is unrealistic to believe that homegardening alone could sustain
current population densities, urban cultivation can significantly improve a family’s food
access in times of shortage. In particular, imported staples such as rice and flour are likely to
continue to play a ‘vital role in feeding growing populations, notably in urban centres’
(Thomas 2002, p. 173). In this way, rice is a common staple that is typically consumed twice
a day, at both lunch and dinner. These meals are usually accompanied by fish. On the other
hand, bread is usually consumed at breakfast (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers.
comm., 17 May).
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6.3 Nutritional value and agricultural productivity of key food producing agroforestry
species
Urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens typically supplement the daily food intake
of urban residents rather than supply all dietary requirements (Marsh 1998, p. 4). Therefore,
it is useful to develop an understanding of the nutritional value, yield and general
agroforestry profile of species likely to be consumed on a daily basis in future urban
settlements in Kiribati. The following section discusses the nutritional value and yield of key
food producing agroforestry species which could be used to supplement the daily
consumption of imported staples such as flour and rice in future urban settlements.
Throughout this section, specific reference to yields, spacing and nutritional inputs of
selected agroforestry species is made through combining personal observations and
communications from participants during research trips with existing nutritional and
agricultural literature in Kiribati and the Pacific. This data forms the basis of the quantitative
procedure used to answer Research Question Four.
6.3.1 Coconut
The coconut (Cocos nucifera) remains the dominant canopy species in Kiribati and South
Tarawa (Government of Kiribati 2006, pp. 105-6). In Kiribati, immature green coconuts are
sometimes given to guests as a refreshing welcoming drink. This gesture emphasises the
importance of coconuts in Kiribati. Mature coconuts and associated coconut milk are also an
acceptable local food (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 7 March). However,
the proportion of immature coconuts consumed compared to mature coconuts is unknown in
existing urban areas.
Coconuts are suitable for planting in almost all areas of an atoll, although increased yields
are associated with more fertile soils of the interior (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.
comm., 29 January). In plantations, coconuts spacing ranges from 7.5 to 9 metres in a
triangular grid (Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 24; Small 1972, p. 69; Stone, Migvar & Robison
2000, p. 15). A larger spacing of 9 metres was recommended when intercropping coconuts
with pandanus (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 31 January). In general,
coconut spacing varies anywhere from seven to nine metres (Kiribati Agriculture Division,
2007 pers. comm., 1 March 2007). Physically mature coconuts are high in saturated fats,
crude fibre and potassium (Christensen 1995, p. 29; Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes
1999; Peduzzi 1999, p. 38).
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A number of different varieties of coconut exist in Kiribati, however the most commonly
occurring and locally adapted variety is known as Kiribati Tall (Small 1972, p. 55). Tall
cultivars are capable of growing to between 20 and 30 metres with a canopy spread of 8 to 9
metres. On the other hand, dwarf cultivars typically only reach 10 to 15 metres with a spread
of 4.5 to 5.5 metres (Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 21). Coconut yields vary considerably from
island to island and even village to village in Kiribati (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007,
pers. comm., 29 January). This difference is often due to sub-standard planting material. In
Kiribati, coconut fruiting occurs throughout the year with higher production following
periods of rain. However, increasingly inconsistent rainfall patterns have made it difficult to
predict periods of increased yield (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29
January).
Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) record coconut yield in atoll soils to be between 40
to 50 nuts per year. However, this figure is based on senile trees that are past peak
production. A senior agricultural officer from the Kiribati Agricultural Division confirmed
that yields of over 70 nuts per palm per year are achievable in atoll conditions (Kiribati
Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This figure is supported by Chan and
Elevitch (2006, p. 11) who state annual coconut yields in the Pacific range from 50 to 80
nuts per tree per year.
In homegardens, coconuts are often used as boundary markers both in Kiribati and the
Pacific (Baiteke 1994, pp. 3-4; Chan & Elevitch 2006, p. 20). However, such practice
potentially raises issues of nut ownership if the coconut is planted directly on the boundary.
Furthermore, coconuts are sometimes used as a canopy shading tree to provide shaded light
to understorey crops (Mollison & Jeeves 1988, p. 305). However, due to the hazardous
nature of falling coconuts, Chan and Elevitch (2006, p. 11) recommend that dwarf cultivars
are better suited to urban environments. An average sized husked mature coconut weighing
700 grams contained 380 grams of coconut flesh and 100 grams of coconut water, while an
immature husked coconut weighing 850 grams contained 160 grams of flesh and 460 grams
of coconut water. Assuming an average coconut production of 60 nuts per tree in future
urban settlements, the per annum yield of a single tree harvested for mature nuts is
approximately 22.8 kilograms of mature coconut flesh and 6 kilograms of mature coconut
cavity fluid. However, a single tree harvest for green coconuts would produce 9.6 kilograms
of immature coconut flesh, and 27.6 kilograms of immature coconut cavity fluid.
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6.3.2 Toddy
Toddy is a nutritionally rich liquid that is produced from the cut flower spathes of coconut
trees and is commonly consumed as a beverage in Kiribati. The continual production of
flower spathes from a coconut tree allows a single tree to produce toddy for many years
(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 59). Tebano (1984, p. 36) states that toddy is a good source of
vitamin C and calcium with a smaller quantity of iron. The nutritional value of toddy is
supported by Christensen (1995, p. 30) and Malolo, Matenga-Smith and Hughes (1999, pp.
90-1). Tests are currently being undertaken to determine the highest yielding coconut
varieties. It is however known that the Kiribati tall and dwarf varieties produce good toddy
yields (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). A unique feature of
toddy production is its ability to maintain constant production through times of drought
(Koch & Slatter 1986, p. 59; Thaman 1990a, p. 8).
Dwarf coconut varieties are generally preferred because they are safer to climb during
periods of high winds and rain. Due to the high maintenance requirements of toddy it has
been recommended that toddy producing coconut palms be placed near the home (Kiribati
Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). It is estimated that a mature coconut
tree is capable of yielding two to three litres of toddy per day (Kiribati Agriculture Division
2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This is similar to the 2 litres per day recorded in Nair GK
(2001) and the two coconut shells recorded in Thaman (1990a, p. 8). Assuming a mature
coconut palm yields 2 litres per day and that each litre weighs approximately 1 kilogram, a
mature coconut tree is expected to yield 730 kilograms of toddy per year.
6.3.3 Breadfruit
Artocarpus altilis and Artocarpus mariannensis (breadfruit tree) are handsome trees capable
of growing to around 60 feet (18.29 metres) (Small 1972, p. 75). Nutritionally, this trees fruit
is an excellent source of vitamin C, calcium and carbohydrates (Malolo, Matenga-Smith &
Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984, p. 9). Many breadfruit trees were observed within the
compounds of homegardens during research trips to Kiribati. Breadfruits were also regularly
seen for sale at the local market and consumed by local families at meal time and as a snack.
Breadfruit do not usually grow wild under atoll conditions, however it is possible to cultivate
this tree if carefully planted and well maintained (1972, p. 75). In addition, Stone, Migvar
and Robison (2000, p. 17) state that breadfruit needs to be planted ‘well away from exposed
coasts and on the best soil available’. This often means that breadfruit trees are located close
to the house so they can be easily composted and provide shade for urban families (Raynor
1992, p. 16).
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Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) recommend that breadfruit trees be spaced at
approximately 9.1 to 12.2 metres. A senior agricultural officer from the Kiribati Agricultural
Division estimated that the optimum spacing of breadfruit trees was between eight to nine
metres (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Calculating the average
yield of a mature breadfruit tree is difficult due to the seasonal production in the Gilbert
islands and the number of different varieties of breadfruit, all of which have different fruiting
seasons (Small 1972, p. 77). In general, different varieties are classified as either seedless
(Artocarpus altilis) or seeded (Artocarpus mariannensis). Small (1972, p. 77) states that the
majority of fruit is produced from March to June and August to November. However,
inconsistent rainfall patterns in recent years have changed cropping patterns making it more
difficult to predict the fruiting season of different varieties (Kiribati Agriculture Division
2007, pers. comm., 29 January). Agricultural trials are currently underway to establish the
yield of breadfruit trees in the Gilbert islands, however these trials are still incomplete.
Potential exists to prolong the period when breadfruit is available to a household by planting
different varieties that yield throughout the year (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.
comm., 29 January).
Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) estimate that newly planted breadfruit seedlings
require four to six years before production commences and that mature species yield around
200 fruits per year on atoll soils. This figure is similar to Small’s (1972, p. 77) estimate that a
good breadfruit tree can yield several hundred fruit in one year with each fruit weighing
between half a kilogram and one kilogram (slightly less when fruit is skinned). Yields
ranging from 100 to 700 have been recorded more generally in the Pacific (2006, p. 7).
Ragone (2006, p. 7) states that while some breadfruit trees have high yield, the yield is often
highly variable. Assuming an average mature breadfruit tree produces 250 fruits per year
with an average edible weight of 725 grams, it provides 181 kilograms of edible breadfruit.
6.3.4 Pawpaw
Pawpaw (Carica papaya) is an introduced tree that grows to about 6 metres in height and
produces fruit throughout the year in atoll conditions. It general, the pawpaw is best suited
for cultivation in sheltered fertile areas near the house (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p.
22). In addition, the mixed garden designs of Peduzzi (1999, pp. 3-8) show that pawpaw is
well suited to dryer areas and also as corner fence posts and supports for trellises. Potential
also exists to intercrop pawpaw with vegetables (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers.
comm., 31 January). Pawpaws were commonly seen in homegardens visited during research
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trips to Kiribati. Nutritionally, pawpaw is known to be a good source of vitamin C and
calcium (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999; Tebano 1984, p. 40).
Due to the poor soils in Kiribati, pawpaw fruits are often small and are recorded by Small
(1972, pp. 101-2) to typically be 17 centimetres long and 12 centimetres wide. A pawpaw
fruit of these dimensions weighs around 1.2 kilograms with a final edible portion of
approximately 950 grams (after the fruit has been skinned and deseeded). Stone, Migvar and
Robison (2000, p. 22) record pawpaw yield per tree to be approximately 28.7 kilos per year
in a spacing approximately 1.8 to 2.4 metres. However, consultation with agricultural
technicians from the Agricultural Department found that a wider spacing of 4 metres was
believed to be more appropriate (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March).
In general, pawpaw seedlings require 10 to 15 months until they yield fruit. Using these
figures, the annual edible yield of a mature pawpaw tree is assumed to be 24 fruits,
producing 22.8 kilograms of edible fruit per year.
6.3.5 Banana
Bananas were introduced to Kiribati by American missionaries and are now widely grown
and consumed throughout South Tarawa and the outer islands (Small 1972, p. 84). Studies
into the nutritional value of bananas in the Pacific recognise the high carbohydrate, vitamin
C and potassium levels in bananas (Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999, pp. 32-3). In
South Tarawa today, bananas are predominately grown in “banana circles” and are
frequently consumed as snacks (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 7 March).
The potential to sustain banana production using grey water from the laundry means that
banana circles are best situated close to the house (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 17).
Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) state that bananas should be spaced about 10 feet
(approximately 3.3 metres apart). However, Small (1972, p. 87) notes that if the variety
Dwarf Cavendish are used then 2 metres is appropriate. On the other hand if compost is
unavailable, a spacing of between four to six metres is more appropriate (Kiribati
Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Although the particular cultivar name of
the bananas grown in Kiribati is not known, they are most likely to be a smaller variety of
the larger Cavendish banana such as Dwarf Cavendish. A single Kiribati banana weighs
approximately 81 grams and 45 grams after skin removal.
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According to Small (1972, p. 85) bananas are potentially the ‘most prolific of all food crops
and will produce more food per acre than babai or taro’. To attain high yields, bananas need
to be planted in an area that is sheltered from strong winds with good soil and roots close to
the water lens (Small 1972, p. 85). These conditions are similar to those required by the
traditional root crop babai, making old babai pits that are no longer in use an ideal place to
plant bananas (Small 1972, p. 85).
Small (1972, p. 85) states that a heavy yielding Dwarf Cavendish can bear as many as 220
fruit from one bunch. On the other hand, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) record the
per annual yield of a single banana plant to be approximately 9.1 kilograms. Assuming
average banana weight of 81 grams gives a yield of approximately 112 bananas a per flower
stem. Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 22) go on to state that banana plants require 18
months from time of planting to first harvest. This figure is supported by Small’s (1972, pp.
88-9) estimate that banana seedlings flower at 10 months and bear fruit around 6 months
after flowering. According to Small’s (1972, pp. 85-7) description of banana cultivation on
atolls it is reasonable to assume that a single banana plant is capable of yielding one bunch of
bananas per year. Thus, annual yield per plant is assumed to be 150 fruit or 6.75 kilograms
of edible banana from a well maintained and correctly spaced banana tree.
6.3.6 Pandanus
Pandanus (Pandanus tectorius) is a prominent component of the atoll landscape and is
consumed regularly by I-Kiribati as a snack food (Small 1972, p. 82). Many different
varieties of pandanus exist in Kiribati. Small (1972, p. 83) reports that there are around 170
named varieties, while Lawrence (1992, p. 268) records 160. However, due to the
fragmentation of islands a single variety is often known by different names (Small 1972, p.
83). More information exists on the nutritional value of the pandanus. A recent study by
Englberger et al. (2006) found that seven of the nine pandanus varieties that were analysed
had significant quantities of vitamin A. The average vitamin A content of these seven
varieties was 65 micrograms per edible portion of 100 grams. The same study shows that
pandanus is a regularly consumed food, with informants from the study reporting that their
normal consumption range was between 1 to 50 keys8 a day (Englberger et al. 2006, p. 640).
8 Pandanus fruit comprise a collection of smaller sections or “keys” attached to a central core.
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Pandanus is a slow growing tree that may take between four and six years to produce fruit
from seedling (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 22). However, Baiteke (1994, p. 5) and
Thaman (1990a, p. 9) state that fruiting generally occurs between one and two years. Despite
its slow growing nature, pandanus is recognised as an exceptionally hardy tree that is well
suited for planting in even the harshest atoll conditions such as an ocean windbreak (Baiteke
1994, pp. 2-3). It was estimated by the Kiribati Agricultural Division that spacing of between
8 to 10 metres was best to ensure high pandanus production (2007, pers. comm., 1 March).
Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 20) record that pandanus should be spaced
approximately 6 to 7.5 metres apart, however it is recommend that this distance be shortened
if pandanus is planted as part of a coastal windbreak. In addition, pandanus can be used to
shade pigs and chickens that are often kept on the ocean side of the atoll (Baiteke 1994, p. 2).
Small (1972, p. 83) states that pandanus fruiting is relatively constant throughout the year in
the southern Gilberts but more seasonal in the northern Gilberts with the best production in
July and August, decreasing to December. Production remains low until April then again
increases towards July. However, interviews with a senior agricultural expert highlighted
that each variety of pandanus has its own peak season, meaning that edible pandanus is never
fully out of season (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). It has been
estimated that a mature healthy tree may produce up to 10 fruit a year on good soil (Kiribati
Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This figure is similar to Stone, Migvar
and Robison’s (2000, p. 22) more general estimate of nine pandanus fruit a year regardless of
location. Although pandanus yield is not greatly affected by soil fertility, nine fruit is
believed to be the most appropriate estimate of the annual yield throughout the atoll.
During interviews at the Agricultural Division it was estimated that an average fruit
contained 50 keys (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). This
number is the same as the Englberger et al. (2006, p. 632) estimate. When pandanus keys are
eaten, the inner part of the key is chewed and sucked to extract the edible portion.
Englberger et al. (2006, p. 640) estimates that the edible portion of a pandanus key is
approximately half the weight of the original key. Although different varieties have different
sized keys, the average weight of the edible portion of pandanus keys across eight different
pandanus varieties in Englberger et al. (2006, p. 640) was 65 grams. Thus, a fruit with 50
keys would contain around 3.25 kilograms of edible pandanus. Based on these figures, a
mature pandanus tree is assumed to produce 29.25 kilograms of edible fruit per year.
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6.3.7 Chinese cabbage
Vegetable cultivation is commonly recognised as having a significant potential to improve
the nutritional standards in Kiribati (Kunzel 1997; Peduzzi 1999). While the lack of soil
organic matter is the single biggest factor limiting vegetable growth, soils can be improved
through intensive composting processes as outlined in Peduzzi (1999). Regular management,
composting and cultivation on sheltered land are the necessary ingredients to ensure good
yield from vegetable gardens. In such circumstances, Stone, Migvar and Robison (2000, p.
20) state that a ‘small area of ground will grow enough vegetables for a whole family’.
Chinese cabbage was found to be the most commonly grown vegetable during visits to
homegardens in South Tarawa. Preferring well drained, well composted soils, the Chinese
cabbage is eaten in both raw and cooked form and is a good source of vitamin A, vitamin C
and magnesium (Dignan et al. 2004, p. 18). Due to the vulnerability of vegetables such as
Chinese cabbage to animals such as pigs and chickens it is recommended that vegetable
gardens be well fenced (Peduzzi 1999, p. 2). For best production, Stone, Migvar and Robison
(2000, p. 20) recommend a spacing of 12 inches (30 centimetres) within rows and 24 inches
(61 centimetres) between rows. A row commonly consists of two lines of Chinese cabbage.
This is similar to Kunzel (1997, p. 6) who records a spacing of 60 centimetres by 30
centimetres for Chinese cabbage. This figure was confirmed by the Kiribati Agriculture
Division (2007, pers. comm., 1 March). Typically, a shade structure of coconut leaves is
required over each row to prevent plant dehydration.
When cultivated according to the above information it is believed that time from planting to
harvest is around 60 days (Stone, Migvar & Robison 2000, p. 23). Similarly, Bailey (1992, p.
36) states that it takes between two and three months before Chinese cabbage is ready for
harvesting. The average weight of a mature cabbage used by the Taiwan Technical Mission
(2006) to calculate yield is 300 grams. Although many different varieties of Chinese cabbage
have been trialled in Kiribati, the varieties “Salder” and “Pak Choi” were made available to
the public during PRAP (Kunzel 1997, p. 5). Assuming harvest time of 60 days and a
spacing of 60 by 30 centimetres, it is estimated that a single Chinese cabbage (continually
harvested and replanted) would be capable of yielding 1.8 kilograms per annum.
6.3.8 Edible hibiscus
Edible hibiscus (Abelmoschus manihot) or nambere is a vigorous perennial shrub between 1
to 2 metres tall (Bailey 1992, p. 56). Although many varieties exist, the two main varieties in
Kiribati are broad and narrow leafed (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29
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January). Young leaves are edible both cooked and raw. As an introduced species,
nutritionists in Kiribati encourage locals to plant and consume greater quantities of this
species. While progress is slow, edible hibiscus cultivation was sighted numerous times in
South Tarawa homegardens. It was estimated by a senior member of the Kiribati
Agricultural Division that spacing of between 1 to 2 metres was best to ensure high
production (2007, pers. comm., 1 March).
Edible hibiscus has a low wind and salt tolerance, and is best planted in the atoll interior
where soil is more fertile. Bailey (1992, p. 56) remarks that edible hibiscus is well suited to
growing near or in a vegetable garden in a spacing of one to two metres (Kiribati Agriculture
Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). Nutritionally, edible hibiscus leaves are a good
source of vitamin A, vitamin C, potassium, calcium and magnesium (Bailey 1992, p. 75).
These leaves are produced throughout the year. As a vigorously growing shrub, it was
estimated that a mature edible hibiscus is capable of yielding 20 fresh leaves per month
(Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. Comm., 29 January). Bailey (1992, p. 56)
estimates that an average leaf weighs 5 grams. It is therefore assumed that in future urban
settlements a single edible hibiscus shrub would be capable of producing 1.2 kilograms of
fresh leaves in a year.
6.3.9 Cucumber
Cucumber is a commonly grown vegetable in South Tarawa (1996, p. 143). Cucumber is a
reasonable source of vitamin A (Dignan et al. 2004, p. 26). To maximise production in atoll
soils, Kunzel (1997, p. 6) recommends a spacing of 1 metre by 30 centimetres. On the other
hand, Migvar and Robison (2000, p. 23) recommend a spacing of approximately 91
centimetres by 91 centimetres. However, the spacing of cucumber plants in South Tarawa
homegardens is generally closer to Kunzel’s (1997, p. 6) spacing recommendations. In
Kiribati, cucumber plants are usually grown on trellises (Peduzzi 1999, p. 8). Stone, Migvar
and Robison (2000, p. 23) estimate that a single cucumber plant can produce approximately
2.27 kilograms of cucumbers annually. A single cucumber was found to weigh 165 grams. It
is therefore assumed that a cucumber plant spaced at 1 metre by 30 centimetres would yield
2.2 kilograms per year9.
9 This estimate of cucumber yield assumes that production is slightly lower for closer spacing.
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6.3.10 Other species
Many other food producing species may form part of urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements. Babai (Cyrtosperma chamissonis) is one such species, which is
still a prominent component of agroforestry systems in outer islands. However, the babai
beetle remains a serious barrier to babai cultivation in South Tarawa and future planned
urban settlements (Kiribati Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January). In addition,
the tendency to reserve babai for celebratory events, suggests that babai production is
unlikely to play a significant role in a household’s daily food intake in future planned urban
settlements.
The drumstick tree (Moringa oleifera) is also unlikely to play a central role in future planned
urban settlements because of its low level of acceptance as a food crop. The native fig (Ficus
tinctorial) has not been included, because of a lack of data on both the nutritional value and
yield of this tree. Furthermore, its role as a famine food indicates that it may not form part of
an urban family’s daily diet. Similarly, the beach mulberry (Morinda citrifolia) has not been
addressed in detail because of a lack of data on yields in atoll soils and because fruit from
this tree is typically only consumed when an individual is ill rather than on a day to day basis
(Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007, pers. comm., 1 February).
The vegetable “chaya” (Cnidoscolus chayamansa) is sometimes consumed in urban areas but
has not been included in the final species list in this study because of a lack of data.
However, edible hibiscus and chaya are generally regarded as quite similar (Kiribati
Agriculture Division 2007, pers. comm., 29 January) and therefore the potential contribution
of chaya to the agroforestry system will largely be accommodated by the inclusion of edible
hibiscus. Pigs and chickens have not been detailed in this discussion as they are not a daily
food item but are consumed at events of celebration (Kiribati Nutrition Department 2007,
pers. comm., 17 May).
6.3.11 Literature on the nutritional value of Pacific island foods
A variety of literature exists on the nutritional value of food in the Pacific (Bailey 1992;
Dignan et al. 2004; Malolo, Matenga-Smith & Hughes 1999). Tebano (1984) is one of the
few studies that records the nutritional value of a variety of atoll foods. However, this source
was not used in the nutritional data because of large gaps in nutritional recordings, lack of
uniformity in measurement techniques, inadequate information on the preparation of food
samples and suspected errors in the units used to record some findings. In contrast,
Englberger et al. (2006) provides precise estimates of vitamin A content in edible Kiribati
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pandanus. More broadly, data on the nutritional value of foods in the wider Pacific region in
Dignan et al. (2004) contains an accurate measure of the nutritional contribution of a variety
of Pacific foods consumed in Kiribati.
6.4 Summary and conclusions
In conclusion, appropriate urban food production practices in future planned urban
settlements in Kiribati will be dictated by three key considerations. In particular, the infertile
atoll environment, culturally sensitive food consumption patterns and the financial
limitations of a resource poor developing nation constrain the selection of food producing
species to well adapted, culturally acceptable, affordable and technologically accessible
agricultural approaches. The continuation and adaptation of time tested traditional
agricultural approaches (reinterpreted in the form of urban agroforestry systems)
successfully fulfils each of these requirements. Such systems offer environmentally,
culturally and financially feasible solutions to many of Kiribati’s development problems.
In this way, literature on soil based food production in Kiribati repeatedly identifies the same
key food producing species. Although some new species have been introduced into Kiribati
in past years, the core food producing species in Kiribati have generally remained unchanged
since British colonisation. It is therefore highly likely that these species will continue to play
an important role in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. In such settlements, the
research of Thomas (2002, p. 169) into existing homegardens in South Tarawa suggests that
an area of between 0.1 and 0.25 hectares of agroforestry land per household is feasible.
Despite the potential of traditional agricultural systems, the consumption of imported staples
has continued to the extent that food imports such as rice and flour are now necessary to
sustain urban populations in Kiribati. In such a situation, urban agroforestry is well suited to
provide nutritional supplements to dietary staples of urban residents. Investigating what the
nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods
would make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a daily basis is an
important step in understanding the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements. Table 9 summarises the nutritional and agriculture values of some
of the key agriculture species in Kiribati. This data lays the foundation for the quantitative
analysis of the nutritional value of atoll agroforestry species in Chapter 8. In the following
chapter, the methodological approach for answering this and other research questions is
outlined.
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Table 9: nutritional and agriculture values of some of the key agriculture species in Kiribati
Species Edible portion
Spacing range (metres)
Assumed species per annum yield (kg)
Key nutritional contribution
Coconut mature
Flesh 7 - 9 22.8 Saturated fats Fibre Potassium
Cavity fluid 7 - 9 6 Saturated fats Fibre Potassium
Coconut immature
Flesh 7 - 9 9.6 Saturated fats Potassium
Cavity fluid 7 - 9 27.6 Saturated fats Potassium
Toddy 7 - 9 730 Vitamin C Calcium Iron
Breadfruit Flesh 8 - 12 181 Vitamin C Calcium Carbohydrates
Pawpaw Flesh 1.8 - 4 22.8 Vitamin C Calcium
Banana Flesh 2 - 6 6.75 Carbohydrate Vitamin C Potassium
Pandanus Flesh 5 - 10 29.25 Vitamin A Chinese cabbage
Leaf .3 1.8 Vitamin A Vitamin C Magnesium
Edible hibiscus
Leaf 1 - 2 1.2 Vitamin A Vitamin C Potassium Calcium Magnesium
Cucumber Fruit .3 - .9 2.2 Vitamin A Source: synthesis of various sources
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7.0 PLANNING A PRODUCTIVE FUTURE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH
This chapter documents the methodological approach used to answer the research problem
outlined in Chapter 1.0 and discussed in detail in Chapters 2.0 to 6.0. In explaining this
approach, particular attention is given to the development of research questions from the
literature review, justification of the research philosophy, paradigm, strategy and research
procedures. Finally the internal and external validity of the research is discussed with
reference to the methodological approach and the capacity of the case study research strategy
for generalisation.
7.1 The use of theory: connection between the literature review, theoretical framework
and research questions
Existing literature is used for a variety of purposes throughout this thesis. In Chapters 2.0
and 3.0 existing literature “frames” the research problem through an exploration of literature
relating to urban planning, sustainability, agroforestry and homegardening in the Pacific. On
the other hand, Chapters 4.0, 5.0 and 6.0 review literature with specific connection to the
research problem to identify key variables and knowledge gaps. These gaps form the basis of
key research questions. Literature on variables contained in existing and future urban
settlements is then used to create a hypothetical scenario for future planned urban settlement
that is illustrative of the character of future planned urban settlements throughout Kiribati.
Following the analysis of data from research trips, results from the illustrative case study are
discussed in relation to existing literature on urban planning and management in Kiribati.
Results are then generalised back to the wider body of literature on urban planning and
management in the Pacific according to the broader exploratory case study approach and the
ability of case studies to generalise to theory (Yin 2003, pp. 31-2). The following section
forms a conceptual bridge between the literature review and the methodology, illustrating
how literature is used to frame the study, identify key variables and inform specific
methodological choices.
7.1.1 Identification of key variables, knowledge gaps and specific research questions
Chapters 2.0 and 3.0 provide the broad theoretical framework within which the research
problem is located. In contrast, Chapters 4.0 and 5.0 highlight more specific cultural,
environmental, agricultural and developmental aspects of the research problem. This more
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specific literature review assists in the identification of key variables and gaps in existing
knowledge. These variables and knowledge gaps form the basis of specific research
questions identified in Chapter 1.0. Each question provides further structure and direction for
the development of the methodological approach to answer the broader research problem.
Key knowledge gaps emerging from the literature review include the need to develop a
greater understanding of:
• alternative approaches to urban planning and management in the Pacific beyond
traditional industrialised planned models;
• the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in addressing urban management
issues;
• ownership and management issues surrounding the promotion and inclusion of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati;
• the appropriateness of each of these technologies for use in future planned urban
settlements;
• the nutritional contribution of regularly produced and consumed urban agroforestry
foods compared to the area of land required to sustain peak production.
Various methodological difficulties arise when investigating the design of food producing
agroforestry systems in a settlement context that is yet to exist (future planned urban
settlements). However, the difficulties associated with researching future phenomena are
overcome through utilising existing literature and first hand field experience of urban living
in Kiribati to develop a “predicted” scenario of future planned urban settlement. This
hypothetical settlement scenario allows research to focus more effectively on the research
problem.
The identification and management of key variables existing in planned future urban
settlements in Kiribati can be seen in Table 10. Making informed assumptions10 on the state
of future planned urban settlements allows research to take place into a phenomenon that is
yet to exist. While nine key variables are identified in future planned urban settlements, the
detailed investigation of all of these variables is both beyond the scope of this thesis and
unnecessary for answering the research problem. Rather, this thesis focuses data collection
on three of the nine variables. The remaining six variables are held constant according to
their likely state established in Chapters 4.0, 5.0 and 6.0.
10 Assumptions are informed by literature into urban development and agriculture in Kiribati and the researcher’s first hand experiences of living in South Tarawa in 2005 and 2007
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Table 10: management of variables to create the future planned urban settlement scenario
within which to base research
Identified variable Details of variable Relevant section of literature review
State of variable in planned future urban settlements
Natural environment of settlement land
Soil fertility, microclimate, existing vegetation, underground water lens, rainfall and land width
4.1.2 The typical atoll environment
Constant: based on the typical atoll environment found in South Tarawa
Demographics of urban household
Size, income, employment, age, gender
5.2.3 The urban household
Constant: based on the demographic of existing urban households in the 2005 census
Land tenure Freehold, leasehold 5.4 Future settlement options in Kiribati
Constant: based on Kiribati Government and donor preference for development of planned urban settlement on Government owned land
Design of houses Size, services (toilet, rainwater tanks)
5.2.2 Housing in South Tarawa
Constant: based upon the design of sustainable housing proposed for South Tarawa
Cultural context and existing cultural norms
Importance of family, feasts, reciprocity and the cultural mix of island types typically associated with urban living
4.3 Economic, cultural and political background of Kiribati
Constant: based on the current cultural cross section of South Tarawa
Overall urban design of settlement
Number, type and configuration of land uses in the urban settlement
5.0 the urban form of South Tarawa
Constant: based on a simplified selection of land uses to focus research on the interaction between the household and the productive land
Configuration and design of agroforestry systems
Type, location and connection of agroforestry systems
6.1 Atoll agriculture and urban agroforestry in Kiribati
Focus of research
Management and ownership of agroforestry systems
Individual or cooperative management bodies, allocation of productive resources between households
4.4 Differing approaches to ownership and management in Kiribati
Focus of research
Settlement and productive land size
The nutritional contribution of a set area of urban agroforestry
6.1 Atoll agriculture and agroforestry in Kiribati
Focus of research
Source: author’s synthesis of variables in future urban settlements
Although Table 10 is based on the assumption that many of the variables in future planned
urban settlements are constant, it is acknowledged that this would not be the case. However,
holding some variables constant, according to the predicted state of each variable as
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informed by the literature and personal experience, allows a more detailed investigation of
the research problem. Furthermore, the aim of developing a hypothetical scenario of planned
future urban settlement is not to depict an exact representation of future planned urban
settlements but rather to effectively capture the interactions between variables to enable the
exploration of the research problem. The variables nominated as the “focus of research” in
Table 10 mark gaps in the literature where little work has been undertaken. These gaps have
already been expressed as individual research questions in Section 1.2. Each of these
research questions is used extensively throughout the remainder of the thesis to guide
methodological and analysis procedures.
7.2 Justification and explanation of the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm
Stating one’s research philosophy and inquiry paradigm is an important step in developing a
strategy to answer the research problem. Such a statement establishes what is believed to
constitute legitimate problem solving and therefore possible approaches to respond to the
problem (Creswell 1994, p. 1; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 10). The following section identifies
the research philosophy and inquiry paradigm of this research.
7.2.1 Research philosophy
Identifying a research philosophy involves investigation of the problem solving assumptions
made when developing a strategy to answer the research problem. The building blocks of a
philosophy are identified in Creswell (1994, p. 5; 2003, p. 6) as relating to a researcher’s
understanding of the nature of knowledge (ontological assumption); how it can be known
(epistemological assumption); the role of bias (axiological assumption); how what is known
can be written about (rhetorical assumption) and the process for examining it
(methodological assumption).
In recent decades these different assumptions have amalgamated into the two opposing
schools of thought (research paradigms) known as qualitative and quantitative research
(Creswell 1994, p. 5). The quantitative paradigm is championed by a positivist philosophy
that believes knowledge to be singular and objective and only able to be understood through
an unbiased and value-free research strategy. This paradigm is centred on the use of a
deductive process to test for measurable relationships (Creswell 1994, p. 5; Johnson &
Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14).
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On the other hand, the qualitative paradigm is supported by a constructivist/interpretivist
philosophy that believes that knowledge is subjective and multiple and can only be
understood through the researcher interacting with the focus of the research in a personal yet
biased inductive process (Creswell 1994, p. 5; Denzin & Lincoln 1994, pp. 4-5; Groat &
Wang 2002, p. 176). In the qualitative paradigm, patterns and theories are inductively
developed to form a deep understanding of the meaning of the data, collected within a rich
context-bound setting (Creswell 1994, p. 145; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 176; Johnson &
Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14).
Disagreements over qualitative versus quantitative paradigms have been a feature of the
research world for over a century (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 14). However, Johnson
and Onwuegbuzie (2004, pp. 14-5) remark that more recently, an increasing amount of
literature has focused on the advantages that come from combining the strengths and
minimising the weaknesses of both qualitative and quantitative approaches rather than
focusing on the differences between each paradigm. This view is also supported by other
authors such as Dey (1993, p. 4) who comments that the two paradigms should be seen as
complementary rather than opposing. Greater recognition of the strengths and weaknesses of
each paradigm has resulted in the recent growth of the mixed methods paradigm which is
informed by a pragmatist philosophy.
7.2.2 Pragmatist philosophy and the mixed methods paradigm
Instead of being constrained by the logic of a particular problem solving approach, a mixed
methods paradigm is based on a pragmatic philosophy that encourages the researcher to
select whatever methodological mix best answers the research problem (Johnson &
Onwuegbuzie 2004, pp. 16-7). The strength of the mixed methods paradigm is that it is
driven by a needs-based, pragmatic philosophy that is outcome oriented, highly practical and
rejects dogmatism (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie 2004, p. 17). Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004,
p. 18) and Creswell (2003, pp. 11-2) describe a pragmatist philosophy as:
• value-oriented and based on shared cultural values such as democracy, freedom,
equality and progress;
• highly supportive of practical theory (theory that informs effective practice);
• tolerant of eclecticism and pluralism in theory and human experience;
• based on common realities;
• tolerant of ambiguity, viewing truth, meaning and knowledge as tentative and as
changing over time based on experience and culture, while acknowledging the
existence of absolute truth.
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Despite the strength of such a practical approach, the mixed method paradigm also has
various weaknesses. In particular, Johnson and Onwuegbuzie (2004, p. 19) comment that the
pragmatist philosophy may adversely favour slow gradual change rather than widespread
revolutionary change. Furthermore, the pragmatist philosophy may fail to identify the
audience that the pragmatic solution is suited to or clearly state the criteria for identifying
what is meant by a “pragmatic solution”. Finally the pragmatist philosophy is criticised for
too often favouring applied research over theoretical research. Yet from a pragmatist’s
perspective, any paradigm will have both strengths and weaknesses and therefore such
weaknesses can be tolerated if the strengths outweigh the weaknesses.
The pragmatist philosophy is well suited to this research because of the orientation of the
research problem towards identifying practical yet culturally appropriate solutions to
incorporating urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlement in Kiribati.
While the context bound, culturally rich and inductive nature of the research problem points
towards adopting a qualitative paradigm, the potential contribution of data on agricultural
yields and dietary intakes related to urban agroforestry systems supports the use of a
quantitative paradigm. Therefore, a mixed methods paradigm has been adopted to allow this
research to draw on the strengths of both qualitative and quantitative paradigms in answering
research questions outlined in Section 1.2. This paradigm is grounded on overarching
pragmatic philosophy based on the value of practical and workable research outcomes as
informed by a deep cultural understanding.
7.3 Research strategy
A research strategy outlines and justifies the approach used to answer the research problem.
In this way, the following section provides an overall summary of the case study research
strategy, role of researcher and a brief summary of the research procedures and justification
for their use.
7.3.1 The case study research strategy
A case study strategy is one in which the researcher explores a single entity or phenomenon
(the case) bounded by time and activity using a variety of data collection procedures
(Creswell 1994, p. 12). This approach allows a case to be seen in relation to the complex
dynamics in which it exists (Groat & Wang 2002, p. 246). The case study research approach
has proved effective in past studies in Kiribati. In Jones (1997) a case study strategy was
used to investigate urban management in Kiribati. Results from this study were then related
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to urban management in the broader Pacific region. Furthermore, Yin (2003, pp. 5-9)
remarks that a case study strategy is particularly well suited to an investigation where the
research is orientated towards a set of contemporary events, over which the investigator has
little or no control. Thus, using a case study approach in this research is an appropriate
strategy because of the orientation of the research problem towards contemporary
phenomena (urban agroforestry systems) where the researcher has little control (future
planned urban settlements).
Exploratory and illustrative case study approaches at a national and regional level
An exploratory case study approach is used to investigate the potential of urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Typically, exploratory case studies
are used when considerable uncertainty exists about a process or phenomenon (Davey 1991,
para. 5). This is the case in this study due to the lack of research into the urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban settlements. Thus, an exploratory case study is undertaken to
provide information into the potential use of agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements in projects such as the QUT Tarawa Urban Futures Project (Hockings et al.
2004) and STP (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). Hypotheses, insights, propositions and
designs generated from this research provide a vital starting point with which to commence
the larger task of designing future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.
To increase the transferability of results, the exploratory case study has been developed
around the concept of an “illustrative” or “typical” model of future planned urban settlement
in Kiribati. An illustrative case study involves an in-depth study of a small number of
instances believed to be typical of interactions and relationships contained within the broader
phenomenon (Davey 1991, para. 3; Morra & Friedlander 1999, p. 10). This research uses an
illustrative case study approach within the broader exploratory case study approach to extend
findings to all future planned settlement scenarios in Kiribati. In this way, the agroforestry
systems contained in the future planned urban settlement scenario as outlined in Table 10 is
studied as a “case” to illustrate the key issues pertaining to future planned urban settlements
throughout Kiribati.
Results from the exploratory case study of agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements are also relevant to future planned urban settlements throughout the Pacific.
Unlike the nationally focused exploratory case study that uses an illustrative approach,
results are not directly transferable to urban contexts at a regional level but rather can be
generalised to theory on urban planning and management in the Pacific. Such transferability
provides initial insights and hypotheses regarding the potential of agroforestry systems in
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future planned urban settlements in the Pacific region. At this regional level, Kiribati is the
preferred case because of existing connections between QUT and the Kiribati Government
regarding the design of future urban settlements and relatively small size of the atoll nation.
7.3.2 The role of the researcher
The value laden nature of the qualitative research component of this thesis necessitates the
clear and frank identification of my own personal values, preconceptions, assumptions and
bias (Denzin & Lincoln 1994, p. 4). This bias is based on my ontological standpoint
pertaining to the subjective nature of cultural realities and epistemological belief that certain
situations require the researcher to interact with what is researched (Creswell 1994, p. 5). An
awareness of bias helps ensure that my contribution to the research is positive and
constructive rather than detrimental (Locke et al, cited in Creswell 1994, p. 163; Marshall &
Rossman 1999, p. 28).
To manage bias, I have included a brief statement of my personal values, cultural
background and assumptions so that readers can be more aware of the potential influence of
personal bias (Creswell 1994, p. 147). While it is misleading to attempt to claim total
objectivity, the awareness of these values assists in providing greater levels of insight into
potential sources of bias, while also identifying situations where such knowledge is required
to understand the meaning of qualitative data (Creswell 1994, p. 182). At the time of this
thesis, I describe myself as a:
conservative, tertiary qualified, middle class, married, well travelled male, in mid to
late twenties, with a worldview shaped by a fundamental Christian belief. As one who
is tolerant of ambiguity, I view truth, meaning and knowledge as tentative and as
changing over time based on experience and culture, while still acknowledging the
existence of absolute truth.
My previous tertiary education and work place experience has focused on designing
and constructing landscapes in urban environments (Bachelor of Built Environment,
Graduate Diploma in Landscape Architecture). Although having travelled to Papua
New Guinea (1999), Asia (2003) Kiribati (2005 and 2007), and Fiji (2007) I have no
family or political connection to the Pacific islands. This lack of connection is an
advantage in minimising bias often related with personal association and stakeholder
involvement. Over the course of this research I have developed a strong belief in the
value of urban agroforestry in the Pacific. This belief is based both on extensive
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reading into homegardening and agroforestry in the Pacific and my own observations
and experiences during trips to Kiribati (2005 and 2007).
7.3.3 Nature of research questions and implications for research procedures
Understanding the views and opinions of urban residents likely to be present in future urban
settlements is critical in collecting data on identified research questions. The importance of
recognising the attitudes, values and needs of future urban residents directs data collection
towards obtaining well informed interview data from participants capable of communicating
a deep understanding of cultural, urban living, agricultural, planning and nutritional issues in
Kiribati. However, significant differences exist between the “ideal participant group” and
what is actually realistic or achievable in the given research context. Due to the relatively
small population of Kiribati and the diversity of fields in this research, it is not realistic to
interview large numbers of participants with detailed knowledge in all of the
abovementioned fields. Rather, particular groups of participants are selected because of their
detailed knowledge of two or more of the research fields while only having a general
knowledge of remaining fields.
Furthermore, when deciding on the size and demographic of the participant group it is
important to consider the nature of data required to be collected. In some cases, more
accurate results can be gained by interviewing “recognised experts” rather than by averaging
results from a larger random sample. The practice of collecting data from experts in a
particular field is a research method practiced in both developed (DPI&F 2006, p. ii) and
developing countries (Lamanda, Malezieux & Martin 2006, p. 108). In other cases, it is
important to obtain a diversity of opinions from both “educated experts” and “common
people” to avoid biasing the results towards theoretical yet impractical solutions to complex
cultural phenomena. Accessing data from a variety of groups allows key differences in
opinion between groups to be identified and discussed.
7.3.4 Context and timing of data collection
Data collection was staged across two research trips to Kiribati. The four week trip
(November to December 2005) was used to gather first hand experience of urban
settlements, establish on-the-ground contacts and collect preliminary data on the practice of
homegardening in existing urban centres. The second six week research trip (January to
March 2007) was used to collect interview data from homegardeners, government
employees, consultants and volunteers. Interviews took place on South Tarawa, although the
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outer islands of Abaiang and North Tarawa were visited to develop a richer understanding of
the local culture.
7.3.5 The mixed methods strategy
In this dissertation, qualitative and quantitative procedures are implemented sequentially
during the exploration of different research questions. In this way, the findings from the
qualitative procedures inform the design and development of urban agroforestry systems in
quantitative procedures. Thus, overall the qualitative paradigm is dominant because of the
large numbers of qualitatively based Research questions. Although informing procedural
choices in quantitative procedures, the full integration of qualitative and quantitative
procedures occurs during the interpretation of results. Finally, this dissertation uses theory as
an explicit guiding framework for the research (Creswell 2003, p. 213). Table 11 shows how
qualitative and quantitative procedures have been combined in relation to their
implementation, priority, integration and use of theoretical perspectives.
Table 11: choices for determining a mixed methods strategy of inquiry
Implementation Priority Integration Theoretical Perspective
No sequence –
concurrently
Equal At data collection Explicit *
Sequential –
Qualitative first *
Qualitative * At data analysis Implicit
Sequential –
Qualitative first
Quantitative At data
interpretation *
With some
combination
Note: asterixes mark approaches used in this study
Source: adapted from Creswell (2003, p. 213)
7.4 Research procedures
Research procedures are the specific tactics used to gather data on individual research
questions. The following section identifies, justifies and outlines the procedures used in this
research. Research procedures in this study can be grouped according to qualitative and
quantitative procedures. In this section, a brief summary is given of the overall connection of
different procedures, followed by a more detailed explanation of the procedures for
collecting qualitative data.
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7.4.1 Summary of procedural steps in the exploratory case study research strategy
Individual procedures in the research strategy were constructed around a logical problem
solving sequence designed to answer the research problem. The first step of this sequence
(refer Figure 32) was to review relevant literature. In the second procedural step, key
variables identified in the literature review were used to develop a settlement scenario
illustrative of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. This scenario formed a
framework within which qualitative and quantitative research procedures were based. At this
point of the research strategy, qualitative and quantitative procedures diverged to address
differing research questions.
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Figure 32: summary of research strategy showing specific research procedures
Source: author’s synthesis of methodological approach
1a. Literature review: identify gaps in existing knowledge
1c. Research questions: continue to refine questions based on knowledge gaps and key variables
1b. Literature review: establish body of theory on urbanisation and urban agroforestry in Kiribati and the Pacific islands
1d. Literature review: identify and predict the state and nature of variables in future settlements
Research problem
Literature review
7. Conclusions: Conclude findings and discuss significance to urbanisation in Kiribati and the Pacific
4. Data analysis and discussion: Code themes within participants’ responses. Display data through the use of matrices and direct quotes
Analysis and discussion of results
Conclusions and recommendations
2. Development of settlement scenario: Establish the image of future planned urban settlements
Data collection and analysis
3. Qualitative procedure used to answer Research Questions 1, 2 and 3
3b. Semi-structured interviews: investigate the ownership and management of agroforestry systems in future settlements and appropriateness of organic waste management approaches
5b. Expert interviews: determine the appropriate spacing of selected urban agroforestry species
5. Quantitative procedure used to answer Research Question 4
5a. Expert interviews: determine the nutritional requirements of the typical urban family and nutritional value of different atoll foods
6. Data analysis, design and discussion: Calculate the nutritional contribution of 1000 metre square of atoll land through designing an urban agroforestry system based on research findings
Methodological development of the illustrative and explorative case study approach
3a. Pilot study: Undertake four pilot studies to refine interview procedure
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During the qualitative component of the research strategy (refer Figure 32), the three
qualitative research questions in Section 1.2 were used to develop a single semi-structured
interview. This interview was undertaken with three separate participant groups in South
Tarawa, each comprising 13 individuals. The semi-structured interview collected data
relating to the general incorporation of agroforestry land uses, ownership and management of
agroforestry systems and the appropriateness of existing organic waste management
technologies in future planned urban settlements. Four pilot study interviews were held (two
with I-Kiribati and two with Europeans having travelled to Kiribati) in Brisbane before data
collection in South Tarawa. These pilot studies helped refine the interview procedure and
identify potential culturally or ethically sensitive material in the interviews.
The next procedural step involved the quantitative component of the research. In this
procedure, experts in atoll agricultural and nutrition were interviewed to collect data on both
the nutritional requirements of the typical urban household and the spacing of selected
agricultural species. This data was then combined with data on the nutritional requirements
of the typical urban household, the nutritional value of selected atoll foods, results from
qualitative interviews and assumptions relating to the future urban settlements scenario to set
the parameters for the design of urban agroforestry systems within an area of 1000 metres
squared.
The fifth and sixth procedural steps involved the analysis, comparison and discussion of
findings from qualitative and quantitative research procedures (refer Figure 32). In step
seven of the research strategy, findings of the illustrative case study were presented and
discussed within the context of literature on urban planning and management in Kiribati.
Finally, results from the illustrative case study were discussed within the broader context of
literature on urban management and planning in the Pacific.
7.4.2 Qualitative research procedures for collecting data on the incorporation of
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements
A single semi-structured interview procedure was used to collect data on the three qualitative
research questions. As outlined in Section 1.2, these three research questions relate to the
strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most productive land in future
planned urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems, different
approaches for the ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources and the
appropriateness of existing organic waste management system for use in agroforestry system
of future planned urban settlements. The qualitative nature of these questions and the
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common settlement scenario outlined in Table 10 supported the use of a single semi-
structured interview to collect data on all three of the research questions.
Participant groups and recruitment
In the qualitative interview procedure, data collection focused on three different participant
groups. The first group consisted of 13 educated Government employees of mixed gender
with experience in urban planning, agriculture and nutrition in Kiribati. Participants in this
group were chosen due to their in-depth knowledge of urban life in Kiribati and their
education in disciplines directly relevant to this research. Recruitment of these participants
was assisted by the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the Kiribati
Government and QUT for the purpose of developing future urban settlements in Kiribati.
13 homegardeners of mixed gender who lived and worked in South Tarawa were also
interviewed. This group provided insight into the views and opinions of individuals who may
potentially work in the productive landscape of future planned urban settlements if urban
agroforestry systems were to be included on a large scale. Participants from this group were
recruited through pre-existing networks with homegarden organisations in South Tarawa. In
particular, an elderly I-Kiribati male translator was used to recruit homegarden participants.
As well as a member of the local homegardeners’ association, this translator had access to a
well established network of local homegardener contacts. These contacts were used to assist
in identifying potential homegardener participants. The involvement of the translator during
qualitative interviews is discussed in greater detail later in this section. During recruitment,
participants were deliberately selected from a range of locations within South Tarawa to
diversify opinions. For the purposes of participant recruitment in this study, a homegardener
was defined as an individual growing a vegetable understorey in addition to food producing
tree species.
Finally, 13 consultants or volunteers with over six months experience of living in South
Tarawa or two years in the Pacific region formed the last participant group interviewed in
qualitative procedures. Recruitment of participants in this group focused on individuals with
education and experience that would provide them with a well developed knowledge of
urban issues in Kiribati. Data collected from this group gave valuable insight into the views
of participants with both an insider’s and outsider’s perspective on development in Kiribati.
Participants from this group were recruited through personal contacts established throughout
the research.
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Overall, thirteen individuals from each participant group were interviewed. This number
reflected time and resource constraints rather than a particular sampling requirement. Despite
these constraints, this number was sufficient to adequately answer the research questions due
to the depth and breath of knowledge revealed in the interviews.
In summary, participants were selected deliberately from each of these three participant
groups, to gain the most accurate information possible. The data collected during interviews
should not be seen as representative of the opinions of all I-Kiribati but rather a collection of
individuals selected from a particular participant group because of their experience,
knowledge and availability. This focus on local knowledge, experience and expert opinion is
similar to the sampling method used by Johannes and Yeeting (2001, p. 1) who researched
the management of South Tarawa’s lagoon resources by interviewing several fishing experts
in various villages who had a well developed knowledge of I-Kiribati fishing practices.
Ethical issues and informed consent
Ethical clearance was obtained from the QUT Human Research Ethics Committee prior to
the commencement of interviews. In general, very few ethical issues were raised during the
course of this research. Minor concerns included the need to obtain informed consent and
ensure anonymity of participants’ comments. Informed consent was obtained from
consultants and volunteers and Government participants through use of an information sheet
and tear off written consent form (refer Appendix 2). Homegarden participants were asked to
provide verbal consent in response to an information sheet which which that was read to
them (refer Appendix 2). The use of a verbal consent rather than written consent was
necessary with homegardener participants because of low literacy levels of some individuals
in this group. Finally, anonymity of participants was ensured by adopting a simple alphabetic
and numeric coding system to record data.
Summary of the interview process
Prior to the commencement of the interview, potential consultant and volunteer, and
Government participants were contacted by the chief investigator (Mr East) and given a
verbal summary of the research and provided with an information sheet to read (refer
Appendix 2). Following this summary, potential participants were asked if they would agree
to take part in the research. On agreement of the participant to be involved in the study
(which was the case in all situations), a time was made to undertake the interview. In
general, interviews with consultants and volunteers, and Government participants took place
in office blocks, local restaurants or the participant’s place of residence. In the case of
homegardeners, the translator personally visited potential participants beforehand to explain
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the research and ask if a time could be made to undertake the interview. Interviews with
homegardeners occurred at the homegardener’s place of residence (refer Figure 33).
Figure 33: male translator explaining the settlement models to a homegardener during an
interview
After participants gave informed consent to participate in the study, the interview process
commenced. In the case of consultants and volunteers and Government participants,
individual interview questions were read aloud in English by Mr East. Participants then
responded to each interview question. When homegarden participants were interviewed,
each interview question was read aloud in English by Mr East but then repeated in I-Kiribati
by the translator according to the translated version of the interview script (refer Appendix
3). The translator then listened to participants’ responses and translated their words back to
Mr East in English. However, in cases where homegarden participants were fluent in
English, the interview was conducted in a similar manner to the other participant groups.
Throughout the interview process, misunderstandings were minimised through clear
explanation of the research scenario prior to interview questions and the use of follow up
questions and paraphrasing to clarify meaning. Particular attention was also given to
ensuring that all participants responded to interview questions based on their own opinion
rather then what they “thought” the research team would like them to say. To minimise the
chance of this occurring, a clear statement of the value of participant’s opinion was included
in the information given to all participants prior to the interview (refer Appendix 3).
Similarly, the interview script and interview questions were designed to give participants no
indication of what the “correct” answer might be. Furthermore, the translator was briefed
prior to interview to be aware of this issue and encourage participants to respond truthfully.
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These methods were effective in increasing the reliability of participant responses. This was
reflected in the thoughtfulness of participants’ responses and eagerness of participants to
provide these responses. In all interviews, the research team believed that participants
responded to questions in an honest and transparent fashion. On the completion of the
interview, all participants were offered a souvenir pen from Australia as thanks for their
contribution.
Role of the translator and translation of interviews
Prior to the commencement of interviews the translator received training in both qualitative
interview techniques and interview procedures over a two day period. The assistance of a
translator, proved an effective means of overcoming communication barriers when
interviewing homegarden participants. In particular, the assistance of the I-Kiribati translator
was helpful in overcoming misunderstandings, clarifying cultural issues and assisting
homegardener participants feel at ease during the interview process. In this way, the prior
relationship between the translator and many of the homegarden participants did not
adversely effect participants’ responses but rather increased their willingness to
communicate their opinion during the interview.
During interviews with I-Kiribati not fluent in English, constant reference was made to the
translated version of the interview script. This interview script was translated into I-Kiribati
by a highly educated I-Kiribati male living in Brisbane prior to the commencement of the
research trip. The accuracy of the translated interview material was confirmed by the
translator in Kiribati.
The semi-structured interview procedure and ownership and management of
agroforestry systems
Semi-structured interviews commenced with two introductory questions designed to assist
participants feel comfortable in responding to interview questions. These questions focused
on the participants’ background and their view of urbanisation in Betio11. Following these
questions, a brief summary of the interview was given to participants with particular
reference to improving the productivity and sustainability of future urban settlements.
Following this summary, participants received additional information on the hypothetical
scenario for future planned urban settlement on which the interview was based. The key
11 The interview question focused specifically on Betio because the problems associated with
continued urban growth are best illustrated in this area of South Tarawa
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assumptions and images in this summary are similar to those outlined in Table 10. The
details of the interview script are contained in Appendix 3.
The visual and oral explanations of the settlement scenario provided a context within which
different ownership and management approaches were further explored with participants. As
earlier identified in Section 4.4 these include individual integrated tenure, private property,
collective access and state property ownership and management approaches. Participants
were shown a diagram of each model and were read the written description accompanying
the image (refer Figures 15 to 18).
The abovementioned models were explained to participants in alphabetical order during the
early stages of the interview procedure. During this explanation, it was emphasised that the
models should not be seen as answers to the research problem but rather a discussion tool to
investigate different approaches for owning and managing productive lands. To emphasise
this point, participants were shown a fifth model (model E) of the settlement base plan and
encouraged to draw any new ideas of how food producing agroforestry lands could be owned
or managed.
Following this explanation, each participant was asked to comment on what they saw as the
positive and negative aspects of each model. Dialogue during this stage of the interview
revealed participants’ level of understanding of each model within the settlement scenario.
At this time, any misunderstandings were clarified through further discussion. Participants’
views on freehold or leasehold tenure in models A and C, as well as different payment
options in model D were also discussed at this point.
After discussing the strengths and weaknesses of each model, participants were asked to rank
the four models (or combinations of models) in priority order in terms of agricultural
productivity. Participants were then asked to rank each of the models (or combinations of
models) in priority order in terms of what they believe the people living in the settlement
would like best. Finally, participants were asked to rank each of the models in terms of
which model they would prefer to live in with their family. After each ranking, participants
were asked to give reasons for their arrangement of the models. For further detail of this
section of the interview refer to Appendix 3.
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The semi-structured interview procedure for investigating the strengths and
weaknesses of reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements
for food producing urban agroforestry systems
After the ranking of individual models according to food production, cultural
appropriateness and personal preference, the structure of the interview changed to investigate
the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most productive lands in future
planned urban settlements for agroforestry systems. Topics covered during this section of the
interview included the distance participants believe that they would be willing to walk to
access agricultural lands; issues associated with locating residential dwellings on the ocean
and lagoon side of the atoll and a general exploration of the strengths and weaknesses
associated with reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements for
food producing urban agroforestry systems. Participants were asked to provide justification
of their opinion in each of these cases. Details of this section of the interview can be seen in
Appendix 3.
The semi-structured interview procedure and appropriateness of organic waste
management systems in future planned urban settlements
The final section of the interview investigated issues associated with organic waste
management in future planned urban settlements. In this investigation, the four settlement
models in Figures 15 to 18 were used to display different options for locating pigs and
chickens within the urban settlement. Small rectangles were placed in different sites on each
of the models to represent the different location of pigs and chickens12. Pigs and chickens
were placed at three different locations within the settlement: in homegardens near
residential areas; in individual pens in the middle of the atoll and individual pens within
communal animal housing near the ocean side of the atoll. Participants were then asked to
rank models from most preferred to least preferred and provide justification for their ranking.
Interview data was also collected on the appropriateness of different organic waste
management approaches as informed by the composting technologies identified in the
literature review (refer Section 5.3). Thus the banana circle, community composting scheme
and composting toilet were included as the main composting technologies. Following an
explanation of each of these recycling techniques, participants were asked to discuss the
good and bad aspects of each approach. Participants were also asked which approach they
would prefer to use in their house if they lived in a future urban settlement like those
12 In Models D and B pigs and chickens were located next to the urban residence because only three
models for the placement of pigs and chickens were explored in the interview
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described earlier in the interview. Details of this section of the interview can be seen in
Appendix 3. The final questions in the interview collected data on participat’s age, level of
education, island of birth and location of longest residence in Kiribati. On average this
interview took between forty five minutes and seventy five minutes.
7.5 Qualitative analysis of interview data
Qualitative data analysis involves the use of well-thought-out procedures to reveal the
meaning and significance contained in the data (Ezzy 2002, p. 81). The following section
justifies and describes the analysis method used in this dissertation. Particular attention is
given to the broad method of analysis followed by more specific issues of coding and
categorisation.
7.5.1 Coding within thematic analysis
Qualitative data analysis requires making sense of themes and concepts contained within the
data set. While a small amount of quantitative data exists in participants’ ranking of
settlement models, the majority of data obtained from this procedure is contained in words
and phrases in the interview dialogue. Therefore, a qualitative analysis approach was
appropriate to understand the meaning contained within the interview dialogue. To correctly
understand the meaning of a statement it is necessary to view a participant’s words with
reference to the tone of voice, emphasis and context in which the statement was made.
Coding is a common technique used to understand the meaning of interview dialogue.
According to Ezzy (2002, p. 86) the purpose of coding is to ‘develop a systematic account of
what has been observed and recorded’ by coding data according to common themes and
categories in the data. Thematic analysis is one analysis technique that uses coding to
identify and contextualise such themes (Ezzy 2002, p. 88). Thematic analysis was used in
this study to code interview dialogue.
7.5.2 The coding and analysis procedure
The first step of the analysis process was to accurately transcribe digital recordings of the
interviews. After being converted into a written format, transcribed interviews were read
several times to further familiarise the researcher with the meaning of content in individual
interviews. The small amount of quantitative data such as the participants’ ranking of models
was extracted and entered into Microsoft Excel during this process. The quantitative data
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was then tallied to identify participants’ preferences for different models across the theme of
food production, cultural and personal preference. Notes were made on the underlying
meaning in the interview data during the re-reading phase. These notes helped provide a
foundation for the later development of categories of meaning.
Following the completion of the transcription and re-reading phase, interview transcripts
were imported into the qualitative analysis program Nvivo 7. Nvivo 7 assisted in recording
the connection between interview text and codes as they were identified. In general, codes
were categorised according to the broad themes contained in each of the interview questions.
This is in keeping with Ezzy’s (2002, p. 88) and Dey’s (1993, p. 9) belief that data coding
reflects the interests that the analyst brings to it. However, while interview questions and
research questions provided a framework for data analysis, the data itself was the source of
more specific categories (Dey 1993, p. 97).
Thematic coding of the interview transcripts took place across a number of different coding
stages. In the first stage, know as ‘open coding,’ the data was closely examined and
individual ‘chunks’ of meaning identified and coded according to the surrounding meaning
in the transcript. The number of words ascribed to each code varied from key words to one
or two paragraphs depending on the length of the meaning in the transcript (Dey 1993, p. 8).
Codes were named to reflect their meaning and ‘fit’ the data (Ezzy 2002, p. 89). Codes were
constantly compared as analysis proceeded and new codes were developed (Ezzy 2002, p.
90).
The second stage of the thematic coding process was the integration of identified codes
‘around the axes of central categories’ (Ezzy 2002, p. 91). This process involved the further
exploration of existing codes and the examination of relationships between codes to further
refine the coding scheme. The open coding and selective coding data analysis stages formed
the first part of what Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 21) refer to as the ‘data reduction phase’
of qualitative research.
Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 21) define qualitative analysis as consisting ‘of three
concurrent flows of activity: data reduction, data display and conclusion
drawing/verification’. Each of these phases was repeated throughout the analysis process,
further refining data until final conclusions were reached. Figure 34 depicts the evolving
nature of the qualitative analysis process.
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Figure 34: the process of qualitative analysis
Source: Miles and Huberman (1984, p. 23)
The data display phase of the qualitative analysis involved the organised assembly of
categories identified during the data reduction process. The data display process assisted in
the development of further insights and conclusions. Miles and Huberman (1984, pp. 21-2)
emphasise that the data display phase should not be seen as separate from the analysis
process but as a necessary step in refining and understanding the data. Thus, the display
phase continued the process of examining regularities, variations and associations in the data
so that a more complete understanding of the data could be constructed (Dey 1993, p. 47).
Matrixes are used to communicate the numerical and conceptual significance of categories
developed during the data reduction phase (Dey 1993, p. 50; Miles & Huberman 1984, pp.
221-4). In addition, direct quotes from interview dialogue are used to summarise the
meaning of a broader theme and capture the unique insights of participants.
The final phase of the data analysis process involved understanding the overall meaning of
the data contained in the data displays. This process involved drawing together a logical
chain of evidence from across the data set to form final conclusions and explanations (Miles
& Huberman 1984, p. 227). Techniques during this process included the identification of
common themes across the three different participant groups, examining the level of
knowledge of a participant group on a particular issue; using metaphors to explain findings
and clustering results around a dominant theme or category (Miles & Huberman 1984, pp.
219-21). This phase of drawing conclusions also included the final coding phase known as
‘selective coding’. This coding technique was used to identify core codes which could be
used to explain or organise the entire data set (Ezzy 2002, p. 87).
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7.6 Quantitative analysis procedures and the investigation of Research Question Four:
the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems
Determining the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements requires both nutritional and agricultural data. The complexity of
quantifying urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens has already been discussed in
Section 3.2. The complexity and variability of urban agroforestry systems means that some
assumptions are required to predict nutritional outputs.
In the future urban settlement scenario discussed in this thesis, the amount of land designated
for urban agroforestry systems is a decision that can only be made by the Kiribati
Government. To allow for a nutritional investigation of agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements, a predetermined population density and size of agricultural land
must be chosen. Based on past studies into cultivated urban land areas discussed in Section
6.1.4, it has been assumed that each urban household is allocated 1000 square metres of land
for urban agroforestry purposes13.
7.6.1 Identifying the number and type of agroforestry species for daily consumption in
future urban settlements
As discussed in Section 6.1, many households produce food from their own land, purchase
food from local shops (local and imported foods) as well as receive food gifts from relatives
and friends. While it is inevitable that households purchase and receive food inputs in
addition to food produced within the urban settlement, calculating the amount of such inputs
was not the focus of this research. To quantify the nutritional contribution of locally
produced urban agroforestry foods the following assumptions are made:
• Food inputs beyond those produced in local productive lands are assumed to be zero,
apart from the three main staples of fish, bread and rice.
• The nine key locally grown, and regularly consumed food types identified in Section
6.3 (coconut, breadfruit, pawpaw, banana, pandanus, Chinese cabbage, nambere,
cucumber and toddy) are the only local agroforestry species available to the urban
household.
13 This figure includes productive land around the house
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A structured nutritional interview procedure was developed based on the abovementioned
assumptions. Nutritionists from the Kiribati Nutrition Department in South Tarawa were
interviewed as “experts” due to their training and experience in household nutrition in
Kiribati. The nutritionists were asked to estimate the number and the type of locally grown
foods that a typical urban household would need to eat for breakfast, lunch, dinner and
snacks in addition to fish, rice and bread to maintain a balanced diet14. The amount of fish,
rice and bread assumed to be consumed by a typical urban household was identified during
discussions with members of the Nutrition Department.
Results from this interview provided information on the number and consumption ratios of
selected locally grown foods. Data was also collected from the Agricultural Department on
the yields and spacing of atoll species to determine the number of each species required to
provide food to maintain a balanced diet for a typical urban household. Although it was
unlikely that sufficient land exists in the settlement scenario to include the full number of
recommended species necessary to meet the entire nutritional needs of the urban household,
this data provided insights into different ratios for the consumption of locally grown foods.
These ratios were then used to determine the number of agroforestry species that could be
included in a 1000 square metres.
In combination with the results from the qualitative interview, the nutritional and agricultural
data provided a framework for development of urban agroforestry systems in the
hypothetical settlement scenario outline in Table 10. It is important to note that the final
design should not be seen as the only configuration of agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements but rather one potential application of collected data.
7.6.2 Nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems
Following calculation of the number of agroforestry species in future planned urban
settlements the nutritional contribution of productive species is able to be calculated. To do
this, demographic information of the typical urban household identified in Section 5.2.3
(age, gender and family size) is combined with Dietary Reference Intakes for Recommended
14 Food requirement for events of celebration or ceremony were not included due to the high level of
variability in feasts across different families.
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Dietary Allowances15 (RDAs) for vitamins, elements and macronutrients from Otten,
Hellwig and Meyers (2006).
The nutritional value of each atoll food is also required. Nutritional records were provided
from literature identified in Section 6.3. In general, data on the nutritional value of foods in
the wider Pacific region in Dignan et al. (2004) were used in this research because of the
comprehensive and accurate nature of the data. This nutritional data was used for each
agroforestry species and dietary staple (fish, rice, flour) identified in Chapter 6 as key daily
nutritional inputs likely to exist in future urban settlements.
However, calculation of the final nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems in
the established scenario requires further assumptions. It was assumed that species produce a
constant amount of food throughout the year. This assumption was necessary due to the
difficulties associated with predicting seasonality of each species and the influences of
changing weather patterns. However, it is noted that planting a number of varieties of each
species in the agroforestry system reduces the impact of seasonal and climatic variability.
This is particularly evident for breadfruit and pandanus, where planting different varieties
can ensure almost constant production throughout the year. Furthermore, the calculations
assume that the same amount of produce from the urban agroforestry system is consumed
each day by the typical urban household and not sold or given away. It is also assumed that
all species in the urban agroforestry system were healthy, fully mature and produced yields
equal to those outlined in Section 6.3.
Yield data on each agroforestry species from existing literature and expert opinion was
combined with nutritional data to calculate the final nutritional contribution of urban
agroforestry systems in the established scenario. The flow chart in Figure 35 is a graphical
representation of the process used to calculate the nutritional contribution of the urban
agroforestry system that has been designed.
15 RDAs are set to meet the needs of almost all (97 to 98 per cent) individuals in a group. Where
RDAs are yet to be established, Adequate Intakes (AIs) were used. AIs are believed to cover needs of
all the majority of individuals in a group, however a lack of data or uncertainty in the data mean that
the claim to cover 97 to 98 of the population cannot be made with absolute certainly.
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Figure 35: flow chart of the procedure used to calculate the nutritional contribution of urban
agroforestry systems in future urban settlements
Source: author’s synthesis of methodological approach
7.7 Validation of research
Establishing internal validity of research involves demonstrating how the research
methodology and associated results are a truthful and accurate representation of the problem
under study (Creswell 2003, p. 196; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 36). While establishing validity
Nutritional requirement of typical urban family
Population data from 2005 Kiribati Census
Nutritional data on required dietary allowances for each age group (Otten, Hellwig and Meyers 2006)
Nutritional value of different atoll foods
Interviews with Government nutritional experts in Kiribati
Species yields in atoll soils
Publications on agricultural productivity of different atoll species (refer Section 6.3)
Interviews with Government agricultural experts in Kiribati
Nutritional value of Pacific (Dignan et al. 2004) and Kiribati foods (Englberger et al. 2006)
Identify different species ratios in urban agroforestry systems
Identify species spacing and diameters of different atoll species
Development of a design for urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements
Interviews with members of the Nutrition Department
Literature on urban agroforestry species in Kiribati (refer Section 6.1)
Agricultural literature on atoll key food species in Section 6.3
Literature on the design of homegarden and agroforestry systems in Kiribati (refer Section 6.1)
Settlement scenario in Section 7.1
Maximum 1000 square metres of land per household
Qualitative interviews
Interviews with members of the Agricultural Division
Number and type of agroforestry species available to a household
Calculation of the nutritional contribution of the urban agroforestry system
Yield of each atoll agroforestry species from existing literature in Section 6.3
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occurs throughout the research process, it is highlighted in this section to emphasise the final
validity of results (Creswell 2003, p. 195).
7.7.1 Internal validity
Various attempts have been made in this research to maximise internal validity. Firstly, the
inclusion of three different participant groups in qualitative interviews allows results to be
tested between different groups (Miles & Huberman 1984, pp. 235-9). The concurrence of
results from a variety of different sources on the same topic adds to the validity of the
research work as a whole (Miles & Huberman 1984, p. 239). Furthermore, the triangulation
of different qualitative and quantitative procedures examine the research problem from a
variety of different perspectives (Creswell 2003, p. 217; Groat & Wang 2002, p. 361; Stake
1994, p. 241; Yin 1989, p. 96). Yin (1989, p. 96) comments that the ability to use multiple
sources of data is a major advantage of the case study strategy.
Internal validity is further established by a statement of personal bias (refer Section 7.7.1).
This statement increases both the reader and author’s awareness of how my personal
involvement may have influenced results. Thirdly, considerable reading into the culture and
history of Kiribati and the Pacific, networking with the I-Kiribati community in Brisbane
and on-the-ground data collection in Kiribati adds further weight to the accuracy of results.
In this way, firsthand experience allows the researcher to confirm the accuracy and reliability
of many of the results.
Additional validity is established through focusing data collection around the opinions of
local experts and homegardeners with extensive firsthand experience of urban living in
Kiribati. The translation of all interview material into I-Kiribati (refer Appendix 2 and 3) and
assistance of a well known I-Kiribati translator during interviews with homegardeners also
increases the validity of the findings. In this way, the use of a translator provided insight into
communication particulars that may have been hidden from the researcher. Validity of
results is further increased by the use of quotes and summaries taken directly from the
interviews. Results also include negative or discrepant data that runs contrary to emerging
themes (Creswell 2003, p. 196).
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7.7.2 External validity
External validity relates to the transferability of results beyond the immediate case study.
Despite the differences between nations in the Pacific, significant historical, developmental
and geographical similarities also exist. The regional similarity between Pacific countries is
evident in the numerous publications that have focused on “the Pacific islands” as a region
(Bryant-Tokalau & Frazer 2006; Clarke & Thaman 1993; Jones 1997; Thaman, Elevitch &
Kennedy 2006).
Although results cannot be directly generalised to all countries in the Pacific due to any
number of environmental, cultural and economic differences, the results are transferable to
theory on urban management and planning and development work in the Pacific. Similarly,
while results on the land requirements necessary to support urban populations in Kiribati are
not directly transferable to other Pacific nations, the methodological approach and theoretical
insights can be applied to the broader issues of sustainability and homegardening in the
Pacific and property regime theory. Thus, one of the major strengths of the case study
approach is its ability to generalise to ‘theoretical propositions and not populations or
universes’ (Yin 1989, p. 21).
7.8 Summary and conclusions
This chapter describes and discusses the methodological approaches of the study’s research
design. In drawing together the relevant literature, this chapter established the settlement
scenario on which the remainder of the thesis is focused. Due to the nature of the research
problem being investigated in the settlement scenario, the need for a pragmatic approach to
data collection is emphasised. Based on a pragmatic research philosophy, a mixed methods
research paradigm is shown to be appropriate. The development of the explorative and
illustrative case study research strategy is then discussed within this overarching problem
solving framework. Finally, the procedural steps and analysis approaches to investigate
qualitative and quantitative research questions is documented. In the following chapter, the
results of the methodological approach outlined in this chapter are recorded.
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8.0 ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
This chapter presents results from the analysis of data obtained through the research methods
outlined in Chapter 7. Due to the close connection between research questions and data
collection procedures, this chapter is structured around results of each of the four research
questions outlined in Section 1.2. Firstly, results on the strengths and weaknesses associated
with reserving the most productive land in future planned urban settlements is discussed to
give a background to more specific research questions. These include the exploration of the
ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources and the appropriateness of
existing waste management systems. In the Fourth Research Question, results from the
quantitative component of this research are examined with regard to the nutritional
contribution of regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods grown on a set area of land.
8.1 Results from qualitative research questions
The following section discusses results from the qualitative analysis of semi-structured
qualitative interviews undertaken with 39 participants. The details of these participants can
be seen in Appendix 4. A diversity of participants were interviewed. Participant ages ranged
from 25 to 65 years, with an average of 44 years. The majority of participants were educated
at a secondary institution, born in the Gilbert islands and had spent the majority of their life
living on Tarawa (refer Appendix 4 for further details).
The majority of the results in this section relate to the categorisation of the meaning and
concepts communicated by participants during semi-structured interviews. However, a small
section is associated with participants’ ranking of different ownership and management
options. These two sets of data are used in a complementary fashion to explain results. In
this way, participants’ rankings of different settlement options are used to establish and
compare trends in participant preferences. These results are then explained through
discussion of results relating to the categorisation of the meaning of participants’ statements.
Each of these categories is connected through a multidimensional web of socio-cultural,
economic and environmental interrelations. Therefore, the following discussion is structured
around the exploration of dominant themes and patterns in the data, rather then merely
noting the frequency of participant responses. This approach focuses the discussion of results
upon the exploration of the complex interrelationships within and between conceptually
linked categories to gain a more accurate understanding of results.
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The analysis and discussion of such qualitative data requires combining the synthesised
patterns and themes in the data while giving due reference to the rich qualitative sources in
which they are based. In other words, qualitative analysis builds explanations of complex
socio-cultural realities yet must support these theoretical structures with examples from the
data itself. For this reason, quotations from interviews are used to communicate the detail of
data, while matrixes and figures are used to support the identification of broad themes and
patterns.
A second tension that exists is balancing the significance attributed to the number of
participant references to a single category/theme, while acknowledging the potential for
individual insight and bias. On one hand, a small number of participant responses in a single
theme may indicate that the issue in question is less important than other issues in the same
table. On the other hand, a small number of responses may reflect the complexity of the
identified theme and the unique participant insight required to identify it. Reflecting on the
nature of the category in question and the background of the participants who identified it
can be useful in data interpretation. While it is not possible to fully resolve this tension, a
larger number of participant responses in a single category is one indication of the
importance and priority of a particular issue. For this reason, categories in the following
result tables have been ordered according to the total number of participant responses to
provide an indication of the potential importance of conceptually related issues.
8.2 Research Question One: the potential and constraints associated with the planned
inclusion of urban agroforestry systems
The decision to intentionally allocate land for urban agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements is in essence a question of investment for both urban residents and the
Kiribati Government. The core issue underpinning the potential role of urban agroforestry
food systems in such a scenario is why, if at all, should the industrialised concept of the
“urban” and “rural” be challenged in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati? An
adequate response to this question requires the recognition of both the potential and the
constraints surrounding the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements in Kiribati.
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8.2.1 Potential benefits of reserving the most productive land in future planned urban
settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems
Developing a clear plan for a more sustainable future was the key theme underlying
participants’ belief in the benefits of reserving the most productive land in future planned
urban settlements for food production. Throughout interviews, numerous references were
made to the potential of urban agroforestry systems to produce a variety of benefits through
the use of culturally acceptable technologies, while at the same time preventing the creation
of ‘unsustainable urban circumstances’ (extract from interview C13)16. In this way,
numerous participants identified one of the main benefits of reserving the most productive
land in future planned urban settlements as the development of a clear plan for a sustainable
future. Speaking in regard to urban agroforestry systems, one participant stated that, ‘we
need to have a healthy population within the restrictions of our environment’ (extract from
interview G02). Yet, while numerous references were made by consultants and volunteers,
and Government employees to the benefit of increased sustainability, homegardener
participants repeatedly struggled to understand the concept of sustainability even at a simple
level.
The theme of sustainable urbanisation can be further categorised according to the different
benefits of urban agroforestry systems across socio-cultural, economic and ecological fields.
Table 12 shows the number of times that participants made reference to each different
benefit. Three socio-cultural issues were frequently identified. The most regularly identified
benefit was the improved public health resulting from consumption of more nutritious food
produced from urban agroforestry systems. One participant stated that they practised urban
agroforestry because, ‘it helps with the health of the household people’ (extract from
interview G10). A second benefit was that urban agroforestry systems are culturally accepted
and proven agricultural technologies. ‘It is better to give people productive land because it is
part of life’ (extract from interview HG03). As accepted vegetation, some participants noted
that the introduction of urban agroforestry systems would improve their living conditions
through, ‘making the place more beautiful’ (extract from interview C07) and a general
reduction of urban densities. Finally, a small number of participants felt that providing
agricultural land in future planned urban settlements would increase educational
opportunities. ‘It will benefit me and educate me’ (extract from interview HG02).
16 A simple coding approach was used to record participants’ responses where “C” stands for
consultants and volunteers, “HG” stands for homegardener and “G” stands for government.
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Table 12: key benefits associated with maintaining the most productive land in future planned
urban settlements for food production17
Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Clear plan for a sustainable future
7 7 0 14
Socio-cultural benefits
Health and nutrition 10 6 3 19
Culturally accepted approach 8 5 5 18
Improved living conditions 9 6 3 18
Educate urban residents 0 1 1 2
Economic benefits
Self sufficiency 24 12 4 40
Generate income from sale of produce
3 6 30 39
Financial saving from producing their own food
2 1 2 5
Create employment 1 1 0 2
Affordable, low technology solution
2 0 0 2
Ecological benefits
Protection of the atoll ecosystem
8 6 0 14
Recycle urban waste and increase soil fertility
9 2 2 13
Intake of carbon dioxide 0 3 0 3
Source: analysis of interview data
On an economic level, the capacity of urban agroforestry systems to increase the self
sufficiently of urban settlements was also identified because, ‘people have space to plant
their own food, rather than depend on food from the store’ (extract from interview HG05).
This was believed to be particularly important because they would not have to, ‘rely heavily
on the western imports’ (extract from interview C11). Another commonly identified issue
was the potential for urban food production to assist households generate income. ‘You can
sell your vegetables and you get a lot of food from your own vegetables’ (extract from
interview HG01). Interestingly, the majority (77 per cent) of references to the financial
benefits of urban agroforestry systems were from homegardener participants. This result
provides further insight into the primary motivation of existing households who are already
choosing to intensively produce food in an urban environment. One participant said that 17 In this table more then 13 responses were sometimes recorded in each column because
participants sometimes made multiple references to each category during the interview
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homegardeners, ‘plant coconuts because they earn money out of it and they don’t care about
their daily diet’ (extract from interview G01). Although not as frequently identified, the
ability of produce from urban agroforestry systems to offset food purchasing costs and create
employment through using affordable, low technology agricultural techniques again reflects
the financial incentives associated with urban food production. ‘They cannot use the
chemical fertilisers, so which way also to reduce their input costs and recycle their natural
resources to do the agricultural work’ (extract from interview C03).
Finally, urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements were also believed to
be associated with a variety of ecological benefits. In particular, the use of native tree species
in urban agroforestry systems was seen to add an additional layer of protection to natural
ecosystems. ‘You have large areas of land and vegetation which is good for the environment’
(extract from interview C10). Waste management was also seen as a primary benefit of
urban agroforestry systems because of its ability to improve soil fertility through recycling
organic waste. By using organic composting methods, ‘the land will become rich and
recover’ (extract from interview C03) and people can help, ‘clean the environment’ (extract
from interview C09). Finally, the ability of urban agroforestry systems to help address the
issue of climate change through absorbing carbon dioxide was identified by a small number
of participants. ‘Planting within a large area of land, that would probably help contribute to
carbon sinks’ (extract from interview G03).
8.2.2 Potential constraints of the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry lands in
future urban settlements: demand and control issues relating to urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban settlements
Despite the wide range of benefits associated with reserving the most productive land in
future planned urban settlements for urban agroforestry systems, numerous criticisms of this
concept were also raised during interviews. Participants frequently stated that they felt that
this was a “good idea in theory”. One participant stated that, ‘on the face, there is definitely
merit to try and get this [urban agroforestry] in some of the new things that are being planned
here’ (extract from interview C01). Another participant stated, ‘I think that we should
encourage it as much as we can’ (extract from interview C07). However, despite such
enthusiasm the vast majority of participants perceived difficulties associated with
introducing such an initiative. Fundamentally, criticisms of reserving the most productive
land in future planned urban settlements were clustered around two interrelated issues: a lack
of public demand and lack of Government control. Table 13 shows the different categories
that were identified during the analysis of interview data.
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Table 13: key criticisms associated with maintaining the most productive land in future planned
urban settlements for food production
Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Good idea or good idea in theory 24 16 9 49
Demand for agricultural land is comparably low
15 25 4 44
Government does not have the strength to enforce productive land uses
10 15 0 25
Reasons for low demand
Harsh infertile atoll environment 11 7 5 23
Prevents the growth and development of the city
6 6 3 15
Theft and destruction of produce 2 5 5 12
Urban agroforestry requires significant land investment
2 7 2 11
Intensive agriculture a new concept 4 5 0 9
Imported foods are preferred 2 3 0 5
Potential for increased pollution and contamination of urban areas
2 2 0 4
Constant use of agricultural inputs 2 2 0 4
Hard for household to afford additional lands
2 1 1 4
Fresh produce can be supplied from the outer islands
0 2 2 4
Movement of people in and out of urban areas
1 1 0 2
Employed people don't have time for farming
0 2 0 2
Reasons for poor Government control
Government assets not managed or maintained
9 8 2 19
Young democracy 0 2 0 2
Pressure of urban growth 0 1 0 1
Lack of institutional capacity 0 1 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
A recurring theme in the interview data was the lack of demand from urban residents for
urban agroforestry lands compared to other land uses such as housing. ‘There’s not a big
push for productive land’ (extract from interview G12); ‘people will obviously use the land
for a higher use’ (extract from interview C01). The believed general disinterest of the
majority of urban residents in growing food in an urban environment can be explained
through examining the various constraints identified during interviews. Firstly, the infertility
of the soils and the harsh marine environment was seen to be a significant disincentive for
households to invest resources in food production. This is reflected in one participant’s
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statement in regard to growing vegetables that, ‘you don’t water for a day, everything dies’
(extract from interview C12).
The lack of demand also underlies the concern of a number of participants that if lands were
specifically designated for urban agroforestry in future planned urban settlements then this
may be an impediment to the further growth and development of urban centres. Such
thinking is a direct result of the, ‘ever increasing pressure of finding places for people to
live’ (extract from interview G12). As one participant stated, the planned inclusion of urban
agroforestry lands forces people, ‘to go back to the farming system, whereas they’ve already
touched the modern lives of western society’ (extract from interview C02). Similarly one
participant was concerned that, ‘people will not be able to develop the land as it is required’
(extract from interview G05).
The increasing problem of crop theft was also identified by participants as a constraint to
urban food production. Some participants believed decreasing crop security was largely
because, ‘community ties have started to break down’ in urban areas (extract from interview
G12). Further explanation for crop theft included the desire of I-Kiribati to want to be, ‘equal
with each other’ and therefore destroy the crops of successful households (extract from
interview G06).
A lesser number of references were made to the issue that the added cost of leasing or buying
productive land or regularly purchasing agricultural inputs could be beyond the financial
capacity of many urban households. ‘The people that probably need the land are the poorest
ones and they’re probably the people that can’t buy it’ (extract from interview C11). The
high cost of agricultural lands is largely due to the amount of land needed to make a viable
investment in urban agroforestry systems. ‘At the moment there’s just not the land available’
(extract from interview C11). The lack of knowledge and familiarity with intensive
agricultural practices was also believed to be a limiting factor on the demand for agricultural
land in urban areas. ‘We are not used to farming; we used to plant for [sic] the tree and leave
it’ (extract from interview G02).
The association between urban living and the consumption of “modern” processed foods was
also seen to be a disincentive for urban food production. The promotion and availability of
imported foods in urban areas means that some urban residents believe that, ‘coconuts are for
people who live on the outer islands’ (extract from interview G12).
160
It was believed that the constant requirements for agricultural inputs such as seeds and water
would put an additional financial and environmental strain on urban areas. ‘The concern is
the constant pressure of the lens’ (extract from interview with C02). Participants also
expressed concern that urban pollutants may be transferred to crops, making them unsafe to
consume. ‘In urbanisation we have industries and the impact of especially the pollution … is
not a good thing’ (extract from G09).
Some participants also believed that agricultural land in urban areas was unnecessary
because fresh produce could be supplied from more rural outer islands. However, one of the
same participants freely admitted that significant infrastructure difficulties are associated
with transporting large amounts of produce from outer islands. ‘Fly the stuff in from the
outer islands, and, you know, not that that’s going to happen either’ (extract from interview
G12). Finally, it was believed that the notion of including urban agroforestry lands in future
planned urban settlements faced the more general problem that community support for
projects in Kiribati commonly, ‘fade away’ with time (extract from interview C06).
The regular movement of people in and out of urban areas was also identified as an
impediment to the demand for productive land in urban areas. This is particularly the case
with Government employees who are often relocated to outer islands to take up a
Government position. The transient nature of many people in urban areas was also believed
to decrease incentive to invest in food production schemes that require long term investment,
as settlements such as South Tarawa are, ‘still a bit kind of a no persons land’ (extract from
interview C13). A small number of participants believed that many urban residents are busy
at work and, ‘they don’t have time for farming’ (extract from interview G11). It was also
highlighted during interviews that many I-Kiribati migrate to urban areas to move away from
subsistence lifestyles and are therefore disinterested in urban cultivation.
The lack of demand for productive land in future planned urban settlements directly impacts
on the Government’s ability to control and enforce agricultural land uses. There was a
general belief among many participants that Government assets are not well managed or
maintained. ‘The Government have a poor history of managing things’ (extract from
interview C10).
The political system in Kiribati lies at the heart of the abovementioned problem. One
participant stated that having a democracy in Kiribati means that, ‘decisions made by
Government are least likely to be the tough ones and most likely to be the ones that are
popular’ (extract from interview G12). This issue is exacerbated because Kiribati is, ‘still a
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very young Democracy’ (extract from interview G12). As a result, ‘it’s very, very difficult
for our politicians to make tough decisions that are going to make people unhappy’ (extract
from interview G12).
In this way, concerns over the Government’s ability to enforce the necessary planning
controls to maintain productive land uses were raised by one Government employee. In this
way, one participant believed that due to the, ‘domestic pressure that exists for people to live
on South Tarawa, people see land which is not being lived on as being a waste of space’
(extract from interview G12). Thus, some participants felt that if urban residents challenged
the productive land use of urban agroforestry lands the Government would be unwilling to
impose necessary controls. This is because the Government is, ‘not very big on enforcing
laws and regulations’ (extract from interview C01). In support of this argument, reference
was made to difficulties that the Government currently faces with evicting squatters from
Government leased land.
Government control over land uses in urban areas is further weakened through the lack of
highly skilled Government employees as the Government has a ‘limited number of good and
effective Civil Servants’ (extract from interview G12). This lack of institutional capacity is
further compounded by the pressure for urban development in Kiribati, as planning controls,
‘all go out the window when you know, when pressure is so great’ (extract from interview
G12).
8.3 Research Question Two: the effect of different ownership and management models
on food productivity and cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems
The literature review (refer Chapter 4) identified four key ownership and management
approaches that could be used in the allocation of zoned urban agroforestry lands in future
planned urban settlements. These included: model A with integrated individual tenure under
a private property (households have direct ownership of productive land) or state property
(households lease productive land from the Kiribati Government) tenure arrangement. Model
B, where the tenure of productive land and household plots are separated and households are
free to privately own zoned agricultural land. Model C, where a cooperative of households
have collective access to separate productive land through either a common property
arrangement or through leasing state owned land. Finally, model D, where productive land is
state owned and accessed by paid workers who live in the urban area. The following section
presents results on the potential and constraints of these four approaches, with reference to
issues of food production and social/cultural appropriateness.
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8.3.1 Tenure preferences
The decision to lease or sell productive lands to urban residents in future planned urban
settlements has a significant influence on the ownership of urban agroforestry lands. When
asked if the Kiribati Government should lease productive lands or sell productive lands to
individual households (model A) and cooperatives (model C), the majority of participants
stated that the Kiribati Government should lease productive lands in order to maintain
control of the productive land use (refer Figure 36 and Figure 37). On the other hand, the
majority of homegardeners believed that private ownership in model A and common
property ownership in model C was more preferable than leasing state owned property (refer
Figure 36 and Figure 3718).
Figure 36: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model A
Source: analysis of analysis of interview data
18 A small number of participants did not provide a response to this question due to the political nature
of the topic. However a sufficient number of participants responded to identify a clear preference for
state owned land by consultants and volunteers and Government employees compared to the
preference of homegardeners for private property and common property.
0
5
10
15
20
25
Lease Government lands Sell Government lands No answer
Tenure option
Num
ber
of p
artic
ipan
ts .
Over all total
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
163
Figure 37: participants’ preferences for tenure agreement in model C
Source: analysis of analysis of interview data
Maintaining state ownership over productive land in future planned urban settlements was
seen to have a variety of benefits (refer Table 14). Issues of control and enforcement emerge
as the dominant themes in explaining the overall preference for leasing state owned
productive land to individuals (model A) and cooperatives (model C). The most frequently
identified benefit of leasing productive land to individuals and cooperatives was the
increased land use control this approach would provide the Kiribati Government.
Furthermore, a leasing approach was believed to allow greater flexibility and affordability
for individuals and cooperatives. Finally, one participant stated that leasing would be
accepted by the majority of urban residents as it was now a culturally accepted practice.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Lease Government lands Sell Government lands No answer
Tenure option
Num
ber
of p
artic
ipan
ts .
Over all total
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
164
Table 14: positive and negative issues surrounding the lease of productive lands to urban
farmers in model A and C
Number of references to each issue
Consultants
and volunteers
Government
employees
Homegardeners Total
Negative
Decreased ownership and control for
urban farmers
3 5 11 19
Ongoing cost to farmers 2 1 7 10
History of non payment 0 1 0 1
Positive
Increased Government control 8 11 0 19
More affordable and flexible for
farmers
6 4 3 13
Leasing culturally accepted 0 1 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
However, Table 14 also highlights a variety of negative of issues associated with leasing
productive land in future planned urban settlements. By vesting land tenure in the state,
urban farmers are likely to have reduced ownership and control of the productive land. The
ongoing cost of rent payments was also seen as a negative outcome of leasing productive
land. Finally, a leasing arrangement raises issues of individuals and cooperatives defaulting
on rental payment.
8.3.2 The effect of different ownership and management models on the production of
food from urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements
Overall participants’ ranking of the productivity of different ownership and management
models, identified model A as least productive and models B, C, D as similar in their
potential to produce food from the zoned productive land (refer Figure 38). This trend was
repeated in the opinions expressed by consultants and volunteers and Government employees
during interviews. However, homegardener participants believed model A to be the most
productive of the four models. To explain this result it is necessary to understand the
justification participants gave for their ranking as informed by their perception of the
advantages and limitations of each model.
165
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Model A Model B Model C Model D No answer
Different models for ownership and management of agroforestry resources
Tota
l of p
artic
ipan
t ran
king
(sca
le o
f 1 to
4)
Over all total
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
High
Low
Figure 38: participant ranking of different ownership and management models for producing
the most food from available urban agroforestry land in future planned urban settlements
Source: analysis of interview data
Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where tenure
over productive lands is integrated with ownership of the household plot and therefore
equally distributed (model A)
The equal distribution of productive land to households in future planned urban settlements
was believed to have a variety of positive and negative influences on levels of urban food
production. The overarching criticism of model A was that maintaining tight control on the
size and allocation of productive land would cause inefficiency in food production. ‘Some
people may be more enterprising than others but because they have a restricted piece of land
there is nothing that they can do about it’ (extract from interview G10).
Three sub-categories exist within this key theme. The most frequently identified issue related
to a lack of user choice. Indiscriminately dividing up the agricultural land would not allow
urban residents to choose the amount of productive land that they wish to have access to.
Some participants believed that this lack of user choice would prevent interested farmers
accessing additional land and would encourage misuse of the land by uninterested urban
residents. ‘Some lands are, could be better utilised than others and that some people may
actually use their land quite productively; other people it may just sit there and become a
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cricket pitch’ (extract from interview G12). Agricultural productivity was also believed to be
further reduced through the division of agricultural land into small plots for each household.
This was because the increased division of land was seen to require increased access while
decreasing the use of heavy machinery. ‘They would work on it but the size of the land
restricts them from using technology like tractors and big machinery’ (extract from interview
G10).
Fewer references were made to the impact of the variability of production zones within the
atoll on food production under an individual ownership approach. Despite the predictability
of the atoll environment, allocating each household the same amount of land would
invariably lead to different households having different levels of land productivity because
all land is not exactly the same. ‘Even though, I know that it is kind of a generic model
where the reality of that might be that in that kind of model, one group of people are going
through a patch of wet land and another group of people are going through a patch of hills,
so there is likely of be some kind of disruption in that model’ (extract from interview C13).
Table 15 is a summary of the key limitations of model A according to the number of
participant references made to each criticism.
Table 15: limitations of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each limitation Consultants
and volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Restricted use of land leads to agriculture inefficiency
18 24 9 51
Reasons why restricted use of land leads to agriculture inefficiency
Lack of user choice 15 23 7 45
Productivity reduced through land division
5 2 2 9
Different land productivity within the atoll
4 3 0 7
Source: analysis of interview data
Model A was also believed to positively influence food production from agricultural lands in
future planned urban settlements. Table 16 presents a summary of the major benefits
according to the number of participant references to each theme. Overall, participants
believed that requiring all households to have access to productive land would increase the
ownership and overall control and therefore increase the productivity of the overall concept.
‘One of the great virtues of that model [model A], is that conceptually a piece of dirt for a
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house comes with a piece of dirt to grow something and you can’t get out of it’ (extract from
interview C13).
Table 16: advantages of model A in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements
Number of references to each benefit Consultants
and volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Ownership of the productivity concept
8 10 13 31
Reasons why increased ownership of the productivity concept increases food production
Increased control over productivity concept
7 8 7 22
Increased ownership and access to agricultural land
2 3 9 14
Source: analysis of interview data
Within this overall theme the highest number of participant references were made to the
issue of increased control at a settlement scale. Some participants believed that model A was
the most productive because having a direct connection between household and productive
land increased the strength and uniformity of the overall productivity concept. Thus, the use
and maintenance of productive land would be easier to control in a settlement where all
households were required to have productive land. ‘You let everybody be involved in
productivity, I think that it might be better. I am thinking about educating and involving
people’ (extract from interview G03). Similarly, one participant believed that model A
provided considerable potential to encourage food production in each household through
agricultural competitions between households. ‘Each house would have the same size
plantation land. Because there is a competition after that’ (extract from interview G13).
Some participants also felt that increased connection between households and productive
land in model A would inspire an increase in many households’ agricultural productivity.
‘Whatever they put into that land will be for their benefit. You know I think that they will
have the heart to move forward. Because they will see the others reaping benefit. Why not
us?’ (extract from interview G02). This is reflected in the large number (64 per cent) of
references by homegardener participants to the benefit of increased ownership and access to
agricultural land (refer table 16). Thus, the comparably high ranking for model A in Figure
38 by homegardeners may be due to a belief that having productive lands allocated to all
household would encourage other households to produce food in urban areas. Alternatively,
the large proportion of homegardeners that believed that productive lands should be sold to
168
individual households in Model A (refer Figure 36) could also indicate the homegardeners
believed that productive land would yield more if they were directly owned by a household.
‘That one [plot of agricultural land] for himself, he do that with strength spent on that
particular land so his strength he will earn a lot’ (extract from interview HG09).
Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement where the tenure of the
productive land and households plots are separated and households are free to
privately own zoned agricultural land (model B)
Allowing interested households to invest in productive lands in future planned urban
settlements under a private property regime was seen to have both a positive and a negative
influence on food production. The primary criticism of this approach was that allowing
households the choice of accessing productive lands could result in fragmentation of
productive land in the settlement. ‘I just don’t like the patchy bit of it’ (extract from
interview C02). In particular, three sub-themes were identified within the concept of
fragmentation. The number of participant references to each of these themes can be seen in
Table 17. In the most frequently identified sub-theme, it was believed that increased
households’ choice over investment in agricultural lands could weaken and fragment the
concept of food production in future planned urban settlements and allow people to exploit
the zoned agricultural land uses for other purposes. ‘If you make it optional I think that the
thing starts to fall apart’ (extract from interview C13). ‘The free-market will be wonderful,
because it will allow the people, like the senior civil servants who have the money, to snap
up all the land and put rental houses on them’ (extract from interview G12).
Table 17: limitations of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements
Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Fragmentation 9 6 0 15
Reasons why fragmentation reduces food production
Fragmentation of production concept
7 7 1 15
Fragmentation of land and land access
6 1 0 7
Productivity reduced through land division
2 0 0 2
Source: analysis of interview data
169
The fragmentation of the productive land was believed to adversely impact urban residents’
access to productive lands. ‘But in model B it may be hard to get land that is close to them?’
(extract from interview C05). Finally, some participants believed that productivity of the
land could be further reduced through continued land division. In this way the boundary lines
in model B were seen to ‘constrain its productivity’ (extract from interview C10).
On the other hand, the flexible ownership approach of model B was believed to potentially
encourage higher levels of production through increased efficiency. ‘What I like about this is
that it’s a more efficient use of land’ (extract from interview C10). Thus, model B was
believed by some participants to be capable of producing more food than other models
because it used a ‘capitalist solution’ (extract from interview C10) to ‘encourage those who
are good at it [food production] and have a natural ability to produce the most food out of the
land’ (extract from C12). Allowing greater choice would also allow larger areas of land to be
farmed by interested farmers, therefore increasing food production through an increased
economy of scale. ‘The number five household own now a bigger land, so if he owns a
bigger land he will produce bigger production’ (extract from interview HG02). The
identification of these themes can be seen in Table 18.
Table 18: advantages of model B in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Increased efficiency 14 29 16 59
Reason why increased efficiency influences food production
Encourages efficiency through investment from interested households
11 25 14 50
Economy of scale 4 4 8 16
Source: analysis of interview data
Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where
cooperatives have collective access to productive land separated from individual
household plots (model C)
The collective access approach to allocating productive land was also seen to have potential
advantages and disadvantages for food production in future planned urban settlements. From
a negative perspective, the success of this approach was believed to be highly dependent on
the management and leadership of any given group. ‘It really depends on the manager’
170
(extract from interview C09). Within the overall theme of varying management the greatest
number of references were made to the belief that a collective access approach could lead to
conflict within a group as a result of disputes between individuals in the group. ‘For any
number of reasons a cooperative or a religious group or an island group or whatever can
suddenly get dysfunctional and then production can cease’ (extract from interview C12).
Further insight into this issue can be seen in the various sub-categories identified in Table
19.
Table 19: limitations of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements
Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Dependent on management 17 13 1 31
Reasons why varying management decreases food production
Conflict within the group 6 6 4 16
Cooperatives often poorly managed
4 4 0 8
Groups may misuse land 4 1 0 5
Momentum fails with time 1 0 3 4
Source: analysis of interview data
Participants also believed that poor leadership and management in a collective access
approach could increase the potential for the misuse of zoned agricultural lands. ‘The
community or the household own the land and if they own the land, some of the land, what is
the term? Idle land’ (extract from interview G11). In this way, reference was also made to
the general poor management of cooperatives in Kiribati and that such variability would
lower the amount of food produced from agricultural lands and increase the potential misuse.
‘The reality is, we’ve seen the failures of cooperatives in Kiribati’ (extract from interview
C06). Due to such failures there is often an increased likelihood of cooperative initiatives
failing over time. ‘They [the cooperative] work just for how many months and arguments
will start and everything will not go well’ (extract from interview HG05).
Despite the abovementioned criticism, a collective access approach to food production was
also believed to have a variety of positive influences on food production in future planned
urban settlements. If successful, a collective access approach would result in the increased
organisation and involvement of large groups of people. ‘So one or two persons with a big
171
area they cannot achieve their goals. When they group together in one group they establish a
good target’ (extract from interview G13).
The potential for a well managed collective access approach to increase individual strength
and motivation was frequently recognised. ‘They are working as a team, they can give more
strength to them because they are happy to work together’ (extract from interview HG07).
Furthermore, a collective access approach was believed to potentially increase the
availability of resources such as time, labour, equipment, land and expertise. ‘They can share
the knowledge of what they got, or have … some of your community members they don’t
have something they can share’ (extract from interview G04). Collective access and
collaboration also creates the potential to produce more food through efficient delegation of
tasks and responsibilities. ‘Yes because there is a lot of work in the area so they might
separate, “I am the watering man and planting man” ’ (extract from interview G13).
Similarly, a collective access approach was seen to potentially increase food production
through enabling greater opportunities for competitions between groups. ‘It might make
some kind of competition; healthy competition between the two groups’ (extract from
interview C06). A group approach was also seen to create additional opportunities to involve
interested individuals in urban food production. ‘That is taking advantage of the people who
are going to work the hardest and are best at it’ (extract from interview C08). The
identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 20.
Table 20: advantages of model C in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Increased organisation and involvement
7 10 20 37
Reasons why increased organisation and involvement increased food production
Strength and motivation increased in group setting
2 5 17 24
Pool individual and community resources
7 6 5 18
Improved potential for organisation and coordination
2 1 0 3
Increased potential for competition between groups
1 1 0 2
Greater opportunity to involve interested individuals
1 0 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
172
Advantages and limitations of food production in a settlement scenario where
productive lands are owned by the state and accessed by paid workers (model D)
Maintaining productive lands in future planned urban settlements under a state property
regime was believed by participants to have a variety of positive and negative impacts on
levels of food production. Like the previously mentioned collective access approach,
participants felt that the productivity from urban agroforestry lands was highly dependent on
the quality of Government management. ‘Depending on who manages a particular
agricultural enterprise in the Government it might be more or less productive’ (extract from
interview C13). In this way, the inability of the Government to effectively manage projects
was commonly identified as ‘historically the Government are poor managers of their assets’
(extract from interview C10). ‘Nobody is going to monitor it. No one is going to keep track
of who is doing what out there. No body is going to keep track of what these guys
[Government employees] are doing’ (extract from interview C07). Furthermore, participants
believed that a lack of worker incentive and initiative underlies the poor performance of
Government managed projects. ‘People are secured by Government. Even though you are
not productive in the office and you are a permanent worker you still receive your salary’
(extract from interview G02). Identification of these themes according to participants’
responses can be seen in Table 21.
Table 21: limitations of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each criticisms Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Dependent on management 5 2 0 7
Reasons why varying management decreases food production
Efficiency and accountability concerns
17 11 2 30
Workers generally unmotivated
2 4 1 7
Source: analysis of interview data
On the other hand, the involvement of Government in the production of food from urban
agroforestry systems was also believed to potentially exert a number of positive influences
on food production. Participants identified that the overarching benefit of a state property
approach would be the increased control that it would provide over the productive land.
‘Government can ensure the best use of the land and they have control’ (extract from
interview C10). In brief, a Government based approach was believed to be a more
173
sustainable solution to the incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements because the increased control would help guarantee results. ‘Potentially in
terms of sustainability that model would last longer’ (extract from interview C01) because it,
‘is the Government that is the management instead of individuals’ (extract from interview
G03).
A number of categories were identified within this overarching theme as seen in Table 22.
Firstly, participants suggested that a state property approach would increase access to
Government resources such as agricultural expertise, capital and training facilities. ‘With D
you’ve got the technical part from the Agricultural Department’ (extract from interview
C02). A state property approach was believed to potentially increase food production
through increased worker motivation associated with worker payment. ‘You cultivate it and
in return you get paid. You get a bonus for what you work for’ (extract from interview G09).
Central ownership of productive lands was believed to potentially reduce access
requirements and allow for more efficient production from larger lands. ‘You can do it
[urban agroforestry] on a scale that makes it more efficient, more effective’ (extract from
interview G12).
Table 22: advantages of model D in enabling urban residents to produce food from productive
lands in future planned urban settlements Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Improved control 8 17 1 26
Reasons why improved control increase food production
Greater access to Government resources
10 15 2 27
Worker motivation increased through payment
4 3 11 18
More efficient production from larger lands
3 1 0 4
Source: analysis of interview data
174
8.3.3 The effect of different ownership and management models on the social and
cultural appropriateness of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements
Investigating the social and cultural appropriateness of different ownership and management
approaches in future planned urban settlements is an essential step in understanding the
potential incorporation of urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati. Results from participants’
ranking of different ownership and management models showed a clear preference towards
model A, where tenure over productive lands is integrated with ownership of the household
plot and therefore equally distributed throughout the settlement (refer Figure 39). To
understand why this approach was preferred, an investigation of the meaning of underlying
participants’ responses is required.
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
Model A Model B Model C Model D No answer
Different models for ownership and management of agroforestry resources
Tot
al o
f par
ticip
ant r
anki
ng (s
cale
of 1
to 4
)
Total
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
High
Low
Figure 39: participant ranking of different ownership and management models according to
which model was believed to be most socially and culturally appropriate
Source: analysis of interview data
175
Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement scenario
where tenure over productive lands are integrated with ownership of the household
plot and therefore equally distributed (model A)
Analysis of interview data showed that the equal distribution of agricultural land to each
household in future planned urban settlements through an integrated individual tenure
approach could have both positive and negative impacts on issues of social and cultural
appropriateness. From a negative perspective, equally distributing lands to all residents was
believed to be an inflexible approach. ‘I start with dislikes, is the lack of flexibility with land
ownership and house ownership’ (extract from interview C12). Numerous references were
made by participants to the lack of user choice that would result from the Government
requiring households to own productive land. ‘You have no say, you have to cultivate that
land’ (extract from interview G09), ‘the people really don’t have the choice’ (extract from
interview C04). It was believed that if all households were required to have a piece of
productive land there would be insufficient land available in future planned urban
settlements because of the land shortage in Kiribati. ‘In reality it may be a very difficult one
[model A] because the reality of land in Kiribati’ (extract from interview C06). The
identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 23.
Table 23: limitations of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Inflexible 7 8 3 18
Reasons why inflexibility is socially and culturally inappropriate
Lack of user choice 7 8 3 18
May require too much land 1 2 1 4
Source: analysis of interview data
Despite some criticisms, the equal distribution of productive land to all households in future
planned urban settlements via a integrated individual tenure approach was generally believed
to be a socially and culturally appropriate approach. ‘I think model A is an ideal situation
that is based on; very close to the Kiribati cultural ideal of egalitarianism and of equal
opportunities’ (extract from interview C06).
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The largest number of participant references were made to sub-theme of increased ownership
and access to land. Participants felt that equally allocating productive land to each household
would increase farmer ownership, access and control of the productive lands. Developing
local ownership is critically important in successfully engaging with I-Kiribati society and
culture, ‘because people want their own, it is like I said; their own freedom’ (extract from
interview C05). ‘I think most people will like this one because it gives them security and
something that they can own for a long time’ (extract from interview C06). Model A also
was believed to be culturally appropriate because it fairly distributes Government resources.
‘It’s then giving people an equal share to the resources. The plots are the same size, they’re
all laid out, given the issues of egalitarianism are big in Kiribati’ (extract from interview
C01).
This fair distribution was seen to provide a clear structure for the division of land resources
which would minimise land disputes in future planned urban settlements. ‘It is also orderly.
It is very simple and orderly so people know exactly where their boundaries lie’ (extract
from interview G10). This structured approach was believed to reflect traditional land
settlements patterns. ‘The advantage of this model is that it follows the traditional boundaries
that many of the I-Kiribati will be used to, in other words, that land moves from the ocean to
the lagoon or vice versa’ (extract from interview C01). Equally distributing productive land
was believed to be particularly appropriate with regard to people from the southern Gilberts.
‘Model A is more like the southern islands. It is typical of the southern islands where people
should have the same, the same privilege, same access, same size of the land’ (extract from
interview G10). The identification of each of these categories can be seen in Table 24.
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Table 24: advantages of model A in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome
Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Culturally acceptable approach 11 7 1 19
Reasons why model A was seen as a culturally acceptable approach
Increased farmer ownership, access and control of land
15 18 24 57
Fairly distributes Government resources
12 17 5 34
Well structured resulting in fewer disputes
4 5 1 10
Based on the traditional land settlement pattern
9 0 0 9
Better suited to people from the southern Gilberts
0 3 0 3
Source: analysis of interview data
Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement where the
tenure of the productive land is separated from the tenure of a residential plot and
households are free to privately own zoned agricultural land (model B)
Basing the distribution of productive land in future planned urban settlements on a private
property regime raises a variety of social and cultural issues. Various participants stated that,
such an approach was in tension with the traditional notions of egalitarianism. ‘People don’t
put themselves above anybody else and so people sort of saying “well, look, I’ve got more
land than you” ’ (extract from interview G12). A number of categories were identified in
participants’ responses within this overarching theme as identified in Table 25. In particular,
a private property approach to the allocation of productive land was believed to hold
potential to create social problems because it is not an equitable solution. ‘The bad thing is
that they have got unequal share of land’ (extract from interview G03). ‘Maybe the only
disadvantage is that the rich people, those who have money they will get more land’ (extract
from interview G05).
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Table 25: limitations of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme In tension with traditional approach 9 9 14 32 Reasons why model B was in tension with traditional approach
Not an equitable solution 6 9 13 28
Does not ensure that all people have access to land
7 7 12 26
Increased jealously and conflict in the community
7 4 0 11
Working for others not culturally acceptable
3 0 1 4
I-Kiribati not very entrepreneurial 0 1 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
The use of a private property approach was also criticised because it was seen to further
widen the separation between rich and poor, through concentrating land in the hands of the
rich. It ‘doesn’t seem to me to be of any particular benefit and the circumstances that I think
that we are basically trying to deal with, getting some substance to people that need it, rather
then trying to develop a capitalistic economy’ (extract from interview C13). This unequal
ownership of land could create conflict within the community living in future planned urban
settlements. ‘So household number one will be jealous of household number five. So they
will find ways to destroy this. Because somebody making the best out of it’ (extract from
interview G02). ‘There is more disputes, they can raise a lot of complaints because they got
different sizes’ (extract from interview G04).
Furthermore, it was believed that a private property approach to allocating productive lands
may encounter problems because of peoples’ hesitancy to work for others. ‘It is hard to work
for other people. It is very tough. Because sometimes you might go against the, it is against
the culture’ (extract from interview C05). Similarly, this approach was seen to be flawed
because I-Kiribati are generally not very entrepreneurial. ‘It makes assumptions about
peoples’ entrepreneurial intentions as well, I mean, the entrepreneurialism is not something
that comes naturally to people of Kiribati’ (extract from interview G12).
Despite the social and cultural problems associated with allowing households a choice to
invest in agricultural lands, many participants indicated that the traditional values and
approaches were weakening in urban areas thus making this approach more attractive. ‘That
is good [model B], and it is becoming accepted now, we have people now in shops, banks,
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employed. So change, it is changing now. Before it is difficult’ (extract from interview C09).
Allowing households to choose if they wished to have productive lands in future planned
urban settlements was popular because it allowed greater flexibility, choice and control to
individual households. ‘And then, I think they’d like this model, model B, because it
provides flexibility, you know, if you don’t want to work your land you’d sell it, so halve it,
keep a little bit, like there’s no restrictions on what you can do’ (extract from interview
C12).
In this way, a number of participants commented that I-Kiribati were developing a growing
acceptance of a private property approach governed by the free market. ‘I think my vision
would be for land with no limitation. If I want a big one [plot of land] for development and I
have the money, I can develop it’ (extract from interview G05). Similarly, this approach was
seen to be advantageous because it would encourage the development of the private sector.
‘It would be good to encourage the private sector to manage the plantation’ (extract from
interview G05). Finally, model B was believed to be more acceptable to people from the
northern Gilberts. ‘Whereas in the north where I come from, this [model B] is more
acceptable. Where you don’t have to be the same. It doesn’t have to be; the share doesn’t
have to be equally decided’ (extract from interview G10). The identification of this and other
benefits can be seen in Table 26.
Table 26: advantages of model B in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Traditional egalitarian approach is weakening in urban areas
5 12 16 33
Reason why traditional egalitarian approach is weakening in urban areas
Provides greater flexibility, choice and control to individuals
11 18 13 42
Growing acceptance of a free market approach
5 12 16 33
Stimulate private sector 3 7 2 12
Potentially a more successful model in the Northern Gilberts
1 1 0 2
Source: analysis of interview data
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Social and cultural issues associated with food production in a settlement scenario
where cooperatives have collective access to productive land that is separated from
individual residential plots (model C)
Using a collective access approach to own productive lands in future planned urban
settlements was very popular with the majority of participants. Theoretically this approach
was recognised as well grounded in traditional concepts of community cooperation.
However, various concerns emerged when trying to transfer this approach from theory to
practice. ‘I think that’s another one of those ideal ones, if it will work but the reality is,
we’ve seen the failures of cooperatives in Kiribati’ (extract from interview C06).
Inter-group conflict was a key sub-category within the overall theme of poor performance of
cooperatives in Kiribati. ‘I think the curse of an egalitarian society is that when someone
makes the wrong move everyone else will, and then the whole thing will sort of disintegrate’
(extract from interview C06). Poor management was seen to underlie the increased conflict
in a group setting. Some participants stated that cooperatives in Kiribati had a poor
management history. ‘We have a lot [cooperatives] but they fail, a lot of them fail. But if
they have a good manager then that can be good (extract from interview C09). ‘Management
skills are sorely lacking’ (extract from interview G12).
Conflicts were also believed to be linked to the decreased individual accountability and
ownership associated with a collective access approach. ‘I would say the majority of people
keep their own houses pretty tidy but when it comes communal or public land it is trashed so
this model, this C model I don’t know if it would work’ (extract from interview C07). The
difficulty of establishing cooperative groups in urban areas was connected to the diversity of
islands groups in urban settlements. ‘We have a diverse group of people from different
islands. It doesn’t really work if you put them together and ask them to work communally on
anything’ (G10). Similarly, developing strong commitment to a group without direct kinship
ties was seen to be difficult. ‘Yes and I think that issues on Tarawa are radically different
from outer islands in terms of kinship structures and all the rest of it, so you can’t really
successfully work cooperatives there in the way that you can in the outer islands’ (extract
from interview C13). Finally, a small number of references were made to the conflicting
objectives that often exist between groups and Government. ‘Forming communities, in the
context of Tarawa, can work but in the interests of the communities not for your [the
Government] interest’ (extract from interview G02). The identification of these limitations
according to the number of participants’ references can be seen in Table 27.
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Table 27: limitations of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome
Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Ideal in theory, poor in practice 1 1 0 2
Reasons why model C is poor in practice
Conflict in and between groups and group members
9 12 8 29
Cooperatives are historically poorly managed
4 9 0 13
Potential for decreased individual accountability and ownership
1 1 9 11
Urban environment not conducive for developing community structures
6 2 0 8
Commitment to group without kinship ties difficult
2 4 0 6
Conflict between Government and community interests
2 2 0 4
Source: analysis of interview data
Despite the abovementioned limitations, the allocation of productive lands in future planned
urban settlements where cooperatives have collective access to productive land separate from
individual residential plots was also seen to have many social and cultural benefits. ‘Yes it is
good. It represents a traditional life. Working together, sharing together. That is the main
importance of having the cooperative’ (extract from interview G07). In this way, the desire
for community belonging and involvement was frequently mentioned by participants. ‘We
believe in the community’ (extract from interview G01).
Participants also commented that a collective access approach could benefit urban society in
general because it would help distribute the benefits of the productive land within the wider
community. ‘It can benefit everybody in the community regardless of what their status is’
(extract from interview C11). In a community, individual ownership and identity is
increased. ‘There is a little bit more of a sense of ownership in a cooperative. So I think that
people would understand that and could feel a part of it’ (extract from interview C13).
The collective access approach was also believed to support the development of a symbiotic
relationship between the interests of the group and the interests of the individual. ‘It seems to
be good because they are working in a team and this is for the church and for themselves’
(extract from interview HG08). The number of participant references to each of these themes
can be seen in Table 28.
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Table 28: advantages of model C in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Culturally acceptable approach 18 25 18 61
Reasons why model C is a culturally acceptable approach
Strong desire for sense of community
16 23 17 56
Fair distribution of benefits among community
2 2 5 9
Increased community ownership and identity
3 2 4 9
Symbiotic relationship of group and individual
0 0 9 9
Source: analysis of interview data
Social and cultural issues surround the allocation of productive lands in a settlement
scenario where productive land is owned by the state and accessed by paid workers
(model D)
The use of a state property approach to the ownership and management of urban agroforestry
resources was met with a mixed response from participants. Some participants believed that
Government involvement was unnecessary and placed a further administrative burden on
existing bureaucratic systems. ‘I think with this one [model D], Government will see the
burden’ (extract from interview G02).
The issue of reduced community ownership and responsibility was frequently raised by
participants. Government assets are generally not well maintained due to the poor attitude of
the general public towards Government owned land. ‘Because that is part of life in the
Government. “What is this [reference to productive land]” “it belongs to the Government”
“you don’t have to look after it proper” ’ (extract from interview HG08).
Reference was also made to the increased management costs associated with Government
owned productive lands. ‘It may end up costing Government far more than it could possibly
need to if they find themselves having to run it’ (extract from interview C10). Questions of
profitability are largely due to poor Government management. ‘What would end up
happening is nothing. Same as, I mean you have seen the bureaucracy at work here. They
can’t, they don’t have that ethos of service provision’ (extract from interview C08). The
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identification of each of these criticisms according to the number of participant references
can be seen in Table 29.
Table 29: limitations of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Unnecessary burden 4 4 1 9
Reasons why model D is an unnecessary burden on the Government
Reduced community ownership and responsibility
14 4 16 34
Government assets not managed or maintained
9 8 2 19
Will cost the Government a lot of money to run
1 4 1 6
Source: analysis of interview data
From a different perspective, a settlement scenario where productive land is state owned and
accessed by paid workers was seen to have a variety of social and cultural benefits. In this
regard, the overarching benefit of using a state property approach to own and manage
productive lands was believed to be the increased stability and support associated with model
D. ‘We are lucky we have this [model D], the Government is supporting us … like when
your parents are always there. You care little because your parents are always supporting
you’ (extract from interview G02). The culturally accepted nature of Government
employment was commonly identified. ‘People they always want the Government to give a
job’ (extract from G06). Government owned productive lands would create further
employment for urban residents. ‘The good point is that it provides employment for the
people’ (extract from interview G11). Thus, unlike a private sector approach, Government
employment was seen to be culturally acceptable.
Some participants also mentioned that increased Government involvement would help
ensure the fair distribution of resources from the productive land throughout the community.
‘I think that this would be much more fair to the people, hey. The Government can set up a
policy because it is the one controlling it’ (extract from interview G01). The stability and
support afforded by Government involvement was believed to create additional educational
opportunities in the productive landscape. ‘They can teach all of the people, the people there
so that they can get more working’ (extract from interview G04). Finally, the fair distribution
of land resources through Government ownership was seen to help reduce land conflicts.
184
‘They, there will be no land disputes’ (extract from interview G11). Table 30 records each of
these themes according to the number of participant references to each theme.
Table 30: advantages of model D in producing a socially and culturally appropriate urban
settlement outcome Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Stability and support 2 4 1 7
Reasons why model D provides stability and support
Government employment culturally acceptable
4 16 18 38
Create employment 2 7 11 20
Fair distribution of public resources 1 3 3 7
Educational tool 0 2 1 3
Reduced land conflicts 1 1 0 2
Source: analysis of interview data
8.3.4 Development and implementation of ownership and management models
During interviews, numerous participants commented on what they believed was the best
approach for implementing and sustaining productive urban agroforestry lands in future
planned urban settlements. The different implementation suggestions according to number of
participant references can be seen in Table 31.
Table 31: development and implementation of different ownership and management models
Number of references to each theme Implementation suggestions Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Model A emerging into B or C 11 1 3 15
Model D emerging into B, C or A 0 2 0 2
Two or more approaches in the one settlement
2 0 0 2
Model A as a framework within which model D and C operate
1 0 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
The integrated individual tenure approach (model A) was commonly identified as the most
preferred method of owning and managing productive land in future planned urban
settlements. Some participants believed that an approach based on individual access to
productive lands would be the most appropriate starting model. However while model A was
frequently seen to be the best starting model, the potential for this approach to be developed
185
to encourage increased user choice and investment (model B) and community cooperation
(model C) was also recognised. ‘I think that if you can get this model [model A], this
concept across, I think that B and or C are going to evolve quite quickly’ (extract from
interview C08). In this way, compared to an integrated individual tenure approach (model
A), the private property approach (model B) and the collective access approach (model C)
were seen as ‘the next stage of economic development’ which would complicate the
productivity concept ‘by one factor too many at the start’ (extracts from interview C08).
In a similar way, one participant believed that maintaining a purely state owned and
managed approach (model D) could be a good starting model because it could be designed to
gradually evolve into the other models. ‘Model D will probably be a trial for a model to
implement, and as I have said at the end of the day should be either directed to either one of
these models [A, B or C]’ (extract from interview G08). This approach reflects the belief that
the best solution would involve a mixture of different models depending on the settlement
context.
Another participant suggested that the integrated individual tenure approach (model A) could
serve as a framework within which collective access (model C) or state based (model D)
agricultural initiatives function. ‘Model A is essential and it would seem that there might be
the potential to have cooperative and Government farming arrangements on other pieces of
land within that agriculture’ (extract from interview C13). This preference for model A is
also supported in participants’ ranking of which model they would most prefer to be
involved with if they lived in a future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 40)19.
19 Only homegardener and Government employees were included in Figure 37 because it is highly
unlikely that international consultants or volunteers would live in future planned urban settlements
and participate in urban food production.
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0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
Model A Model B Model C Model D No answer
Different models for ownership and management of agroforestry resources
Tota
l of p
artic
ipan
t ran
king
(sca
le o
f 1 to
4)
Total
Government employees
Homegardeners
Low
High
Figure 40: participant ranking of preference for which model they would like to live in
Source: analysis of interview data
During interviews, some participants made suggestions of some alternative models that
could be used to own and manage productive land in future planned urban settlements. These
suggestions were slight variations or combinations of the four existing models rather than
completely new ideas. Participants often made verbal reference to alternative models without
drawing their idea on the blank “model E”. Alternative models can be seen in Appendix 4.
8.3.5 Additional data on specific ownership and management issues of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements
In addition to the exploration of overarching ownership and management approaches, data
was also collected on more specific ownership and management issues. These include the
keeping of livestock, location of houses within the urban settlements and the distance of
productive lands from each household. This data is necessary to provide direction and
support to the detailed design of urban agroforestry systems addressed later in this chapter.
Due to the large volume of qualitative data already presented, this section will briefly
summarise key findings on these specific ownership and management issues. For further
detail, refer Appendix 4, Table 4.
187
Keeping of pigs and chickens
The keeping of pigs in urban areas is a highly contentious issue in Kiribati. To further
explore this issue, various options were presented to participants on the keeping of pigs and
chickens: close to urban houses, in the middle of productive land or further away from
houses on the ocean side. During interviews, participants made little to no reference to
chickens but vigorously discussed issues related to pigs. Results show the clear tension
between maintaining urban health and hygiene levels and achieving the necessary security
and access to each household’s livestock. Based on participants’ rankings of different
scenarios (refer Appendix 4), keeping pigs and chickens in the middle of the productive land
in individual household pens or on the ocean side of the atoll in a communal piggery was
equally preferable. Participant justification for these preferences can be seen in the matrix of
participants’ responses in Appendix 4 (Figure 6 and Table 5).
Location of households within future planned urban settlements: lagoon and ocean
settlement
The location of households within an atoll settlement has a direct impact on the different
ownership and management approaches for productive urban lands. Two key options for
residential settlement exist in assuming that the centre of an atoll is retained for food
production: settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or on both the ocean and the lagoon
side. Results from participants’ rankings show a preference for residential settlement on both
the ocean and the lagoon (refer Appendix 4). This was primarily because of the increased
access and efficient use of space associated with this settlement option. Further details on
these results can be seen in Appendix 4 (Figure 7 and Table 6).
Travel time to productive lands
The distance that households would be willing to travel to their productive lands in future
planned urban settlements also has a significant bearing on the ownership and management
of food producing urban agroforestry lands. In general the majority of participants identified
that they would be willing to walk from 5 to 15 minutes to access productive lands in an
urban setting (refer Appendix 4).
188
8.4 Research Question Three: the appropriateness of existing organic waste
management systems for use in agroforestry system
Tremendous potential in future planned urban settlements exists to utilise simple composting
technologies to increase soil fertility, reduce infrastructure requirements and generate
employment. However, these benefits need to be weighed against the appropriateness of
different waste management initiatives. Identifying the advantages and limitations of existing
waste management techniques is a crucial step in understanding the role of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. The following section contains the
results of research into the appropriateness of banana circles, community composting
schemes and composting toilets for inclusion as components of the broader agroforestry
system in future planned urban settlements.
8.4.1 Participant preference on use of different composting techniques
Participant opinion on the use of different composting technologies clearly identified the
banana circle as the most appropriate technology followed by the community composting
scheme and lastly the composting toilet. The results from participant ranking on the use of
each of these composting technologies can be seen in Figure 41.
189
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Banana circle Community compostscheme
Compos ting toilet
Different organic waste management practices
Num
ber
of p
artic
ipan
ts w
ho a
gree
d to
use
eac
h co
mpo
stin
g te
chno
logy
Total
Government employees
Homegardeners
No answer
Figure 41: participant agreement on the personal use of composting technologies in future
planned urban settlements
Source: analysis of interview data
8.4.2 Participants’ views on the advantages and limitations of the banana circle
The banana circle was clearly identified by participants as the most appropriate option for
organic waste management in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Overall, very few
negative aspects of this composting process were identified by participants. ‘I can’t think of
anything bad about it’ (extract from interview HG05). The few minor criticisms that were
raised related to poor household management or the limitations inherent within a simple
composting approach. Table 32 gives further information on identified criticisms of the
banana circle composting approach.
190
Table 32: criticisms of the banana circle composting approach
Number of references to each criticism Consultants
and volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Little to no negatives 0 1 1 2
Details on the limitations of a simple approach
Requires quite a lot of space 1 0 1 2
Takes a long time to decompose 1 1 0 2
Requires some maintenance 1 0 0 1
Breeding area for pests 0 1 0 1
Details on poor management
Potential to contaminate the water lens 0 2 0 2
Bad odours from composting process 0 1 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
Although the simplicity of the banana circle was seen to be one of the greatest strengths of
this technology it was also seen by a small number of participants to be a weakness. A small
number of references were made to the spatial requirements of banana circle,, ‘people that
are really struggling with the area’ (extract from interview C11). Similarly, the low
technology approach of the banana circle was criticised by one participant because it was
seen as a relatively inefficient approach for composting organic waste. ‘The banana circle
and the organic waste is not full decomposition’ (extract from interview C03). The exposed
nature of the banana circle approach caused one participant to comment that they sometimes
were required to do extra maintenance to ensure that only organic material was thrown on
the composting pile. In addition, one reference was made to potential health concerns related
to pest activity and breeding. ‘It gets flies, breeds mosquitoes’ (extract from interview G09).
In addition to criticisms surrounding the simplistic nature of the banana circle systems, a
small number of criticisms were associated with poor management. If the banana circle was
not correctly installed, managed or maintained some participants believed that it could
pollute the underground water lens. ‘It might contaminate the water lens if it is dug too
deeply’ (extract from interview G03). Similarly, it was believed that if the incorrect materials
were added to the composting pit then bad odours may be emitted. ‘It give a bad smell and
so it is unpleasant for the environment’ (extract from interview G09). While it is important to
recognise each of these issues, it is also necessary to acknowledge the low number of
participant references to the criticisms associated with the banana circle.
191
On the whole, the banana circle approach was well received by participants. The success of
the banana circle concept was largely due to the ability of this composting technology to use
a simple approach to produce multiple, tangible results. During interviews, many of the
participants made statements that indicated that the banana circle was already a culturally
accepted and proven approach to composting. ‘Banana circle is a popular way and an easy
way to do it’ (extract from interview C03). It was also believed that the low technology
approach lowered financial costs and maintenance requirements. ‘It does not give you a lot
of work in doing this’ (extract from interview HG01).
The ordered nature of the banana circle was also seen by participants to be an advantage
because it easily fits into many women’s daily cleaning routine. ‘Cleaning up your area and
make use of the leaf and the compost’ (extract from interview G11). Some participants
believed that such popularity was partly because the banana circle fitted easily within the
spatial limitation of the urban landscape. ‘I’ve seen people utilising the banana circle on
small plots of land’ (extract from interview, G12). Composting within the boundary of the
garden plot also meant that households could take ownership of their waste. ‘I like the fact
that it’s individual composting so people are able to manage their use of their composting
bits’ (extract from interview C10).
The many tangible outcomes of the banana circle also contributed to its popularity amongst
participants. One of the primary benefits identified during interviews was the ability of the
banana circle to transform waste into a valuable resource. In particular, participants
mentioned the ability to enrich the soil, produce bananas and make money from the sale of
produce. ‘It is a good way to utilise organic waste for the building soil,’ (extract from
interview G05); ‘to get money from it and you can give it to your children to eat it’ (extract
from interview HG09). In a similar way, the banana circle was also believed to assist in the
sorting of organic waste. ‘Yes the good thing about the banana circle is that it helps waste
sorting’ (extract from interview G03). Finally, the ability of the banana circle to absorb
laundry water was also believed to assist in protecting the fresh water lens. ‘I think the good
purpose for this is safeguard the water lens’ (extract from interview C04). The identification
of these themes can be seen in Table 33.
192
Table 33: benefits of the banana circle composting technology
Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overriding themes
Simple approach 3 2 0 5
Multiple outcomes 2 2 1 5
Details on the simplicity of the banana circle
Accepted and proven system 11 8 6 25
Low technology and cost 3 2 2 7
Fits into daily routine 1 4 0 5
Fits easily into urban environments 1 2 0 3
Low maintenance 1 1 1 3
Well ordered 0 1 1 2
Managed by an individual household
1 0 0 1
Details on the outcomes of the banana circle
Converts waste to a resource 6 11 8 25
On site waste sorting 2 9 3 14
Protects water lens 2 1 2 5
Source: analysis of interview data
8.4.3 Participants’ views on the advantages and limitations of the community
composting scheme
Numerous advantages and limitations of the community composting scheme were identified
by participants during interviews. Overall, the general preference for on site composting
technologies such as the banana circle seen in Figure 41 was also evident in participants’
opinions regarding the community composting scheme. This was primarily because the
community composting scheme was seen as an overly costly and complex solution.
Furthermore, some participants believed that ‘the council is best at taking care of the rubbish
that can’t be composted’ (extract from interview G01) and leaving the organic waste so that
urban residents can keep their ‘own rubbish and use it for my [their] own garden’ (extract
from interview HG01). However, such a statement assumes that urban residents would
compost their organic material, which is not always the case. The identification of each of
these themes according to participants’ references to each category can be seen in Table 34.
193
Table 34: criticisms of the community composting scheme
Number of references to each criticism Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Too costly 3 7 0 10
Too complex 3 5 0 8
Better to compost at individual household level
1 2 1 4
Details on the complexity of the community composting scheme
Requires efficient management 7 6 0 13
Requires high level of community participation and awareness
4 2 0 6
Labour intensive 4 0 0 4
Questions over long term sustainability
0 3 0 3
Details on the cost of the community composting scheme
Constant infrastructure and maintenance costs
5 7 0 12
Household lose nutrients from their own waste and maybe unwilling to buy it back
6 3 2 11
Source: analysis of interview data
The regular collection of organic matter by the council in the community composting scheme
caused some participants concern over the ability of the council to collect rubbish on a
regular basis. ‘There is nothing wrong with this one here but at the same time the council
cannot collect the rubbish on time’ (extract from interview G06). Participants also expressed
concern in the willingness of communities to separate their waste so it could be collected by
the council. People are, ‘not that inclined to deal properly with their organic management
because they are not in charge of recycling them’ (extract from interview C02). The added
stages involved in the community composting scheme were also seen by some participants to
detract from the overall effectiveness of the approach. ‘It’s labour intensive in that there’s a
lot of stages involved in it’ (extract from C10). Furthermore, the complexity of the
community composting scheme prompted some participants to question the long term
sustainability of such a waste management approach.
The cost associated with the composting scheme was also seen as a major barrier for the
implementation of this composting technology. In particular, some participants stated that
upfront infrastructure and ongoing maintenance costs would be a significant constraint on
the success of this composting approach. ‘The only disadvantage to this one is the machine.
Very expensive to purchase and also to maintain’ (extract from interview G05). Furthermore,
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it was believed that some households would be unwilling to allow the council to collect their
rubbish and then have to pay to buy it back, ‘well the Government collected it for free, why
should I pay to get it back?’ (extract from interview G12). The issue of purchase cost was
also raised with regard to the affordability for the poor. ‘I don’t like the fact that it’s being
sold to people, because obviously then there’s a lot of people that can’t afford it’ (extract
from interview C11).
Although the community composting scheme was criticised by many participants because it
was perceived to be a complex and costly solution, various benefits were also identified.
Overall participants saw the multiple outcomes of the composting approach as the primary
benefit. The details of the abovementioned benefits can be seen in Table 35.
Table 35: benefits of the community composting scheme
Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching theme
Multiple outcomes 2 2 0 4
Details on the multiple outcomes of the community composting scheme
Promotes intensive organic farming systems
5 5 7 17
Reduces landfill through waste separation
10 4 3 17
Generates employment and income 4 6 2 12
Increases soil fertility 4 1 2 7
Improves the appearance of urban areas
1 1 1 3
Source: analysis of interview data
One of the main outcomes of the community composting scheme was believed to be the
promotion of organic farming systems through the provision of composted materials. ‘All the
rubbish is not wasted but used on the compost. Also he can give it to the banana circle’
(extract from interview HG09). The reduction of organic material dumped into landfills was
also believed to be a significant benefit. One participant stated that the disposal of organic
matter was ‘costing the Government a huge amount of money and it is wasting a really
valuable resource’ (extract from interview C07). In this way, some participants thought that
increased composting activity would generate new jobs and provide additional income for
homegardeners. ‘It will so benefit the community in terms of work and employment and
cash’ (extract from interview G03).
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More intensive farming composting practices would result in an increase in soil health and
fertility. Apart from use on homegardens, participants believed that chipped organic material
could also be used to beautify public spaces. ‘Bring the chips down to the park in Bairiki, it
is a perfect place for chips’ (extract from interview C07).
8.4.4 Participants’ views on the strengths and weaknesses of the composting toilet
In brief, the composting toilet was not well received by participants as a potential urban
agroforestry technology in future planned urban settlements. The key theme overarching
participants’ criticisms of this technology was the long history of failure of composting
toilets in Kiribati. ‘I would say, 99 per cent a complete disaster. Everywhere I have seen it
trialled in Kiribati it has not worked’ (extract from interview C01). These results are in
keeping with the lower number of participants, who in theory agreed to use this composting
technology in future urban settlements (refer Figure 41).
Various reasons were identified by participants for past failures associated with the
composting toilet. Table 36 presents a summary of the major themes according to the
number of references made to each criticism. Numerous references were made to the cultural
taboos associated with human waste. These taboos exist because, ‘all bits of the body are
available to have magic performed on them’ (extract from interview C13) and therefore
people are sometimes hesitant to leave excreta to compost because, ‘someone will put bad
magic on it’ (extract from interview C13). However, one participant felt that this was
sometimes used as a, ‘bit of an excuse’ (extract from interview C13).
Table 36: criticisms of the composting toilet composting approach
Number of references to each criticism Consultants
and volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
A history of failure 6 5 2 13
Details on past failures of the composting toilet
Taboos associated with human excreta
14 11 6 31
Requires disciplined maintenance and commitment
14 7 3 24
Smelly and dirty 4 1 7 12
Health concerns 1 4 1 6
Complex approach 4 0 0 4
Cost of construction 2 0 0 2
Source: analysis of interview data
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The continued maintenance requirements of the composting toilet were also seen to be a
significant barrier to the successful implementation of this waste management technology.
One participant stated that the composting toilet requires, ‘discipline in its operation’ (extract
from interview C10). Another stated that it, ‘requires the commitment and efforts of the
household’ (extract from interview G11). Some participants also believed that increased
hygiene issues were associated with the composting toilet. ‘If they are not maintained they
do stink’ (extract from interview C07). Furthermore, one participant emphasised that the
composting toilet was, ‘quite a big issue in cleaning’ (extract from interview C11). Similarly,
a poorly maintained toilet leads to health and pollution concerns resulting from,
‘contamination and leakage’ of faecal matter into the surrounding environment (extract from
interview C01). This was believed to be a particular problem if the composting toilet was
made available for public use.
Overall the composting toilet was seen to be a complex ‘answer to the ways that they [I-
Kiribati] have been use to for hundreds of years’ (extract from interview C01). In addition,
the cost of constructing a composting toilet was seen to be a barrier in their potential
introduction into future planned urban settlements. After considering many of the
abovementioned issues one participant stated, ‘I don’t think that they are worth the money
essentially right now’ (extract from interview C07).
Despite the large number of criticisms, participants also identified numerous benefits
associated with the composting toilet. In general, the idea of introducing composting toilets
as part of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements was believed to be
a good idea in theory but in practice very difficult to sustain. Table 37 presents a summary of
the major benefits according to the number of participant references to each benefit. The
most commonly identified benefit was the ability of composting toilets to encourage urban
food production through increased soil fertility. ‘This is urgent for them. I think it is a big
part of islands’ resources losing from the human manure. Yes, if they can recycle to return
the island, maybe ensure their food production continue’ (extract from interview C03).
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Table 37: benefits of the composting toilet composting approach
Number of references to each benefit Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Overarching themes
Good idea in theory 7 2 0 9
Details on the theoretical potential of the composting toilet
Encourage urban food production through increased soil fertility
4 4 4 12
Prevents environmental pollution 1 3 1 5
Positive first hand experience 0 2 2 4
Does not require water to operate 0 1 2 3
Addresses current sewerage problems
1 0 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
If correctly maintained, some participants stated that the composting toilet would help
prevent the pollution of the fresh water lens and the lagoon. ‘Reduces the environmental
impact on the lagoon; reduces the load on the existing sewer system. It’s environmentally
friendly’ (extract from interview C10). In this way, although many participants recounted
negative first hand experience of using composting toilets, a few participants shared positive
experiences. ‘I stayed in Kiritimati and I had one of these in my home and it worked. It
doesn’t have smell. It doesn’t use any water’ (extract from interview G10). Although the
complexity of the composting toilet was seen to be a disadvantage, the ability to operate a
composting toilet without the use of fresh water was seen to be a strength of this approach.
‘The composting toilet would be a good one to practice on the islands because, considering
the fact that we have a limited shortage of water’ (extract from interview G03).
8.4.5 Project implementation ideas
During interviews a number of policy and implementation suggestions were put forward by
participants for each of the composting technologies discussed in this section. A summary of
these suggestions can be found in Appendix 4. Suggestions include:
• provide tax breaks for households with banana circles;
• effective supervision of rubbish collection is the key to the success of the community
composting scheme;
• involve interested household in a pilot composting toilet program.
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8.5 Research Question Four: quantitative results on the nutritional contribution of
regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land
This section, discusses the nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed
urban agroforestry foods to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and bread on a daily
basis. Due to the large amount of quantitative data, many of the tables underlying the results
in this section are contained in Appendix 5. However, sufficient data is included in the text
to present key findings.
8.5.1 Nutritional intake of the typical urban household
Results from interviews with Government nutritionists showed that the key species identified
in the literature in review (refer Section 6.1) still remain a culturally accepted food source for
many urban residents. The estimated quantities of produce from urban agroforestry species
required to be consumed by the typical urban household to maintain a balanced diet can be
seen in Figure 42. Results show that the daily consumption of locally grown foods varies
greatly depending on the food type. Consumption levels recommended by Government
nutritionists to meet the typical urban household’s daily nutritional requirements ranged in
weight from .08kg of edible hibiscus leaves to 3.8 kilograms of pawpaw.
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0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
3000
3500
4000
Banan
a
Breadf
ruit
Matu
re co
conu
t
Immatu
re co
conu
t
Chines
e cab
bage
Cucum
ber
Edible
hibisc
us
Panda
nus
Pawpa
w
Cocon
ut tod
dy
Reef f
ish
Whit
e brea
d roll
Boiled
rice
Recommended food inputs to be consumed by the typical urban household
Wei
ght (
g)
Figure 42: daily consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government nutritionists
to maintain a balanced diet for the typical urban household assuming set inputs of fish, rice and
bread
Source: analysis of interview data
More specifically, the nutritional intake estimated by Government nutritionists catered for
over 90 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended by Otten, Hellwig and
Meyers (2006) for the typical urban household in 15 out of the 17 nutritional inputs.
However in the case of sodium and calcium, only 50 to 70 per cent of the daily Dietary
Reference Intakes were reached. The comparison between the nutritional values of the
recommended consumption of local foods from Government nutritionists and the required
daily Dietary Reference Intakes from Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the
typical urban household can be seen in Figure 43. Combining data from nutrition interviews
with the agricultural yields in Section 6.3 allows the number of species to produce the
required amount of food to be calculated. For further details on these calculations refer
Appendix 5.
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0.00 100.00 200.00 300.00 400.00 500.00 600.00 700.00 800.00 900.00
Energy
Protein
Carbohydrates
Fibre
Sodium
Magnesium
Potassium
Calcium
Iron
Zinc
Vitamin A
Thiamin
Riboflavin
Niacin
Vitamin B12
Vitamin C
Vitamin E
Key
nut
ritio
nal i
nput
s of t
ypic
al u
rban
hou
seho
ld
Per cent of family daily Dietary Reference Intake
Imported staples
Reef fish
Garden produce
Figure 43: comparison between the nutritional values of the diet of the typical urban household
from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes from Otten,
Hellwig and Meyers (2006) calculated for the typical urban household
Source: analysis of nutritional data
8.5.2 The detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned urban
settlements
Undertaking the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned urban
settlements provides valuable insights into the potential contribution of agroforestry systems
in urban atoll environments. Although such a design is only an example of how urban
agroforestry systems could be configured in future planned urban settlements, it is a useful
indication of the general nutritional contribution of such systems. A variety of data was
required to undertake these calculations.
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Data on the required spacing between different agroforestry species to ensure maximum
yield was critical in calculating the productivity of different species on atoll lands. However,
as the literature review shows (refer Section 6.3), opinions on the spacing of atoll species can
vary between different sources. In this way, results from interviews with members of the
Government Agricultural Division further highlighted the difficulties involved in precisely
defining species spacing in atoll environments.
Despite such difficulties, it was still possible to estimate the nutritional contribution of
different urban agroforestry species through combining existing literature with the estimates
of species spacing from interviews with members of the Government Agricultural Division.
Appendix 5 contains further details on these calculations. The minimum spacing
requirements of this data was used with data on species ratios, the settlement scenario
developed in Section 7.1 and results from qualitative interviews to inform the design of an
urban agroforestry system in 1000 square metres of land (refer Figure 44). The number, type
and spacing of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000 square metres of
productive land can be seen in Table 38 and 39. Furthermore, the ownership and
management approach for this detailed design was based on a variation of “model A”
because qualitative results suggested that this ownership and management approach was the
most appropriate in the initial stages of introducing urban agroforestry systems into future
planned urban settlements as a recognised land use. Results from qualitative interviews were
also used to justify the placement of individual pig sties in a shared shelter in the middle of
the atoll. Likewise, chickens are not included as a central component of this design because
of the general disinterest in chicken cultivation during qualitative interviews.
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Figure 44: an example of the detailed design of an urban agroforestry system in future planned
urban settlements on 1000 square metres of productive land
Source: author’s synthesis of data on urban agroforestry in Kiribati and nutritional requirements of a
typical urban household
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Table 38: number and type of agroforestry species included in the detailed design of 1000
square metres of productive land
Number Scientific name Local name Common name Diameter 8 Abelmoschus manihot Nambere Edible hibiscus 1.5m
1 Artocarpus altilis Te mai Breadfruit 9m
38 Brassica chinensis Te kabiti n taina Chinese cabbage .3m
19 Carica papaya Te babaia Pawpaw 3m
8 Cocos nucifera Te ni Coconut 5.5m
1 Cocos nucifera Te karewe Coconut toddy 5.5m
8 Cucumis sativus Te kiukamba Cucumber .4m
6 Musa spp. Te banana Lady's finger banana 3m
4 Pandanus tectorius Te kaina Pandanus 7m
Source: author’s synthesis of data on urban agroforestry in Kiribati and nutritional requirements of a typical urban household
Table 39: results from agricultural interviews and literature review on optimal spacing of
selected agroforestry species
Edible hibiscus
Breadfruit Pawpaw Coconut Banana Pandanus Vegetables
Edible hibiscus
1 to 2m 7m 6m 7m 5m 7m 2m
Breadfruit / 8 to 12.2m 8m 9m 10m 10m 7m Pawpaw / 1.8 to
4m 8m 6m 5m 4m
Coconut / 7 to 9m 7m 6m 7m Banana / 2 to 6m 8m 4m Pandanus / 5 to 10m 8m Vegetables / 1m
Source: Kiribati Agricultural Department
8.5.3 The nutritional contribution of the designed urban agroforestry system
The investigation into the nutritional contribution of regularly consumed locally grown
agroforestry foods in future planned urban settlements showed that urban agroforestry
systems can make significant contributions to household nutrition. In particular, a cultivated
area of 1000 square metres of atoll land could contribute an average of 39 per cent of the
daily Dietary Reference Intakes of a typical I-Kiribati urban household. Overall, the
contribution of urban agroforestry systems to the nutritional intake of a typical urban
household falls into four categories. The daily Dietary Reference Intakes of the typical urban
household compared to the nutritional intakes provided by agroforestry species in the
productive landscape can be seen in Figure 45.
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0.00 50.00 100.00 150.00 200.00 250.00 300.00 350.00
Energy
Protein
Carbohydrates
Fibre
Sodium
Magnesium
Potassium
Calcium
Iron
Zinc
Vitamin A
Thiamin
Riboflavin
Niacin
Vitamin B12
Vitamin C
Vitamin E
Key
nut
ritio
nal i
nput
s of t
ypic
al u
rban
hou
seho
ld
Per cent of family daily Dietary Reference Intake
Imported staplesReef fishGarden produce
Figure 45: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres
compared to the required Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)
calculated for the typical urban household
Source: analysis of interview data
In the case of vitamin C and magnesium, produce from urban agroforestry systems
contributed more than 30 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended for
the typical urban household by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006). Combining this
nutritional intake with the consumption of rice, bread and reef fish would allow the typical
urban household to achieve their daily dietary requirements for these two inputs. Over 20 per
cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended for the typical urban household by
Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for vitamin E, riboflavin, vitamin A, iron, potassium,
fibre and energy were provided from the recommended consumption levels of urban
agroforestry produce. However, when combined with assumed daily nutritional inputs of
rice, bread and reef fish this contribution was insufficient to meet the daily Dietary
Reference Intakes of these seven inputs.
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Thirdly, the consumption of produce from the urban agroforestry system contributed less
than 20 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes for the typical urban household
recommended by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for thiamin, zinc, calcium and sodium.
In these four inputs, the combined intake of the urban agroforestry systems and rice, flour
and reef fish was again insufficient to meet the daily dietary requirements of the typical
urban household. Finally produce from urban agroforestry systems contributed from 0 to 50
per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes recommended by Otten, Hellwig and Meyers
(2006) for vitamin B12, niacin, carbohydrates and protein. However, this contribution made
little difference in the given scenario because the daily Dietary Reference Intakes for these
foods are already met through the consumption of rice, bread and reef fish.
8.6 Summary and conclusions
In this chapter the results of data collection and analysis procedures have been recorded. In
brief, results from Research Question One indicate that convincing arguments exist both in
support and in opposition to reserving the most productive land in future planned urban
settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems. Moreover, results on Research
Question Two show that while the four different approaches to ownership and management
each have strengths and weaknesses, the allocation of productive lands to individual
households is initially the most appropriate approach. Furthermore, results from Research
Question Three suggest that simple, low technology, on site composting technologies would
be the most appropriate in future planned urban settlements. Finally, results from Research
Question Four demonstrate that a significant amount of atoll land is needed to yield wide-
ranging nutritional contribution to a typical urban household. In the following chapter, these
results will be discussed with reference to existing literature.
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9.0 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS
Following the presentation of results in Chapter Eight, this chapter discusses findings from
each research question within the framework of existing literature. The significance of
results is then summarised in a discussion of the contribution and implications of findings for
theory, policy and practice. Finally, limitations of results are highlighted.
9.1 Discussion of results from each research question
The discussion of findings in the following section is structured around the four research
questions. Firstly, results on the potential and constraints associated with the deliberate
inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements are discussed to
provide a broad overview of relevant issues. Secondly, results on the effect of different
ownership and management models on food productivity and cultural appropriateness of
urban agroforestry systems are examined. Thirdly, results on the appropriateness of existing
organic waste management systems for use in the agroforestry system of future planned
urban settlements are addressed. Finally, results on the nutritional contribution of regularly
consumed, urban agroforestry foods from a set area of land are critiqued.
9.1.1 What are the strengths and weaknesses associated with reserving the most
productive land in future planned urban settlements for food producing urban
agroforestry systems?
Integrating urban agroforestry initiatives such as urban forestry, ‘into overall urban planning,
obviously will be easier in cities with strong planning capabilities’ (Carter 1995, p. 80).
However, in cases such as Kiribati where urban planning capacity is less developed, Carter
(1995, p. 80) states that ‘those who are planning urban forestry activities must be aware of
potential social, environmental and economic repercussions of their actions’.
For this reason research into the potential and constraints associated with the deliberate
inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on the most productive land in future planned urban
settlements is necessary. While the potential and constraints of urban food production as a
generic concept has already been addressed in literature on urban agriculture (Mougeot 2005,
2006; Viljoen 2005) and homegardening in the Pacific (Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch &
Kennedy 2006), existing literature is yet to explore the role of urban agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements in Kiribati. Understanding these issues is particularly
207
critical because of the unusually marginal nature of human settlement and agricultural
production on atolls and the recent emphasis on the development of future planned urban
settlements in Kiribati (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a; Hockings et al. 2004).
Literature on urban agroforestry in the Pacific categorises urban agroforestry systems
according to two main types of small scale agriculture: houseyard food gardening adjacent to
residences and food gardening on idle or undeveloped land within urban areas (Thaman
1995, p. 210). While, the benefits and constraints of each of these two approaches have
already been noted in the Pacific (Thaman 1995, pp. 214-5) current literature provides little
information on the issues surrounding the inclusion of urban agroforestry lands in Kiribati or
the Pacific in future planned urban settlements. These gaps have been answered through the
thorough identification of arguments in support of and in opposition to reserving the most
productive land in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati for food production. It can be
concluded from this investigation that:
• the development of future planned urban settlements creates a rare opportunity for
the Kiribati Government to establish a new precedent for urban development which
could act as a catalyst for change in existing urban settlements;
• increasing demand for and control of zoned productive land will be the greatest
challenge confronting the introduction of urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements;
• significant potential exists within the five program components of the STP in
Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 14) for urban agroforestry systems to be
incorporated through bottom up and top down approaches;
• it is important to select the correct approach from a range of different agroforestry
systems so not to unnecessarily hinder future economic development but rather
facilitate a holistic and well rounded approach to future urban development.
Issues surrounding the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements
Many of the criticisms relating to the promotion, protection and development of urban
agroforestry systems in Table 13 have also been identified in more general literature on
urban agriculture (Carter 1995; Ellis & Sumberg 1998; Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996). These
include the potential contamination of urban foods by heavy metals, pollution of ground
water lenses by agricultural production, occupation of agricultural activities on high value
urban land, increased consumption of urban resources such as water to support agricultural
production and the theft of produce from urban agricultural lands.
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In a similar fashion, the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlement to deliver socio-cultural, economic and ecologically sustainable benefits is
supported in literature that emphasises the sustainability of urban agricultural systems
(Mougeot 2005, 2006; Viljoen 2005). In such works, the potential for urban agriculture to
improve food security, increase nutritional intakes, create employment, off-set food cost,
recycle urban waste and improve the ecology of urban environments is clearly identified. In
summary, urban agriculture is commonly presented as one of the most efficient tools for
transforming urban waste into food, jobs and healthier, cleaner urban environments (Smit,
Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).
A common theme: sustainability and literature on agroforestry and homegardening
The theme of sustainability is also a feature of literature relating to agroforestry. The concept
of sustainability is itself included in many of the definitions of agroforestry (1993, p. 28).
This is particularly evident in the title of publications such as Clarke and Thaman (1993)
‘Agroforestry in the Pacific islands: systems for sustainability’. Furthermore, sustainability is
a central component of literature on homegardening (Nair, P. K. R. & Kumar 2006). Finally,
publications on agriculture in Kiribati also acknowledge the need for ‘more sustainable land
use systems’ such as homegardens to encourage local residents to ‘become more self-reliant’
(Thomas 2002, p. 167). Considering the consistent reference to sustainability in related
literature, it is not surprising that results identified “sustainable development” as the central
theme around which the benefits of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements could be clustered.
Impact of the marginal nature of atoll settlement on the importance of urban food
production
Despite the similarities between many of the results of this study and themes in existing
literature, it would be incorrect to assume that the potential and constraints associated with
the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati
are no different from other parts of the world. While certain similarities exist, the marginal
nature of maintaining high density urban settlements on a fragile atoll environment creates a
variety of new opportunities and constraints for urban agroforestry systems. As Thomas
(2002, p. 166) states, ‘South Tarawa currently faces some of the worst modern challenges
associated with human population growth, urbanization [sic], imported food dependency,
pollution, limited natural resources (at least terrestrial resources), geographical isolation and
impact from global warming’.
209
Assuming the regular supply of imported food20, the marginal nature of sustaining urban
settlements in an atoll environment decreases urban residents’ incentive to invest in urban
food systems. The five most frequently identified issues underlying the public’s low demand
for urban agroforestry lands was land infertility, land availability, crop insecurity, land
affordability and lack of education. The challenges associated with low demand for urban
agroforestry lands are further compounded by a poor history of Government land use
enforcement. The unwillingness or inability of Government institutions to enforce land use is
evidence of deeper issues relating to the effectiveness of governance itself. However a
detailed analysis of governance in Kiribati is beyond the scope of this thesis. Viewed in
isolation from the benefits of urban agriculture systems, such constraints provide a strong
argument against the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements.
On the other hand, if urban settlements in highly marginal environments are to be sustained,
then certain controls are necessary. This is because externalities such as the overall
ecological integrity of urban settlements are not prioritised by individual households and
therefore require some level of protection by Government organisations. Thus, the marginal
nature of urban settlement in an atoll environment can be used as an argument in support of
initiatives such as the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements. This is because waste management, employment, food insecurity and
nutritional problems are generally compounded by increasing densities yet assisted by urban
agroforestry systems. As one participant stated, ‘population increase, the land decrease and
their costs increase from imports, so push them to accept to work by themselves, to produce
their own food and enrich their own land; otherwise they will cause their own crisis’ (extract
from interview C03).
An oxymoron? Sustainable urbanisation in Kiribati
The marginal and fragile nature of atoll living is widely accepted in existing literature (Dijk
2006, p. 79; Neemia & Thaman 1993, p. 289; Thaman 1990a, p. 6). However, the possibility
that such constraints should fundamentally change the approach to the design of urban
settlements is not. Consequently, current urban development in Kiribati pursues a vision of
urban living consistent with more developed countries’ notions of the divide between urban
and rural lands uses. This is despite past recognition that the current state of settlement in
South Tarawa is unsustainable (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994, p. 19; Butcher-
20 This assumption is flawed from a food security perspective considering the geographical isolation
of Kiribati but is necessary to illustrate the above point.
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Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 109; Larmour 1982, p. i; MELAD 2003, p. 48). In this way, Butcher-
Gollach et al. (2007a, p. 14) states that the situation regarding urban management in South
Tarawa is now at the stage where ‘the costs of doing nothing are extremely high’. This
situation is a result of a long history of unsustainable urban development. However, results
from interviews in Table 12 show that urban agroforestry systems provide a cost effective,
culturally acceptable and ecologically responsible approach to addressing many of the
challenges associated with urbanisation in Kiribati.
Sustainability in theory and practice
On a theoretical level, little argument exists against the inclusion of agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements in Kiribati as it, ‘makes a lot of sense from all perspectives’
(extract from interview C07). However on a practical level, the inclusion of such systems is
clearly limited by peoples’ willingness to participate and support such a scheme.
Thus, is it also necessary to consider sustainability from the perspective of the long term
viability of a given development initiative. Results show that the long term sustainability of
the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements faces two
key constraints (refer Table 13). Firstly, the perception of many urban residents that urban
agroforestry systems are a relatively low value land use (low demand). Secondly, the
Government’s poor history of regulating and enforcing planning controls (low control). In
this way, issues of agro-deforestation (Thaman 1990a, pp. 16-7), loss of productive lands in
urban areas (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 56) and ineffective Government planning
controls (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 18) in South Tarawa have all been identified as
constraints in past studies.
The comparably low number of references by homegardeners to the potential of urban
agroforestry systems to create a ‘clear plan for a sustainable future’ in Table 12, suggests
that the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements using the
justification of “sustainability” alone would hold little meaning for many I-Kiribati. While
this finding is most probably a result of many homegardeners not having encountered the
concept of sustainability before, this lack of understanding remains a significant barrier for
using “sustainability” as a justification for urban change. However if urban settlements in
Kiribati are to continue in the long term, then sustainable management strategies are needed
to maintain the crucial ecological systems which support such dense populations.
Despite this, Jones (1997, Ch. 9, p. 10) states that, ‘sustainability principles have little
relevance and meaning to the bulk of the population’s strong social and economic affiliation
211
to land’. At a Pacific level, Nunn (2004, p. 317) also argues that while sustainable
development is often a popular concept on paper, few Pacific island governments are
prepared to count the cost of such philosophies for the sake of “sustainability” alone.
Alternatively, results from Table 12 indicate that homegardeners are highly motivated by
financial profit that can be earned from the sale of produce from urban agroforestry systems
rather than concern for the environment or overall welfare of society. This result again
emphasises the potential of urban agroforestry systems to achieve economic and health
benefits at a household level while providing broader ecological and environmental benefits
to the overall urban settlement; in brief, achieving sustainable outcomes without directly
promoting sustainability.
Urban agroforestry: an essential land use or a waste of space?
The above perspectives explain why strong arguments exist in support of and in opposition
to the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. From one
perspective, urban agroforestry systems offer a plethora of benefits capable of addressing the
vast majority of development issues in Kiribati. However, from another point of view, low
public interest in urban cultivation and the poor history of Government regulation threatens
to undermine the potential of such an approach. This tension is reflected in Thomas’ (2002,
p. 168) comment on one hand that, ‘agroforestry development provides hope for the
sustainable use of local resources, while lessening the dependency on the expensive imports,
and reverses the trend leading to a deterioration of nutritional health’ yet on the other that,
‘greater involvement in agricultural activities currently seems unlikely among the people of
South Tarawa’ (2002, p. 172).
Due to the strengths of both of these arguments and the division between the “theoretical
potential” of urban agroforestry and the “practical reality” of urban living in Kiribati, it
would appear that a compromise is necessary. Thus, the most accurate understanding of the
potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements rests between a
view of urban agroforestry as an “essential land use” and a panacea for all urban problems,
compared to urban agroforestry systems in future urban settlements as a “waste of space”,
unnecessarily constraining the economic development of urban settlements. Results from this
research question show that balance is needed in integrating urban agroforestry systems into
future planned settlements in Kiribati so as not to unnecessarily hinder future economic
development but rather facilitate a holistic and well rounded approach to future urban
development. In promoting such systems the Government of Kiribati must develop policy to
increase public demand for urban agroforestry land and enforce land use controls. This point
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will be further discussed later in this chapter during the implications section (refer Section
9.2).
Urban agroforestry systems: a diversity of investment options
With the above point in mind, it is important to note that the inclusion of urban agroforestry
systems in future planned urban settlements exists within a spectrum of investment options.
Selecting urban agroforestry approaches from a spectrum of choices, allows the production
approach to be tailored to the specific needs of a community thereby increasing both the
public’s support and the Government’s control of urban agroforestry systems. More
conservative policies toward urban agroforestry systems while having the advantage of
reduced cost would be less effective in addressing key urban problems. A decision to further
invest in urban agroforestry approaches would see the potential benefits of these systems
more fully realised. Thus, while more costly investment options such as reserving
agricultural land in urban settlements would require a greater land investment, it would also
more fully address urban problems such as food security, waste management, nutrition,
employment and overcrowding. Possible investment options can be seen in Table 40.
Table 40: example of the variety of investment options for urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements
Potential urban agroforestry investment option Indicative implementation cost to Government or donor organisation
Educate government workers on the value of urban agroforestry systems
Low
Plant food producing street trees Low Undertake community workshops on the value of urban agroforestry systems
Low
Combine urban agroforestry approaches with recreational land uses Low Mulch public gardens with wood chips Low Tighter regulations on the clearing of productive trees Medium Mandatory keeping of pigs at a certain distance from housing Medium Construction of demonstration farms Medium Construction of communal piggeries Medium Development of farmers’ cooperatives Medium Phased development of future urban settlements to allow for access to surrounding productive land
Medium
Compost organic matter at existing waste management facilities Medium Tax incentives for households to plant banana circles High Pilot composting toilet program undertaken with committed households
High
Provision of agricultural lands to educational institutions to demonstrate the importance of agroforestry systems
High
Leased productive land allocated to all houses in future urban settlements for households to intensively farm
High
Community gardens for urban farmers in each major centre High Development of a community composting scheme High Source: synthesis of results
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Future urban settlements: a catalyst for change
The Government’s general inability to adequately enforce land planning controls is a major
constraint to the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements. One of the primary difficulties associated with the Government’s ability to take
a leadership role in the development of future planned urban settlements is the inherent
limitations associated with achieving strong Government leadership in a democratic society.
This is because in a democratic system political leaders are likely to be directed by the
“popular” decision and not necessarily the “right” decision. The lack of political will and
strong leadership from the Kiribati Government is highlighted in Thomas and Tonganibeia
(2007, p. 51).
Although it is important not to lightly dismiss the difficulties associated with urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements, it is also important to recognise
that any attempt to increase the sustainability of urban settlements in Kiribati will face
similar behaviour change and institutional limitations. The recent report into urban renewal
in South Tarawa (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a) is an example of the complexities associated
with developing a more sustainable urban existence in Kiribati. However, as Jones (1997,
Ch. 9, p. 7) study into urban management in Kiribati states, ‘where the Government has
made firm and committed decisions for change, it can make inroads on some key urban
management issues’.
As was highlighted in Chapter 4, change has and will continue to profoundly influence
human settlements in Kiribati. The design and development of future planned urban
settlements creates a rare opportunity for the Government to establish a new precedent for
urban development which could act as a catalyst for change in existing urban settlements.
For this reason, it is disappointing to note that urban agroforestry systems were not given a
higher priority in the recommendations of the recent Kiribati Urban Renewal Program
Scoping Study preceding the STP (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a). However, significant
potential still exists within the five program components of the STP in Butcher-Gollach et al.
(2007a, p. 14) for urban agroforestry systems to be incorporated through bottom up and top
down approaches where the Government sets the parameters for urban food production and
local initiative is encouraged. This point will be further discussed later in this chapter during
the implications section (refer Section 9.2).
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9.1.2 How would different ownership and management approaches effect the cultural
appropriateness and food productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in
future planned urban settlements?
Examining the impact of different ownership and management approaches on food
production and cultural acceptability of agroforestry systems is necessary for a number of
reasons. Urban management in Kiribati and the Pacific is an evolving field of research with
considerable potential for further work. Although broader literature on property regimes is
significant (Berkes 1989b; Bromley 1991; Stevenson 1991), literature on the impact of
different ownership and management approaches on food production and cultural
acceptability of urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati is minimal. Key pieces of literature on
urban management in Kiribati (Bryant-Tokalau & Kumarasuriyar 1994; Butcher-Gollach et
al. 2007b, 2007a; Jones 1996, 1997; MELAD 2003) have provided only passing insights into
the potential role of urban agroforestry systems in shaping Kiribati’s urban future. Similarly,
literature on urban agroforestry, homegardening and agriculture in Kiribati (Peduzzi 1999;
Small 1972; Thaman 1990a) does not connect broader urban management issues with the
potential benefits offered by urban agroforestry systems.
While some of these issues are highlighted in existing literature on urban forestry in
developing countries (Carter 1995; Konijnendijk et al. 2004; Kuchelmeister 1998b), it is
noted by Kuchelmeister (1998a, para. 95) that urban agroforestry initiatives beyond
homegardens are ‘virtually non-existent in the developing countries of the Pacific region’.
Furthermore, literature on urban agroforestry such as homegardens in the Pacific either
reports on existing agroforestry practices (Sommers 1990; Vasey 1985) or emphasises the
potential of urban agroforestry systems (Thaman 1995; Thaman, Elevitch & Kennedy 2006)
without exploring more fundamental ownership and management issues surrounding the
promotion and inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements.
These gaps have been answered in this research question by exploring how different
ownership and management approaches effect the cultural appropriateness and food
productivity of food producing agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. It
can be concluded from this investigation that:
• strengths and weaknesses exist in all four ownership and management approaches;
• a phased approach to the use of different models could be effective in minimising
the weaknesses and maximising the strengths of different ownership and
management approaches;
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• a co-management approach where individual households lease state owned
productive land with an integrated tenure arrangement between residential plots and
productive land (model A) is the most appropriate starting model to introduce the
concept of zoned productive land.
Cultural acceptability
The importance of acknowledging and working within the restrictions of the socio-cultural
order is paramount in Kiribati (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 15). Participants’ ranking of different
ownership and management models revealed that integrating individual tenure of productive
land with tenure of individual household plots (model A) was the most culturally appropriate
approach (refer Figure 39). This was a result of cultural issues relating to land ownership and
access and the need to ensure the fair distribution of resources in the community (refer Table
24). The importance of land (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 4) and equality (Macdonald 2001, p. 207)
in the I-Kiribati socio-cultural order is also firmly established in existing literature. The
cultural significance of owning land also assists in explaining why so many homegardeners
believed that it would be better for the Kiribati Government to sell productive land to
individual households and cooperatives (refer Figures 36 and 37)
In this way, allowing households to freely buy and sell productive lands in a private property
approach (model B) was believed by some participants to be culturally inappropriate because
it was not an equitable solution due to an inability to guarantee all households access to
productive land. This finding reflects the negative social impacts frequently associated with
private property (Stevenson 1991, p. 104).
Furthermore, employment between unrelated I-Kiribati was also raised by a number of
participants as a cultural concern. Macdonald (2001, p. 97) comments that traditionally there
is a strong sense of disdain for ‘those who profit from the efforts of others’ and a general
sentiment that, ‘no man [should] rise above his fellows’. Such a statement reflects
Stevenson’s (1991, p. 4) comment that private property regimes may not be appropriate in a
given cultural context.
On the other hand, numerous participants made comments that suggested a capitalistic
approach is becoming increasingly accepted in urban areas. This was particularly evident in
the relatively high ranking of the private property approach (model B) as the preferred model
for household residence in future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 38). This result
supports Jones’ (1997, Ch. 9, p. 7) suggestion that western values such as individualism,
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freehold land and formal cash employment continue to profoundly influence the socio-
cultural order in Kiribati.
In contrast, the collective access approach (model C) for owning and managing productive
land was seen to be firmly based on traditional approaches. Geddes et al. (1982, p. 97) states
that a cooperative model provides an ‘acceptable way out of the cultural impasse in which
enterprising individuals find themselves’. However, despite the large numbers of participants
who emphasised the cultural acceptability of model C, many participants also expressed
concern over conflict and social breakdown in a cooperative setting. In particular, a number
of participants believed that the diversity associated with urban living made it difficult to
develop and maintain strong community structures. Furthermore, firm group commitment
without kinship ties was also seen to be difficult, particularly in urban areas. This is because
with increasing density comes increasing fluidity and casual relationships that frequently
result in the breakdown of the intimate contact necessary to ensure appropriate management
and collective responsibility in a common property regime (Berkes 1989a, p. 71). Similar
sentiments are recorded in the following comment from Carter (1995, p. 81) on urban
forestry in developing countries:
Ensuring meaningful community involvement in urban forestry initiatives will not
always be easy. Whereas in many developed countries “community” can be
synonymous with “neighbourhood”, this is often not the case in cities undergoing
rapid population growth and frequent movement of dwellers. In such cities, a
neighbourhood may be made up of people of different ethnic origins, religions and
even languages.
Thus, although a community approach with collective access was seen to be “ideal in theory”
the breakdown of kinship ties associated with urban living results in significant practical
limitations on this approach. However, while the potential of common property regimes in
urban settlements is clearly limited, the importance of cooperative effort and sharing
remains.
Finally, the state property approach (model D) was believed to facilitate the fair distribution
of public resources. Unlike private sector employment, Government employment was not
seen as culturally inappropriate but rather was highly sought after. In this way, the central
role of the Kiribati Government in employing large numbers of urban residents is a feature of
the MIRAB economy (Bertram 2006).
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Unnecessary burden on Government
The final theme that emerged from the investigation of different ownership and management
approaches in future planned urban settlements was the level of Government involvement
required to implement each approach. While each model requires some level of Government
involvement, the state property approach (model D) was criticised by participants because it
was seen to add an unnecessary administrative burden to the Government. Although the
issue of Government involvement was not raised in relation to the integrated individual
tenure approach (model A) or the collective access approach (model C), the private property
approach (model B) was seen to be advantageous because it was believed to be capable of
stimulating private sector involvement. Similarly, Carter (1995, p. 80) states that urban
agroforestry initiatives such as urban forestry ‘cannot and should not be carried out solely by
the public sector’. Instead, ‘partnerships must be developed with community groups, non-
governmental organizations [sic], research and academic institutions, and the private sector’
(Carter 1995, p. 80). Further involvement of the private sector is critical in Kiribati where the
public sector already ‘provides two out of every three formal jobs and four out of every five
dollars of pay’ (Government of Kiribati 2003, p. 13).
Overall strengths and weaknesses of different models and the best starting model
Results on the potential and limitations of the four different approaches for ownership and
management of agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati reveals
that strengths and weaknesses exist in all four approaches (refer Table 41). In this way,
although integrated tenure with individual allocation of productive land (model A) clearly
emerged as the preferred approach for both Government employees and homegardener
participants (refer Figure 38), the limitations of this model were also identified.
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Table 41: key strengths and weaknesses of management models A to D
Different ownership and management approaches
Key themes Model A:
individual
Model B: free
market
Model C:
cooperative
Model D:
Government
Land use control High Low Medium High
Farmer
ownership
Medium High Medium Low
Centralised
management
Low Low to Medium Medium High
Economy of scale Low Low to Medium Medium to high High
Cultural
acceptability
High Low High Medium to high
Administrative
ease
High High Medium to High Low
Source: synthesis of results
The apparent strengths and weaknesses of all models in regard to food production and
cultural appropriateness resulted in some participants suggesting the phased use of different
models to minimise the weaknesses and maximise the strengths of different approaches. In
particular, integrated tenure with individual allocation of lands to urban residents (model A)
was seen to be the most appropriate starting model at the outset of future planned urban
settlements. Although model A was not believed to be the most productive model, it was
seen to be the most culturally appropriate approach. This was because it was seen by some
participants to be capable of minimising interpersonal conflict and land disputes while
preserving the integrity of the productivity concept through ensuring that all households had
access to productive lands. Viewed within the context of the overall preference of
participants for leasing productive land (refer Figures 36 and 37), this result clearly points
towards a co-management approach between the individual and the state. Under this
arrangement, the Kiribati Government would provide a check on individuals use of
productive land, while individual access to productive land would help ensure greater
ownership and control in food production (Berkes, George & Preston 1991, p. 12).
As the best starting model, some participants suggested that model A could transition into a
private property (model B) and or collective access approach (model C). This could occur
over time as interested households began to group together and households that were not
interested in food production withdrew from urban food production. This transition would
then allow the choice and efficiency associated with model B and the community belonging
and management of model C to be introduced to the settlement. Small areas of productive
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land could also be developed as demonstration plots (model D). A phased approach would
result in an urban settlement scenario where a variety of different approaches to ownership
and management exist within the starting framework of integrated tenure with individual
allocation of productive land.
In summary, the evolutionary development of an integrated individual tenure co-
management approach (model A) towards increased user choice and control (model B) and
cooperative action through collective access (model C) is supported through a variety of
different results: (i) participants ranking of their most preferred model for habitation (refer
Figure 38), (ii) participant ranking of cultural appropriateness of different models (refer
Figure 37), and (iii) the identification of key themes in interview transcripts (refer Table 15
to 30). This preference of individual ownership and management (at least at the outset) is yet
another indication of the modification of the social-cultural order in urban areas towards
individualism (Jones 1997, Ch. 9, p. 7).
9.1.3 How appropriate are existing organic waste management systems for use in
agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements?
Considerable research has already been undertaken into various waste management
approaches in Kiribati. In particular, the design and effectiveness of initiatives such as the
composting toilet (Burke 2001; Coffey MPW & FSPK 2001; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
2004; Tebano 1996), banana circle (Mollison & Jeeves 1988; Roniti Teiwaki & Associates
2004; SPREP 2003) and community composting scheme (Golder Associates & AusAID
2002) have all been addressed to varying extents in existing literature on atoll waste
management. However, the appropriateness of each of these technologies for use in future
planned urban settlements is largely unknown, particularly in regard to the banana circle and
the community composting scheme. Results from Research Question Three add further
knowledge to this field through investigating the appropriate of existing organic waste
management systems for use in agroforestry systems of future planned urban settlements. It
can be concluded from this investigation that:
• composting techniques such as the banana circle are preferable over alternative
waste management technologies such as community composting schemes and
composting toilets because of the banana circle’s simplicity, affordability,
availability and cultural appropriateness at a household level.
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Composting toilet
Results on the appropriateness of the composting toilet in future planned urban settlements
generally confirmed findings of previous studies of the difficulties involved with the
promotion of composting toilets in Kiribati. During interviews, over half (58 per cent) of
Government and homegardener participants agreed in theory to have a composting toilet in
their house if they lived in a future planned urban settlement (refer Figure 41). This figure
was higher then the 29 per cent of participants who indicated their approval of composting
toilets in Tebano (1996, p. 23). The increased number of positive responses in this study
could be due to factors such as the small participant pool, high level of education of
Government employees, potential bias of homegarden participants towards the production of
organic fertilisers or increased awareness of waste management issues over time. Despite the
relatively high number of participants in this study who indicated that they would be willing
to use a composting toilet, personal observations of failed composting toilets in South
Tarawa and the key themes identified from interviews in Table 36 suggest that the long term
commitment of many participants to this technology is questionable. Similarly, the tendency
of community involvement in composting toilet schemes to fail over time has been reported
in Asia Development Bank (2006a, p. 115) and Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 54).
Many of the criticisms of the composting toilet identified in Table 36 are also noted in
existing literature. In particular, taboos associated with human excreta, perception of
composting toilets as unhygienic and a general lack of community commitment to
maintenance are identified by Burke (2001, para. 23-35). Similarly Tebano (1996, p. 23)
found that those who did not support the use of the composting toilet believed that it was
unhygienic and a foreign concept. Furthermore, the relatively high maintenance
requirements of the composting toilet is evident in the description of this composting
technology in Coffey MPW and FSPK (2001).
Despite these challenges, existing literature recognises that in theory composting toilets have
significant potential in Kiribati. Burke (2001, para. 38-43) suggests that although composting
toilets are highly recommended in Kiribati, the success of projects using this technology is
largely dependent on practical issues such as the, ‘cooperation of women in the community’.
In this way, the benefits of composting toilets identified in Table 37 are also a feature of
existing literature (Burke 2001, para. 41). In particular, the ability of composting toilets to
promote urban agroforestry systems such as homegardening is emphasised in Burke (2001,
para. 23) and Tebano (1984, p. 23). In summary, the broad scale introduction of composting
toilets in future planned urban settlements would face significant challenges and would most
likely fail within a few years. A more appropriate approach would be to introduce
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composting toilets in a small number of highly committed households in future planned
urban settlements to demonstrate the value of this technology. The success of such an
approach would assist in establishing a foundation for further development of composting
toilets in future projects.
Community composting scheme
Literature on community composting schemes in Kiribati in minimal. However, reports into
waste management in South Tarawa indicate that organic waste is a large portion of an urban
household’s waste stream (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004). Due to the high content of
organic matter in household waste, considerable potential exists for, ‘viable, low cost
alternatives that can be implemented at the local level’ to, ‘reduce loadings of solid and
liquid waste’ (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 3). Although a community composting
scheme (like that described during interviews) has yet to be trialled in Kiribati, the success of
similar recycling initiatives (such as the FSPK Kaoki Mange project) indicate that with the
necessary funding and support, such a project is socially, ecologically and economically
feasible (Roniti Teiwaki & Associates 2004, p. 8).
The increased popularity of this composting approach compared to the composting toilet was
seen in the increased numbers (73 per cent) of Government and homegarden participants
who indicated that they would be willing to participate in such a scheme if they lived in a
future planned urban settlement. The key benefits of the community composting scheme in
Table 35 were very similar to the multiple benefits identified in literature on urban
agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152). Such benefits include efficient waste
management, increasing soil fertility and employment generation. However, results show
that such benefits would come at a cost. In particular, criticisms identified in Table 34
emphasise the increased logistical and infrastructure complexities of a community based
composting approach. This was seen to be particularly difficult to achieve in Kiribati given
the challenges councils already face in the relatively simple task of collecting rubbish. In this
way, Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004) report that the urban councils in South Tarawa
sometimes fail to collect household rubbish on time and that rubbish collection is generally
erratic. Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 50) describe council rubbish collection as
‘a little haphazard’.
The willingness and ability of households to purchase compost was also raised during
interviews. Similarly, Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 60) reported that poorer households
in South Tarawa are unable to afford the council fees for existing waste collection. In
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summary, although the community composting scheme has clear potential in future planned
urban settlements, the added cost and complexity of such an approach meant that on site
composting approaches (such as the banana circle) were preferable. However, in a situation
where appropriate supervision, funding and infrastructure exist, combining an on site
composting initiative such as banana circles and a community composting scheme is
achievable.
Banana circle
The banana circle was identified by participants as the most popular composting technology
to use in future planned urban settlements. This is reflected in the large number (96 per cent)
of Government and homegardener participants who agreed in theory that they would like to
use this approach in their household if they lived in a future planned urban settlement. The
popularity of the banana circle was further demonstrated in the low number of references to
criticisms of this composting approach (refer Table 32). The criticisms that were raised
related to the limitations of a simple composting approach and poor management rather than
any significant cultural, financial or environmental issues.
The popularity of the banana circle is also apparent in existing literature. Sources such as
Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007b, p. 31) suggest that the extension of recycling initiatives using
the banana circle, ‘to cover all of urban Tarawa and Kiritimati would be beneficial’.
SPREP’s (2007) reference to the banana circle again demonstrates the popularity and
acceptance of this approach. Results in Table 33 show that the banana circle was popular
because of the multiple outcomes and the simple low cost, localised approach. Similarly,
Roniti Teiwaki and Associates (2004, p. 65) also emphasise the infrastructure benefits of
recycling organic waste, as close as possible to, ‘the point of generation’. As with previous
composting approaches, these benefits were widely acknowledged in the more general
literature on urban agriculture (Smit, Ratta & Nasr 1996, p. 152).
Overall appropriateness
Results show that each composting technology has both strengths and weaknesses. Overall,
the banana circle was the most appropriate composting technology because of its’ consistent
performance across a variety of social, economic and environmental fields. The strengths
and weaknesses of each composting approach are summarised in Table 42.
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Table 42: key themes and indicative costs associated with differing composting technologies
Potential of each composting technology
Key themes Banana circle Community composting scheme
Composting toilet
Financial cost Low High High Maintenance Low High High Management at household scale
Medium Low High
Management at settlement scale
Low High Low
Complexity Low High High History of negative experience
Low Unknown High
Health concerns Low Low High Direct benefit to household
High Low High
Employment generation potential
Low High Medium
Cultural acceptability
High High Low
Source: synthesis of results
9.1.4 What nutritional contribution would locally produced, regularly consumed urban
agroforestry foods make to a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a
daily basis?
The vast majority of literature on urban agroforestry systems such as homegardens focuses
on the benefits of food production in urban areas and the general complexity of homegarden
systems (Kumar & Nair 2004, 2006; Nair, P. K. R. 2006). A smaller number of studies have
attempted to quantify the nutritional output of urban agroforestry systems in Asia (Marten
1990) and the Pacific (Thaman 1995, p. 219) and correlate food production to land area.
Existing literature on atoll agroforestry (Thaman 1993a), agriculture (Baiteke 1994; Small
1972) and homegardening (Peduzzi 1999) in Kiribati provides in-depth information on
cultivation and production of atoll foods. However, quantifying the nutritional contribution
of regularly produced and consumed urban agroforestry food has not been addressed: few
studies have investigated the configuration of urban agroforestry systems in atoll
environments. Findings from Research Question Four fill these research by researching the
nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed urban agroforestry foods to
a typical urban household eating fish, rice and flour on a daily basis. It can be concluded
from this investigation that:
• it is not possible to maintain even low urban densities and achieve total self-
sufficiently in an atoll environment;
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• considerable land investment in urban agroforestry systems is required to deliver
significant results across the majority of nutritional inputs;
• focusing food production on high yielding species such as toddy, Chinese cabbage
and cucumber would significantly reduce the spatial requirements of urban
agroforestry systems.
Results from Government Nutritionists on the recommended diet of the typical urban
household
A comparison of the combined nutritional value of estimated local agroforestry foods,
imported staples and reef fish with the nutritional requirements of the typical urban
household according to Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) shows that the estimates of the
Government Nutrition Department in this study were generally quite accurate. In 15 out of
the 17 nutritional inputs, 90 per cent of the nutritional requirements for the typical urban
household were reached (refer Figure 43). However, this was not the case for the nutritional
inputs of calcium and sodium. The shortfall in these inputs exists because of the low sodium
and calcium values in produce from many of the urban agroforestry species. Other studies
have also shown the low calcium content of produce from homegardens (Marten 1990, p.
149)21.
This shortfall in calcium and sodium is not believed to have a significant bearing on results
because the data provided by Government Nutritionists was used to guide culturally
acceptable consumption levels of agroforestry produce rather than design a productive
landscape to ensure total self-sufficiently. This approach is in keeping with the general role
of urban food systems (such as homegardens) to supplement rather than cater for the total
nutritional requirements of a household (Marsh 1998, p. 4).
Yield and spacing of different agroforestry species
Determining the exact agricultural yields (from existing literature) and spacing of atoll
species (from interviews) reveals the difficulty involved in precisely quantifying agricultural
production. Such difficulties are not surprising considering the many variables in urban
agroforestry systems (such as soil, light, water, wind and species competition). In this way,
the complexities associated with quantifying urban agroforestry systems have already been
noted in existing literature (Fernaandes & Nair 1990, p. 106; Kumar & Nair 2004, pp. 137-
21 The nutritional intake of sodium was not recorded in this study
225
40). A more realistic view for food production in an atoll environment is to see species yields
and spacing within a given range of possibilities. Thus, even in the simplified agricultural
systems in atolls, the complexities of urban agroforestry systems remain.
Design of the urban agroforestry system
The ratios of different species in Figure 44 and Table 38 are generally in keeping with
personal observations of the structure of existing homegardens in South Tarawa. This is
particularly true of agroforestry systems around the house in Figure 44. However, some
components of the design are quite different to urban agroforestry systems in existing urban
settlements. The large number of pawpaw trees, ordered nature of species spacing and the
existence of a shared piggery are markedly different from typical urban agroforestry practice
in existing urban settlements. However, these differences are not believed to cause
significant difficulty due to the culturally accepted nature of each of the agroforestry species
in the design. Furthermore, the cultivation of large numbers of pawpaw trees and ordered
planting of agroforestry species was observed in some homegardens in South Tarawa.
Final nutritional results
In summary, results from this investigation show that it is not possible to maintain even low
urban densities and achieve total self-sufficiency in an atoll environment. Although not
quantitatively proven before, the inability of such systems to support dense populations has
already been highlighted in Thomas (2002, p. 170). However, the nutritional shortfall is
more fully apparent when considering that calculations combine estimates of the nutritional
inputs of a well planned, relatively productive 1000 square metres of atoll land with the
regular consumption of imported staples (bread and rice) and reef fish; yet still found that 65
per cent of key nutritional inputs for the typical urban household were below the
recommended dietary allowances of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the typical urban
household. These results add further insight into the marginal nature of settlement in an atoll
environment, poor nutritional standards that already exist in South Tarawa, increasing
dependence of urban populations on imported foods and the general nutritional value of
urban agroforestry systems in Kiribati. In this way, Thomas (2002, p. 173) states that food
imports will ‘continue to play a vital role in feeding growing populations, notably in urban
centres’.
226
However, it is important not to understate the contribution of urban agroforestry to the
results. Findings show that a cultivated area of 1000 square metres, could on average
contribute 39 per cent of the daily Dietary Reference Intakes of a typical urban household
across 17 different nutritional inputs. However, this figure is distorted by the high value of
vitamin C in the diet of the typical urban household (307 per cent of a typical household’s
needs)22. This value shows that the contribution of urban agroforestry systems is highly
variable across different nutritional inputs. In this way, in some inputs (vitamin C), urban
agroforestry systems make a highly valuable contribution. This variability is a feature of
other studies into the nutritional output of urban food systems (1990, p. 149). In this way,
one of the central findings of this study is the identification of the nutritional contribution of
key urban agroforestry species compared to the land area required to sustain peak
production.
The difficulties in meeting the required nutritional intakes of the typical urban household
should not be interpreted to imply that urban agroforestry systems have a low capacity to
contribute to household nutritional intakes. A more accurate interpretation of these results is
that considerable land investment in urban agroforestry systems is required to deliver
significant results across the majority of nutritional inputs. As has already been discussed,
such land investment is a major barrier to the large scale adoption of urban agroforestry
systems. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that these results represent the nutritional
benefits of urban agroforestry systems and do not quantify the contribution of the many other
benefits that would exist if urban agroforestry systems were included in future planned urban
settlements.
Despite this, the decision to allocate 1000 square metres of land for urban agroforestry to all
urban households in future planned urban settlements is clearly a costly investment for the
Kiribati Government to make. An investment of this scale would require strong enforcement
by the Kiribati Government and could inevitably lead to conflicts of interest between
different stakeholders due to the desire of certain interest groups to use agroforestry lands for
other purposes. This tension between urban agroforestry and urban development is not new
in Kiribati and, in the past, urban agroforestry systems have made way for urban
development (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007b, p. 56).
22 The species mix could have been adjusted to lower to value of vitamin C and increase
other dietary inputs, however the focus of this research was on the regular consumption of
agroforestry foods according to nutritionists’ recommendations.
227
Finally, results suggest that focusing food production on high yielding species such as toddy,
Chinese cabbage and cucumber would significantly reduce the spatial requirements of urban
agroforestry systems. In this way, orienting urban agroforestry systems towards intensive
vegetable production within a matrix of traditionally cultivated trees would produce higher
yields within a smaller area. This has important implications for the type of urban
agroforestry systems that should be prioritised in future planned urban settlements if the
benefits of urban agroforestry systems are to be fully realised. The promotion of such
systems has already commenced in South Tarawa by the Taiwan Technical Mission (2006).
9.2 Implications of findings to theory, policy and practice
The findings of this study have significant implications for theory, policy and practice. At a
theoretical level, results inform theory on urbanisation and urban agroforestry in the Pacific
and appropriate property regimes in Kiribati. At a policy and practice level, implications
relate to more specific issues in Kiribati surrounding future urban development. In particular,
the following discussion of the implications of this research for future urban development in
Kiribati is structured around the recommendations of the recent Kiribati Urban Renewal
Scoping Study (Butcher-Gollach et al. 2007a) because of the effect these recommendations
will have on urban development in Kiribati in coming years.
9.2.1 Theory on urbanisation, urban agroforestry in the Pacific and property regimes
As highlighted in Section 2.1.1, the Pacific region is both highly diverse yet full of broad
commonalities. Thus, caution is necessary to not over generalise findings. Despite the above
differences, the geographical, developmental, ecological and economic similarities between
PICs mean that some generalisation is possible.
This study adds further support to the claim that urban agroforestry systems offer viable
solutions for many of the problems arising out of rapid urbanisation in the Pacific. While the
benefits of homegarden systems in the Pacific have been emphasised, the link between the
current challenges facing PICs and the solutions offered by the intentional provision of urban
food systems is rarely made in the current debate on urban development in the Pacific. This
is somewhat surprising given the call for the exploration of new models for urban planning
and management in the Pacific beyond traditional industrialised planning models (Jones
2005; Overton & Storey 1999; Storey 2006). In this way, this study has assisted in advancing
urban agroforestry in the Pacific beyond the realm of private homegardens to examine issues
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surrounding the intentional provision of urban agroforestry systems in a future planned urban
settlement context. Therefore, a second implication of this study is that urban agroforestry
systems need to increasingly be seen outside the homegarden context if the true potential of
urban agroforestry systems is to be realised in the Pacific.
Furthermore, the current theoretical classification of urban agroforestry as related to private
residential holdings or idle and undeveloped land would benefit considerably from the
expansion of this theoretical perspective to include land specifically zoned for agroforestry
cultivation. This is not to say that an indiscriminate approach should be used to promote,
protect and develop urban agroforestry throughout the Pacific. Rather, the extent of
investment in urban agroforestry systems should vary depending on a community’s
environmental, social and economic needs. Yet, it is recommended that consideration of
urban agroforestry systems should be one of the first “ports of call” for governments, donors
and NGOs working to address urban issues in the Pacific.
Findings from this study show that co-management should be a fundamental element in the
design of future planned urban settlements in Kiribati and more broadly in the Pacific. While
Pacific urban centres are rapidly changing to reflect more westernised notions of urban
living, caution is required so as not to prematurely abandon traditional approaches of
collective effort and common property in favour of private property regimes. For productive
urban land in future planned settlements in Kiribati, a co-management approach where
integrated individual tenure is combined with a leasing agreement is the most appropriate
method to secure the long term success of zoned productive land in future planned urban
settlements. Although somewhat restrictive, this approach has the potential to transition
towards a more flexible arrangement to include cooperative action and increased individual
landholdings.
9.2.2 Policy and practice for future urban development in Kiribati
The fundamental implication of this study for urban development in Kiribati is that the
further development of urban agroforestry systems is a critical component of future planned
urban settlements if sustainability is to be seriously considered. Although many I-Kiribati do
not appreciate the importance of this issue, ignoring mounting economic, social and
environmental stresses associated with increasing urbanisation only invites disaster. While
the promotion, protection and development of urban agroforestry systems would come at a
financial and administrative cost, it is difficult to find a more appropriate and cost effective
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alternative to holistically address waste management, employment, nutrition, food security
and density control issues currently associated with urban settlement in Kiribati.
Despite the many benefits of such an approach, various difficulties are likely to be
encountered if urban agroforestry systems are intentionally developed in future planned
urban settlements. The lack of public demand for agricultural uses in urban areas and the
limited ability of the Kiribati Government to enforce land use controls is at the centre of such
challenges. However, with appropriate selection of urban agroforestry systems and the
support of well developed Government policy, such constraints are surmountable.
Fortunately, the recommendations of the STP provide a framework with which to approach
urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. As discussed in Section
5.4.2 both the Kiribati Government and donor organisations have already affirmed their
commitment to sustainable urban development through the STP. While this program
advocates sustainable development, the danger exists for projects associated with this
program to simply continue to sustain development through the injection of aid monies into
Kiribati rather than addressing the fundamental challenges of sustainable urban development
on a fragile and marginal coral atoll. Thus, it is the recommendation of this study that the
promotion, protection and development of urban agroforestry systems be included within the
five key components of the STP outlined in Section 5.4.2.
Although it is important not to unnecessarily constrain the enabling framework surrounding
the STP, potential exists to provide further direction and guidelines on the solutions that will
emerge from community consultation in each component23. In this way, a requirement to
clearly demonstrate meaningful engagement with urban agroforestry approaches in all
consultancy briefs connected to the STP would guarantee that solutions to current urban
problems engage with sustainable urban agroforestry technologies. Potential contributions of
urban agroforestry systems to each of the program components of the STP can be seen in
Table 43.
23 In some program components Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007) are more prescriptive in their
recommendations. Refer Section 5.4.2 for further detail.
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Table 43: examples of the potential inclusion of urban agroforestry approaches into the five
components of the STP
STP component
Details of component Investment option Indicative cost
Institutional realignment and capacity building
Policy development and strengthening of institutional capacity
Educate government workers on the value of urban agroforestry systems
Low
Tighter regulations on the clearing of productive trees
Medium
Mandatory keeping of pigs at a certain distance from housing
Medium
Tax incentives for households to plant banana circles
High
Phased area upgrading
Improving the physical, environmental and social conditions of selected urban neighbourhoods
Food producing street tree plantings Low
Construction of demonstration farms Medium Construction of communal piggeries Medium Pilot composting toilet program
undertaken with committed households
High
Community engagement
Mobilising local communities to address urban problems
Community workshops on the value of urban agroforestry systems
Low
Development of farmers’ cooperatives Medium Provision of agricultural lands to
educational institutions to demonstrate the importance of agroforestry systems
High
New plots on serviced land
Cater for future urban growth by providing new land for settlement
Combine urban agroforestry approaches with recreational land uses
Low
Phased development of future urban settlements to allow for access to surrounding productive land
Medium
Co-managed, leased productive land allocated to all houses in future urban settlements for households to intensively farm
High
Key primary infrastructure
Development of city wide (primary) infrastructure
Spreading of wood chips in public areas
Low
Compost organic matter at existing waste management facility
Medium
Community gardens for urban farmers in each major centre
High
Development of a community composting facility
High
Source: author’s synthesis of research findings with STP components from Butcher-Gollach et al. (2007a)
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9.3 Research limitations
The delimitations surrounding this study have already been highlighted in Section 1.7.
However, this section discusses other limitations that emerged during the research process.
9.3.1 Limitations identified during the research process
A small number of limitations were identified during data collection. In particular, this
research was limited by the availability of participants during month long research trips to
Kiribati in 2005 and 2007. Because of the transient nature of many individuals in South
Tarawa, some individuals (particularly Government employees) could not be interviewed as
they were away on international business or working on distant outer islands. In this way, the
results of this research were limited by the knowledge, understanding and bias of the
participants who were interviewed. To overcome this limitation, participants were carefully
selected from each participant group in an attempt to target participants who already
possessed an in-depth understanding of the research problem. Furthermore specific attempts
were made to ensure that results of the study were not un-necessarily biased by my own
involvement but rather were a product of the informed opinions of participants.
In this way, my own cultural background as a white, relatively young, male foreigner was
also a limitation on data collection. However, this limitation was addressed by employing the
services of a well respected male I-Kiribati translator and the translation of interview
material into I-Kiribati (refer 7.7.1). Although the abovementioned limitations are
acknowledged, they do not detract from the significance of the results because they were
identified early in the research process and managed successfully.
Further limitations include the obvious time and resources constraints inherent in any study.
These constraints are particularly important in this project where long distances are required
to be travelled to conduct field work at a significant cost to both myself and QUT. Despite
these constraints, the methodology has been designed to efficiently and accurately collect
sufficient data to adequately answer the research problem.
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9.4 Contributions
The contributions of this study to existing knowledge have been highlighted throughout this
chapter but are now summarised in this section as the thesis draws to a close. The primary
contributions of this thesis can be summarised in the following four statements. Results from
this study have contributed to a comprehensive understanding of:
1. the strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements;
2. the appropriateness and comparative strengths and weaknesses of different
ownership and management approaches for urban agroforestry systems in future
planned urban settlements;
3. the appropriateness and comparative strengths and weaknesses of existing
composting technologies for inclusion in future planned urban settlements;
4. the nutritional contribution of popular urban agroforestry species to a typical urban
household.
At the broader level, this research also contributes to theory on urban agroforestry systems
and urbanisation in the Pacific. In this way, results from this study have contributed a new
level of understanding to:
1. extending the existing concept of urban agroforestry beyond the homegarden context
through examining urban agroforestry as a land use in Kiribati;
2. identifying potential solutions to mounting urban problems associated with rapid
urbanisation in the Pacific.
9.5 Summary
This chapter has discussed the results of this study within the context of existing literature. In
each research question the close relationship between findings and existing literature is
highlighted. Despite this similarity, results have extended understanding beyond existing
knowledge. In particular, contributions to existing knowledge have been to issues
surrounding planning of urban agroforestry systems, specific management and ownership
approaches, appropriateness of existing waste management technologies and the nutritional
contribution of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati.
Although these results have specific implications for future planned urban settlements in
Kiribati, findings also hold relevance to the broader Pacific region. Finally, although this
233
study was bounded by cultural, methodological and resource limitations, these constraints
were effectively identified and managed so as not to jeopardise the integrity of results. In the
following chapter, final conclusions are made regarding the research problem and areas for
suggestions for further research.
234
10.0: CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
As the last chapter in the thesis, Chapter 10 summarises the research, highlighting key
findings on the research problem, contribution to existing knowledge and proposing future
research directions.
10.1 What role should food producing urban agroforestry systems play in future
planned urban settlements in Kiribati?
The emergence of urban agroforestry in PICs is one of the products of the unprecedented
growth of urban settlements in the Pacific over the past century. Today, Pacific towns and
cities are increasingly becoming a focus of urban poverty and environmental deterioration as
rising populations place mounting strain on aging infrastructure. In the past, agroforestry
systems have played an integral role in providing cost effective, locally adapted, ecologically
sustainable solutions to Pacific islanders’ needs. Despite the integration of agroforestry
approaches into an urban context, the importance and value of these systems remains. In this
way, the role of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements in Kiribati
and more generally in the Pacific has been the focus of this thesis. While acknowledging the
challenges associated with agricultural production and urban management in Kiribati, this
thesis argues in support of the incorporation of urban agroforestry in future planned urban
settlements.
Mounting problems associated with rapid urbanisation in the Pacific have resulted in an
increasing need to move beyond traditional industrialised planning approaches and explore
alterative planning and management approaches (Jones 2005; Overton & Storey 1999;
Storey 2006). Government ownership of large land parcels both in South Tarawa and future
growth centres such as Kiritimati present a rare opportunity to plan large scale urban
settlement without the land constraints typically associated with urban development in the
Pacific. The cultural and environmental realities of settlement in Kiribati will ensure that
agroforestry species are an informal component of such settlements in the form of
homegardens. However, if no attempt is made by the Kiribati Government to more
intentionally invest in these systems, an important opportunity will be lost and current urban
problems already existing in South Tarawa will continue in future urban settlements.
Alternatively, significant potential exists for a holistic planning approach to maximise the
benefits of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements and address many
of the urban problems that currently exist in urban centres in Kiribati.
235
In brief, the case for the inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements is largely dependent on the priority that is given to achieving future sustainable
urbanisation. The commencement of the Sustainable Towns Program (STP) indicates that, at
least on paper, current Government and donor commitment to sustainability concepts is high.
However, if the role of urban agroforestry systems is ignored, sustainable urbanisation in
Kiribati in the future will remain as it has in the past, an oxymoron.
Although, a strong case can be made against reserving the most productive land in future
planned urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems, such criticisms are
a reflection of the difficulties and cost involved with moving towards more sustainable urban
settlements, the developing nature of the economy of Kiribati and the marginal nature of
atoll settlement. Thus, a balanced approach is needed where the most accurate understanding
of the potential of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements exists
between a view of urban agroforestry as a panacea for all urban problems compared to urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements as a “waste of space”. Viewed in
this light, food producing agroforestry systems are a crucial addition to future planned urban
settlements.
This view, while recognising the constraints of agricultural production and urban planning in
Kiribati, acknowledges that urban agroforestry systems remain one of the most cost
effective, ecologically viable and culturally accepted approaches to addressing the majority
of issues arising from rapid urbanisation including food security, waste management,
environmental degradation and unemployment. The flexibility and potential of such systems
is clearly evident in Table 40. Although such an approach may go against the usual concept
of development and progress, this thesis demonstrates that it is a logical solution to many of
the problems that confront urban settlements in Kiribati and the Pacific. In summary, this
thesis argues that recognising and responding to the potential contribution of urban
agroforestry systems is an essential component in the design of future planned urban
settlement in Kiribati.
In reaching this conclusion, this study has examined four research questions. Firstly, research
into the strengths and weaknesses of reserving the most productive land in future planned
urban settlements for food producing urban agroforestry systems has identified significant
arguments in support and in opposition for such an initiative. In this way, the marginal nature
of atoll settlement, rather than favouring a particular solution, adds strength to each of the
opposing views.
236
From a positive perspective, the marginal nature of sustaining urban settlements in an atoll
environment supports the planned introduction of urban agroforestry systems. This is
because in geographically isolated, infertile, fragile and resource poor atoll nations, waste
management, employment, food insecurity and nutritional deficiencies are generally
compounded by increasing densities yet assisted by urban agroforestry systems. For this
reason, the simple act of composting organic material minimises landfill waste, while
increasing soil fertility. Increased soil fertility results in increased opportunities for local
food production, which in turn results in greater food availability, nutritional intake and
employment opportunities. These benefits can be summarised within the overriding
argument that the deliberate inclusion of urban agroforestry systems in future planned urban
settlements would result in a more sustainable form of urban development. Despite the truth
of this statement, sustainability as a concept holds little meaning for many I-Kiribati.
Therefore, focusing on practical and tangible benefits of urban agroforestry is essential if
food producing systems are to be embraced by urban residents.
From an alternative perspective, the marginal nature of atoll settlement can also be used to
oppose the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry systems on the most productive land in
future planned urban settlements. Assuming the availability of imported food, the marginal
nature of sustaining urban settlements in an atoll environment decreases urban residents’
incentive to invest in urban food systems. This is due to land infertility, crop insecurity,
potential contamination of food from urban pollutants and land affordability and availability
issues. As a result, urban agroforestry is seen as a relatively low value land use by many
urban residents. This low public demand for food producing land uses reduces the
Government’s ability to enforce urban agroforestry planning controls due to the fear of
making unpopular political decisions. For these reasons, increasing demand for and control
of zoned productive land will be the greatest challenge confronting the introduction of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements.
However, with appropriate selection of urban agroforestry systems and the support of well
developed Government policy, such constraints are surmountable. More particularly, the
recommendations of the Sustainable Towns Program (STP) provide an excellent starting
point from which to develop future urban agroforestry initiatives. Within this framework,
successfully identifying appropriate urban agroforestry technologies and ownership and
management approaches for a given urban circumstance is critical to the success of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements. Within this framework, urban food
production will need to be increasingly seen outside the homegarden context for the benefits
237
of urban agroforestry systems to be maximised. This approach recognises the potential for
gradual change in Kiribati, linking the many benefits of urban agroforestry systems with an
appreciation of the capacity of future planned urban settlements to establish a new precedent
for urban development in Kiribati.
Secondly, examining the effect of different ownership and management approaches on the
cultural appropriateness and food productivity of agroforestry systems in future planned
urban settlements reveals that no one model caters for the diversity of urban needs. Rather,
each model has different strengths and weaknesses. These include, the capacity of different
ownership and management approaches to enforce productive land uses, foster local
ownership and involvement, develop centralised management of productive land, generate
economy of scale of food production, produce culturally acceptable settlement solutions and
minimise the ongoing administrative and financial burden to the Kiribati Government.
Due to the strengths and weaknesses of each approach, the phased development of different
ownership and management approaches is the most appropriate method to maximise the
strengths and minimise the weaknesses of each model. In this way, initially distributing
urban agroforestry lands to individual households provides a cohesive, culturally acceptable,
localised approach to the ownership and management of urban agroforestry resources based
on a co-management approach. Following the establishment of this model, initiatives could
be developed to encourage interested households to increase their agroforestry land holdings
or farm cooperatively within the broader community, thereby incorporating elements of both
common, private property regimes. In summary, integrated individual lease of productive
land and residential plots is crucial to the further development of urban agroforestry beyond
the homegarden in future planned urban settlements. However, providing the choice to
participate in urban cultivation and encouraging a cooperative, community-based approaches
is also vital.
Thirdly, research into different composting technologies for use in future planned urban
settlements shows that composting techniques such as the banana circle are preferable
because of their simplicity, affordability and availability at a household level. In contrast,
although the community composting approach has considerable potential, it is less
appropriate because of added logistical and infrastructure complexities. Finally, the
composting toilet is recognised as an environmentally sustainable form of waste
management, yet faces a high probability of failure if widely included in future planned
urban settlements. This is largely due to issues such as cultural taboos, maintenance
requirements and user perceptions that this technology is unhygienic. Despite such
238
limitations, the small-scale introduction of composting toilets and community composting
schemes involving committed households, if correctly supported, would be an effective
means of increasing community acceptance and awareness of the advantages of these
composting technologies.
Finally, analysis of the nutritional contribution of locally produced, regularly consumed,
urban agroforestry foods to household nutrition reiterates the difficulties associated with
supporting dense urban settlements in an atoll environment. In particular, the nutritional
contribution of identified atoll species is highly variable. In some nutritional inputs,
significant contributions can be made from locally produced food to households’ diets.
However from a self-sufficiency perspective, it is not possible to sustain the dietary
requirements of even low density urban settlements through sole reliance on food produced
from urban agroforestry systems.
10.2 Future research directions
Although making a significant contribution to existing knowledge, this study also highlights
areas where future research could be undertaken. Further research need to be carried out into
co-management approaches in future planned urban settlements, particularly in regard to
integrating and transitioning from state, private and common property regimes. Such a study
should focus on how to encourage the development of private businesses and community-
based cooperatives in future planned urban settlements based on an initial state property
leasing arrangement.
In addition, a cost benefit analysis of urban agroforestry systems in PICs is necessary to
provide quantification on the true value of urban agroforestry systems. Such a study should
address land, infrastructure, labour and material costs while also considering the benefits
such as waste management, nutrition, food production, employment and density control. A
similar methodology could be used to determine the true cost and benefits of food imports
and undertake further research into waste management such as a costs/benefit comparison of
composting toilets and septic systems. Such a comparison could form the basis of an
investigation into the design of a hybrid toilet where treated overflow is used as an organic
fertiliser.
Further research should also be undertaken into understanding the key factors underlying a
household’s willingness to invest in urban agroforestry. Such an investigation could consider
variables such as garden size, place of birth, gender, education, income and the level of
239
donor support associated with households who are already choosing to invest in urban
farming. This information would inform policy on encouraging further involvement in urban
agroforestry systems in Kiribati and the Pacific.
Additional investigation into the nutritional contribution of urban agroforestry systems is
also required. Such an investigation should further compare the nutritional output of different
atoll species with the land area required to sustain maximum yield. This investigation could
be extended to correlate the nutritional contribution of different atoll species with key
nutritionally related diseases, yields and required lands area. Such work would provide
further information into how to maximise nutritional and spatial efficiency of urban
agroforestry systems.
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APPENDIX 1: CENSUS DATA USED TO DEVELOP THE TYPICAL URBAN
HOUSEHOLD
Table 1: population statistics from the 2005 census on the population of South Tarawa
Total urban population 40311
Number of urban households 5245
Number of males 19435
Number of Females 20876
Average number of people a
household
7.69
Source: Government of Kiribati (2006)
Table 2: population figures on urban households in the 2005 census and calculations used to
determine the demographic of the typical urban household
Age Number of people Population age group as an
expression of the average
household size
People in household
rounded to the
nearest whole number
0 to 4 4587 0.87 1
5 to 14 9205 1.76 2
15 to 24 9202 1.75 2
25 to 49 12927 2.46 2
50 + 4390 0.84 1
Total 40311 7.68 8
Source: adapted from Government of Kiribati (2006)
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APPENDIX 2: WRITTEN AND VERBAL CONSENT PACKAGES USED TO
OBTAIN INFORMED CONSENT
Information sheet given to participants for written consent
PARTICIPANT INFORMATION for QUT RESEARCH PROJECT
Urban agroforestry in future settlements of the Republic of Kiribati and
associated implications for appropriate responses to urbanisation in the Pacific
Research Team Contacts
Mr Andrew East Dr Les Dawes
+(61) 7 3138 9184 +(61) 7 3138 2776
[email protected] [email protected]
Description
This interview investigates how future urban settlements in Kiribati can be designed to
effectively include food producing trees, plants and animals. This study is part of a PhD
project and is partly funded by the Queensland University of Technology (QUT). The research
team requests your assistance because it is believed that your knowledge will help answer
many of the Research questions of this project.
Participation
Your participation in this project is voluntary. If you agree to participate, you can withdraw at
any time without comment or penalty. Your decision to participate will in no way impact upon
your current or future relationship with QUT or any other organisation.
Your participation will involve an interview that will run for around one hour. Please respond
honestly to the questions based on what you think, not on what you think we want to hear. We
are interested in your opinion. If you do not feel able to carry out the interview at this time
please feel free to suggest a more convenient time or location. There are no risks associated
with your participation in this project.
242
Expected benefits
This research will assist in more fully understanding the potential for organic food
production in future urban settlements. Organisations that will potentially benefit from this
research include QUT, Kiribati Government and urban residents in Kiribati. While your
involvement in this study does not directly benefit yourself, it is hoped that by increasing
knowledge in this field, this research will one day improve the quality of life for urban residents
in Kiribati.
Confidentiality
The research team will ensure that your identity will be safeguarded after the completion of
this interview. In reporting the findings of this study, you will not be directly referred to by
name. Only the research team will have access to the information you provide.
During the interview a digital audio recorder will be used to assist the research team recount the
important points raised in this interview. Due to the need to have a complete record of this
interview, it is not possible to participate in this interview without being recorded. Once recorded,
this data will be stored in digital copy, only accessible to Mr East. This data will only be used for
research purposes. After the completion of this study the data will be stored by Mr East for a
period of five years.
Consent to Participate
Please sign the attached written consent form to confirm your agreement to participate.
Questions / further information about the project
Please contact Mr East if you have any questions. When complete, the results of this study will
be available from the Kiribati Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural
Development in Bikenibeu.
Concerns / complaints regarding the conduct of the project
QUT is committed to researcher integrity and the ethical conduct of research projects. However,
if you have any concerns or complaints about the ethical conduct of the project you may contact
the QUT Research Ethics Officer on 617 3138 2340 or [email protected]. The Research
Ethics Officer is not connected with the research project and can facilitate a resolution to your
concern.
243
Signature page signed by participants who gave written consent
CONSENT FORM for QUT RESEARCH PROJECT
Urban agroforestry in future settlements of the Republic of Kiribati and
associated implications for appropriate responses to urbanisation in the Pacific
Research Team Contacts
Mr Andrew East Dr Les Dawes
+(61) 7 3138 9184 +(61) 7 3138 2776
[email protected] [email protected]
Statement of consent
By signing below, you are indicating that you:
• have read and understood the information document regarding this project
• have had any questions answered to your satisfaction
• understand that if you have any additional questions you can contact the research
team
• understand that you are free to withdraw at any time, without comment or penalty
• understand that you can contact the Research Ethics Officer on 617 3138 2340 or
[email protected] if you have concerns about the ethical conduct of the
project
• agree to participate in the project
• understand that the project will include audio recording
Name
Signature
Date / /
244
Consent script read to homegardeners for verbal consent
The research team requests your assistance because it is believed that your knowledge as a
homegardener in South Tarawa will help us understand how food producing trees, plants and
animals can be included into future urban settlements.
If you wish to participate in this study, you will be asked some questions about how you
think future urban settlements in Kiribati should be designed to include productive
agricultural land. This study is for academic purposes only and is part of the PhD thesis of
Mr East. Any answers you give will remain private and confidential. There are no risks
related with participation in this study. Please respond honesty to the questions based on what
you think, not on what you think that we want to hear. We are interested in your opinion.
During the interview a digital audio recorder will be used to assist the research team remember
the important points covered. Due to the need to have a complete record of what is said, it is not
possible to participate in this interview without having the discussion digitally recorded. You are
free to end this interview at any time and do not have to answer any questions that you do
not wish to. When complete, the results of this study will be available from the Kiribati
Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development. While your involvement in
this study has no direct benefits to yourself, it is hoped that by increasing the understanding of
these issues, the services and knowledge available to the community can be improved in the
future.
It is estimated that this interview will take around one hour. Please feel free to ask questions
at any time. Do you have any questions?
Would you like to participate in this study?
If potential participant answers yes, then the participant is asked to write their name in a
table in a field journal. Time, date and place of the interview is also recorded.
245
Consent script read by translator to homegardeners who have given informed consent
E kawenea ana buubuti te tiim-n-marooro n kan buokaki mai iroum man am atatai ma ootam
iaon te unuuniki n irekereke ma aron taraakia maan ke te maniman iaon Tarawa Teinainano
ike e na konaa iai n buoka aron katamaroan te mwakuri n kamaeka nakon taai aika a na roko.
Ngkana arona bwa ko anga nanom n kariaia irakin te marooro aei ao kona bon titirakinaki
tabeua titiraki n irekereke ma am iango bwa e na kanga aron katamaroan te kamaeka iaon
Kiribati n ikotaki ma kabonganakin taabo aika maeu tanoia ibukin te unuuniki. Te mwakuri-
n-marooro aei e na bon buoka naba te mwakuri n kareirei iaon te itera aio ni ikotaki ma
karekean ana beebwa n taokita (PhD thesis) Mr East. Reeke ke am kaeka ake ko taekinii a na
bon tiku n kaawakinaki n aki manga tataekinaki. Bon akea te kanganga ke te rekenikai
nakoim ibukin irakin te marooroo aei. Te buubuti bwa ko bia anga am iango are ko taku bwa
te kabanea n koaua. Te tiim n marooro aei e bon tii rang kan ongo are man ootam ao man am
koaua.
Inanon tain te marooro ao e na bon kabongaanaki te bwai n rawebwanaa ibukin rawean te
marooro aei bwa e aonga n manga ongoraeaki riki te kaua tai te marooro aei n taai rimwi
ngkana e riai. Ibukin kainanoakin te rawerawe ao e kakoauaaki bwa e aki konaa n waaki te
marooro n akean te rawebwanaa. Ko bon anganaki naba inaomatam n motika te marooro
nakon te tai are ko taku bwa ko a aki konaa riki n manga reitinako n kaekai titiraki. Ngkana
arona bwa e bane waakinan te mwakuri n kakae aei, ao mwiina nako a na bon tiku n
kaawakinaki n aobitin te Kiribati Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural
Development i Bikenibeu. E kakoauaaki bwa irekerekem ma te mwakuri-n-marooro aei e na
bon aki rootiko, ma e na bon ibuobuoki ibukin karikirakean te ataibwai iaon itera aikai
ibukiia te bota n aomata nakon taai aika a na roko.
E bon katautauaki bwa e na nakon teuana te aoa maanin te marooro. Ko butiiaki bwa ko
konaa n tabeki am titiraki n bwaai ake ko kan kaotaaki iai. Taiaoka naba n kaekai titiraki ma
nanom n koaua, man otam ao am iango. Iai riki am titiraki n kan oota? Ko kukurei n ira te
marooro aei?
Ngkana arona bwa e kariaia te tia kataetaeaki bukinana n marooro, ao e na bon titirakinaki
ao n tauaki arana. Te tai ao te tabo e na bon koreaki naba mwiina.
246
APPENDIX 3: INTERVIEW SCRIPT AND VISUAL AIDS USED IN QUALITATIVE
INTERVIEW ON AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS IN FUTURE PLANNED URBAN
SETTLEMENTS
Interview script – English
Introductory questions
1. Please briefly describe your experience in planning and agriculture in Kiribati?
2. Betio is described by some authors as one of the most densely populated urban
settlements in the Pacific. What do you think are some of the positive and negative
impacts of such density?
Details of the study
The following picture shows the general productivity of agricultural land in a typical atoll
environment (show participant Figure 1: productive zones in the typical atoll). Traditional
settlement in Kiribati used the lagoon for settlement and the middle of the atoll for food
production. Increasing density in urban settlements such as South Tarawa have seen this
model replaced by high density living. Despite this, various authors continue to advocate the
benefit of producing food in an urban environment in the form of homegardens (show Figure
2: homegardening in Kiribati). This simple and affordable act can improve food availability,
increase nutrition, generate income and recycle household waste.
This research looks at the potential for such benefits to be maximised in future urban
settlements by intentionally allocating land in urban settlements for agricultural production.
One of the key steps in this research is understanding the best approach for managing and
owning productive land in future urban settlements.
For the sake of this interview, let’s assume the following about future urban settlements in
Kiribati:
• The Government owns the land rights to a large area of land (show participant
Figure 3: large area of land owned by the Government) and wants to build a new
urban settlement that keeps the centre of the atoll for food production.
• The centre of the atoll is therefore zoned for agricultural production (show
participant Figure 4: conceptual image of future planned urban settlement).
• The families that want to live in this settlement are from a variety of island groups
and religions much like you would find in South Tarawa today.
247
• Each household in the settlement is the size of the typical urban household that
already exists in South Tarawa (8 people of varying ages from both immediate and
extended families).
• The produce from the agricultural land is used to help feed people in the settlement.
In this scenario, there are many different ways this settlement could be designed. I am now
going to show you four different models of such a design. These designs focus on the
relationship between the household and the productive land not the detailed design of urban
land uses themselves. When you see each image please try and think what you like and
dislike about each model (show participant Figures 5 to 9: different models for ownership
and management of agroforestry systems from models A to E).
Management and ownership
3. What do you like and dislike about each of the models that you have just seen?
3a. In model A do you think that the Government should:
• Lease the productive land to the households
• Sell productive lands to the households
3b. In model C do you think that the Government should:
• Lease the productive land to the households
• Sell productive lands to the households
3c. In model D do you think that it would be better for the urban residents
who are employed to farm the productive lands to be paid in cash or in
food?
4. Do you have any other models you can suggest that could be used to own or manage
productive lands in this scenario?
5. Which model or combination of models do you think would produce the most food
from the available land? Why? Please rank models from most productive to least
productive.
6. Which model or combination of models do you think would be best for the people of
the settlement, which one would they like best? Why? Please rank models from most
preferred to least preferred.
7. Which model or combination of models do you think you and your family would
like to live in if you were to live in a newly designed settlement? Why? Please rank
models from most preferred to least preferred.
248
Strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry
systems
8. Do you think that all houses should be built on the lagoon edge of the atoll or should
some be built along the ocean edge behind a windbreak as well (show participant
Figure 10: comparison of lagoon settlement versus ocean settlement)? Why?
9. What amount of time do you think people would be willing to spend walking from
their place of residence to access their productive lands in an urban setting? Do you
think that this time would differ from productive lands in the outer islands?
Organic waste management
10. If each household wanted to keep their own pigs and chickens, which of the
following models do you think would work best? Please rank models from most
preferred to least preferred (show participant Figures 5, 6 and 7 highlighting the
placement of pigs and chickens).
Strengths and weaknesses associated with the planned inclusion of urban agroforestry
systems
11. What do you think are some of the good and the bad things about reserving the most
productive land in urban settlements for food production?
12. What is the potential of this idea for making urban living on atolls more sustainable?
Organic waste management
13. Various recycling approaches have been suggested to increase soil fertility and
recycle organic matter in Kiribati. Some of these models make reference to recycling
human waste. In discussing these models I am not trying to offend you. If you do
feel offended please let me know. Some approaches that have been suggested are
(show Figurers 11, 12, 13: various composting technologies):
• Banana circles
• Collection, processing of organic material by the Government and resale of
compost back to local farmers
• Composting toilets
14. What do you believe are the good and the bad things about each of these
approaches?
249
15. Which of the recycling approaches in the previous question would you be happy to
use in your house if you were to live in a newly designed urban settlement? Why?
16. Lastly, it is important when analysing the data to have some general information on
each participant. Could you please tell me your:
• Age.
• Highest level of education completed.
• Gender.
• Island of birth.
• Location where you have spent the majority of your life in Kiribati.
250
Visual aids used during interview – English
Figure 1: productive zones in the typical atoll
Figure 2: homegardening in Kiribati
251
Figure 3: large area of land owned by the Government
Figure 4: conceptual image of future planned urban settlement
252
Figure 5: settlement model A
Figure 6: settlement model B
Explanatory notes:
• Each household either leases the plantation land from the Government or owns it outright.
• Each household has the same size plantation land. • Ownership of plantation land cannot be separated from ownership of each house plot.
Explanatory notes:
• No Government restrictions on the size of agricultural land • Plantation land exists on a separate title to the house and can be bought, sold and
leased but must remain as productive land. • Different households have different sized plantation land based on what they have
bought or sold. • Some larger plantation lands (5 and 9) are owned and managed by individuals who
employ members of other households to farm the land.
253
Figure 7: settlement model C
Figure 8: settlement model D
Explanatory notes:
• Plantation lands owned and managed by the government agricultural department. • The Government offers to employ one person from each household to work on the
agricultural land.
Explanatory notes:
• Plantation land communally owned or leased from the Government by a cooperative of households grouped together based on church, island of birth or general location in the settlement.
• Families own and work land together and divide produce according to a cooperative agreement.
254
Figure 9: settlement model E
Explanatory notes:
• Other management approaches specified by the participant
255
Figure 10: comparison of lagoon settlement versus ocean settlement
256
Figure 11: Banana circle and home composting
257
Plant waste collected by individual farmers
Government rubbish truck comes to collect the plant waste
Plant waste is put into a machine that cuts it into compost
Plant waste is mixed with animal waste to make good compost which is then sold to
farmers
Figure 12: community composting scheme
258
This toilet:
• Turns human waste into compost that can be used on the garden (6 months). • Needs ash and dry leaves added regularly to control the smell. • No water added • Is designed to fit two toilets in one cubical. The first is used until it is full and then
users switch to the second toilet. • Needs users to empty the chamber of each toilet after the composting process has
made the compost safe to handle.
Figure 13: composting toilet
259
Interview script – I-Kiribati
Titiraki n kaukuuki
1. Taiaoka kabwarabwara am atatai iaon te unuuniki n te mweenga iaon Kiribati.
2. E kakoauaaki bwa Betio ngaia te tabo teuana ae e ataaki mai ibuakon aban nako Te
Betebeke, bwa te tabo ae e onrake aona n te maekanaki irouia aomata aika a mwaiti.
Teraa am iango n raoiroin ao buakakan te maeka n te mwaiti ae tiraua iaon te tabo ae
uarereke?
Kamataatan riki te mwakuri-n-kakae/maroro
Te tamnei ae e oti inano e bon kaota katootoon
taabo ake a maeu aoia ibukin te unuuniki, n aaba aika a rinano/uarereke. N aron ae e ataaki
ao kaain Kiribati a bon kabongana etan te nama (tanrion te aba) ni maeka iai ao nuukan te
aba bwa aia o-n-kabwebwe ibukin aroka/kai-n-amwarake. Ma rikiraken te botannaomata
iaon Tarawa Teinainano bon ngaia teuana te katooto ae e a onrake aona n te maekanaki. Ma
e ngae n anne ao angiia aomata (taan koroboki) a rangi n boutokaa te kabwaia are karekean
te amwarake man te o-n-aroka (katoto ane e oti n te tamnei). Aron te mwakuri n unuuniki n
te mwenga bon ngaia teuana te kawai ibukin tatauraoin te amwarake, karekean te
tianti/mwane man mwaketenakin uaanikai/baanikai ao ai aron kabongaanakin mangen te auti
ibukin kanan te aroka.
Te mwakuri-n-kakae aio e bon taraa naba aron karikirakean te kabwaia nakon taai aika a na
roko, man kabonganakin taabo ke aaba ake a maeu aoia/tanoia ibukin te unuuniki. Teuana te
agana ae kona n karaoaki n te kakae aei bon man te kamaatata bwa tera te aro n tararua ao n
bwaibwai nakon taabo/aaba aikai ibukin te kamaeka n taai aika a na roko.
Ibukin te marooro aei, ao ti konaa n katautaua bwa nakon taai aika a na roko ao iaon Kiribati:
• Te tautaeka ngaia ae taua mwiin aaba ake a maekanaki (kaota tamnein
katoton aei) ao n kabongana nuukan te aba bwa te o-n-kabwebwe
• Ngaia are nuukan te aba e kawakinaki bwa te tabo n unuuniki
• Aomata ake a kan maeka n aban te tautaeka aio a bon katautauaki bwa a
roko man aaba ao aaro aika a kakaokoro
260
• Te auti teuana e na bon katautauaki naba bwa 8 (waniman) kaaina n aron ae
e taabangaki n te wareaomata iaon Tarawa Teinainano (ao ma mwaitin aia
ririki n maeu aika a kakaokoro)
• Amwarake nako (uanikai ma banikai) ake a reke man te o-n-aroka bon ngaia
oin kanaia kaain te auti teuana ma teuana n te maeka aio.
N aron iangoan te katamaroa n te kamaeka aio, ao e konaa n iangoaki n itera aika a mwaiti.
Ngkai ao nna kaotii katooto/tamnei ni kaineti ma aron katamaroa aikai. Katooto aikai a bon
kaineti riki ma maekanakin te mweenga ao kabonganakin tanona ibukin te unuuniki (o-n-
aroka n te mweenga). Karaua kamatebwaia raoi tamnei n katooto aika a na oti ao kaota am
iango bwa e ngaa ae ko nano iai ao e ngaa ae ko aki nano iai ao bukin teraa?
Te aro n bwaibwai ma tararua
3. Teraa ae ko nano iai ao ae ko aki nano iai man tamnei n katooton te kamaeka akana
oti?
3a. N am iango ao te tautaeka e na riai n:
• Riitina te aba ibukin te unuuniki nakoia aomata
• Kabooanako te aba
• Ke tao n anganiia aomata ma nanonia n rinea are a tangiria? Ao bukin tera?
3b. N am iango ao te tautaeka e na riai:
• Riitina te aba ibukin te unuuniki nakoia aomata
• Kaboonakoi aaba aikai
• Ke n kariaia aomata bwa a na bon rinea are a tangiria n karaoia? Ao bukin
teraa?
3c. N am iango ao enga ae tamaroa riki, a na kabooaki aomata ake a kamwakuraki n
te unuuniki, n te mwane ke te amwarake?
4. Iai riki am iango irarikin katootoon kamaeka aikai ae ko taku bwa e na kona n
buoaka katamaroan te aro n tararua ibukin te unuuniki n te mwenga?
5. Te katooto raa (man tamnei akana a oti) ae ko taku bwa e na rangi n korakora reken
te amwarake man ana o-n-unuuniki? Ao bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani katooto
akanne n moanna man are e korakora ana kariki-ua-n-amwarake nakon are e aki bati
n kakariki-ua.
261
6. Te katooto raa (man tamnei akana a oti) ae ko taku bwa te kabanea n tamaroa ibukin
te maekanaki? Ao bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani katooto akanne n moanna man are
te moan tamaroa n te maekanaki nakon te kabanea.
7. Te katooto raa ae ko taku bwa ko nano iai ao ae ko kan maeka iai ma am utu ngkana
arona bwa e na kateaki te kamaeka ae boou aei? Bukin teraa? Taiaoka karinani
katooton kamaeka aikai man are ko nano iai nakon are ko aki nano iai.
8. N am iango ao engaa ae raoiroi riki, katean auti n maeka i maeao (etan te nama) ke a
riai n kateaki i tanrake? Ao bukin teraa?
9. Tao maanra n am katautau ae a kona n kabanea aomata (taan maeka iaon Tarawa) n
ririanna aia o-n-ununiki man aia auti? (Aanga manin te tai). N am iango ao te maan
aio e okoro ma are itinakun Tarawa (i buki)?
Te mwakuri n kaoki maange
10. Ngkana arona bwa te auti teuana e kan maniman irouia beeki ma mooa, te katooto
raa (iaon te kamaeka) man tamnei akana a oti ae e na rang nakoraoi ma aron te
mwakuri n maniman? Ao taiaoka karinani katooton kamaeka akanne man te moan
nakon te kabanea n nakoraoi n kaineti ma te mwakuri n maniman aio.
Nakoraoin ao kabwakan tein te mwakuri n unuuniki are e kairaki ma te kamaeka
11. N am koaua ao tera tikiraoin ao buakakan kawakinan taabo/aaba ake a maeu aoia
ibukin te unuuniki?
12. What is the potential of this idea for making urban living on atolls more sustainable?
Te mwakuri n kaoki maange
13. Aron mwakuri n kaoki maange ma kabonganaan mange ake a mka bwa kanan te
aroka, a bon kaungaaki nakoia aomata bwa ngaia teuana buokan katamaroan itiakin
tanon te aba ibukin te unuuniki iaon Kiribati. Tabeua katooto iaon kamaeka ake a oti
a bon kaota aron manga kabonganaan te nakotaari bwa kanan te aroka. Inanon
waakin te marooro aei ma ngkana ko taku bwa iai tangi buakan au marooro/taeka
iroum ao taiaoka kaotia bwa I aonga n ataia. Tabeua ibuakon kawai ao iango ake a
tia n marooroakinaki bon:
• Kabwebweakiia Bwanana n te mronron/tieeko
262
• Ikoikotan ao manga oneakin mange ake a mka nakon te kamkamka iroun te
tautaeka ao n manga kabooanako nakoia taan unuuniki
• Kai-n-nakotaari n kamkamka
14. Teraa am iango n tikiraoin ao buakakan aron mwakuri ake a oti ieta?
15. Ngkana arona bwa ko na maeka n te kamaeka aei, te kaokimaange (recycle) raa mai
buakon ake a oti ieta ae ko kukurei n kamanena n am auti? Ao bukin teraa?
16. Inanon mwakurian mwiin te marooro are karaoaki ao e rang kakawaki naba bwa e na
iai ataakin bwaninin rongorongon te aomata are e karaoaki te marooro aei ma ngaia.
Ti butiiko bwa ko konaa n tuangiira am:
• Ririki:
• Tokin am reirei mai ieta:
• Rikim:
• Te aba are ko bungiaki iai:
• Te tabo/aba ae ko kabanea angiin am tai n maeka iai:
263
Visual aids used during interview – I-Kiribati
Tamnei 1: taabo ake a maeu aoia/tanoia ibukin te unuuniki n aba aika uarereke
Tamnei 2: te o-n-kabwebwe/aroka n te mweenga
264
Tamnei 3: te mwkoro n aba ae buubura are e tauaki mwiina iroun te tautaeka
Tamnei 4: te aba are e kona n kabonganaaki ibukin te kamaeka nakon taai aika a na roko
265
Tamnei 5: katooto A
Tamnei 6: settlement model B
Kabwarabwara
• Akea ana tua te tautaeka ibukin katautauan buburan te aba n unuuniki • Te mwakoro n aba ibukin te unuuniki e konaa n kabooaki, kaboonakoaki ke n
riitinaki ma e na riai n teimatoa n maeu aona ibukin te ununiki. • Buburan te aba teuana ma teuana e konaa n kakaokoro • Tabeman taan maeka a abaaba n mwakoro n aba ake a bubura (5 ao 9) ao a
kammwakuriia kaain auti ake tabeua ibukin kamaeuan ao unikan aona.
Kabwarabwara
• N te moan katooto aei ao aomata a riitina maekaia mai iroun te tautaeka ke tao bon abaia ae a maeka iai.
• Auti ni kabane a toa ma aia o-n-aroka ke te aba ibukin unikan kai-n-amwarake aika tiitabo buburaia ni kabane.
• Te auti teuana ea tia n katauaki ma teuana te mwakoro n aba ibukin ana unuuniki/o-n-aroka ao a aki konaa n kamaenakoaki.
266
Tamnei 7: katooto C
Tamnei 8: katooto D
Kabwarabwara
• Aaba ibukin te unuuniki a bon abanaki ao man tararuaki iroun te tautaeka • Te tautaeka e kamwakuriia aomata man te auti teuana ma teuana ibukin unikan ao
kamaeuan kai-n-amwarake.
Kabwarabwara
• N te katooto aei ao a konaa aomata n kurubunaki nakon aia Aro ke abaia are a bung iai, ao te kurubu teuana ma teuana ngkanne a riitina aia maeka man te tautaeka ke tao a bon bwaibwai n te aba ane a maeka iai.
• Kaain te auti ma te utu ae tii teuana, a kaai n mwakuri ibukin kabwebwean te o-n-aroka, ao amwarake ma uaa ake a reke man kai-n-amwarake a tibwauaia imarenaia nakon are a tia n booraraoiakinna.
267
Tamnei 9: katooto E
Kabwarabwara
• Katooto tabeua man ana iango/kaoti te tia kataetaeaki.
268
Tamnei 10: kabootauan te kamaeka ietan te nama ma te maeka i tanrake
269
Tamnei 11: te kamkamka n te o-n-aroka: Banana tieeko
270
Rikorikoan mangen aroka nako irouia taan unuuniki
Rikoan mangen aroka nako n kaa n maange
Korekorean mange n aroka n te mitiin
Mangen te aroka n renganaki ma nakotaariia maan ibukin karaoan kanan te aroka ao
n kabooakinako nakoia taan unuuniki.
Tamnei 12: karaoan te kamkamka irouia kaain te kaawa
271
Te roki aei:
• E kawakina te nakotaari inanon te maan 6 te namwakaina ao ikanne are e a konaa
naba n kaboganaki ibukin te o-n-aroka ke kanaia aroka.
• E kabonganaa te baanikai bwa te tiraa
• E renganaki ma te mannang ma baanikai ake a mwau bwa e aonga n buoka
kauarerekean te boi.
• Uoua te kai n nakotinaniku inanona bwa ngkana e on are teuana ao e manga
kabonganaaki are te kauoua.
• E kainanoia taan kabonganaa bwa a na kaika kanoan tangken te nakotaari n te tai are
e a boo iai taina imwiin onoua te namwakaina.
Tamnei 13: te roki
272
APPENDIX 4: ADDITIONAL RESULTS FROM ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEW DATA
Table 1: different professions of participants
Record of different professions in each participant group
Profession Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Academic 1 0 0 1
Nun 0 0 1 1
Project manager (Government) 0 5 0 5
Agronomist 1 0 0 1
Project manager (donor) 5 0 0 5
Homegardener 0 0 12 12
Surveyor 0 3 0 3
Nutrition and health advisor 1 0 0 1
Agricultural advisor 1 3 0 4
Town planner 1 1 0 2
Architect 2 0 0 2
Environmental consultant 1 0 0 1
Lawyer 0 1 0 1
Total 13 13 13 39 Source: analysis of interview data
273
Table 2: demographic information on participants in semi structured interview
Code Age Education Island of birth
Majority of life I-Kiribati heritage
Male (M) or female (F)
C1 52 Tertiary International Tarawa n M C2 28 Tertiary International Tarawa n F C3 50 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
C4 56 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
C5 45 Secondary International Tarawa y F
C6 50 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
C7 65 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
C8 59 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
C9 57 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
C10 30 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
C11 26 Tertiary International Tarawa n F C12 32 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
Con
sulta
nt a
nd v
olun
teer
s
C13 56 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
G1 30 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
G2 41 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
G3 26 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
G4 33 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
G5 42 Tertiary Central Gilberts
Outer islands y M
G6 40 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
G7 35 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
G8 42 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
G9 38 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
G10 46 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
G11 34 Tertiary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
G12 39 Tertiary International Tarawa n M
Gov
ernm
ent e
mpl
oyee
s
G13 34 Tertiary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
HG1 54 Primary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
HG2 54 Secondary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
HG3 34 Secondary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
HG4 40 None Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
Hom
egar
dene
rs
HG5 56 Secondary Banaba Tarawa y F
274
HG6 54 Primary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
HG7 53 Secondary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
HG8 42 Secondary Banaba Tarawa y F
HG9 54 Primary Banaba Tarawa y M
HG10 52 Secondary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y F
HG11 67 Secondary Northern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
HG12 57 Secondary Southern Gilberts
Tarawa y M
HG13 28 Primary Central Gilberts
Outer islands y M
Source: analysis of interview data
Table 3: participants’ suggestions on potential implementation approaches for the banana
circle, community composting scheme and composting toilet
Number of references to each implementation approach Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Promotional and implementation ideas for banana circle
Households with banana circles receive reduction in land tax
1 0 0 1
Promotional and implementation ideas for community composting scheme
Effective supervision of rubbish collection the most critical issue
1 0 0 1
Potential to privatise 0 1 0 1
Advertising in local newspaper and radio
1 0 0 1
Move chipping machinery around the urban areas to raise awareness
1 0 0 1
Develop a mascot and include in a cartoon
1 0 0 1
Smaller chipping machinery in each community
1 0 0 1
Require comprehensive educational campaigns
1 0 0 1
Promotional and implementation ideas for composting toilet
Need for greater public awareness 1 3 0 4
People employed to maintain composting toilets
0 1 0 1
Interested households involved in a pilot program
0 1 0 1
Hold a competition and winner gets a free toilet
2 0 0 2
Source: analysis of interview data
275
Table 4: alternative participant models for the ownership and management of urban
agroforestry systems in future planned urban settlements
Number of references to each implementation approach Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Alternative participant models Larger homegarden plots 3 0 0 3
Divide land in half and place settlements on ocean and lagoon side of the atoll
0 1 0 1
Large private companies oversee productive land
2 4 0 6
Combine recreation and productive land uses
2 1 0 3
Productive land connected to institutions
1 0 4 5
As a stage in the development of future planned urban settlements
1 0 0 1
Road in middle of productive land with access paths down boundary lines
1 0 0 1
Single road on the lagoon side with settlement on ocean and lagoon side
1 0 0 1
Local councils administer productive lands rather than Central Government
2 1 0 3
Source: analysis of interview data
Figure 1: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C10
Source: interview data
Explanatory notes:
• Settlement on either side of the atoll • People have the option of buying productive land • Pig pens near the road • Access down boundary lines
276
Figure 2: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C10
Source: interview data
Figure 3: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C11
Source: interview data
Explanatory notes:
• Productive land is leased out under a staged development scheme • Household in stage one will have access to surrounding agricultural land • As more stages are completed the lease agreement is revised to include new
households
Explanatory notes:
• Settlement on either side of the atoll • Plots of land could be divided either side of the road • Livestock away from the houses on the boundary line • Access down the boundary lines
277
Figure 4: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C11
Source: interview data
Figure 5: alternative model for atoll settlement proposed by participant C11
Source: interview data
Explanatory notes:
• Increase the size of home garden plots
Explanatory notes:
• Land managed by institutions such as schools, hospitals, prisons, aid agencies • Profits used to support institution • Education, nutritional, food security and waste management outcomes are
closely linked to food production • Organisations produce seedlings to sell to local gardeners
278
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Close to house Middle ofproductive lands
Ocean side No answer
Location of pigs and chickens
Tot
al o
f par
ticip
ant r
anki
ng (s
cale
of 1
to 4
)
Total
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
High
Low
Figure 6: participant ranking of different options for keeping pigs and chickens in future
planned urban settlements
Source: analysis of interview data
279
Table 5: positive and negative aspects relating to different options for keeping pigs and chickens
in urban areas
Number of references to each issue Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Communal pens on ocean side
Negatives
Increased infrastructure costs 2 0 0 2
People like to be close to their pigs 0 2 3 5
Harsh environment impedes live weight gain
0 0 1 1
Concern for security of animals 3 1 1 5
Difficult to change current practices 1 0 0 1
Positives
More able to control pig effluent 1 0 0 1
Pollutants flushed away by tide 0 1 0 1
Distance from human dwellings 4 8 7 19
Success of communal piggeries in Colonial times
3 3 0 6
Better option for narrow land 0 1 0 1
Decreases pollution of water lens 1 0 0 1
Traditional to keep animals at a distance
0 1 0 1
Efficient use of productive land 1 0 0 1
Individual pens in middle of land
Negatives
Pollution of ground water lens and crops
4 2 1 7
Difficult to change current practices 1 0 0 1
Increased potential for animals to eat crops
1 0 0 1
Concern for security of animals 2 0 0 2
Positives
Potential for waste to enrich soils 4 9 3 16
Distance from human dwellings 2 8 2 12
Better option for wider lands 0 1 0 1
Closer to human dwellings 2 2 3 7
Easy access to fresh water 0 0 1 1
Clear demarcation of animal location
2 0 0 2
Pens next to house
Negatives
Pollution of the urban environment 11 8 9 28
Positives
Sign of wealth 2 0 0 2
Improved access and security 3 1 8 12
Fertilise soils around the home 1 0 2 3
Source: analysis of interview data
280
0
5
10
15
20
25
Settlement on oceanand lagoon
Settlement just onlagoon
No answer
Settlement option
Part
icip
ant n
umbe
r Total
Consultants andvolunteers
Governmentemployees
Homegardeners
Figure 7: participant preference for housing settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or on both
the lagoon and ocean sides
Source: analysis of interview data
Table 6: reasons why participants preferred urban settlement on the lagoon side of the atoll or
on both the lagoon and ocean sides
Number of references to each issue Consultants and
volunteers Government employees
Homegardeners Total
Different settlement options
Settlement on lagoon and ocean sides
More efficient access and use of space
5 5 0 10
Lessen population pressure on lagoon resources
4 3 0 7
Cooling breezes of ocean side 1 2 0 3
Settlement on lagoon side only
General preference for lagoon 3 0 1 4
More sheltered than the ocean 4 1 10 15
Lagoon preferred for narrow land 0 1 0 1
Lagoon used for boating access 0 1 1 2
Easier to reclaim land 0 0 1 1
Increases access to different ecological zones
2 0 0 2
Less road infrastructure to maintain 1 0 0 1
Source: analysis of interview data
281
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Next to
house
5 minu
te or le
ss
10 minute
or le
ss
15 minute
or le
ss
20 minute
or le
ss
25 minute
or le
ss
30 minute
or le
ss
More
then
30 minute
s
No answ
er
Walking time to productive lands
Num
ber
of p
artic
ipan
tsTotal
Consultants and volunteers
Government employees
Homegardeners
Figure 8: the amount of time that participants would be willing to walk to productive lands
Source: analysis of interview data
282
APPENDIX 5: CALCULATION OF THE NUTRITIONAL CONTRIBUTION OF
URBAN AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS
Table 1: consumption of locally grown foods recommended by Government nutritionists to
maintain a balanced diet
Food units Number of food units consumed in a day*
Edible portion of 1 food unit (g)**
Weight of food to be consumed in a day (g)
Weight of food to be consumed in a day (100g)
Banana (whole fruit)
8 45.00 360.00 3.60
Breadfruit (whole fruit)
2 725.00 1450.00 14.50
Mature coconut (flesh and cavity fluid)^
3 480.00 1440.00 14.40
Immature coconut (flesh and cavity fluid)”
3 620.00 1860.00 18.60
Chinese cabbage (whole plants)
2 300.00 600.00 6.00
Cucumber (whole vegetable)
1 165.00 165.00 1.65
Edible hibiscus (leaves)
16 5.00 80.00 0.80
Pandanus (keys) 16 65.00 1040.00 10.40
Pawpaw (whole fruit)
4 950.00 3800.00 38.00
Coconut toddy (litres)
2 1000.00 2000.00 20.00
Reef fish NA NA 2160.00 21.60 White bread roll NA NA 400.00 4.00 Boiled rice NA NA 3200.00 32.00 Notes: * Data from interviews with Government nutritionists ** Data from Section 6.3 ^ Figures for mature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid ” Figures for immature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid Source: analysis of interview data
283
284
Source: Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006)
285
Table 3: calculations to determine the contribution of recommended consumption levels of locally grown agroforestry foods to overall household nutrition
Nutritional Information per 100g‘
Banana Boiled breadfruit
Mature coconut*
Immature coconut"
Raw Chinese Cabbage
Raw cucumber
Boiled edible hibiscus leaves
Pandanus Pawpaw Coconut toddy
Bake/grill reef fish composite
White bread roll
Boiled white rice
Amount consumed per day typical urban family ^
Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household
Energy (kJ) 433.00 313.00 1688.46 184.62 77.00 46.00 120.00 360.00 213.00 177.00 542.00 1085.00 515.00 77420.15 72354.90
Protein (g) 1.30 1.30 4.08 0.73 2.20 0.80 3.40 1.30 0.50 0.20 24.10 9.70 2.30 770.51 322.00
Carbohydrates (g) 23.60 14.40 4.79 5.22 0.90 1.20 0.30 17.20 11.80 9.60 0.40 48.40 28.00 2370.92 1040.00
Fibre (g) 0.80 2.50 7.30 1.11 1.30 1.10 3.50 3.50 0.80 0.00 0.00 3.10 0.80 260.72 226.00
Sodium (mg) 29.00 1.00 45.93 17.48 38.00 18.00 6.00 70.00 6.00 34.00 85.00 700.00 5.00 7664.96 11000.00
Magnesium (mg) 33.00 23.00 59.37 14.44 28.00 13.00 108.00 17.00 12.00 4.00 50.00 29.00 13.00 4001.88 2310.00
Potassium (mg) 241.00 350.00 451.53 188.20 428.00 120.00 201.00 236.00 170.00 110.00 411.00 122.00 10.00 38344.38 34800.00
Calcium (mg) 11.00 13.00 21.63 12.70 94.00 12.00 216.00 88.00 24.00 0.00 24.00 60.00 4.00 4182.29 8100.00
Iron (mg) 0.60 0.20 2.23 0.45 1.00 0.10 1.50 0.40 0.70 0.00 0.70 1.30 0.30 107.03 88.00
Zinc (mg) 0.20 0.10 0.65 0.14 0.50 0.20 1.20 0.30 0.10 0.00 0.70 0.60 0.60 60.17 65.00
Vitamin A (�g) 4.00 3.00 0.00 0.00 223.00 22.00 731.00 95.00 59.00 0.00 17.00 0.00 0.00 5614.20 5400.00
Thiamin (mg) 0.07 0.08 0.02 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.10 0.09 0.03 0.00 0.08 0.14 0.03 7.97 7.80
Riboflavin (mg) 0.08 0.05 0.02 0.01 0.09 0.02 0.30 0.02 0.05 0.02 0.11 0.08 0.01 7.71 8.10
Niacin (mg) 0.70 0.70 0.63 4.05 0.80 0.20 1.30 0.90 0.40 0.20 4.00 1.60 0.60 241.96 102.00
Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.70 0.00 0.00 36.72 15.90
Vitamin C (mg) 17.30 22.00 2.53 2.72 38.00 7.00 7.00 5.20 73.00 20.00 1.30 0.00 0.00 3962.17 490.00
Vitamin E (mg) 0.40 0.70 0.60 0.07 0.20 0.10 1.00 0.00 1.20 0.00 1.00 0.00 0.00 89.13 99.00
Notes: ‘Data in this table was sourced from Dignan et al. (2004) except for the vitamin A content of pandanus calculated by averaging the nutritional values of the five most nutritious pandanus species in Englberger et al. (2006) * Figures for mature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 1:0.26 per 100 grams " Figures for immature coconut include both the nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 0.35:1 per 100 grams ^ Figures in this column are calculated by multiplying the earlier established consumption of selected agroforestry species with the nutritional value of produce of each species Source: analysis of interview data
286
Table 4: comparison between the nutritional value of the recommended consumption of local
foods from Government nutritionists and the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes from
Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the typical urban household
Imported staples
Reef fish Garden produce
Total intake
Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household
Energy (kJ) 20820.00 11707.20 44892.95 77420.15 72354.90 Protein (g) 112.40 520.56 137.55 770.51 322.00 Carbohydrates (g) 1089.60 8.64 1272.68 2370.92 1040.00 Fibre (g) 38.00 0.00 222.72 260.72 226.00 Sodium (mg) 2960.00 1836.00 2868.96 7664.96 11000.00 Magnesium (mg) 532.00 1080.00 2389.88 4001.88 2310.00 Potassium (mg) 808.00 8877.60 28658.78 38344.38 34800.00 Calcium (mg) 368.00 518.40 3295.89 4182.29 8100.00 Iron (mg) 14.80 15.12 77.11 107.03 88.00 Zinc (mg) 21.60 15.12 23.45 60.17 65.00 Vitamin A (�g) 0.00 367.20 5247.00 5614.20 5400.00 Thiamin (mg) 1.52 1.73 4.72 7.97 7.80 Riboflavin (mg) 0.64 2.38 4.69 7.71 8.10 Niacin (mg) 25.60 86.40 129.96 241.96 102.00 Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 36.72 0.00 36.72 15.90 Vitamin C (mg) 0.00 28.08 3934.09 3962.17 490.00 Vitamin E (mg) 0.00 21.60 67.53 89.13 99.00 Source: analysis of nutritional data
287
Table 5: calculations to determine the number of species required to produce Government nutritionists’ recommendations for the consumption of locally produced
foods
Banana Breadfruit Mature coconutª
Immature coconut^
Chinese cabbage
Cucumber Edible hibiscus
Pandanus Pawpaw Coconut toddy
Edible per annum yield from a single mature species (kg)
6.75 181 28.8 37.2 1.8 2.2 1.2 29.25 22.8 730
Recommended daily consumption levels from nutritionist (100g)
3.60 14.50 11.46 18.60 6.00 1.65 0.80 10.40 38.00 20.00
Daily food volume (kg) 0.36 1.45 1.15 1.86 0.60 0.17 0.08 1.04 3.80 2.00 Number of species required to fulfil recommended intake (rounded to nearest whole number)
19 3 15 15” 122 27 24 13 61 1
Notes: ª Figures for mature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ^ Figures for immature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ” The number of immature coconuts required has been lowered to be equal to the number of mature coconuts, as the number of coconuts to be consumed was originally the
same Source: analysis of nutritional data
288
Table 6: daily food production and consumption based on the number of species within 1000 square metres of urban agroforestry land
Banana Breadfruit Mature coconutª
Immature coconut^
�������������
Cucumber¨ Edible hibiscus
Pandanus Pawpaw Coconut toddy
Reef fish
White bread roll
Boiled white rice
Edible per annum yield from a single mature species (kg)
6.75 181.00 28.80 37.20 1.80 2.20 1.20 29.25 22.80 730.00 NA NA NA
Diameter (metres) 3.00 9.00 5.50 5.50 0.30 0.40 1.50 7.00 3.00 5.50 NA NA NA
Area per tree (m²) 7.07 63.62 23.76 23.76 0.17 0.33 1.77 38.48 7.07 23.76 NA NA NA
Yield per (m²) 0.95 2.85 1.21 1.57 10.59 6.67 0.68 0.76 3.23 30.73 NA NA NA
Daily food production and consumption (100g)
1.11 4.96 3.16 4.08 1.87 0.48 0.26 3.21 11.87 20.00 21.60 4.00 32.00
Number of species included within 1000 square meters
6.00 1.00 4.00 4.00 38.00 8.00 8.00 4.00 19.00 1.00 NA NA NA
Notes:
ª Figures for mature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ^ Figures for immature coconut include both coconut flesh and coconut cavity fluid ˜ The area for Chinese cabbage is calculated using a spacing of 30 centimetres in rows and 60 centimetres between rows ̈The area for cucumber is calculated using a row spacing of 1 metre by 30 centimetres
” The number of immature coconuts required has been lowered to equal to the number of mature coconuts required as the number of coconuts to be consumed is originally the same NA - Not Applicable
Source: analysis of nutritional data
289
Table 7: per day nutritional contribution of atoll agroforestry species within 1000 square metres of urban agroforestry land
Nutritional Information per 100g‘
Banana Boiled breadfruit
Mature coconut*
Immature coconut"
Raw Chinese Cabbage
Raw cucumber
Boiled Edible hibiscus leaves
Pandanus Pawpaw Coconut toddy
Bake/grill reef fish composite
White bread roll
Boiled white rice
Amount consumed per day by typical urban household
Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household^
Energy (kJ) 433.00 313.00 1688.46 184.62 77.00 46.00 120.00 360.00 213.00 177.00 542.00 1085.00 515.00 48061.50 72354.90
Protein (g) 1.30 1.30 4.08 0.73 2.20 0.80 3.40 1.30 0.50 0.20 24.10 9.70 2.30 676.19 322.00
Carbohydrates (g) 23.60 14.40 4.79 5.22 0.90 1.20 0.30 17.20 11.80 9.60 0.40 48.40 28.00 1621.77 1040.00
Fibre (g) 0.80 2.50 7.30 1.11 1.30 1.10 3.50 3.50 0.80 0.00 0.00 3.10 0.80 103.47 226.00
Sodium (mg) 29.00 1.00 45.93 17.48 38.00 18.00 6.00 70.00 6.00 34.00 85.00 700.00 5.00 6106.44 11000.00
Magnesium (mg) 33.00 23.00 59.37 14.44 28.00 13.00 108.00 17.00 12.00 4.00 50.00 29.00 13.00 2372.97 2310.00
Potassium (mg) 241.00 350.00 451.53 188.20 428.00 120.00 201.00 236.00 170.00 110.00 411.00 122.00 10.00 19767.88 34800.00
Calcium (mg) 11.00 13.00 21.63 12.70 94.00 12.00 216.00 88.00 24.00 0.00 24.00 60.00 4.00 1888.76 8100.00
Iron (mg) 0.60 0.20 2.23 0.45 1.00 0.10 1.50 0.40 0.70 0.00 0.70 1.30 0.30 52.36 88.00
Zinc (mg) 0.20 0.10 0.65 0.14 0.50 0.20 1.20 0.30 0.10 0.00 0.70 0.60 0.60 43.56 65.00
Vitamin A (�g) 4.00 3.00 0.00 0.00 223.00 22.00 731.00 95.00 59.00 0.00 17.00 0.00 0.00 2012.04 5400.00
Thiamin (mg) 0.07 0.08 0.02 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.10 0.09 0.03 0.00 0.08 0.14 0.03 4.68 7.80
Riboflavin (mg) 0.08 0.05 0.02 0.01 0.09 0.02 0.30 0.02 0.05 0.02 0.11 0.08 0.01 4.76 8.10
Niacin (mg) 0.70 0.70 0.63 4.05 0.80 0.20 1.30 0.90 0.40 0.20 4.00 1.60 0.60 148.32 102.00
Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.70 0.00 0.00 36.72 15.90
Vitamin C (mg) 17.30 22.00 2.53 2.72 38.00 7.00 7.00 5.20 73.00 20.00 1.30 0.00 0.00 1534.94 490.00
Vitamin E (mg) 0.40 0.70 0.60 0.07 0.20 0.10 1.00 0.00 1.20 0.00 1.00 0.00 0.00 42.62 99.00
Notes: ‘ The nutritional data in this table has been sourced from Dignan et al. (2004) except for the vitamin A content of pandanus calculated by averaging the five most nutritious pandanus species in Englberger et al. (2006) * Figures for mature coconut include both nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 1:0.26 per 100 grams " Figures for immature coconut include both nutritional values for flesh and cavity fluid combined in a ratio of 0.35:1 per 100 grams ^ Figures in this column are calculated by multiplying the earlier established consumption of selected agroforestry species within 1000 square metres with the nutritional value of produce of each species
Source: analysis of nutritional data
290
Table 8: nutritional value of produce from agroforestry species in 1000 square metres compared
to the required daily Dietary Reference Intakes of Otten, Hellwig and Meyers (2006) for the
typical urban household
Imported staples
Reef fish Garden produce
Total intake
Daily Dietary Reference Intakes for typical urban household
Energy (kJ) 20820.00 11707.20 15534.30 48061.50 72354.90 Protein (g) 112.40 520.56 43.23 676.19 322.00 Carbohydrates (g) 1089.60 8.64 523.53 1621.77 1040.00 Fibre (g) 38.00 0.00 65.47 103.47 226.00 Sodium (mg) 2960.00 1836.00 1310.44 6106.44 11000.00 Magnesium (mg) 532.00 1080.00 760.97 2372.97 2310.00 Potassium (mg) 808.00 8877.60 10082.28 19767.88 34800.00 Calcium (mg) 368.00 518.40 1002.36 1888.76 8100.00 Iron (mg) 14.80 15.12 22.44 52.36 88.00 Zinc (mg) 21.60 15.12 6.84 43.56 65.00 Vitamin A (�g) 0.00 367.20 1644.84 2012.04 5400.00 Thiamin (mg) 1.52 1.73 1.43 4.68 7.80 Riboflavin (mg) 0.64 2.38 1.74 4.76 8.10 Niacin (mg) 25.60 86.40 36.32 148.32 102.00 Vitamin B12 (�g) 0.00 36.72 0.00 36.72 15.90 Vitamin C (mg) 0.00 28.08 1506.86 1534.94 490.00 Vitamin E (mg) 0.00 21.60 21.02 42.62 99.00
Source: analysis of nutritional data
291
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