a portrait of israeli jewry
TRANSCRIPT
Beliefs, Observances, and Values amongIsraeli Jews 2 0 0 0
Highlights from an In-Depth Study
Conducted by the Guttman Center
of the Israel Democracy Institute
for The AVI CHAI Foundation
A PORTRAITOF ISRAELI
JEWRY
A PORTRAITOF ISRAELI
JEWRY
Beliefs, Observances, and Values amongIsraeli Jews 2 0 0 0
Highlights from an In-Depth StudyConducted by the Guttman Center of the Israel Democracy Institute
for The AVI CHAI Foundation
A PORTRAITOF ISRAELI
JEWRY
Elihu KatzHanna LevinsohnShlomit Levy
The study was conducted on behalf of The AVI CHAI Foundation.The Guttman Center of the Israel Democracy Institute conductedthe study, and is responsible for its findings and conclusions.
Graphics & Design: Studio Shimon SchneiderColor separations, plates, press: Art-Plus Ltd., Jerusalem
© All rights reservedThe Israel Democracy Institute and The AVI CHAI FoundationJune 2002
4
4
5
6
6
7
8
8
10
11
11
12
13
15
16
17
18
20
21
Introduction
1.1 Preface
1.2 Abstract
Religious Self-Definition
2.1 Religious Identity
2.2 Observance of Tradition
2.3 The Religious Identity Scale
Observances
3.1 General Remarks
3.2 Shabbat
Beliefs, Values, and Identity
4.1 Beliefs
4.2 General Values
4.3 Jewish Values
4.4 Jewish Identity and Self-Identification
Religion, State, and the Public Sphere
Intergroup Relations
Religiosity and Ethnicity
Religious Identity and Intergenerational Processes
Observance of Tradition by the Non-Religious
Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union
Long-Term Changes
Contents
±
≤
≥
¥
µ
∂
∑
∏
π
±∞
±±
¥
1.1 PrefaceBetween June 1999 and January 2000, the GuttmanCenter of the Israel Democracy Institute carriedout a comprehensive study of Jewish religiousbehavior in Israel and of how Israeli Jews definetheir own identity.* This study, the sequel to asimilar study conducted in 1991, involved anational sample of 2,466 respondents from all overthe country, with a maximum sampling error of3%. It also included a supplementary representativesample of 373 Jewish immigrants from the formerSoviet Union. Part 10 of this summary addressesthe findings concerning the immigrant sample.
This study, like its predecessor, embraces a varietyof topics: observance of religious traditions, Jewishand general beliefs and values, Jewish identityand identification, issues associated with the roleof religion in public life, and relations amongsocial groups. The unique scope of this study, anda comparison of its findings with those of theprevious study, yield a comprehensive map ofIsraeli Jewish society and its values, beliefs, andlifestyle in everything related to Jewishness.
1.2 AbstractIsraeli Jews have a strong Jewish identity. A largemajority want Israel to have a Jewish character—even though they cannot agree on the parametersof this character. A large majority considerthemselves part of the Jewish people—even thoughtheir closeness to Diaspora Jewry is waning. MostIsraeli Jews feel some sort of connection withJewish tradition, observe at least some of itspractices and life-cycle rituals, and mark at leastsome of its festivals.
Basically, Jews in Israel are committed to twodistinct values: tradition and individual freedom
of choice. For the groups at the two ends of thereligious identity spectrum—the haredim/strictlyobservant and the anti-religious—one of thesevalues completely overshadows the other. The vastmajority of Israeli Jews, however, attempt tointegrate the two.
The lifestyles, values, and identity of most IsraeliJews reflect a profusion of efforts to maintain abond to Jewish tradition, on the one hand, andmaximum freedom of choice, on the other. Theresult is a fairly broad Israeli-Jewish consensusthat reflects a commitment to Jewish identity,Jewish culture, and Jewish continuity, but doesnot accept halakhah—rabbinical law—as a systemof binding imperatives and rejects anything thatis perceived as religious coercion.
Several findings of this study are disturbing, notablythe deterioration in the perceived quality ofintergroup relations in Israeli Jewish society andan increasing distance between Israeli and DiasporaJewry. The sense of intra-Israeli and pan-Jewishunity is eroding. Furthermore, among the non-religious (especially Ashkenazim and the better-educated), the intensity of Jewish identity isgradually declining, and there is confusionregarding the meaning of the term “Jew” and thedefinition of the character and attributes that theJewish state should possess. Nevertheless, thereis no doubt that what characterizes most Jews inIsrael is their adherence to a personal Jewishidentity alongside their wish to shape a publicJewish identity.
* The study was conducted before the outbreak of violence that began in October 2000.
Introduction±
µ
2.1 Religious IdentityThe religious self-definition of Israeli Jews in 1999 was as follows:
This distribution is somewhat different from thatof a decade ago. The “traditional” group declinedby seven percentage points and the non-religiousgrew by five percentage points, so that the non-religious replaced the traditional as the largest
single group of Israeli Jews. During the sameperiod, the haredi sector grew by two percentagepoints. These changes may indicate a polarizingtrend.
* The religious identity of Israeli Jews in 1990 is based on the Guttman Institute continuing survey from August1990, which was part of the study, “Leisure Culture in Israel.”
Self-defined Religiosityof Israeli Jews, 1999 vs. 1990*
HarediReligiousTraditionalNon-religiousAnti-religious
±ππ∞
±πππ
µ• µ•
≥∏• ¥≥
•
¥≤•
≥µ•
±≤•
±≤•
≥•
µ•
µ•Anti-religious
¥≥•Non-religious
≥µ•Traditional
±≤•Religious
µ•Haredi (Ultraorthodox)
Religious Self-Definition≤
∂
This breakdown shows that declared observanceof tradition is much more prevalent than declaredreligiosity. Some 50% of respondents define
themselves as non-religious, but only about 20%describe themselves as “totally non-observant.”The most conspicuous finding here is that nearly
2.2 Observance of TraditionIn 1999, Israeli Jews assessed their own degree of religious observance as follows:
Here, unlike religious self-definition, little haschanged since 1991 and there has been no declinein actual religious observance. Generally speaking,
Israeli Jews’ assessment of their observance ofreligious tradition has been stable over the years.
2.3 The Religious Identity ScaleThis research presents a new Guttman religiousidentity scale, which combines self-definedreligiosity with assessment of one’s level of
observance. In 1999, the distribution of thepopulation according to this scale was as follows:
¥•
The Guttman Scale( Based on 96% of survey respondents.)
µ•∑•¥•
±∂•±∑•
≤π•
±∏•
.............................Anti-religioustotally
non-observant
...........................Non-religioustotally
non-observant
............................Non-religioussomewhatobservant
......................Traditionalsomewhatobservant
.......................Traditionalobservant toa great extent
....................Religiousobservant toa great extent
....................Religiousstrictly
observant
..............Haredi
¥≥•
±∂•
≤∞•
≤±•
Strictly observant
Observant to a great extent
Totally non-observant
Somewhat observant
∑
30% of Israeli Jews consider themselves to beboth non-religious and somewhat observant. Thecurrent study is the first to profile this group, thelargest of the eight on the Guttman scale. Theseemingly paradoxical coupling of non-religiosityand some religious observance can be explained
by the fact that a large number of non-religiousIsraeli Jews nevertheless opt to observe certainreligious or traditional practices. This is consistentwith other findings about the lifestyle of IsraeliJews.
Observance of Precepts and Traditions
of Israeli Jews have a mezuzah on the front door of their home.
always participate in some kind of Passover seder.
always light Hanukkah candles.
do not eat hametz (leaven) during Passover.
fast on Yom Kippur.
refrain from eating treif (non-kosher food).
have a festive meal on Shabbat eve.
celebrate Purim in some way.
always light Shabbat candles with a blessing before sundown.
recite kiddush on Shabbat eve.
have separate sets of dishes for meat and dairy foods.
build a sukkah that meets religious requirements.
refrain from performing labor on Shabbat in public.
refrain from traveling on Shabbat.
of Israeli Jewish men put on tefillin regularly.
pray every Shabbat at a synagogue.
do not turn electricity on or off on Shabbat.
cover their heads at all times.
pray in a synagogue every day.
π∏•
∏µ•
∑±•
∂∏•
∂∑•
µ∏•
µµ•
µ≥•
µ±•
¥∏•
¥¥•
¥±•
¥±•
≤∑•
≤∂•
≤µ•
≤¥•
±∂•
±µ•
Seventy percent of Israeli Jews believe that theylead their lives in the spirit of Jewish values.Eighty-nine percent believe that a person can be
a good Jew even without observing religioustradition. However, the level of actual observanceof specific precepts and traditions varies widely.
Observances≥
∏
3.1 General RemarksThe proportion of Israeli Jews who never observetraditional practices ranges from 2% who neverparticipate in a Passover seder, to 25% who donot mark Shabbat in any way or observe no aspectof kashrut, and 35% who never attend synagogueon Yom Kippur. Some 60%-65% never refrainfrom traveling or using electricity and the telephoneon Shabbat.
The findings show that “keeping kosher” is moreprevalent than “keeping Shabbat.” Passover,Hanukkah, and Yom Kippur are the holidaysmarked by a large majority of Israeli Jews. Onlya small minority of 15%-25% are regularsynagogue-goers.
3.2 ShabbatAs stated, 48%-55% of Israeli Jews observe someof the traditions associated with Friday evening(such as lighting candles, eating a festive meal,
and reciting kiddush). Some 24%-27% go tosynagogue and refrain from traveling, turningelectrical appliances on and off, or participatingin paid entertainment. Forty-one percent refrainfrom performing labor in public; 37% refrain fromdoing so at home and kindling fires. Going beyondall this, however, a large majority of Israeli Jewstend to spend Shabbat in a family setting. Whenoffered nine ways of spending Shabbat and askedto note the frequency of each, respondents revealedthe existence of a sort of Israeli “Shabbat culture”that selectively observes certain traditions as partof a much broader pattern of quiet leisure activitieswith the family.
∏µ•
∏µ•
∑∂•
∂∏•
µ≥•
¥±•
≥µ•
≥≥•
±∑•
Spend time with the family
Rest
Read
Watch television/listen to radio
Travel to visit parents and relatives
Bathe in the sea or a pool, sports
Tour to get to know the country
Go out for entertainment/dine out
Shop
How Israeli Jews Spend Shabbat
Percent responding “always” or “often”
π
When the respondents were asked, in generalterms, about the need to preserve a Shabbatatmosphere in the public arena, 70% (includingabout half of the non-religious and one-third ofthe anti-religious) answered in the affirmative.When asked specific questions, however, a largemajority favored liberalization in the publicobservance of Shabbat:
• 72% favor allowing movie theaters, cafes, andrestaurants to be open on Shabbat.
• 72% favor holding sporting events on Shabbat.
• 70% favor allowing shopping malls outsidecities to be open on Shabbat.
• 65% favor running public transport on Shabbat.
• 61% favor allowing urban shopping malls tobe open on Shabbat.
Some 12%-23% of those who define themselvesas “religious” would permit these services andevents on Shabbat, except for the opening of urban
shopping malls, which is supported by only6%-10%.
The overall impression is that most Israeli Jewsprefer a quiet Shabbat with their family and wantShabbat in the public domain to have a uniquecharacter. On the other hand, they wish to retainfreedom of choice and have all leisure optionsavailable. The most salient example of this contrastis the disparity between the proportion ofrespondents who regularly shop on Shabbat (17%)and those who favor open shopping malls (61%-70%).
±∞
* However, it still falls short of the corresponding percentages in the United States, Italy, Ireland, and Poland(approximately 80%).
4.1 BeliefsThe proportion of Israeli Jews who believe in theexistence of God has risen slightly.* Belief inreward and punishment has increased considerably.
The graph below shows the percentage ofrespondents who stated that they “believewholeheartedly” in each of the following beliefs:
Beliefs
Percent who “believe wholeheartedly”
±ππ±
±πππ
There is a God.
There is a Supreme Power that guides the world.
Good deeds are rewarded.
Bad deeds are punished.
The Torah and religious precepts are divinecommandments.
The Jewish people is the chosen peopleamong all the nations.
There is an afterworld.
The Messiah will come.
A non-observant Jew endangers the entireJewish people.
∂µ•
∂≥•
∂≤•
µ∑•
∂≤•
µ≤•
µµ•
¥¥•
µ±•
¥∑•
µ∞•
¥∑•
¥∞•
≥µ•
≥∂•
≥π•
≤¥•
≤±•
¥ Beliefs, Values, and Identity
±±
4.2 General ValuesThe two general values that Israeli Jews rank mosthighly are family-related. “Honoring one’s parents”is perceived as very important by 87% ofrespondents, and “raising a family” by 80%. “Beingat peace with oneself” ranks almost as high. Incontrast, “enjoying life” lies in the middle of thescale (65%), while “appreciating beauty” and“making a lot of money” fall at the bottom (31%and 23%, respectively).
“Being free to choose how to behave” is veryimportant for the non-religious and the anti-religious (73% and 79%, respectively), but not forthe religious/strictly observant (39%). Comparisonof the civic and social priorities of the varioussectors highlights an interesting phenomenon thathas been noted in earlier studies: “religiosity” isassociated with altruistic social values. Forexample, “contributing to society” is very importantfor 64% of the religious/strictly observant, ascompared to 55% of the traditional/somewhatobservant, 48% of the non-religious/somewhatobservant, 41% of the non-religious/non-observant,and only 33% of the anti-religious. A similarpattern is evident for “being a good citizen” and“understanding another person’s point of view.”
The overall picture is that the values of family andpersonal integrity are common to all Israeli Jews,as is the relative unimportance of materialisticvalues. There is a perceptible difference, however,in the attitudes of the religious, the traditional, andthe non-religious toward individual freedoms, onthe one hand, and social and civic altruism, on theother. Religious and traditional respondents arecommitted, for the most part, to the collective,and not just in the national and religious contexts,whereas the prime commitment of non-religiousand anti-religious respondents is to personalfreedom of choice.
4.3 Jewish ValuesThe Jewish values that most Israeli Jews perceiveas very important are “living in Israel” (65%) and
“feeling part of the Jewish people” (62%). Since1991, however, there has been a drop of fivepercentage points in both values (from 70% and67%, respectively). These values are much moreimportant to the religious/strictly observant(approximately 90%) and the traditional/observant-to-a-great-extent (approximately 80%), than to thenon-religious/non-observant (37% and 31%,respectively) and the anti-religious (30% and 17%,respectively).
The altruistic Jewish values of “helping the needy”and “giving charity” are also more important tothe religious/strictly observant (81%) and thetraditional/observant-to-a-great-extent (as high as70%) than to the non-religious/non-observant(31% and 16%) and the anti-religious (28% and12%). The pattern noted above, that religious andtraditional respondents attribute greater importanceto helping others than do the non-religious andanti-religious, recurs here. However, there hasbeen a significant rise in the importance of thesetwo altruistic Jewish values among Israeli Jewsin general—from 32% to 42% (“giving charity”)and from 41% to 56% (“helping the needy”).
Fifty-four percent of Israeli Jews (including 46%of the non-religious/somewhat observant) considerit very important to celebrate Jewish holidays insome way. Forty-five percent (including 12%-23% of the non-religious) consider it very importantto believe in God. Thirty-seven percent deem itimportant to keep kosher and 27% to observeShabbat according to halakhah. Only 22% believeit is very important to be observant.
±≤
4.4 Jewish Identity and Self-IdentificationNinety-five percent of Israeli Jews considerthemselves part of world Jewry: 68% feel this withcertainty, and two-thirds say this feeling is veryimportant to them. When asked if they would wantto be reborn as Jews, 82% of the respondentsanswered in the affirmative.
Despite their strong personal identification withthe Jewish people, however, 69% of Israeli Jewsnow feel that Israeli Jewry and Diaspora Jewryare different peoples (a considerable increase fromthe 57% of 1991). Similarly, the percentage ofthose who believe that Israeli and Diaspora Jewshave a common fate has declined from 76% in1991 to 70% today. Even so, this feeling is stillvery strong.
The identity components that exert the strongestinfluence on Israeli Jews’ subjective sense of theirJewish identity are the establishment of Israel(70%), the wars they have endured in Israel (68%),their parents’ home (68%), and living in Israel(65%). Three of the four are Zionist in nature; allare existential. By contrast, fewer respondents saidthat their Jewish identification is influenced bycomponents associated with the Jewish religionand tradition: the religion of the Jewish people,49%; lighting Shabbat candles, 44%; lightingHanukkah candles, 42%. The Hebrew languagestrongly influences the identification of 57% ofthe respondents, whereas Hebrew literature rankslast, at only 29%. The thousands of years of Jewishhistory, too, have a relatively slight influence—39%. By contrast, the Holocaust is a centralcomponent of the respondents’ Jewish identification(59%), only slightly behind the four Zionist-existential components. However, an objectiveexamination of the relationship between thecomponents of Jewish identity and the sense ofbelonging to the Jewish people shows that Jewish
identification is more strongly affected by thecomponents associated with religion and the Jewishheritage than it is by the Zionist experience andmodern Jewish history. Thus, Jewish identificationis connected to the Jewish heritage, even though,subjectively, less weight is attached to the latter.
A comparison of the intensity of the Jewish identitycomponents for different population groups revealsthat, in addition to those related to religion andtradition, those associated with the Land of Israel,the Hebrew language, and the history of the Jewishpeople have a stronger influence on the religiousand the traditional than on the non-religious andthe anti-religious. All components related toJudaism—including those with a nationalelement—speak more strongly to the religious andthe traditional than they do to the non-religious.
±≥
Seventy-eight percent of Israeli Jews believe thestate should have a Jewish but not necessarilyreligious character. All sectors except for theharedim and the religious/strictly observant supportthis idea strongly (68%-88%). Even 79%-88% ofthe non-religious and anti-religious favor an Israelthat has a Jewish character.
Opinions were divided, however, when therespondents were asked whether the state shouldensure that public life be conducted in accordancewith tradition; here only 50% answered in theaffirmative. The proportion of affirmative repliesamong different sectors indicates polarization onthis issue; it ranged from more than 90% of theharedim and the religious/strictly observant, through56% of the traditional/somewhat observant, anddown to 11%-14% of the non-religious/non-observant and the anti-religious.
As we have already seen, there is an inconsistencybetween the agreement by a large majority thatShabbat in the public sphere should have a unique
character and the very broad support for leisureand recreational activities, sports events, and publictransport on Shabbat. There is a similar apparentincongruity between the widely expressed desireto maintain Israel’s Jewish character and the staunchresistance to anything perceived as religiouscoercion.
Thus, 80% of Israeli Jews believe that food inpublic institutions should be kosher (down from89% in 1991), but 60% disapprove of makingkashrut certification conditional on the observanceof other religious customs. Forty-nine percentfavor the introduction of civil marriage (sixpercentage points higher than in 1991), even thoughonly 26% consider this to be a viable option forthemselves or members of their families.
Sixty-one percent favor continued governmentalfunding of the (Orthodox) rabbinate, but two-thirdsfavor granting the Conservative and Reformmovements equal status with the Orthodox.
µ Religion, State, and the Public Sphere
Yes, but alsowilling tomarry in areligious marriage
Yes, but alsoreligious
marriages
Definitely yes
In Favor ofInstituting
Civil Marriages
Prepared Personallyto Marry ina Civil Marriage
Definitely yes
Civil Marriage
≤∂•
¥π•
±±•
±µ•
≤≤•
≤∑•
±¥
Eighty-six percent of Israeli Jews favor conscriptionof yeshiva students. (All Jewish sectors except forthe haredim strongly favor this.) About two-thirdsalso favor the conscription of religious girls.
Sixty percent would like to see more Jewish studiesin the schools and a similar percentage would likethe programming of state and educational televisionto pay more attention to Jewish matters.
A similar distinction between the public and theprivate domains is expressed also in opinionsregarding the opening of shopping and recreationcenters on Shabbat.
Cafés and Restaurants on Shabbat
µ∑•
∑≤•
≥µ•
≥∑•
≤¥•
≤∞•
±≥•
For
Sometimes
Often
Always
Personally Goto Cafés andRestaurants
In Favor of Open Cafés and
Restaurants
Definitely for
∑∞•
≥≥•
≥∑•
Shopping Centers on Shabbat
In Favor ofOpen Shopping
Centers
For
Definitely for
≥∂•
±π•
±∞•
∑•
Personally Goto ShoppingCenters
Sometimes
Often
Always
±µ
Thirty-five percent of Israeli Jews assess positivelythe relations between new immigrants and veteranIsraelis. Interestingly, immigrants have a betteropinion of these relations than do veterans:42% compared to 34%. Even though relationsamong Jewish ethnic groups are still consideredto be the least problematic of the three intergrouprelationships, their quality is perceived to havedeclined too. The percentage of respondents whoassess positively relations between Ashkenazimand Mizrahim declined dramatically, from 67%
in 1991 to 49% in 1999. In 1999, only 7% regardedthese relations as very good. Thus, the polarizingsociopolitical dynamics of the 1990s (the Osloprocess and its opposition, the rise of Shas, theassassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and the bitter publicdebates during the tenures of the Netanyahu andBarak governments) seem to have left an imprinton intergroup relations in Jewish society. There isno doubt that relations between the religious andthe non-religious remain the principal focus offriction in Israeli Jewish society.
Three flashpoints of social tension reflect intergrouprelations in Israeli Jewish society: betweenAshkenazim and Mizrahim (Jews of Easternorigin), between the religious and the non-religious,and between veteran Israelis and new immigrants.Perceptions of these relations have deterioratedsince 1991: the number of respondents who saidthat relations between Jewish ethnic groups aregood declined by nearly 20 percent between 1991and 1999; the percentage of those who said that
relations between the religious and the non-religious are poor almost doubled.
In general, Israeli Jews are most critical of therelations between the religious and the non-religious: 82% assess these relations as poor, 16%as fairly good, and only 2% as very good. Since1991, the number of those who assess positivelythese relations has declined from 28% to 18%.
* Based on data from the continuing survey of The Louis Guttman Israel Institute of Applied Social Research.
±∞•
≤∞•
≥∞•
¥∞•
µ∞•
∂∞•
∑∞•
∏∞•
π∞•
±∞∞•
Intergroup Relations: 1977-1999*
Percent describing relations as positive
Interethnic Relations
Religious–Non-religious Relations
±πππ±ππµ±ππ¥±ππ≥±ππ±±ππ∞±π∏π±π∏∏±π∏∑±π∏∂±π∏µ±π∏¥±π∏≥±π∏≤±π∏±±π∏∞±π∑π±π∑∏±π∑∑
∂ Intergroup Relations
±∂
The Jewish population of Israel comprises severalgroups with respect to origin: those born in theMiddle East and North Africa, referred to as“Mizrahim” (16%); Israeli-born Jews whose fatherswere born in the Middle East or North Africa(30%); Israeli-born offspring of Israeli-born fathers(17%); Israeli-born offspring of fathers born inWestern countries (15%); and those born in Westerncountries (21%). We shall sometimes refer to thefirst two groups collectively as “Mizrahim” andthe last two groups as “Ashkenazim.”
This study, like its predecessor in 1991, founddifferences between Ashkenazim and Mizrahimin both self-defined religiosity and observance oftradition. Mizrahim are much more religious andobservant than Ashkenazim. The haredi sector is
largely Ashkenazi, but all other religious andtraditional groups have clear Mizrahi majorities.A large majority of the non-religious are Ashkenazi.
This trend is seen primarily in religious self-definition: only 3% of the non-religious/non-observant and only 1% of the anti-religious wereborn in Eastern (Mizrahi) countries; 43% and 44%,respectively, were born in Western countries. Thisgap narrows, however, among the second (Israeli-born) generation. Here, 12% and 11% of the non-religious/non-observant and the anti-religious,respectively, have Eastern-born fathers, as against22% and 16%, respectively, of the children ofWestern-born fathers.
Ethnic Origin of Respondent–Origin of Respondent’s Father:
Religious Identity Groups According to Ethnic Composition
±∏•
±π•
≥±•
≤±•
±±•
≤∂•
≥±•
±∂•
±≤•
±∑•
≤¥•
≥∑•
±∑•
π•
±≥•
≤µ•
≥π•
±≤•
π•
±µ•
±∂•
≥∏•
±¥•
µ•
≤∑•
∑•
≤±•
±∂•
±¥•
¥≤•
≥•
±≤•
≤∞•
≤≤•
¥≥•
±•
±±•
≤∏•
±∂•
¥¥•
..........................Anti-religioustotally
non-observant
..........................Non-religioustotally
non-observant
.........................Non-religioussomewhatobservant
....................Traditionalsomewhatobservant
.......................Traditionalobservant toa great extent
....................Religiousobservant toa great extent
.................Religiousstrictly
observant
............Haredi
East–EastIsrael–EastIsrael–IsraelIsrael–WestWest–West
∑ Religiosity and Ethnicity
±∑
Most Mizrahim articulate a moderate religiousidentity. For example, 50% of the Mizrahim inIsrael are traditional (compared to only 19% ofAshkenazim). By contrast, only 9% of Mizrahimare non-religious/non-observant or anti-religious(as against 34% of Ashkenazim).
There is also a marked difference betweenMizrahim and Ashkenazim when it comes tolifestyle and patterns of observance: some 70% ofEastern-born Jews and 61% of their Israeli-bornoffspring recite kiddush on Shabbat eve, but only30% of Western-born Jews and 35% of their Israeli-born offspring do so. Sixty-one percent of Eastern-born Jews and 50% of their offspring avoid laborin public on Shabbat, as against 33% of Western-born Jews and 28% of their offspring. Eighty-fourpercent of Eastern-born Jews and 74% of theiroffspring eat only kosher food, in contrast to 41%of Western-born Jews and 44% of their offspring.Some 80%-88% of Mizrahim fast on Yom Kippur,compared with 50%-54% of Ashkenazim.
Around 50% of Eastern-born Jews and 38% oftheir offspring make pilgrimages to the graves oftsadikim (righteous persons); only 15%-16% ofAshkenazim, of both generations, do so. Mizrahimare also more likely than Ashkenazim to believe
in the existence of God (78%-86% compared to49%-52%) and in the chosenness of the Jewishpeople (62%-69% compared to 35%-36%).Mizrahim are less enthusiastic about institutingcivil marriage in Israel (25%-42%, as against 62%-63% of Ashkenazim) and more strongly committedto assisting the needy (60%-69% vs. 50%-51%)and giving charity (48%-57% vs. 33%-34%).
Many of these findings express the correlationbetween ethnicity and religiosity that exists amongIsraeli Jews. Among the offspring of ethnicallymixed marriages, identification and observancetend to be closer to Ashkenazi patterns.
An interesting phenomenon disclosed by the studyis that the Holocaust is also an importantcomponent in the identity of Mizrahim. However,it ranks lower among the identity components ofMizrahim than of Ashkenazim.
This study, like its 1991 predecessor, found asubstantial difference between second-generationMizrahim and their parents. In all categories ofthe religious identity scale, second-generationMizrahim are less religious and less observantthan their parents. For example, only 17% ofIsraeli-born Mizrahim are religious or haredi, asagainst 28% of their parents; 10% are non-religious/non-observant or anti-religious comparedto 4% of their parents. Thus, the pattern ofintergenerational change among Mizrahim haspersisted over the decade.
The 1991 study found that the religious identityof second-generation Ashkenazim was substantially
similar to that of their parents. During the decadebetween the two studies, however, there was achange. According to the current study, offspringof Western-born parents are slightly more religiousbut also less religious than their parents. Forinstance, there are more haredim among second-generation Ashkenazim than among their parents(7% vs. 4%), but the proportion who are non-religious/non-observant also has risen (from 22%to 31%). This finding may indicate a new polarizingtrend among Israeli-born Ashkenazim.
Most respondents in all of the religious identitygroups are committed to the continuity of Jewishtradition. They express this in the wish that their
∏ Religious Identity and Intergenerational Processes
±∏
The most important finding of the first Guttman-AVI CHAI study was that a large majority of theJews in Israel (79%) observed religious traditionat least to some extent: 14% strictly, 24% to agreat extent, and 41% to some extent. Only 21%reported that they did not observe Jewish religioustradition at all. According to the 2000 Guttman-AVI CHAI study, this basic portrait has notchanged: 16% observe tradition strictly, 20%observe to a great extent, and 43% observe it to
some extent. Only 21% report that they do notobserve tradition at all—the same figure as in1991.
By using more sophisticated research methods,however, the current study draws a more accurateand detailed profile of the continuum of Jewishidentity groups in Israel. For example, in-depthscrutiny of the intermediate groups—those farthestfrom the two poles of religious identity—shows
children be at least as observant of tradition asthey. This commitment to continuity is especiallyprominent among the totally non-observant; more
than half would prefer that their children be“somewhat” observant rather than completely non-observant.
π Observance of Tradition by the Non-Religious
¥•
¥π•
¥∑•
∑≤•
π•
≤•
±∑•
∂µ•
≥∞•
¥•
±≤•
∂∂•
≤∞•
≤•
How Observant Do You WantYour Children to Be?
Desired Observanceof Children
Respondent’s Observance TotallyNon-Observant
SomewhatObservant
Observant to aGreat Extent
StrictlyObservant
Strictly Observant
Observant to a Great Extent
Somewhat Observant
Totally Non-Observant
±π
that the traditional/observant-to-a-great-extentgroup is closer to the religious pole and the non-religious/somewhat observant group is closer tothe non-religious pole. The traditional/somewhatobservant fall between these two groups.
The study makes it possible to identify what“traditional” Jews in Israel have in common. Mostof those who define themselves as traditional markFriday nights with rituals of welcoming Shabbat,observe kashrut, go to synagogue on Yom Kippur,and believe in God, reward and punishment, andthe chosenness of the Jewish people. On the otherhand, they do not observe some of the dailyprecepts, do not attend synagogue on Shabbat, anddo not refrain from turning on electrical appliancesand traveling on Shabbat.
Apart from this profile of the traditional sectorand its internal distribution, the most importantfinding of the current study is its analysis of thenon-religious/somewhat observant group. Thissector, which is the largest religious identity group
among Israeli Jews (29%), has two salientcharacteristics: pronounced non-religious attitudeson issues of religion and state, coupled withobservance, in some fashion or other, of a longlist of Jewish traditional practices. Fifty-four percentof the non-religious/somewhat observant believethat they live in the spirit of Jewish values. Mostof them fast on Yom Kippur, light Hanukkahcandles, participate in a traditional Passover seder,avoid eating hametz (leaven) during Passover, andattribute importance to rituals such as brit milah(circumcision), kaddish (mourner’s prayer), andshivah (week of mourning). Members of this grouptend to value both of their identities: the Jewishand the Israeli.
Is your Life in the Spirit of Jewish Values?(According to Religious Identity Group)
Percent responding positively
..........................Anti-religioustotally
non-observant
..........................Non-religioustotally
non-observant
.........................Non-religioussomewhatobservant
....................Traditionalsomewhatobservant
.......................Traditionalobservant toa great extent
....................Religiousobservant toa great extent
.................Religiousstrictly
observant
............Haredi
±∞∞•
ππ•
π∂•
π∂•
∏∑•
µ¥•
≤∂•
±∂•
≤∞
Immigrants from the former Soviet Union (FSU)now account for about one-fifth of the Jewishpopulation of Israel.* By almost every criterionaddressed in the study, this group’s sense ofidentity differs from that of other Israeli Jews. Forexample, a large majority of these immigrants feelthat they are Jews and Israelis (90% and 76%,respectively); but only 35% definitely feel part ofworld Jewry, as against 68% of non-immigrants.**Only one-fourth of the immigrants definitely feelIsraeli, compared to three-fourths of non-immigrants. Immigrants, unlike non-immigrants,feel more Jewish than Israeli.
The Holocaust ranks highest among thecomponents of the immigrants’ Jewish identity;among other Israelis, the establishment of the Stateof Israel and other aspects of the Israeli experiencerank highest. For FSU immigrants, religious ritualsare a less influential component of Jewishidentification.
Generally speaking, the immigrants are lessreligious, less observant of tradition, and lessbelieving than the second-generation Ashkenazimwhom they otherwise resemble. Seventy percentof them, as against 47% of non-immigrants, fallinto the two non-religious categories of the religiousidentity scale (non-religious/somewhat observantand non-religious/non-observant). The largestsingle group among the immigrants is non-religious/somewhat observant—similar to the non-immigrants. About 40% of the immigrants fast onYom Kippur, light Hanukkah candles, and markthe holidays with traditional dishes (dairy foodson Shavuot, avoidance of hametz during Passover).Their low rate of participation in any kind ofPassover seder stands out. Surprisingly, moreimmigrants refrain from eating hametz than attenda seder.
The immigrants are differentiated from non-immigrants in the importance they ascribe to life-cycle rituals: the importance they attribute tocircumcision and marriage rituals is 25 percentlower than non-immigrants. For bar-mitzvaceremonies and funeral and mourning customs,the figure is 10 percent lower.
FSU immigrants are strongly opposed to state-imposed religious restraints on the public sphere.They object to the enforcement of kashrut laws inpublic institutions, clearly favor civil marriage,and are not satisfied with the official status of theChief Rabbinate. The proportion of immigrantswho believe Shabbat should retain a unique publiccharacter is much lower than that of non-immigrants—48% vs. 72%.
In sum, immigrants from the former Soviet Unionfeel a bond to Judaism but are much less committedto its religious traditions, customs, and beliefs.They also seem much more skeptical about therole of tradition in public life. Their Israeli identityremains unsure.
It is premature to outline a comprehensive profileof FSU immigrants and their influence, becausethis sector, after decades of estrangement fromJewish cultural values, is still in the midst of itsacculturation.
* This section is based on data from the responses of FSU immigrants who defined themselves as Jews (from arepresentative national sample of FSU immigrants who arrived in Israel since 1989).
** Analysis of the immigrants’ responses points to the possibility of a response bias, reflected in their reluctanceto choose the most positive category (“very important”) when answering scalar questions. Despite the differencesin percentages, however, the relative rankings of the immigrants’ and non-immigrants’ choices are often the same.
Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union±∞
≤±
* The conclusions about long-term changes are based on a comparison of the 1991 and 1999 national samples.
The Guttman-AVI CHAI study of 2000 identifiescertain changes in Israeli Jewish society over thepast decade. Between 1991 and 1999/2000, therewas a slight trend toward polarization in personalreligious identity, reflected in a decline in theproportion of the “traditional” and an increase inthe proportion of the non-religious and haredim.During the past decade, there was also a slight butnoticeable trend toward less religiosity in severalcategories. For example, the proportion of IsraeliJews who avoid non-kosher food decreased from64% to 56%; the proportion of those who fast onYom Kippur slipped from 71% to 67%; and theproportion who mark Shabbat by lighting candles(irrespective of when they do so and whether theyrecite a blessing) decreased from 56% to 50%.
But the percentage who light Shabbat candles witha blessing before sundown held firm at 51%, andthe percentage who observe the Shabbatprohibitions also was unchanged. There was aslight decline in the share of Israeli Jews who viewlife-cycle rituals as important—ritual circumcision(from 74% to 70%), religious burial (from 70%to 66%), and a wedding performed by a rabbi(from 69% to 64%). These changes may be relatedto the wave of immigration from the former SovietUnion. On the other hand, participation in aPassover seder increased from 78% to 85%. Sincemost of the changes are not large and pertain onlyto a few aspects of life, the overall picture is oneof relative stability.
¥∑•
¥∂•
∂∂•
∂≥•
∑∞•
∑¥•
∂¥•
∂π•
∂∂•
∂∏•
∑±•
∂π•
∑±•
Percent responding “very important”
Circumcision in a religious ceremony
Reciting kaddish for parents
Sitting shivah
Religious burial
Being called up to the Torah for a bar-mitzvah
Wedding officiated by a rabbi
Bat-mitzvah
∑∞•
±ππ±
±πππ
Life-cycle Rituals
Long-Term Changes*±±
≤≤
Parallel to changes in some aspects of lifestyle,some values also shifted correspondingly. Theproportion of Israeli Jews who feel that it is veryimportant to live in the Land of Israel declinedfrom 70% to 65%; the proportion of those whoconsider it very important to be part of the Jewishpeople fell from 67% to 62%; however, theproportion of respondents who “definitely” feelthemselves part of the Jewish people remainedunchanged. Despite a strong personal Jewishidentity, the proportion of Israeli Jews who feel asense of shared fate with Diaspora Jews declinedfrom 76% to 70% and the share of those whobelieve that Diaspora Jews are a distinct peoplerose from 57% to 69%.
During the 1990s, permissive attitudes about thepublic sphere rose on average by about fivepercentage points. The proportion of those in favorof the operation of movie theaters on Shabbat rosefrom 67% to 72%; in favor of public transport onShabbat, from 63% to 65%; in favor of theintroduction of civil marriage, from 43% to 49%;the proportion of those in favor of continuedkashrut observance in public institutions declinedfrom 89% to 80%.
By contrast, at the end of the decade Israeli Jewsascribed greater importance to family (honor forparents) and being at peace with oneself than tenyears previously. The importance of contributingto charity also rose significantly (from 32% to42%), as did that of helping the needy (from 41%
to 56%). A larger proportion of respondentsreported that they volunteer “sometimes” to helpothers (from 31% to 37%). The proportion ofrespondents who said that it is very important tounderstand another person’s point of view alsoincreased considerably (from 46% to 54%).
∂µ•
∂≥•
∑≤•
∂∑•
∏∞•
∏π•Kosher food in public institutions
Movie theaters open on Shabbat
Public transport on Shabbat
The Public Sphere
Percent responding“definitely for” and “for”
±ππ±
±πππ
≤≥
As noted earlier, this rise in family values (honorfor parents) and volunteering over the decade tookplace in the context of a general sense of a wideningsocial schism. The percentage of respondents whoassessed relations between the religious and the
non-religious as poor rose from 19% to 36% duringthe past decade, and the proportion of those whoassessed Ashkenazi–Mizrahi relations favorablyplummeted from 67% in 1991 to 49% in1999/2000.
To honor parents
To be at peace with oneself
To help the needy
To contribute to charity
∏≤•
∏∑•
∑µ•
∏≤•
¥±•
µ∂•
≥≤•
¥≤•
Values
Percent responding “very important”
±ππ±
±πππ
¯¢Ú†Ï‡¯˘È†ÈÁ†È·‡
πµ±∞≥†ÌÈÏ˘Â¯È†¨≥±†Ìȇȷ‰†ßÁ¯
31 Hanevi’im St., Jerusalem 95103, Israel
‰È˯˜ÂӄφÈχ¯˘È‰†ÔÂÎÓ‰
π≤≤≤∏†ÌÈÏ˘Â¯È†¨¥†¯˜ÒÈÙ†ßÁ¯
4 Pinsker St., Jerusalem 92228, Israel