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A SOCIOLINGUISTIC SURVEY AND DOCUMENTATION OF ENDANGERED TURKIC VARIETIES IN POST-SOVIET KAZAKHSTAN Irina Nevskaya Frankfurt University (Frankfurt, Germany) Ralf Gehrke Frankfurt University, Cedifor (Frankfurt, Germany) Saule Tazhibayeva Eurasian National University (Astana, Kazakhstan) Jamalbek Tussupov Eurasian National University (Astana, Kazakhstan)

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A SOCIOLINGUISTIC SURVEY AND DOCUMENTATION OF ENDANGERED TURKIC VARIETIES IN POST-SOVIET

KAZAKHSTAN

Irina Nevskaya Frankfurt University (Frankfurt, Germany) Ralf Gehrke Frankfurt University, Cedifor (Frankfurt, Germany)

Saule Tazhibayeva Eurasian National University (Astana, Kazakhstan) Jamalbek Tussupov Eurasian National University (Astana, Kazakhstan)

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Outline of the Lecture

1.  General information about Kazakhstan and its sociolinguistic situation

2.  Language diversity in Kazakhstan and Turkic ethnic groups 3.  Sociolinguistic data collection and possibilities of data analysis 4.  Kazakhstani Turkish community: sociolinguistic data of the project 5.  Language documentation of endangered Turkish varieties in

Kazakhstan

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1.1 Location: Kazakhstan (Қазақстан) is situated in the center of the Eurasian continent. The country extends from east to west for more than 3,000 kilometers, and from north to south for 1,700 kilometers. Kazakhstan borders on China, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. 1.2 Population: Kazakhstan is a multiethnic, multilingual and multicultural country, which gained its independence in 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. During the Soviet era, the number of non-Kazakhs got bigger than the number of Kazakhs in the Kazakh SSR. 1.2.1 The reasons for decrease in Kazakh population: - the forced collectivization in the 1920ies and 1930ies which resulted in a famine in 1932-1933, - repression of the Kazakh elite and the Great Purge in the 1930ies, - massive emigration of the Kazakhs, - a high death rate on the front lines during the Second World War.

1. Kazakhstan General Information

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1.2.2 Reasons for increase of non-Kazakh population in the 20th century Kazakhstan became a recipient of many refugees from different regions of the Soviet Union due to: - deportation during the collectivization period in the USSR; - deportation during the period of the Second World War; - industrialization during the Second World War; - Virgin Land Campaign during the 1950ies and 1960ies.

(Nevskaya, Tazhibayeva, 2015a: 322-323) Many others (especially Slavs) came voluntarily to work in cities as factory workers, in government/Communist Party administration and other fields. These events strongly influenced the ethnic-demographic and sociolinguistic situation in Kazakhstan. From a monolingual Kazakh country, it turned to Kazakh-Russian bilingual one with a strong Russian dominance. The language situation of non-Kazakhs is more complicated.

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2. Language Diversity in Kazakhstan 2.1 Language rights More than 130 languages are spoken in Kazakhstan. Different ethnic groups living in Kazakhstan have the rights to develop and learn their traditional languages in cultural centres or Sunday schools. Language are taught by the representatives of ethnic groups, their salary is paid by the state budget. Representatives of the deported ethnicities have got financial compensation. Young generation of Kazakhstani small ethnicities get a special quota for entering Universities. Big ethnic groups have state-operated primary and secondary schools (Russians, Uzbeks, Uyghurs, Tajiks, Ukrainians, Poles). Teachers of Uzbek and Uyghur are trained at Kazakh Universities.

(Nevskaya, Tazhibayeva, 2015b:300) Kazakh is the state language, Russian is an official language and has the same rights as the state language. Kazakhstan does not grant any other languages official status as a regional language, local language, or minority language.

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2. Language Diversity in Kazakhstan 2.2 Turkic ethnicities in Kazakhstan. General Information The Turkic-speaking community is the largest in Kazakhstan. Representatives of 24 Turkic languages live here (http://www.eng.stat.kz). The majority of Kazakhstani Turkic-speaking communities are multilingual. They are fluent in their native language, Kazakh, and Russian. This especially concerns bigger Turkic ethnicities as Uzbeks, Uyghurs, Azeri, and Turks. Small Turkic ethnicities are mostly monolingual in Russian.

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Nationalities Census of 2009

Azeri 85.292 Altai 221 Balkar 1.798 Baškir 17.263 Chakass 223 Čuvaš 7.301 Dolgan 3 Gagauz 493 Yakut 119

Karaim 231

Karakalpak 2.828

Karačai 995

Kirgiz 23.274

Krimčak 35

Kumyk 481

Nogai 276

Tatar 204.229

Krim-Tatar 1.532

Šor 96

Tuwan 37

Turkish 97.015

Turkmen 2.234

Uzbek 456.997

Uighur 224.713

2.3 Reasons of migration Speakers of many Turkic languages and their varieties in Kazakhstan were separated from the main bulk of their speech communities mainly • in the course of deportation from the Caucasus in 1944 (Turkish ethnic groups: Ahiska, Hemshilli, Laz, etc.), Karačays, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars;

• in the period from 1935 to 1937, the time of creating collective farms and nationalization of private property of wealthy peasants in the Soviet Union (e.g. Azerbaijanis, Kumyks, Nogays);

• some migrated to Kazakhstan even earlier (Tatars, Uzbeks) The results of the census (to the left) should be taken into account with cautiousness, as our survey showed. Endangered or non-studied Turkic varieties are a special topic of this lecture.

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3. Sociolinguistic data collection and analyses of the data: the international project

Main objectives: sociolinguistic and linguistic data collection, database creation

In cooperation with

International project “Interaction of Turkic Languages and cultures in the post-Soviet Kazakhstan”: 2014-2017 is funded by the Volkswagen-Foundation

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3.1 Sociolinguistic data collection and analyses of the data

The sociolinguistic data were obtained by means of a questionnaire composed for this purpose and presented to representatives of various Turkic ethnic groups in Kazakhstan. All the obtained data are stored in open-access online databases, (see http://tyurki.weebly.com) presenting the already processed 2235 interviews.

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3.1 The table form of our databank All the information is stored in the databank. The databank allows for filtering the data according to 191

parameters (age, education, occupation, migration history, ethnic identity, language use, language attitudes, etc.) that can be combined according to the users’ needs. The obtained information is visualized in the form of diagrams and tables with different filters. The answers of the respondents’ are recorded in the database, after completing the questionnaire. All the information is stored on the Google Drive server.

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3.2 How to use Table Filters

Multiple filtering is possible to use for getting necessary information, e.g. we are interested in the Turkish diaspora of Kazakhstan, particularly in women living in the Zhambyl region of Kazakhstan, who work in the sphere of services. You are recommended to: 1.  Choose the column C (citizenship) use filter and select "KAZAKHSTAN" from the drop-

down list. 2.  Choose the column D (ethnicity) use filter and select "TURKS" from the drop-down list. 3.  Choose the column N (Gender) filter and select "female” from the drop-down list. 4.  The list of respondents is shortened as we are interested only in Turkish women living in the

South of Kazakhstan, residences of Zhambyl region. 5.  Use the filter to select professions from the drop-down list. It illustrates only 2 Turkish

women. They are living in Zhambyl region of Kazakhstan, and busy in the sphere of service. So, the list of respondents illustrated in the Table satisfies our needs.

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3.3 Data visualization

Another possibility of the databank usage is combining filters with Data visualization. All the data are divided into 7 subgroups on the project site www.tyurki.weebly.com E.g.: We are interested in the representatives of Turkish ethnicity, leaving in Kazakhstan with respect to their self-identification, nationality of their fathers, mothers, language proficiency, the role of the native language in the family etc.

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Турки.МестожительствовКазахстане45,1%-Жамбылскаяобласть12,6%-Акмолинская10,2%-СКО8,3%-ВКО3,9%-Алматинская2,4%-ЮКО2,4%-Карагандинская1%-Кызылординская14,6%-нетданных

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4. Kazakhstani Turkish community: sociolinguistic and linguistic data of the project

According to the Kazakhstan census data (1970-2009) the number of Turks was constantly increasing: 1970 – 18456 1979 –25820 1989 –49475 1999 – 75933 2009 –97015 206 interviewees of the Turkish ethnic group participated in the survey. 195 of them (89,2%) are citizens of Kazakhstan. Besides, there are citizens of Turkey, Russia, Kirgizstan, Uzbekistan living in Kazakhstan now. The families of 49 respondents (23.8 %) were not deported to Kazakhstan in 1944; 40 (19.4%) respondents’ families were deported to Kazakhstan. The rest of the participants did not give any answer to this question.

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4.1 Kazakhstani Turkish community: deportation to Kazakhstan Our field research data helped to shed light on Kazakhstani Turks, who are represented by two groups: Ahiska

Turks and Karadenizli Turks, previously known as Meskhetian Turks. On November 14, 1944, the Turkish population was deported from Georgia to Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kirgizstan) without permission to return back to their historical place of settlement. In Kazakhstan, they live in the southern regions: Almaty, Jambyl, Shymkent. The descendants of the deported Turks speak different varieties of Turkish, or other Oghusic Turkic (Azeri), their varieties have not been documented prior to this project. Languages of Turkish sub-ethnic groups have kept some archaic features and developed innovative ones. Innovative features have emerged through contacts with other languages of Turkic origin, such as Kazakh, Kirgiz, Uzbek, Tatar, or languages of non-Turkic origin, such as Russian (before the deportation also with Georgian, or Armenian). Code shifting is taking place very easily. Turkish speakers are using elements of their native linguistic codes while speaking Kazakh or Russian, they easily change the languages during conversations.

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4.2 Turkish sub-ethnic groups Ahiska Turks and Karadenizli are subdivided into the following subgroups: Ahiska Turks identify themselves as: Yerli Ahiska (non-nomadic, indulging in agriculture, lit.: Axiska with land), Terekeme Ahiska (cattle-breeding, nomadic Axiska); the latter speak a dialect of Azeri. The language of the Yerli Axiska is closer to some Turkish dialects of Turkey (cf. Ersöz 2013). Yerli Ahiska and Terekeme Ahiska are Sunni Muslims. Karadenizli (people of the Black Sea) are represented by Hemshili Turks and Laz Turks. Karadenizli Turks are Sunni Muslims as well. The population of the Black Sea Coast including Batumi in contemporary Georgia comprised Megrelian, Laz and Turks that were also called Laz because of their geographic location. The pastures of the Laz Turks overlapped with those of Hemshilli, who arrived to that area in the beginning of 20th century. Hemshilli (or Hemshinli) Turks used to live next to local Muslim Armenians in the Hemshin area. Hemshilli Turks had been nomads and migrated in search for better pastures up to Batumi.

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4.3 Turkish sub-ethnic groups: cultural features and informants’ narratives The difference between Muslim Armenian Hemshins and Turkish Hemshilli was explained in one of the interviews (H. Sarymamed-ogly, born in 1924 in Batumi. Taraz, 2015): (1) Nʉtʃʉn xe̞mʃiɭi jazɯldɯ ki? – ‘Why are we registered (in passport) as Hemshilli?’ (2) ɔni aɳlatajum: ɛrmɛni dønmʉ Mʉslʉmanlar var. ɛrmɛni dønmʉ Mʉslʉmanlar var – ‘I tell you: there are Muslim Armenians. There are Muslim Armenians’ (3) biz xe̞mʃiɭi køjʉndɛn ge̞ldux xe̞mʃiɭijux – ‘We Hemshilli came from the village Hemshilli’. (4) xɛdä xe̞mʃiɭi køj adɯnɯ jazdirmiʃ - ‘They write the name of the village Hemshilli’ (5) Atalarɯmɯz Tʉrkijɛ daʁlara - bizim bu ʃɛj te̞re̞fidɛ - Sovjet vaxtɯnda gidɛjdilɛr – ‘Our grandfathers from Turkish mountains to our side in the Soviet time came (lit.: our grandfathers crossed the mountains from the Turkish side and came to our side). ’ (6) - Tʉrkijɛ tɛrɛfi gidɛj mijdunuz? – ‘Did you visit the Turkish side?’ - Sonra granitsa kikitlɛndi daxa kovɛrmɛdilɛr Tʉrkijɛ te̞re̞finɛ - ‘After the borderline was closed, from that time they did not allow to go to the Turkish side.’ - Oraja qovermedilɛr, pasaportlarɯ aldɯlɛr – ‘We were not allowed to (go) that side, the passports were taken away.’

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Turkish population from the Hemshin region had been registered in their passports as Hemshilli, which was later automatically overtaken by their Kazakhstani IDs. In contemporary Kazakhstan, most Hemshilli Turks changed their nationality to Turks. Compare the birth certificates of some Hemshilli people and their IDs. One of the reasons for changing their nationality was the fact that in 1991 in Almaty, a “Turkish Center” was founded , which proclaimed Turkey to be the protector of the Ahiska (Meskhetian) Turks and other Turkish sub-groups. The Turkish language was declared as the "sole standard language" of Kazakhstani Turks. An international weekly newspaper “AHISKA” is published in Almaty (ahiska60mai.ru). Standard Turkish is taught at schools as an optional subject to Kazakhstani Turks.

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The Turks live together as a community with very strong ethnic traditions. Ahiska, as compared to Hemshilli, have different cultural background in the lifestyle, cuisine, national dresses.

Ahiska Turks community, village Turgen (Almaty region, 2015) Hemshilli Turks community (Taraz, 2016).

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An Ahiska man in the national dress

A Hemshilli man in the national dress

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Ahiska women in national dresses Hemshilli women in national dresses

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An Ahiska family A Hemshilli family

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Hemshilli old women (Taraz, 2015)

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Marriages between Ahiska and Hemshilli, Ahiska and Laz are not allowed.

However, in the current period, marriages between Hemshilli and Laz are allowed by the elder generation of the community as well as marriages to other ethnicities - Kazakhs, German, Russian (see, e.g. Ahiska Andasbatir 270914 NIA V03).

baɣan ajtʏɣʏɣ gɛlɪɴɪɴɪs qazaχ qɯzɯŋɯz vaːr | mɛnɪm kɛlɪnɪm qazaχ qɯzɯ eː bər qɯzɯmɯz dɐ qazaχtɐ anarbɛg dɛgɛn anarbeg xazɯr nɛdɛː tʊradɯ kaskɛlɛndeːdɪ kaskɛlɛnski rajɔn tʊradɯ | -

“We have a daughter-in-law, Bayan by name. |my daughter-in-law is a Kazakh girl. | My daughter is married to a Kazakh, Anarbek by name.| Anarbek now lives in Kaskelen, in the Kaskelen region“.

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4.5 Kazakhstani Turkish community Analysis of the sociolinguistic data

Nationality by passport In the post-Soviet Kazakhstan, all people are free to define their nationality in passports. In our database 206 interviewees are Turks by their nationality as defined in their passports. Most Turks self-identified themselves as Turks. Besides, Kazakhstani Turkish population self-identify themselves as Hemshilli and Meskhetian 1% each, as Karaim – 1 (0,5%), Uzbek 1 (0,5%), and Russian 1 (0,5%).

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4.5.1 Nationality by self-identification 251 respondents identified themselves as Turks. 18,3 % of them are registered in their passports as Azeri.

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Nationality by self-identification

One of the reasons is that Turks were forcibly recorded in their passports as Azerbaijani at the beginning of 1920ies. This is proved by the story, which was recorded during the field research:

bin doχuz ʉz yɯrmɯ ʉʧʉncʉ jɯldɛ savet ɞkmetleri sonar sovet ɞkmeti qurulandɯ bizim Tʉrk milletini passport verendɛ avtomatiʧeski azɛrbayʤan yazɯjɯrdiler [IAN_Ahiska_Taraz_22032015_04] – “In1923 the soviet government was organized, our Turkish people automatically were registered in passport as Azerbaijan”.

Comparative analyses of the results of Azeri people, who participated at the questionnaire gives interesting information. 46 (13,8%) of Azeri people among 331 interviewees identify themselves as Turks, and 274 (82,3%) identified themselves as Azerbaijan. However, Azeri by self-identification do not consider themselves Turks. Such mismatching with the nationality in the passport and self-identification is determined by the fact that the elder generation of Turkish population either had to change or hide their real ethnicity in order to protect themselves and their family members when the borderline with Turkey was closed in 1920ies, and in the period of the Second World War.

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4.5.2 Language proficiency A questions of our special interest was the language proficiency, the role of the native language in the

family, native language as a means of communication between different generations, the role of the native language in education process. The survey results illustrate a strong desire of the Turkish ethnic groups to keep the native language in the family and in education.

The interviewees give the following answers to the question “How often is your native language used between your parents?”

62,1% of the respondents (128) always use the native language. In the families representing two generations (parents and grandparents), 62% (206) of interviewers

indicated that they always use the mother tongue. In Turkic families, a woman is more responsible for giving the mother tongue to further generations:

52% (57) of mothers always speak the native language with children. The native language is spoken less often between fathers and children than mothers and children 48,3% respectively (148 respondents).

48% of children always use the mother tongue in the family. So, the analyses of sociolinguistic survey indicate a significant role of the native language in Kazakhstani Turkic families.

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The language used by grown-ups: 128 (62.1%) respondents use only the mother tongue 13 (6,3%) – use only Russian 17 (8,3%) – use Russian and mother tongue 2 (1,1%) – Russian and Uzbek 9 (4,4%) – Kazakh and Turkish 11 (5,9%) – Kazakh, Russian and Turkish 5 (2,4%) – Kazakh, Russian 1 (0,5%) – only Kazakh 1 (0,5%) - only Bashkir 1 (0,5%) - only Kirgiz 20 (9,7%) – no answer

The language, which is used between children and grown-ups: 95 (46,1%) – use only the mother tongue 19 (9,2%) – speak only in Russian 20 (9,7%) – speak Russian and Turkish 6 (2,9%) – speak Kazakh and Turkish 30 (14,6%) – speak Kazakh, Russian and Turkish 6 (2,9%) – Kazakh, Russian 5 (2,4%) – only Kazakh Bashkir, Kirgiz 0,5%) each 23-х (11,2%) – no answer

The languages used in Turkish families:

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The language, which is used by Turkish interviewees with other ethnicities in Kazakhstan:

41 (19,9%) – use only Russian 79 (38,3%)– Kazakh and Russian 9 (4,4%) – Russian and native tongue 20 (9,7%) – Kazakh and Russian and Turkish 13 (6,3%) – only Kazakh

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Is everything fine? BUT:

Younger generations switch to Standard Turkish thanks to Turkish mass media, widely spread in Kazakhstan, and the increased mobility of these groups themselves: many young people study and work in Turkey.

Thus, it is a paradox situation: the spreading of Standard Turkish endangers the preservation of Meskhetian native varieties.

Besides, Standard Turkish is taught at 33 Kazakh-Turkish Lyceums, which function in every big regional city of Kazakhstan and two Universities: Suleiman Demirel University (Almaty) and K. Ahmet Yassawi University (Turkestan, South Kazakhstan Region).

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Compare: From the middle of 1990-s up to 2005 Ahiska was taught in two schools of

Taraz, but due to the retirement of Ahiska instructors the program was closed. Ahiska people get aware of this mismatch. One example: Standard Turkish was taught at school number 9 (Taraz) till 2014. It was

closed because of parents’ appeal to school administration. The reason was that Ahiska children were losing their native language skills and code-switched into Standard Turkish, even in the family (interview with the principal of school No.9 on January 2016).

On the contrary, Hemshilli Turks want their children to learn Standard Turkish (e.g. by satellite TV if there is no school in the vicinity) and speak it in the family, instead of their native language.

Thus, the Kazakhstani Turkish varieties are strongly endangered. It is a paradox situation: the spreading of Standard Turkish endangers the preservation of Turkish native varieties.

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5. Documentation of endangered Turkish varieties in Kazakhstan

Language variants of Turkish sub-ethnic groups are endangered or have already come to the point where there is a need for their revitalization.

The situation is aggravated by the fact that all the variants of the Turkish language in Kazakhstan are unwritten.

Separation from the main ethnic array in 1920ies led, in particular, to the preservation of ancient language features and certain elements of traditional Turkish culture for over 70 years, till 1991.

The language of Kazakhstani Turkish varieties has been largely preserved in the form in which it existed before the Kemal Atatürk reforms in the Republic of Turkey.

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5.1 Language Peculiarities of Kazakhstani Turks

Documentation of linguistic peculiarities of different dialects of Turkish Diaspora in Kazakhstan is one of the important tasks of Turkic studies in Kazakhstan.

At present, there are sufficiently rapid processes of cultural assimilation of Kazakhstani Turks (both of Kazakh and Russian-speaking cultures).

The study of the language, culture, and self-identification of Turkish diaspora in Kazakhstan is of a double interest: on the one hand, from the point of view of studying the archaic form of the Turkish language, perhaps lost in the historic homeland; on the other hand, in terms of capturing and documenting the heritage which is threatened by the loss due to the process of cultural assimilation and generational change.

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5.1.1 Peculiarities in Phonetics of Ahiska Turkish

AhiskaTurkish StandardTurkish

Buni bunutuzli tuzluʃɜmdi şimdijatɯp yaZp

•  breaking of the vowel harmony in Yerli :

AhiskaTurkishHemshilli StandardTurkish

ævlærɛvlɛr evlerTæpætɛpɛ tepeGælingɛlin gelinG æ l d u χgɛlduχ

geldik

Ge@lærgɛ@lɛrdillærdillɛr

Gialerdiller

•  usage of open vowel æ in Yerli Ahiska, ɛ in Hemshilli, instead of e in Standard Turkish

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YerliAhiskaTurkish StandardTurkish

durna turna

geçi keçi

bazar pazar

YerliAhiskaTurkish StandardTurkishtayi dayitoğri doğrituy duyköl göl

•  the usage of voiced consonants instead of unvoiced in Standard Turkish (Rind-Pawlowski M., Şahingöz E., 2016: 283)

•  the usage of unvoiced consonants instead of voiced in Standard Turkish (Rind-Pawlowski M., Şahingöz E., 2016:284)

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Yerli Ahiska Turkish Standard Turkish oʁlan oğlan Tʉrk topraʁɯ Türk toprağï ʧoʤuʁɯ čodžuğï Allaʁa ʃʉkʉr Allaha şükür

•  the usage of the sound [ʁ], which is not used in Standard Turkish

Yerli Ahiska Turkish Standard Turkish Qɯz Kız diɫ bɜraz qɯrɯlɯr dil biraz kırılır ɛŋ bʉjʉk Qurban bajramɯ en büyük Kurban bayramı

•  the usage of the sound [q] instead of [k] in Standard Turkish

Yerli Ahiska Turkish Standard Turkish jox joh gældux geldik- jatɯjorux yatıyoruk

•  the usage of the sound [x] iinstead of [k] in standard Turkish

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5.1.2 Peculiarities in Lexicon of Ahiska Archaic forms of Yerli Turkish is represented in the lexicon. padišax is referred to the highest authority sædir – a place of honor in the house kæčа - large felt mat anaxtar - key xyzmætkær- wage-worker (наемный работник) (Алиев, 1978: 25) maxmudja – golden coins, which have been used as necklace (data from field research May, 2015 – Almaty The surnames of Ahiska and Hemshilli Turks differ from each other. Ahiska Turks have surnames of Arabic, Persian or Georgian origin with Russian suffixes marking the gender – ov/-ev - for masculine; -ova/-eva - for femanine: Surnames of Arabic or Persian origin Ismail-ov Rovshan (m); Asi-ev Šahismail Ahmetuly (m); Isa-ev Ajimurat Alybaba-evich (m); Davriš-ova Gulistan Suleimanqyzy (f); Aziz-ova Heiria Mukadinovna (f), Ahmed-ova Fatima (f) (Almaty, 2015) surnames of Georgian origin: Čаčidze Asija, Beridze Ismail (Merke, 2014), Kiknadze Ibragim, Gogolašvili Ravil (Aliyev, 1978)

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Xemšili and Laz Turkish people have the names and surnames of Arabic and Persian origin as well but the ending -ogly is used instead of Russian suffixes without gender differentiation (Taraz, 2014; 2015).

Jalal Sarymamed-oğly (m); Iskander Bešli- oğly (m); Izmir Hadjidursun oğly (m); Šadia Sarymamed-oğly (f); Naima Hadjidursun oğly (f), Asia Moldahasan-oğly (f); Šukri Moldahasan-oğly (f). In everyday life, name’s shortening is popular both for Ahiska and Karadenizli Turks. They are

used as diminutives: Israfil → Iso (m) Šähmändär → Šаmо (m); Tæfrik →Тæfо (m); Farida → Fado (f); Fätima → Fato (f); Maral →Meriko (f); Jeiran → Janiko (f).

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Diminutives expressing respect are used as honorific forms according to the models of Kazakh diminutives: Hasan – Haseke Iskander – Sake Jalal – Jake.

Kinship terms in the language of Turkish Ethnicities (Aliev, 1978) (DavriŠ-ova Gulistan, Almaty:2015, Jalal Sarymamed-oğly: Taraz, 2015)

Kinship terms of blood

Ahiska Turks Hemshilli STL dædɛ - grandfather nænɛ - grandmother bаbа - father anɛ - mother oğul - son qız - daughter torun– grandson/daughter torunin toruni– grand-grand son/daughter

bɤjɤq baba bɤjɤq ana baba ana / nɛnɛ oğlum qızım torunim torunı

dede baba anne baba anne oğul kız torun torun çocuğu

e.g. bänim ašindi iki tänä ävdäki torunlarïm iki tänä (Ahiska_Andasbatir_270914_NIA_A01 ab 27:40.3)

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Kinship terms on the sideline

Ahiska Hemshilli STL

taji– uncle by mother’s side hala – aunt by mother’s side æmi - father’s brother abla– uncle’s wife (жена дяди) bibi– father’s sister (сестра отца) jegen– nephew (племянник)

daji teyze ɛmiče gɛlin hala jegen

Dayı teyze amca yenge hala yeğen

Kinship terms on the sideline

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Terms of relationship by marriage Ahiska Hemshilli STL qoʒa– husband qari – wife gælin– sister-in-law æniʃta– son-in-law görüm– sister-in-law ɛlti– sister-in-law (brother’s wife) Jeŋgæ– woman, accompanied by a daughter-in-law into the house of the groom qajyn – brother-in-law baʒænaχ – brother-in-law (husband’s brother baldyz– sister-in-law (husband’s sister) qаjnata – father-in-law qajnana - mother-in-law dɤŋğur – matchmaker qirva a man, who stands near the boy at the circumcision

qoʒa qariš gɛlin æniʃta baldyz gɛlin Jeŋge qajin/ qayın birader baʒɛnaχ baldyzym qаjnata qajnana dyngyr qirva

koca karı gelin enişte görümce elti yenge kayın birader bacanak görümce kaynata kaynana dünür kirve

Terms of relationship by marriage

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5.2 Documentation of endangered Turkish varieties in Kazakhstan

VideoPad Video Editor was used for editing audio or video material.

Further steps are 1 ) d e c i p h e r i n g a n d

interlinearizing the data in the Toolbox or ELAN programs a c c o r d i n g t h e f o l l o w i n g pipelines:

Toolbox – ELAN ELAN – Toolbox – ELAN 2) Uploading both raw and

proceeded data to the Language Archive at MPI Nijmegen

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5.4 Morphologic analyses‘Field Linguist’s Toolbox’ is used for morphologic analyses.

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5.5 Archiving the data at MPI Nijmegen All the data are stored at the

Language Archive in Nijmegen. We use the program Arbil as

an application for arranging language material and associated metadata into a format appropriate for archiving.

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Conclusion Kazakhstan presents a very interesting area for studying Turkic

communities, who came to this territory by various reasons. Turkish Diaspora is fully integrated into modern realities of Kazakhstan,

have the right to keep their language and culture. It should also be noted that Turkish representatives consider Kazakhstan

to be the most comfortable country among all the Central Asian states for preserving the culture, language (information from interviews during field research in South Kazakhstan in March 2014, September 2014, May 2016, Almaty region in June 2015). Majority of them do not want to change the citizenship, or move to other countries.

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