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64 Wim M. J. van Binsbergen

withm the modern administration of the area, is not in the focus of thejudicial process; and such conflicts as it deals with are hardly of décisiveimportance to the individuals and groups involved - as compared to thoseconflicts which are resolved without référence to the Local Court.9

The Local Court, since it is there and since it commands powerfulsanctions (ultimately upheld by the nation-state), superimposes upon theinternai Nkoya institutions an additional judicial framework. It endeavoursto define and to promote such rights and obligations as it présumes toexist between individuals. Neither the définition of its legal premises, norits authority, nor indeed its personnel, are to any significant degreedetermined by the social processes within Nkoya rural society. Preciselybecause the Local Court is external to these processes, it can efficientlydeal with conflicts between parties who are not tied to each other by mul-tiplex rôles in everyday village situations (and whose conflict thereforewould directly affect a host of other people in their environment) but whoon the contrary have a spécifie, one-stranded relationship involving fairlyspécifie rights, obligations, and grievances.

While present-day sexual and marital relationships frequently approachthis idéal-type, the bulk of social relationships in Nkoya society is still ofthe inclusive, multiplex nature: they involve people who are tied by, at thesame time, kinship; economie, political, and ritual interests; commonrésidence within the same village or neighbourhood. In these latter situa-tions, involving such a peripheral agency as the Local Court may mean atemporary advantage (in terms of financial gain and revenge) to one or twoindividuals involved. But it will also inevitably disrupt the existing patternof relationships to such an extent as to threaten seriously individualsecurity, perhaps even survival; and this also applies to those few whosuperficially appear to benefit from the Local Court's ruling. The latter'sturning to the Local Court is generally resented by the other party (and of-ten by public opinion as well); even if the Local Court manages to sort outthe concrete issues of the case, new ill-will is bred, the underlying conflictsover authority, status, and autonomy tend to linger on, and the risk ofcrisis (sorcery, fission) often remains unabated. Therefore, given well-developed internai alternatives to the Local Court, which are still endowedwith sufBcient authority in the eyes of the participants as well as toleratedby the Local Court and higher-level authorities, there is little wonder thatmost conflicts seek their solution outside the Local Court. This is par-ticularly so since, closely related to their immédiate conflict-regulatoryfunction, ku-ambola and the neighbourhood court provide an arenawhere, as a direct reflection and continuation of the extra-judicial social

Law in the context of Nkoya society 65

process, basic ideals of Nkoya society are expressed, and where the status,authority and power of significant social groups, social catégories, andtheir senior représentatives are continually examined, competed for, andredistributed.

What are the implications of my argument?Not, I should emphasize, a posthumous attack on Gluckman's extremely

valuable and séminal work. There is not the slightest suggestion that hismasterly description and analysis of the judicial system of the Lozi propershould contain any major distortions, even if there is a marked différencewith the judicial situation in a Lozi subject tribe, thirty years later. On theother hand, inadequacies of my own research (Van Binsbergen, forth-coming) may explain part of the discrepancy.

In addition, there are several systematicexplanations of the discrepancy:the spécifie historical différences between the central Lozi and the Nkoyavariant, within the former Barotse state; and, beyond this, a differentresearch approach.

Comprehensive social change over several decades, including the at-tainment of national independence and the incorporation of the Barotseadministration into the national administration of Zambia, may appear aready explanation (Caplan 1970; Gluckman 1967a: 368f; Van Binsbergen1975, 1976a, b, c). Yet what data I have on the Nkoya judicial situationin the 1930's-1950's suggests that also in the time of Gluckman's fieldworka similar discrepancy existed.

There are two crucial points which, although never denied by Gluckman,have so far failed to attract sufficient attention among his commentators.First, Gluckman's research was confined to the Mongu-Lealui area: thesmall core of the Barotse state, where Lozi speakers then outnumberedany other groups and where the Lozi king's power and authority were mosteffective. Secondly, the Barotse state as described by Gluckman was onlyof recent origin and in füll expansion - and expansion of the Lozi legalsystem, also during the colonial period, was an aspect of this. As late as1937 the colonial administration helped to establish a Lozi appeal court(Naliele kuta) headed by the son of a Lozi Paramount Chief , in the centreof Nkoya country. A major reason for the colonial administration sup-porting this move was that the imperfect incorporation of the area into theBarotse indigenous organisation made it until then impossible for disputesto go beyond the highly competing local chiefs and indunas and to use suchappeal opportunities as the central Barotse judicial system provided(G. C. R. Clay, personal communication).

»

66 Wim M. J. van Einsbergen

On one level of analysis the Nkoya (and perhaps other subject tribes onthe woodland plateau of the former Barotseland, now Zambia's WesternProvince) occupy, as far as their legal system is concerned, quite a differentposition from the central Lozi, whose institutions used to focus on thekingship and the land, against the background of the unique Zambeziflood plain-ecology. The différence in effective incorporation into a largerstate system does explain in part the discrepancy between the judicialsituation among the central Lozi and the Nkoya. On top of this came then,after independence, the genera! dismantling of the Lozi légal administra-tion and of the judicial rôle of the Nkoya chiefs (section 2); these recentchanges further added to the peripheral nature of the Local Court amongthe Nkoya.

However, these structural différences between the Central Lozi inGluckman's time, and the contemporary Nkoya, mainly concern what onemight call the intermediate social-structural level: the supra-local organisa-tion which is superimposed on the lowest, village level - but which is initself determined, to a high degree, by national and international con-ditions: the governmental and industrial power distribution, world mar-kets of labour and goods, urbanization, etc. However large the historicaldifférences on the intermediate level, on the grass-root level of the villagethere exists a striking similarity between present-day Nkoya and the Lozivillage society of the 1940's, and indeed between these two, and a greatmany other village societies throughout Central Africa. The small villages,the high geographical mobility, the compétition for political and residentialfollowing along kinship lines, the compétition for titles carrying highprestige, the continuous re-alignment, and fission reflecting the conflictsengendered in this way, the part played by sorcery and sorcery accusationsin these processes, the shifting agriculture with a fringe of animal husbandryas providmg an additional, ecological basis for village dynamics - theseare all récurrent thèmes in the anthropology of Central African villages(Barnes 1954; Colson 1958,1962; Cunnison 1959; Marwick 1965; Mitchell1956; Richards 1939; Turner 1957; Van Velsen 1964; Watson 1958).

Alternatively, on the highest level of national and international politicsand political economy, most members of contemporary Nkoya societyalong with the overwhelming majority of rural Central Africans since theearly decades of colonial rule (including most of Gluckman's Lozi), fallwithin the class of peripheral peasantry. In this respect their situation is alsofar from unique. Determined by central conditions way beyond the controlof the villagers, this situation is characterized by a paucity of local cashopportunities, dependence on urban-rural relations, and an increasingly

Law in the context of Nkoya society 67

direct influence of central agencies in the rural aras. The impact of thismacro set-up upon the contemporary rural social and judicial processescan hardly be overestimated.

If both on the lowest and on the highest structural level the Nkoya andthe Central Lozi are not too exceptional among Central African ruralsocieties of the twentieth Century, then the salient points brought out in myanalysis can certainly not be explained exhaustively by mère référence tointermediate-level différences between Nkoya and Lozi. I would moreover,suggest that some of the Nkoya patterns outlined in the present papermay also be found to exist in modified form in other Central African so-cieties today.

This finally brings us to an important methodological point. Whateverthe historical and ethnographie peculiarities of the Nkoya, I suspect thatmy Undings also, and to a considérable extent, depend on a différence ofperspective adopted in my research, as compared with that of other legal-anthropological studies made in Central Africa. If one concentrâtes onformai court cases as the unit of study, then the numerous instances ofconflict and conflict régulation which occur on the village scène but whichnever enter this formal setting simply fall outside the scope of the research.If, as I have tried to do, one concentrâtes on the ongoing social process inthe village, taking as one's unit of study such social conflicts as arise, andtracing the social processes through which these conflicts are brought to anend, then litigation before a formai Local Court necessarily appears asonly one of the options open to the participants; and it may well turn outthat they pursue this option rarely, due to structural conditions which onemay then set out to identify. Strictly speaking, the two approaches, whileboth legitimate and complementary to each other, yield incomparableresults.

While one may wonder how limited an insight into a formal judicialsystem can be gained if the latter is studied as just one of many optionswithin the overall system of conflict régulation (my weakness), one mayas well ask if a judicial system can be properly understood if we continueto study it on the exclusive basis of one pre-conceived model, the formalcourt situation.10

68 Wim M. J. van Binsbergen

NOTES

1. Fieldwork was carried out in the period February 1972-April 1974.1 am indebted tothe following persons and institutions: my informants and the Zambian authoritiesfor their warm co-operation; the University of Zambia for allowing me to devoteample time to research while I was a lecturer in the Department of Sociology, andlater for research facilities provided by the Institute for African Studies; to my wife,Henny E. van Rijn; to D. K. Shiyowe for excellent research assistance; to M.Gluckman, A.J.F. Köbben, H. J. Simons, and especially J. van Velsen for encour-agement and advice; to the Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Trop-ical Research (WOTRO) for supporting the writing-up of the fleld-data; and finallyto R.L. Abel, W. Bleek, R. Canter, G. Clay, A.J.F. Köbben, H. Mwene, S.A.Roberts, H. J. Simons, and J. van Velsen for valuable criticism of earlier drafts.

2. All names of people have been altered, as have the names of Nkoya localities.3. I.e., Kololo, which (contrary to the original Lozi, or Luyana, still the official Lozi

court language) is not intelligible to Nkoya speakers, unless they have expresslylearned this language.

4. At least, as long as the relation with the dead has not yet developed to a crisis: super-natural illness, possession, post-mortem sorcery ; in the latter cases, religious special-ists are resorted to as the main link between the living and the dead: Van Binsbergen1972, in 1976c,andforthcoming.

5. It is common that a divorced woman brings her infant children into the householdof a later husband; problems will begin to arise by the time these children havereached school-going âge, involving expenses for school uniform, etc.

6. Divorce is relatively frequent in Nkoya rural society. A preliminary estimate indi-cates that over 60% of all marriages end in divorce (instead of death). For detailedquantitative analysis, see Van Binsbergen, forthcoming.

7. K (Kwacha), the Zambian currency. At the time of research Kl was about Hfl. 4,—.8. This is one of the rare instances of recognized discrepancy between the jurisprudence

of the Local Court and the neighbourhood court. Disputes over land (particularlyover highly-valued riverside gardens, pressure on which is beginning to build upnow) provide another example: while land disputes are hardly admissible before theneighbourhood courts (due to Nkoya idéal conceptions of land-holding), they areoccasionally tried before the Local Court.

9. I am aware that my rather intuitive assessment of relative importance of conflictsshould be refined by explicit operationalization and measurement.

10. In later reassessments of his Barotse legal research, Gluckman did admit to havingstudied the Barotse court cases too much in isolation, and to have ignored theirrelation with the ongoing social process in genera! (1967a: 371f; 1967b: XVI).

Family dispute settlement and the Zambianjudiciary: local-level légal adaptation*

4

RICHARD S. CANTERBoston University

My concern in this paper is the adaptations which have occurred inZambia between the National government's local court and local-levelforms of dispute settlement. I will examine the conditions under which ruralZambian families turn to the National judiciary to settle their internaidisputes, and the rôle which the local court plays when faced with familydispute settlement.

The Zambian government's local court, the lowest level court in theZambian judicial hierarchy, is in most cases the forum of last resort infamily disputes. Family forums for dispute settlement (Nkuta), thoughnot officially sanctioned, operate successfully through médiation torésolve the bulk of disputes which come before them. When family mé-diation is unsuccessful, cases are generally appealed to the village mootwhere médiation is attempted by village authorities. Should village mé-diation fall, the case will be appealed to the local court for adjudication.

From an analysis of dispute settlement behaviour at the local level,through thé use of 'extended case' material, two developments may beobserved which reveal significant adaptation of traditional forms of disputesettlement and thé local court procedures. The first is the socio/legalexpectation on thé part of thé Community and thé local court that amediated settlement should be attempted before bringing a case for

* Field work in Zambia on which this research is based was supported by thé Instituteof Health (National Institute of General Médical Science) training grant numberGM-1224.

For their critical comments and readings of earlier drafts of this paper I wish tothank Elizabeth Colson, Richard Abel, S.A. Roberts and Jaap van Velsen.

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