a study of diversity in lenoir county, nc schools study of diversity in lenoir county, nc schools by...
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A Study of Diversity in Lenoir County, NC Schools
By
Ann Moss Joyner
Cedar Grove Institute for Sustainable Communities, Inc.
6919 Lee St., Mebane, NC 27302
www.cedargroveinst.org
and
Mark Dorosin, Elizabeth Haddix & Brent Ducharme
The UNC Center for Civil Rights
With
GIS by Dr. Ben Marsh, Bucknell University
Funded by
The Center for Civil Rights--University of North Carolina School of Law
323 West Barbee Chapel Road, Chapel Hill NC 27517
www.law.unc.edu/centers/civilrights
Please quote by permission only 12/7/2016
1
Grainger High School, Kinston (1926-1970)
Source: Google Images
Introduction
Like many of North Carolina’s rural counties, Lenoir County is losing school-age population and therefore has excess capacity in its schools. As a result, the Lenoir County School Board is considering closing several schools and potentially re-districting its attendance areas. This study is conducted in the context of these possible changes.
At least one-sixth of the nation’s black students attend schools that are “virtually all” non-white (Frankenberg, Lee and Orfield, 2003) and the recent advent of charter schools has exacerbated this trend (Bonner, 2015). Like many public school systems across the nation, Lenoir County’s schools are segregated by attendance area. School districts often rationalize such segregation by citing the goal of “neighborhood schools.” The objectives of diversity in schools and attendance proximity are often presented as mutually exclusive. The Association of Neighborhood Schools gives its mission as ending “social experimentation and racial and nationality control . . . and its accompanying forced busing” (NANS, 2010).
In districts with more than one attendance area (e.g. more than one elementary, middle, or high school), both diversity and school proximity are functions of attendance areas, which are drawn and established by local school boards. There has been very little study of the choices school districts make in defining school attendance areas and the relationship of these choices to segregation. This case study focuses on how the drawing of attendance areas has created segregated schools and asks if school districts can achieve diversity while also addressing other legitimate concerns, such as school proximity and capacity?
2
Lenoir County is a rural North Carolina county with a single school district. Research has shown that, in general, there is less segregation in rural school districts (Clotfelter et al. 2002), probably because there are fewer school options for student assignment. Countywide rural districts, especially in the South, have traditionally been districts in which there has been a high degree of racial integration (NAACP LDF, Civil Rights Project, Center for Study of Race and Law, 2005). Thus, one would expect this to be the situation in rural Lenoir County’s schools.
However, just the opposite is true. There is a high degree of residential segregation in neighborhoods in Lenoir County and in the city of Kinston, where many of the county’s residents live. The Dissimilarity Index is the most widely used measure of racial residential segregation, and a values of 60 or above indicates a high level of racial residential segregation (Farley, 2015). The Dissimilarity Index is 60.0 for Lenoir County (white vs. non-white) and 65.3 for Kinston. Thus, the distribution of students throughout the county becomes the determining factor in optimizing diversity in Lenoir’s schools.
In this case study, we use Geographic Information Systems (GIS)1 to show how the Lenoir County School Board could deliberately design school attendance area boundaries to foster diversity while also considering school proximity and capacity. We analyzed the student bodies and the attendance areas in Lenoir County to address the closely-linked issues of racial and economic segregation. GIS allows us to analyze race and other socio-economic factors in school attendance areas as currently designed by the School Board, and to design new attendance areas, in order to assess whether the school district can achieve effective diversity while also accounting for school proximity.
Background
The quality of life in Lenoir County varies significantly among residents of different socio-economic standing. This is best illustrated by the national recognition the area has received. Kinston received the prestigious All America City Award. According to Livability.com (which produces the annual report Top 100 Best Places to Live), “Downtown Kinston is in the midst of a cultural renaissance. . . . the former textile town has become a regional hotspot known for its award-winning food and craft beer, lively music, and burgeoning art scene” (Britton, 2015).
However, there are deep educational and economic divides among the County’s residents. The schools are an area of special concern. Though Lenoir County Public Schools offers the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme at Kinston High School and a nationally recognized pre-engineering program at South Lenoir High School, the district has an average GreatSchools.com rating of 3.6 out of 10 (www.greatschools.com). 1 This study uses block level census data from the decennial census, the smallest scale available. This data is given for specific age groups (5-9, 10-14, and 15-17). These age groups are matched to the appropriate school level (e.g. elementary, middle and high school), but do not match the grade ranges of each school. Thus, the measures are indicative of the match between school and attendance area, but the match is not exact. Similarly, the borders of census blocks do not always match the boundaries of attendance areas. In cases of a mismatch, the children are allocated to attendance areas on a proportional basis. Therefore, again, the numbers are indicative of the trends.
3
According to the 2010 Census, Lenoir County was 51.3% white2 and 48.7% non-white. African Americans comprised 82.6% of the non-white population and Hispanics comprised 6.6%.3 However, the school district in 2010 was 41.2% white and 58.8% non-white. Among the county’s school-age population (ages 5-17), non-white residents are distributed in segregated neighborhoods throughout the county, with a high concentration in Kinston.
Figure 1. Lenoir County: Population 5-17 by Percent Non-White (2010 Census Block)
2 For purposes of this report, “white” refers to white, non-Hispanic individuals, and “non-white” includes all other demographic categories, including Hispanic. 3 North Carolina’s Hispanic population is growing rapidly, but the 2000 Census reported only 6.6% in Lenoir County and 2.4% in Kinston in 2010. Thus, they are not broken out as a group in this paper.
% Non-White (2010)
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Like many districts in North Carolina, Lenoir County’s school district was once composed of two school districts (rural Lenoir County and Kinston City Schools) which merged in 1992. While there are two dense African American communities within the City of Kinston (see map below), the majority of the African American population is spread across the county. The white population is spread across the eastern county. Similarly, there is only one Racially- and Ethnically-Concentrated Area of Poverty (R/ECAP), located in and around Kinston, indicating a fairly even distribution of residents who are both low-income and non-white throughout the county. The distribution of non-white residents throughout Lenoir County greatly increases the school board’s ability to create racially and economically diverse schools and to avoid isolating non-white and poor children in specific attendance areas.
Figure 2. Lenoir County Race and Ethnicity (Census 2010)4
4 HUD web GIS, http://affht.vsolvit.com/# accessed 2/24/2016.
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Similarly, Figure 3 below shows a concentration of families with children (under 18) in Kinston. Because Kinston is centrally located in the County, this creates additional flexibility in how school attendance areas can be drawn. As Figure 3 also illustrates, Kinston has a concentration of families in poverty.
Figure 3. Lenoir County: Low Poverty Index5 and Families with Children (Census 2010)6
This distribution of race/ethnicity and poverty provides an opportunity to create schools which are not racially or economically isolated.
Despite the possibility for significant diversity, the Lenoir County School Board oversees what is in essence three separate racially-identifiable school “districts” within the Lenoir County school system. The elementary school assignment determines assignment for middle and high school. The figures below illustrate the levels of segregation at each school level, by assignment area.
5 The low-poverty index is based on the census tract family poverty rate. https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/cityscpe/vol17num3/ch12.pdf Cityscape 223. 6 HUD web GIS, http://affht.vsolvit.com/# accessed 2/24/2016.
Poverty Index
% of Households with Children
Dot = 10 household
6
Figure 4. Elementary School Attendance Areas (2014-2015) by % Non-White (2010)
% Non-White, ages 5-9
LaGrange 53% Banks 44%
Contentnea 57%
Moss Hill 36%
Southwood 32%
Pink Hill 39%
Northeast 97% Northwest 67%
Southeast100%
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Figure 5. Middle School Attendance Areas (2014-2015) by % Non-White (2010)
% Non-White, ages 10-14
Rochelle 86%
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Figure 6. High School Attendance Areas (2014-2015) by % Non-White (2010)
Figure 7 below illustrates how the school district’s creation and maintenance of three high school attendance area “feeder systems” causes the district to effectively operate as three racially and ethnically distinct entities. Note: Figure 7 is based on the demographics of the attendance area, not on the actual student population of each school, although Figure 9 illustrates how the former controls the latter.
% Non-White, ages 15-17
North Lenoir 55%
South Lenoir 34%
Kinston 84%
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Figure 7. % Non-White by School Attendance Area by Age Group7 (2014-2015 Attendance Area Boundaries with 2010 Census Block Data)
Half of the county’s public schools have attendance areas which, as designed, produce racially-unbalanced schools (over 20 percentage points different than the district’s average percent non-white for their age group).8 More than three-quarters (79.3%) of Lenoir County’s 7,000 children age 5-17, live in attendance areas which are racially unbalanced. Almost one-third (29.3%) of the county’s school-age population live in an attendance area that is ≥84% non-white, including two attendance areas that are ≥97% non-white.
The school district maintains an open transfer policy, which means that students are free to transfer to any school with capacity if they can provide their own transportation. A 1995 study of school choice in Texas (Dougherty and Becker, 1995) found that
“…transportation is a barrier to effective choice plans. Either private schools will not supply transportation, making it difficult for most parents to take advantage of choice, or the costs of providing transportation will destroy the economic feasibility of participating in the choice plan.”
7 These age groups are those that are available at the block level and only approximate the schools’ exact age groups: 5-9 for elementary; 10-14 for middle schools and 15-17 for high school. 8 Comparing census data for the district by age group with census data for each attendance area by the same age group.
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As illustrated in the Figure 8 below, poverty (as defined by enrollment in the Free and Reduced Price Lunch Program) is correlated with race/ethnicity in Lenoir County. Thus, non-white families are placed at a disadvantage by the economics of providing transportation.
Figure 8. School Enrollment by % Non-White and FRPL Enrollment (NCES 2013-2014)
In addition, this transfer policy leaves significant discretion to the superintendent, who may consider “space availability, the needs of the child, the effect on the school to which transfer is requested, principal recommendations, and other criteria established by the superintendent.”9 Such policies often lead to intra-district “white flight” and produce actual student enrollment demographics that deviate—sometimes substantially—from attendance area data.
In addition, Lenoir County has two large predominantly white private schools, a small predominantly black charter school, and the Lenoir County Early College High, all of which draw students from across attendance area boundaries.10 Therefore, actual attendance differs from the numbers indicated by residence in attendance areas (as shown in the chart below).11
9 Lenoir County Public Schools, Policy Code 4150-D(4). 10 These schools have been grouped by attendance area by their geographical location. For instance, while Lenoir Early College High School has no defined attendance area, its campus is physically located within the attendance area of North Lenoir High School. 11 These factors are in addition to the mismatch between age groups provided by the census at the block level and the ages served by each school.
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Figure 9. Percent Non-white by Actual School Enrollment vs. County Average (2013-2014)12
This hyper-segregation in Lenoir County schools is a direct result of actions taken by the school board in drawing attendance areas, and represents on a local level how our nation’s schools are fast trending toward re-segregation. According to Marcus (2006), the return to “neighborhood schools” that followed in many systems after a release from court oversight has allowed a reversion to segregation, resulting in more segregation today than was seen in the 1970s. This has especially affected black children, who are more likely to attend schools that are mostly non-white, in all regions of the nation. According to the Harvard Civil Rights Project, 73% of black children attended majority non-white schools in 2003, versus 66% in 1991 (Orfield and Lee, 2007). Demographic Changes and School Attendance Areas Lenoir County is losing population, both through natural decrease (deaths exceeding births, for a net decrease of 122 from 2010 to 2014) and net migration (domestic out-migration of 1,142, mitigated somewhat by international in-migration of 293, for a total net migration of -849).13 This pattern is similar to what is happening across Eastern North Carolina. It results in part
12 National Center for Education Statistics - http://nces.ed.gov/ccd/elsi/ 13 American Community Survey, April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2014.
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Schools in South Lenoir High’s Attendance Area Schools in North Lenoir High’s Attendance Area Schools in Kinston High’s Attendance Area
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from the end of small-farm tobacco production and the loss of low-wage manufacturing jobs (e.g. textiles), which lead in turn to the loss of retail and service jobs. Between 2000 and 2010, Lenoir County’s school age population (5-17) decreased 4.3%.14
Table 1. Lenoir County School Attendance Areas: Population Change 2000-2010
Attendance Areas
2000 Population Ages 5-17
2010 Population Ages 5-17 Gain/Loss
% Gain/Loss
Elementary 2,241 2,032 -209 -9.3%
Middle 2,192 2,086 -106 -4.8%
High 1,413 1,477 64 +4.5%
Total 5,846 5,596 -251 -4.3%
Figure 10. Lenoir County School Attendance Areas: Population Change 2000-2010
This may not appear striking, but it is a multi-decade phenomenon. Figure 11 below compares the population, by age group, of the Kinston Micro Area with Raleigh’s metro area. Lenoir County’s population loss appears stark when the County’s age structure is contrasted with Raleigh’s, an area with a more dynamic economy which has experienced fast growth. Lenoir’s population loss can be seen most clearly in children and younger adults, while the population of older adults and senior citizens is comparatively large. This age structure-pattern has significant impact on school assignment, diversity, and capacity, and can make it more difficult to build support for public schools. “Many times those without school-aged children may not feel an obligation to support the local public school system,” according to Dr. Robert Zorn (2011).
14 Except where specified, attendance areas will be discussed using the Decennial Census data, as this is the most geographically precise data available.
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Figure 11. Population by Age/Sex Structure15 for Lenoir County and Raleigh’s MSA
Lenoir County’s declining population, particularly among children and young adults, leads to excess capacity in schools. Lenoir County’s schools currently have excess capacity of 2,403 students, or 21.3%.16 This excess capacity provides both opportunity and flexibility for any efforts to achieve diversity in the student body. Closer analysis of Lenoir’s population by race and ethnicity shows a decrease in the County’s Non-Hispanic white population (from 55.5% to 51.3% between 2000-2010, and to an estimated 50.1% in 2014) and a large increase in the County’s Latino population (3.2% to 6.6% from 2000-2010, to an estimated 7.5% in 2014). This is reflected in the school-age population, as shown below.
15 www.census.gov Kinston Micro Area and Raleigh Metro Area 16 Excluding Lenoir Early College High and Lenoir County Learning Academy, for which capacity figures are not available. 2014-2015.
14
Table 2. School Attendance Areas: Change in Percent Non-White 2000-2010
Attendance Areas
% Non-White 2000
% Non-white 2010
Percentage Point Change
Percentage Change
Elementary 56.3% 59.0% 2.7% 4.8%
Middle 49.5% 57.5% 8.0% 16.2%
High 54.4% 60.4% 6.0% 11.1%
Total 53.3% 58.8% 5.5% 10.4%
Figure 12. School Attendance Areas: Change in Percent Non-White 2000-2010
Figure 13 below shows the increase in percentage of non-white residents living in each elementary school attendance area between 2000 and 2010. Of the elementary schools, three showed a decrease in non-white population, all less than 1.5 percentage points. The two attendance areas with a non-white population over 95% remained over 95%. All of the other attendance areas showed a significant increase in the percentage of non-white residents, with the largest increase occurring at Northwest Elementary.
Figure 13. Elementary School Attendance Areas: Change in % Non-White Ages 5-9 (2000-2010)
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Overall, attendance areas across Lenoir County retained their racial/ethnic character between 2000 and 2010. While significant demographic disparities remained between the different attendance areas, the percentage of non-white residents increased across the county.
Figure 14. School Attendance Areas: Change in % Non-White 2000-2010
The racial demographics of only four school attendance areas remained essentially unchanged (Southwood, LaGrange, Northeast, and Southeast Elementary), while all other school attendance areas saw an increase in percent non-white of between six and 12 percentage points, with the exception of Northwest Elementary. Northwest Elementary experienced an increase of 16.5%. Notably, in 2000, Northwest was the only racially and ethnically balanced school in the predominantly-non-white Kinston High attendance area. The significant increase in non-white students at Northwest Elementary may have resulted from the closure of other, predominantly non-white elementary schools in the Kinston attendance area. For example, the closure of Teachers Memorial caused almost 500 elementary school-age children to be reassigned, all of whom were non-white (see discussion of school closures, below). Changes in Actual Enrollment As the percent of non-white school-age children continues to increase, it is not surprising that the percentage of non-white students attending public schools in Lenoir County has also increased. For the 2014-2015 school year, over 60% of children attending Lenoir’s public schools were non-white. However, like the attendance areas from which the schools draw, the percentage of non-white students at each school varies widely by feeder school attendance area.
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Figure 15. Lenoir Public Schools: % Non-White Actual Enrollment 2014-2015
Lenoir County’s increasing non-white student population has, in part, been driven by an increase in the number of Latino students within the district.
Figure 16. Actual School Attendance by % Latino (NCES 2013-2014)
While the student-age population in Lenoir County was 11.3% Latino (2013-2014), the percentage of Latino students varied widely across the district’s three feeder school attendance areas. The percentage of Latino students at schools in the County’s predominantly-white school attendance area (South Lenoir) ranged from 14.6% to 31.1% (NCES 2013-2014), while Latino students accounted for 9.4% to 22.6% of students at schools in the balanced attendance area (North Lenoir) and only .04% to 3.2% in the Kinston area (reflecting that, despite the overall increase in Latino students and our use in this report of the general descriptor “non-white,” the Kinston High attendance area is overwhelmingly African American).
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Given the excess capacity of the predominantly-non-white schools, one would expect this trend to be the reverse. It appears that Latino parents are concentrating in the South Lenoir area. While 6.6% of the County’s households were Latino (2010-2014 ACS), only 2.4% of households in Kinston were. This is true even though the City has a higher percentage of homes that are actually vacant and for rent (6.8%) than the County (5.3%), according to the 2010 Census’ Table H-5.
As the median age of Lenoir’s white residents is 47.2, more than 20 years older than the median age among Latinos, we can expect a continuing increase in non-white school-age residents attending the County’s rural schools.
Figure 17. Median Age of Residents by Racial/Ethnic Group (2010-2014 ACS)
Segregation in Lenoir County Schools
Lenoir County has only one school district and can draw its school assignment areas without geographic limitation. The population of the county is 57.9% non-white and fairly evenly distributed. However, the school board maintains one attendance area feeder system that is predominantly white, one that is racially- and ethnically-balanced, and one that is almost completely non-white (including four hyper-segregated schools that are over 93% non-white). Figure 18 below shows the correlation between actual attendance in schools and the school assignment area.
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Figure 18. School Attendance vs. School Assignment Area by % Non-White (2009-2010)
While these figures do not give an exact match, they do show trends.17 In general, the schools’ actual attendance mirrors the attendance area in terms of the percent non-white. However, the differences are telling. In the predominantly white schools, the percentage of non-white students is usually lower than the percentage of non-white residents living in the assignment area. This may result from white students assigned to other attendance areas taking advantage of the County’s open transfer policy (although the data is not disaggregated by race, in 2014-2015, the South Lenoir attendance area experienced a net gain through transfers of 111 students). The balanced schools show no distinct trend regarding the relationship between actual attendance and attendance area. The predominantly non-white schools show a higher percentage of non-white students than the demographics of the attendance area would predict. Again, this may result from the the County’s open transfer policy. In addition, nearly 1,200 students attend two racially-isolated private schools located in close proximity to the City of Kinston, Bethel Christian Academy (371 students, 90% white) and Arendell Parrott Academy (823 students, 88% white).18
The high schools reflect the disparities the School Board has created through the development and maintenance of the disparate attendance areas. When student populations are compared to the demographics of the schools’ attendance zones, non-white students are underrepresented at North and South Lenoir High Schools but overrepresented at Kinston High.
17 The age range provided by the Census is not an exact match for the age-range of the schools (e.g. elementary school and ages 5-9 Census figures). 18 http://www.privateschoolreview.com/bethel-christian-academy-profile/28504
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Actual % Minority 2009-2010 Attendance Area % MinorityActual % Non-White Enrollment 2009-2010
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School officials contend that the open transfer policy does not contribute to segregation. According to WITN News,
“The NAACP argues too many students, particularly white students, transfer out of city schools to county schools. But the county says that is not true. They say more minorities transferred out of the city in 2013-2014.”19
This argument ignores the history of transfers from schools in Kinston. By 2013-2014, Kinston’s schools were already severely segregated; the population left to transfer was almost completely non-white. Table 3. Lenoir County Public Schools Serving the City of Kinston by % Non-White (2013-2014)
School % Non-White
Northwest Elementary 83.1% Southeast Elementary 99.3%
Northeast Elementary 99.1%
Rochelle Middle 98.3%
Kinston High School 93.1%
Kinston High has lost 20% of its student body over the past decade and approximately 30% between 1990 and 2010.20
Figure 19. Kinston High School Student Body: 1990-2021
*projected based upon decrease 2010-2015
The students who remain after all others have fled, however, tend to be those with no options. Often, they lack a car or a parent available to drive them, or can’t afford the transportation
19 WITN, Lenoir School Board Meeting at Capacity, May 4, 2015. http://www.witn.com/home/headlines/Groups-raise-concern-over-school-diversity-in-Kinston-302499431.html accessed 10/1/2016. 20 U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD), "Public Elementary/Secondary School Universe Survey", 1990-91, v.1a ; 2000-2001 v. 1a; 2010-2011 v. 1a; and 2013-14, v.1a.
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costs. Table 4 shows this concentration of poverty (as defined by enrollment in the Free and Reduced Price Lunch program) in Kinston High School.
Table 4. Concentration of Poverty in Schools versus Poverty (FRPL Enrollment) in School-Age Population
High School Actual FRPL21
South Lenoir High 44.9%
North Lenoir High 52.3%
Early Learning College High 57.0%
Kinston High 80.3%
Figure 20 below illustrates enrollment in the Free and Reduced Price Lunch program in Lenoir County Schools.
Figure 20. Enrollment in Free and Reduced Price Lunch Program (2013-2014)22
Segregation and Student Achievement In an already struggling school district, Kinston High students are scoring below their district peers on both End-of-Course tests and the SAT. The percentage of Kinston High students testing at or above competency level on all their EOCs is less than half the percentage of students testing at similar levels at South Lenoir. With an average SAT score of 1265, Kinston High has the lowest average score in the district by 53 points and sits 213 points below the statewide average.
21 National Center for Education Statistics, 2013-2014. http://nces.ed.gov/ccd/elsi/ 22 National Center for Education Statistics - http://nces.ed.gov/ccd/elsi/
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Table 5. 2014-2015 EOC Composite Scores (% at or above Competency Level)23
School White African American
Latino Economically-Disadvantaged
Total
Kinston High 43.2% 17.9% 52.6% 13.6% 21%
North Lenoir High 51.8% 15.9% 25.8% 17% 32%
South Lenoir High 53.8% 21% 43% 30.6% 45.2%
District-wide 59.9% 21.6% 43.1% 24.4%s 39.5%
Statewide 69.7% 37.7% 47.1% 41.6% 57.9%
Table 6. Average SAT scores 2010-201524
School 2015 Avg.
Score
2014 Avg.
Score
2013 Avg.
Score
2012 Avg.
Score
2011 Avg.
Score
2010 Avg.
Score
Kinston High 1265 1297 1218 1263 1236 1295
North Lenoir High
1308 1352 1391 1470 1343 1438
South Lenoir High
1464 1372 1484 1465 1478 1459
District-wide 1326 1331 1335 1378 1332 1381 Statewide 1478 1483 1479 1469 1475 1480
Tables 7 through 9 clearly show that uneven educational outcomes exist in the elementary and middle schools of Lenoir County as well. The statistics from the 2014-2015 school year (below) are not anomalous. Accounting for results dating back to 2008, Kinston area schools always yield the lowest EOG test scores in the district, whether examining Reading, Math, or Science scores. Across all three subjects, Rochelle Middle consistently has at least 20% fewer students testing at grade level when compared to other schools in the district (this disparity is often quite higher than 20%).25 Southeast and Northeast, the two elementary schools in Kinston with the highest percentage of black students, show similar low achievement when compared to the rest of the elementary schools in the district.26
23 North Carolina Dep’t of Public Instruction, 2014-2015 State, District, and School Level Drilldown Performance Data. 24 SAT data taken from the North Carolina Department of Public Instruction, 2012 and 2015 reports of school-level SAT scores. 25 NC DPI, 2008-2009 through 2014-2015 report cards for Lenoir County Public Schools. 26 Id. Northwest Elementary, which has the highest percentage of white students in Kinston, tends to show slightly better educational outcomes than Southeast or Northeast, but still generally lags behind elementary schools in the other attendance zones.
22
Table 7. 2014-2015 EOG Reading Scores (Percentage At or Above Competency Level)
School White African
American Latino Multi-Racial
Economically Disadvantaged Total
Kinston Attendance Zone
Rochelle Middle 71.4% 24.1% 33.3% 21.4% 24% 24.6%
Northeast Elementary N/A 28.7% 50% N/A 26.8% 29.4%
Northwest Elementary 76.7% 34.7% 57.1% N/A 35.9% 41.4%
Southeast Elementary N/A 16.7% N/A < 5% 16.2% 15.7%
North Lenoir Attendance Zone
E.B. Frink Middle 64% 28.9% 53.6% 50% 34.4% 48.8%
Banks Elementary 74.3% 32% 54.3% 57.1% 48.3% 59%
LaGrange Elementary 64.4% 36% 42% 37.5% 38.9% 46.5%
Contentnea-Savannah (K-8) 59% 36.8% 50% 66.7% 37.8% 46.8%
South Lenoir Attendance Zone
Woodington Middle 61.6% 27% 44.8% 52.2% 40.6% 51.9%
Moss Hill Elementary 71% 39.4% 55.9% 40% 46.1% 63.1%
Pink Hill Elementary 63.6% 33.3% 34.3% N/A 63.6% 51.6%
Southwood Elementary 56.9% 44.4% 42.1% N/A 56.9% 53.1%
District-wide 63.8% 29.2% 46.3% 42.3% 34.7% 44.5%
Statewide 69.4% 37.9% 42% 57.8% 41.2% 56.3%
Table 8. 2014-2015 EOG Math Scores (Percentage At or Above Competency Level)
School White African
American Latino Multi-Racial
Economically Disadvantaged Total
Kinston Attendance Zone
Rochelle Middle 28.6% 13.1% 11.1% 14.3% 12.1% 13.3%
Northeast Elementary N/A 21.1% 50% N/A 21.1% 22.3%
Northwest Elementary 80% 25.9% 28.6% N/A 26.7% 33.3%
Southeast Elementary N/A 15.9% N/A < 5% 13.7% 14.9%
North Lenoir Attendance Zone
E.B. Frink Middle 42.4% 16.6% 36.9% 50% 21.9% 31.9%
Banks Elementary 75.7% 37.3% 48.6% 57.1% 45.8% 60.5%
LaGrange Elementary 54.4% 28% 54% 50% 32.5% 42.1%
Contentnea-Savannah (K-8) 46.7% 23.7% 30.9% 33.3% 24.1% 33.2%
South Lenoir Attendance Zone
Woodington Middle 31.4% 11.7% 22.2% 13% 16.7% 25.7%
Moss Hill Elementary 74.2% 33.3% 67.6% 40% 74.2% 65.7%
Pink Hill Elementary 52.7% 38.9% 32.9% N/A 38.5% 45.2%
Southwood Elementary 50% 27.8% 42.1% N/A 41.3% 45.6%
District-wide 49.3% 20% 36.3% 28.9% 24.3% 33.3%
Statewide 64.2% 32.1% 43.5% 50.8% 37.5% 52.2%
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Table 9. 2014-2015 EOG Science Scores (Percentage At or Above Competency Level)
School White African
American Latino Multi-Racial
Economically Disadvantaged Total
Kinston Attendance Zone
Rochelle Middle N/A 47.2% N/A 40% 44.7% 47.1%
Northeast Elementary N/A 24.3% N/A N/A 25.9% 24.7%
Northwest Elementary 87.5% 38.8% N/A N/A 38.1% 44.9%
Southeast Elementary N/A 38.5% N/A N/A 36.8% 34.9%
North Lenoir Attendance Zone
E.B. Frink Middle 71.1% 37.7% 57.7% N/A 43.8% 57%
Banks Elementary 75.8% 57.9% 55.6% N/A 76% 69.7%
LaGrange Elementary 65% 56.7% 66.7% N/A 65.5% 60.9%
Contentnea-Savannah (K-8) 67.7% 47.4% 55% N/A 47% 55.2%
South Lenoir Attendance Zone
Woodington Middle 81.3% 52.4% 69.8% 80% 64.1% 73.9%
Moss Hill Elementary 75.4% 14.3% N/A N/A 47.4% 65.8%
Pink Hill Elementary 73.2% N/A 22.7% N/A 47.4% 52.9%
Southwood Elementary 68.1% 50% 60% N/A 65% 65.5%
District-wide 73.3% 42% 54.4% 54.3% 47.7% 55.9%
Statewide 80% 51% 58.3% 71% 55.7% 68.8%
The Kinston High School attendance area is largely a vestige of the dual-school system that existed prior to merger, when the County had two school districts: a city district and a rural county district. The Kinston High attendance area closely reflects the former Kinston City School district boundary. Kinston High’s attendance area is significantly smaller than the town’s residential area, with the largest exception being the predominantly white area on the town’s west side. The American Community Survey (2010-2014) estimates that there are 1,249 students of high school age (grades 9-12) in the City of Kinston (just under Kinston High’s capacity of 1,300), yet Kinston High’s student population was only 854 in 2014-15. These figures further demonstrate that the current feeder pattern is dysfunctional and promotes segregation. The Costs of Segregation As we will show in the discussion below, racial segregation in Lenoir County Public Schools is both harmful and unnecessary. The costs of segregation are paid by students, their families, their teachers, school administrators, and the community at large. As in similar communities across the state and nation, the costs of segregation are paid by all students, but disproportionately by those who attend the racially-isolated schools.
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The research literature shows that the consequences of such concentrations of high-poverty students and families are many and various. Some are related to the concentration of poverty, while others stem from educational, administrative and governmental policies and practices. The detrimental effects of racial and economic segregation have long been understood. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey of 1988, the Coleman Report found that “The social composition of the student body is more highly related to achievement, independent of the student’s own social background, than is any school factor” (Coleman et al., 1966, p. 325). While Card and Krueger (1996) showed that greater resources lead to higher test scores, segregated, high-poverty schools are more likely to be “under-resourced” in myriad ways. Segregated, high-poverty schools in North Carolina have less experienced teachers, fewer fully-qualified teachers and fewer teachers with advanced degrees (Henry et al., 2008). The cost of racial and economic segregation can be seen in the high failure rates at segregated schools, as demonstrated at Kinston High School, which had a 2014-2015 school achievement rating of 43. The school achievement score is calculated using a composite method based on the points earned by a school on all of the tests measured for that school (NC DPI, 2015). All of the schools in the Kinston High School attendance area, which is designed and maintained by the Lenoir County School Board, demonstrate both racial and economic isolation. Figure 21. Racial and Economic Isolation at Schools in Kinston High School’s Attendance Area
Lenoir is a low-wealth county, with a median income 76.4% of the state average, and 72.0% of public school students eligible for free- and reduced-price lunches (NCES, 2013-2014). Concentrating high-poverty non-white students has negative consequences. A high-poverty, predominantly non-white high school like Kinston High is five times more likely to have weak promoting power (promoting 50% or fewer freshmen to senior status within four years) than a majority-white school (Balfanz 2004).
0.0%
20.0%
40.0%
60.0%
80.0%
100.0%
NORTHWESTELEMENTARY
SOUTHEASTELEMENTARY
NORTHEASTELEMENTARY
ROCHELLEMIDDLE
KINSTON HIGH
% Minority % FRPL% Non-White
25
In maintaining schools that are unbalanced both racially and economically, the Lenoir County School Board has reinforced the circumstances that lead such schools to be unable to provide the critical elements of a sound basic education. The Southeast Center for Teaching Quality (2001) recognizes that racially and economically isolated schools experience significant challenges regarding teachers, noting that in such schools there is a 15-18% annual teacher turnover rate; 25% of teachers have provisional licenses, are lateral entry (up to five years to earn full licensure), emergency or temporary, or are probationary. These factors can be seen at Kinston High School.
Table 10. School Indicators: Kinston High School and State Average (2014-2015)
Kinston High School North Carolina Average
Fully Licensed Teachers 83.3% 90.1%
Teachers with Advanced Degrees 18.5% 26.6%
Teachers with 0-3 Years’ Experience 38.9% 22.1%
Teacher Turnover Rate 17.0% 16.7%
Eligible for Free and Reduced-Price Lunch 80.3%* 53.2%*
* 2013-2014, National Center for Education Statistics - http://nces.ed.gov/ccd/elsi/
Nationally, teacher turnover is 50% higher in high-poverty schools than in more affluent ones (Ingersoll, 2001, p.516). In addition, teachers quit schools serving low-performing students at much higher rates than they quit successful schools (Hanushek, Kain & Rivkin, 1999, p. 15). Staff instability is implicated in lower test scores for all students (Dworkin, 1986). Teacher turnover is largely attributable to teacher job dissatisfaction (Ingersoll 2001). This turnover cost represents a loss of resources to the education system and the taxpayers in terms of the financial costs of hiring and training of new teachers, and costs to the students in terms of teacher experience and quality. The 2014 Teacher Working Conditions survey shows that teachers within the district have greatly varying experiences depending upon where they are assigned. At Rochelle Middle, only 38% of teachers said that they either “agree” or “strongly agree” with the statement that their school is “well maintained.” Contrastingly, 97% of teachers at Contentnea-Savannah feel their school is well maintained. At Southeast Elementary, only 25% of teachers said that their class sizes are reasonable, compared to 91% of teachers at LaGrange Elementary. Teachers in the Kinston attendance zone are most likely to find that the disciplinary rules are not consistently enforced and that their workplaces have an unsafe school environment (50% of Rochelle Middle teachers and 46% of Kinston High teachers believe that their school environment is unsafe, more than double the percentage at other schools). Moreover, they are least likely to believe that their schools are a good place to work and learn (only 60% of Rochelle Middle School teachers agreed with that statement, while 91% of Woodington teachers and 92% of Frink teachers agreed). In addition to the effects on the students and their families, the price of segregation in Lenoir County is paid by all state and federal taxpayers, as the school district receives a smaller percentage of its revenue from local sources than the average N.C. county. Lenoir receives just
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15.5% of its revenue from local taxes, as compared to 24.3% for the average N.C. county.27 State and Federal revenues (at 70.3% and 14.2% respectively versus a state average of 64.2% and 17.9%) are required to supplement local resources.28 Yet these expenditures are not sufficient to overcome the penalty exacted by concentrated poverty.
As discussed above, all of these factors affect student performance. The concentration of non-white students and low-performing elementary schools in Kinston can be seen in the County’s performance metrics in the various school attendance areas (see Tables 7-9 above).
Using GIS to Analyze Segregation and Opportunities for Diversity
Community and school boundaries are all but invisible from the ground. Who drives down a road and knows where attendance area boundaries for individual schools lie? But while disparities are not readily visible to the community as a whole, most residents who are treated inequitably know “how the land lays.” What they may not know is the extent of the problem, or that other excluded non-white neighborhoods and school populations share their plight.
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) have a unique power to illuminate this problem and begin the process of change. The power of GIS is the layering of different types of information onto a single map so that connections can be made, such as those between race, income, and school attendance areas. Using data collected from different sources (e.g. the Department of Education and the U.S. Census Bureau), we can employ spatial analysis to explore cause-and-effect relationships and what-if scenarios, and provide potential solutions.
We use GIS to analyze the current situation among Lenoir County high schools, starting with the demographics of Kinston. Kinston High School’s attendance area is a remnant of the former Kinston School District (prior to merger with the County school district). As stated above and shown below, the City is highly segregated.
27 North Carolina Department of Public Instruction, Statistical Profile 2014-2015, Table 24: Per Pupil Expenditure Ranking (Child Nutrition Included). 28 Id.
27
Figure 22. City of Kinston by Percent Non-White (2010)
One might assume that the Kinston High School attendance area would roughly track the municipal limits of the city, but the data raises more questions than answers. While the City of Kinston is 71.3% non-white (2010), Kinston High’s attendance area is 84% non-white (2010) and its student body is 93.6% non-white (2013-2014). What is going on? The 2014-2015 school attendance areas are shown below, mapped for race and ethnicity of school-age children. Although the map does not reflect density, the predominantly non-white status of Kinston High’s attendance area is clear.
28
Note in Figure 23 below, the predominantly-white area of the western portion of city that is excluded from the Kinston attendance area (see ).
Figure 23. Kinston High School Attendance Area and the City of Kinston’s Boundaries
Lenoir County has three high school attendance areas–each with one high school—and two alternative schools which draw students countywide (Lenoir County Early College and Lenoir County Learning Academy). In this case study, we are primarily concerned with the district’s traditional public schools, which have attendance areas, and how the boundaries for these areas could be drawn to increase diversity.29
29 Students are theoretically required to attend the high school in their attendance area, although if a school is declared to be “failing” two years in succession, No Child Left Behind regulations allow students from the failing schools to transfer – assuming that there are “better” schools which have capacity and that the student has transportation to the school in the other attendance area.
Kinston High City of Kinston
South Lenoir High
Kinston High
North Lenoir High
% Non-White 2010
29
Figure 24. Public School Attendance Areas (’14-’15) by Census Block by % Non-White (2010)
Figure 25 below shows atttendance areas by aggregated percentage of non-white residents.
© CGISC
% z
% Non-White 2010
© CGISC
30
Figure 25. School Attendance Areas (‘14-’15) by % Non-White (2010 Ages 15-17)30
30CGISC, digitized from attendance area map provided by Lenoir County
© CGISC
High School Building High School Attendance Area
2010 Census % Non-White Ages 15-17
31
Excess Capacity and Efficient Management
Given the excess capacity within the Kinston schools and across the County, the School Board is facing the prospect of closing one or more schools and possible consolidation of grades. Schools considered for closure include: Southeast Elementary (100% non-white, 2014-2015; in three of three scenarios), Rochelle Middle (98.6% non-white, 2014-2015; in two of three scenarios) and South Lenoir High (34.2% non-white, 2014-2015; in one scenario). Because any school closing and consolidation will require the reassignment of students, the School Board has a critical opportunity to redress racial isolation of students.
There are a variety of metrics under which such closures could be evaluated:
previous closures;
geographic and racial/ethnic impact;
capacity before and after the closures;
geographic proximity to current student residences and bus time;
number of students affected and history of neighborhoods affected;
effect on the racial/ethnic and economic diversity of the remaining schools; and
long-term effect of changes on demographic trends. All but the first of these would have one set of outcomes under the current feeder school attendance area boundaries and another, very different set of outcomes, under a redefinition of attendance area boundaries and feeder patterns.
Previous Closures The first criterion is the easiest to assess. Since the 2000-2001 school year, the County has closed three schools: C.H. Bynum Elementary (66.2% non-white; in Kinston High School’s attendance area), J.H. Samson Elementary (97.5% non-white, in Kinston High School’s attendance area) and Teachers Memorial Elementary (100% non-white; in Kinston High School’s attendance area). Over 1,000 students (1,051) attended these three schools—91.8% of them were non-white. Students who attended these schools needed to be reassigned as each of the schools closed, with the impact disproportionately falling on students and families of color. Figure 26, below, depicts the locations of these schools in relation to other nearby schools and to the current elementary school attendance areas.
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Figure 26. Closed Schools, Remaining Schools and Current Attendance Areas
Source: Lenoir County ConnectGIS, https://lenoir2.connectgis.com/Map.aspx
Geographic and Racial/Ethnic Impact of Proffered Scenarios In two of the proposed scenarios, the burden of the closures would again fall on non-white students (99.1% if both Southeast and Rochelle are closed; 100% if only Southeast is closed). If the scenario which includes closing all three schools is chosen, 67.0% of the affected students would be non-white. In all three scenarios, non-white students bear a disproportionate burden, as do the families and communities socially and historically connected to those schools. Capacity Before and After Closures Capacity prior to this round of closures is not straight-forward. The School Board has created at least two satellite attendance areas where students do not attend the closest elementary school and these wholesale “transfers” significantly affect capacity.
Southeast Elementary, the only school targeted for closure in all three proffered scenarios, is 100% non-white and—as its attendance area is currently configured–at 58.8% of capacity (2014-2015). However, as shown in Figure 27 below, the children of Carver Courts, a HUD
CLOSED ELEMENTARIES
33
public housing apartment complex within the Southeast Elementary attendance area, are being bussed to Northeast Elementary. In 2010, this neighborhood, located three blocks from Southeast Elementary, contained 171 children31 (88.2% non-white) ages 5-17 and 72 children ages 5-9 (100% non-white).
Figure 27. Southeast Elementary Neighborhood Assigned to Northeast Elementary
The School Board’s decision to assign Carver Courts to Northeast means that the children went from a three-block walk to school to a 1.8-mile bus ride or a walk along Highway NC 11, with no sidewalk. It also contributes to the underutilization of Southeast Elementary, which has the most (41.2%) excess capacity in the district. If, however, these children attended school in Southeast Elementary, then the school would be more than 72.6% capacity, rather than 58.8%.
Figure 28. Route from Carver Courts to Northeast Elementary (Google Maps 2/22/2016)
31 2010 Census.
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Figure 29. Route from Carver Courts to Northeast Elementary (Google Maps 2/22/2016)
In addition to the children in public housing assigned to Northeast Elementary instead of Southeast, there is another satellite attendance area (70% non-white) which lies adjacent or very near to the attendance areas of four other elementary schools, yet is assigned to Northeast Elementary School (not one of those surrounding the satellite area). This area has 61 children aged 5-17 (75.4% non-white), of whom 26 are age 5-9 (76.9% non-white). As illustrated in Figure 30, assigning these students to Moss Hill Elementary (35.7% non-white actual attendance, 2014-2015; 86.2% capacity, or 71 under-enrolled) or Southwood Elementary (30.5% non-white, 87.8% capacity, 49 under-enrolled) would have increased either school’s diversity without straining their capacity.
1.8 mi.
1.8 mi.
Southeast Elementary
35
Figure 30. Neighborhood Assigned to Northeast Elementary
Source: Lenoir County ConnectGIS, https://lenoir2.connectgis.com/Map.aspx While this neighborhood, south of West Atlantic Avenue, is separated from both Southwood Elementary and Moss Elementary by the Neuse River, it is located adjacent to the major bridge over that river. It is separated from Northeast Elementary by the railroad tracks and North Queen Street, Kinston’s major north-south arterial highway. Figure 30 above shows the relationship of this area to the river.
The circumstances described above demonstrate that Lenoir County has in fact already considered both race and class when designing its attendance area boundaries, to the detriment of the students in the Kinston High attendance area. The School Board has created racially- and economically-segregated schools, with a concentration of high-poverty students and families that goes far beyond neighborhood residential segregation. When a school is concentrated racially and economically in this way (predominantly non-white and high-poverty) while others are equally-concentrated but composed of the opposite extreme (predominantly white and/or low-poverty), often families with resources who are assigned to the former
Northwest Elementary
Northeast Elem.
Southeast Elem.
Banks Elementary
Moss Hill Elem.
Southwood Elem.
36
exercise their ability to leave those schools (via private school, charter schools or obtaining transfers). The result is that the racially- and economically-isolated school becomes more and more segregated, and the schools in the Kinston High attendance area are compelling examples of this process.
Patterns of Segregation Determined by Feeder School Patterns Within a school attendance area, multiple elementary schools feed a middle school and a single high school. Kinston High (93.6% non-white) is fed by Northwest Elementary (88.0% non-white), Northeast Elementary (98.8% non-white), and Southeast Elementary (100% non-white). Table 11 below shows the percentage of non-white students who attend each of these schools, as well the non-white population of their attendance areas, and their capacity.
Table 11. Elementary Schools Feeding Kinston High School by % Non-white
School Attendance Area (2010)
Student Body 2009-2010
Student Body (2014-2015)
Capacity
Northwest Elementary 67.2% 74.2% 88.0% 93.9%
Northeast Elementary 96.9% 97.8% 98.8% 82.9%
Southeast Elementary 100.0% 99.6% 100.0% 58.8%
While Northwest Elementary’s attendance area more closely reflects the diversity of the county, the increasing concentration of non-white students at the school suggests that white families are taking advantage of the County’s transfer policy and private schools at a greater rate than non-white families. This trend can be seen in 2009-2010 and continues in 2014-2015. Is Segregation in Lenoir County Necessary? As shown above, the racial and ethnic makeup of the County’s schools suggest a high rate of residential segregation, but the distribution of segregated neighborhoods throughout the County means that school segregation is not a necessary result of accounting for school proximity in Lenoir County. Using GIS, we can create attendance areas that produce greater diversity in the schools and that more closely reflect the demographics of the district overall. For our current purposes, a quick evaluation can be made, using maps which illustrate alternative attendance areas and the racial make-up of each. Because the goals and criteria for school closure are complex, this study examines the School Board’s ability to create school assignment areas that are diverse without overburdening the capacity of any school. This recognizes a national 1998 Public Agenda poll result, which found substantial support for racial integration combined with choice even while strong opposition to busing existed (Kahlenberg, 2001).
The U.S. Department of Education has encouraged school districts to adopt student assignment and facilities plans that foster effectively integrated schools. In its Guidance on the Voluntary Use of Race to Achieve Diversity and Avoid Racial Isolation in Elementary and Secondary Schools, the Department of Education recognized: “where schools lack a diverse student body
37
or are racially isolated (i.e., are composed overwhelmingly of students of one race), they may fail to provide the full panoply of benefits that K-12 schools can offer.”32 To confront such a lack of resources—including lower student achievement, fewer quality teachers, less rigorous curriculum, and inferior facilities—school districts seeking to achieve diversity can do so through school zoning and siting decisions.33 Consistent with the Department of Education’s guidance, we present several scenarios that shift attendance zones to promote diversity in Lenoir County Public Schools.
First, we look at a model based upon keeping three high school attendance areas, each feeding an extant high school (as per the current system). The scenario depicted below reduces racial disparities. A model can be created that will also reduce economic disparities. The degree to which balance would actually occur would depend upon the success of a program undertaken by the school board and others to create buy-in by the public and to retain white (and more middle and upper income) students.
Scenario 1: Rebalancing All Three High Schools The easiest concept to grasp is to keep all three high schools. While it would not reduce financial commitments for facilities, it would balance both capacity and demographic diversity.
Table 12. Three Balanced High School Attendance Areas (2010 Census)
School Attendance Area Current % Non-White New % Non-White
North Lenoir High 55% 56%
South Lenoir High 34% 57%
Kinston High 84% 64%
32 U.S. Dept. of Education, Guidance on the Voluntary Use of Race to Achieve Diversity and Avoid Racial Isolation in Elementary and Secondary Schools, http://www2.ed.gov/print/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/guidance-ese-201111.html 33 Id.
38
Figure 31. Three Diverse High School Attendance Areas
Scenario 2: Close South Lenoir High School Of the scenarios proposed to address excess capacity, only one included closure of a high school: South Lenoir High. Figure 32 below illustrates one possible way that the County could draw its attendance areas to achieve balance in the remaining two high schools.
% Non-White 2010
© CGISC
39
Figure 32. Balanced Attendance Areas: Closing South Lenoir High School
Based upon the configuration above, Figure 33 and Table 13 below illustrate one possible way that the County could draw its attendance areas to achieve balance in the middle schools as well as the high schools.
© CGISC
% Non-White 2010
40
Figure 33. Balanced Attendance Areas: Closing South Lenoir High School (Showing Middle Schools)
Table 13. Balanced Attendance Areas Closing South Lenoir High School (2010 Age 15-17)
School % Non-White
Kinston High 60%
Woodington Middle 55%
Rochelle Middle 60%
North High 57%
Savannah Middle 50%
Frink Middle 53%
% Non-White 2010
Frink (North)
41
Figure 34 focuses on the Kinston area as presented in the map above, showing how students living in and around the City of Kinston and would be allocated to Kinston and North Lenoir High Schools and middle schools. Figure 34. Balanced Attendance Areas: Closing South Lenoir High School (Zoom of Kinston Area)
% Non-White 2010
Frink (North)
42
Scenario 3: Close South Lenoir High School and Frink Middle School
Table 14. Close South Lenoir High School and Frink Middle School
School % Non-White
Kinston High 60%
North Lenoir High 57%
Savannah Middle (North Lenoir HS) 63%
Woodington Middle (Split) 50%
Rochelle (Kinston HS) 59%
Figure 35. Close South Lenoir High School and Frink Middle School
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Kinston High North LenoirHigh
SavannahMiddle (North
Lenoir HS)
WoodingtonMiddle (Split)
Rochelle(Kinston HS)
43
Figure 36. Close South Lenoir High School and Frink Middle School
% Non-White 2010
44
While Scenario #1, 2, and 4 maintain feeder patterns from middle schools to high schools, this scenario splits Woodington Middle School between the two remaining high schools. To do otherwise would create one high school which would be half the size of the other. Scenario 4: Convert North Lenoir High to a Middle School, Close Frink Middle School Scenario #4 is a two-high-school model, converting North Lenoir High to a middle school and closing Frink Middle School. In this scenario, the converted North Lenoir High is referred to as “Old North Middle School.”
Table 15. Two High Schools, Converting North Lenoir High, Close Frink Middle: % Non-White
School % Non-white
Kinston High School 60%
Savannah Middle School 52%
Old North Middle School 60%
South Lenoir High School 57%
Woodington Middle School 56%
Rochelle Middle School 57%
Figure 37. Two High Schools, Converting North Lenoir High, Close Frink Middle: % Non-White
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Kinston HighSchool
SavannahMiddleSchool
Old NorthMiddleSchool
South LenoirHigh School Woodington
MiddleSchool
RochelleMiddleSchool
45
Figure 38. Two High Schools, Converting North Lenoir High, Close Frink Middle School
% Non-White 2010
46
Scenario 5: Rebalance All Three High Schools, Close Frink Middle School This scenario retains all three high schools and closes Frink Middle School, but does not maintain a regular school feeder pattern from middle schools to high schools (students from Woodington Middle School would be split among the three high schools, although the majority would attend South Lenoir).
Table 16. Rebalance All Three High Schools, Close Frink Middle School
School % Non-White
Kinston High 64%
South Lenoir High 55%
North Lenoir High 56%
Rochelle Middle 64%
Woodington Middle 48%
Savannah Middle 59%
Figure 39. Rebalance All Three High Schools, Close Frink Middle School
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Kinston High South LenoirHigh
North LenoirHigh
RochelleMiddle
WoodingtonMiddle
SavannahMiddle
47
Figure 40. Rebalance All Three High Schools, Close Frink Middle School
% Non-White 2010
48
All of the scenarios above rely on the use of contiguous attendance areas, which may or may not be preferred. The school district does not currently maintain strictly contiguous school attendance areas, as illustrated by the “islands” in the predominantly-non-white neighborhoods of Kinston, where over 200 elementary children are bussed to Northeast Elementary School. If the school district is willing to take similar measures—using satellite attendance areas to achieve diversity—increased racial/ethnic balance and shorter travel time to each school can be achieved without strictly contiguous attendance areas.
Figure 41. Comparison: Current and Balanced High School Attendance Areas: % Non-White (2010 Ages 15-17)
The scenarios depicted above show three balanced high school attendance areas and middle school attendance areas, confirming the contention that Lenoir County Public Schools can provide diverse attendance areas regardless of the district’s reorganization of its high schools (see Figure 41). Scenarios presented by others to address capacity focus on Southeast Elementary and Rochelle Middle, both of which are racially- and economically-segregated schools in the Kinston High attendance area. As noted previously, three other schools in the Kinston attendance area have been closed since 2000; focusing school closures exclusively on this attendance area will continue to disproportionately impact African American students. Additionally, closing schools in that attendance zone, without more substantive realignment of the overall attendance areas that prioritizes diversity, will do nothing to address the entrenched patterns of school segregation.
Access and transportation costs are issues, as noted above, but the locations of North and South Lenoir High Schools have created difficulties which cannot be addressed without building a new school, which is not an option in the current demographic and economic environment.
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Current 3 HS Balanced 3 HS Close SouthLenoir HS
Convert NorthLenoir HS,Close Frink
Balanced 3 HS,Close Frink
North Lenoir High South Lenoir High Kinston High
49
Finally, it must be noted that while the district is focused on consolidation because of the costs associated with the underutilization of facilities, the School Board’s failure to address reassignment has created the inefficient utilization of facilities. While Rochelle, Southeast, Kinston High, Woodington Middle, Frink Middle, and North Lenoir are all under 75% capacity, Banks and Contentnea-Savannah are over 99% and Moss Hill is at 95% capacity. These options are first-pass re-assignment plans for illustrative purposes, a starting point toward diverse schools across Lenoir County. These variations demonstrate various ways to obtain improvements to create more diverse schools. Drawing new attendance areas will effectively address issues of capacity and facilities, promote diversity, and provide improved educational opportunities to all of Lenoir County’s students. Summary Today, Lenoir County Public Schools operates three wholly separate attendance areas, which effectively amount to three racially/ethnically-distinct school systems. While the Lenoir County and Kinston City school districts merged in 1992, integrated classrooms have not followed that administrative measure in many parts of the district. Many factors provide evidence that the continued segregation of Lenoir County’s schools is not the result of changing demographics or the private choices of parents. Lenoir County Public Schools has maintained the former Kinston City school district boundary as a predominantly-non-white attendance area after merger, kept an open transfer policy that permits intra-district “white flight” and allows racial isolation to increase, and has been unwilling to consider effective student reassignment. All this despite the fact that the district has options to effectively integrate its schools, given the distribution of non-white residents throughout the county.
School closure, reassignment and busing to achieve equality are currently frowned upon by County school officials. In May of 2015, during discussions surrounding changes to Northeast Elementary, Lenoir County Schools spokesman Patrick Holmes says, “The question is what will parents and students endure to get a more diversified school system?”34 The school district is at a crossroads. As the County’s population continues to decrease, the School Board will continue to face decisions regarding efficient operation of school facilities, and will continue to close schools. In the past, these closures have been borne by the County’s non-white community. In addition, the School Board’s failure to consider student reassignment, its drawing and maintenance of attendance areas, and its implicit approval of intra-district white flight has exacerbated racial and economic isolation. As it now contemplates additional closures, the School Board has the opportunity to create a more balanced, equitable school system.
34 WITN, Lenoir School Board Meeting at Capacity, May 4, 2015. http://www.witn.com/home/headlines/Groups-raise-concern-over-school-diversity-in-Kinston-302499431.html accessed 10/1/2016.
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In this case study, we have used GIS to create school attendance areas that provide racial and economic balance. We believe that such methods meet current legal standards for generally considering race to achieve diverse public schools. As it moves forward, the school system can meet its needs for efficiency and diversity if it wipes the slate clean and creates an assignment system that is designed to achieve the highest performance of all students. The excess capacity in each school provides the flexibility to create an equitable assignment system.
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54
Appendix A
Lenoir County Schools Attendance Areas
and
Percent Non-white (2000 and 2010)
55
Table A1. Lenoir County Schools Attendance Areas and Allocated Population (2000)
Elementary Area Non-White Age 5-9 Total Pop. Age 5-9 % Non-White Age 5-9
Alignment error* 4.1 8.6
Banks 199.2 552.0 36%
Contentnea 226.1 473.0 48%
LaGrange 343.3 633.3 54%
Moss Hill 102.8 324.0 32%
Northeast 662.9 679.4 98%
Northwest 261.4 519.4 50%
Pink Hill 121.3 454.9 27%
Southeast 337.8 341.7 99%
Southwood 88.6 266.5 33%
Middle School Area Non-White Age 10-14 Total Pop. Age 10-14 % Non-White Age 10-14
Alignment error 3.4 8.2
Frink 495.1 1215.9 41%
Rochelle 1104.0 1411.6 78%
Savannah 256.4 530.1 48%
Woodington 283.6 1099.1 26%
High School Area Non-White Age 15-17 Total Pop. Age 15-17 % Non-White Age 15-17
Alignment error 2.1 3.8
Kinston 686.2 900.3 76%
North Lenoir 555.5 1131.6 49%
South Lenoir 162.7 609.7 27%
*Alignment error is created by a mismatch between the GIS shapefiles used to create Lenoir County’s school district maps and the U.S. Census maps. Any population living in the small areas are within the county in the district maps, but in another county in the census maps, (or vice versa) are not assign to a Lenoir County school.
56
Table A2. Lenoir County Schools Attendance Areas and Allocated Population (2010)
Elementary Area Total Pop. 5-9 Non-Hispanic White 5-9
African American 5-9 Hispanic 5-9
Non-White 5-9
% Non-White 5-9
Alignment error 5 2 1 1 2 Banks 504 281 142 66 223 44
Contentnea 520 225 229 51 295 57
LaGrange 526 245 192 78 281 53
Moss Hill 381 243 65 64 138 36
Northeast 532 16 505 6 516 97
Northwest 470 154 258 30 316 67
Pink Hill 405 249 56 95 156 39
Southeast 238 0 231 7 238 100
Southwood 221 150 40 25 71 32
Middle School
Area Total Pop. 10-
14 Non-Hispanic White 10-14
African American 10-14 Hispanic 10-14
Non-White 10-14
% Non-White 10-14
Alignment error 9 4 3 1 5 Frink 1156 595 403 122 561 49
Rochelle 1245 175 1004 36 1070 86
Savannah 484 215 226 31 269 56
Woodington 1127 756 175 170 371 33
High School Area Total Pop. 15-
17 Non-Hispanic White 15-17
African American 15-17 Hispanic 15-17
Non-White 15-17
% Non-White 15-17
Alignment error 6 4 1 0 2 Kinston 844 135 680 15 709 84
North Lenoir 1150 520 505 98 630 55
South Lenoir 709 465 139 88 245 34
57
Appendix B
Lenoir County Schools, Attendance Areas Mapped
and
Percent Non-White (2000 and 2010)
58
Elementary Schools 2000 Elementary Schools 2010
LaGrange 54%
Banks 36%
Contentnea 47%
Northwest 50%
Northeast 97%
Southeast 98%
% Non-White Ages 5-9
LaGrange 53%
Banks 44%
Northwest 50%
Northeast 97%
Southeast 100%
Contentnea 57%
Moss Hill 36%
Southwood 32%
Moss Hill 31%
Southwood 33%
Pink Hill 26%
Pink Hill 39%
59
Middle Schools 2000 Middle Schools 2010
Woodington 33%
Frink 49%
Savannah 56%
Rochelle 86%
Woodington 25%
Frink 40%
Savannah 48%
Rochelle 78%
% Non-White Ages 10-14
60
High Schools 2000 High Schools 2010
South Lenoir 26%
Kinston 76% Kinston 84%
South Lenoir 34%
North Lenoir 49%
North Lenoir 55%
% Non-White Ages 15-17