Editorial

The 26th issue of our APP Newsletter is devoted not only to the 2018

Zimbabwe elections, the road to stagflation, the constitutionaliza-

tion of culture, and the coastal erosion in Togo but also to African

millionaires, the rapid expansion of the number of millionaires in the

continent, and the economic success of Mauritius.

In addition to several original articles and analyses, we are also hap-

py to publish an original interview with Outraged South African Cit-

izens Against Rhino Poaching (OSCAP) that brings to our attention

the fact that if we fail to stop poaching, rhinos and other endangered

species will soon disappear.

Riccardo Pelizzo

This issue:

Editorial P.1 Road to Stagflation P.2

Wealth in Africa P.2 Constitutionalization of culture P.4

African Millionaires P. 5 Investing in African Fine Arts P. 5

Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections P. 6 Interview with OSCAP P. 7

Mauritius is on top P. 10 Coastal erosion in Togo P. 10

Science, science and more science:

that’s what we need. It is true in

general and it is particularly true

when wee thin about how we can

boost agriculture in the continent.

The agricultural sector can be im-

proved, agricultural output can be

increased, only though innovation.

And without science there is no

innovation–this is why what we

need is science, science and more

science.

Health

There is an outbreak of Ebola in

the North-Eastern part of the

Democratic Republic of Congo.

There is an outbreak of Menin-

gitis in Nigeria, of typhoid in

Zambia and of hepatitis in Ni-

ger. In Liberia 12 people died of

a mysterious disease.

Science

African Politics and Policy Newsletter n.26, May 2017

Road to Stagflation

Earlier this month we reported that

Africa has experienced and is still

experiencing a rapid growth in the

number of High Net Worth Indi-

viduals, that is the number of peo-

ple that have at least 1 million US

dollars in assets.

We also reported that according to

AfrAsia Bank’ Africa Wealth Re-

port 2017 in Africa there are 145000

millionaires with a total wealth of

about 2.2 trillion.

We contacted AfrAsia Bank and

asked them to share with us a copy

of the full report, which was even-

tually sent to us.

The report is very informative. It

explains why wealth has decreased

in Zimbabwe (since 2000) and in

Nigeria (in 2016), it provides de-

tailed information about how Afri-

can millionaires invest their money,

it ranks countries in terms of num-

ber of HNWI and multi -

millionaires, it discusses the devel-

opment of the fine art market (+22

per cent, now worth 870 million), it

indicates the value of the cities per

square meter, and the number of

HNWI per city.

Johannesburg, Cairo, Cape Town,

Lagos and Nairobi have the highest

number of HNWI. This finding is

not terribly surprising considering

the population and the GDP of

South Africa, Egypt, Nigeria and

Kenya.

The most rapid growth in the num-

ber of HNWI occurred in East Afri-

ca. Nairobi, Addis Ababa, Kampa-

la, and Dar Es Salaam are the cities

with the greatest increase in the

number of millionaires from 2015 to

2016.

But where is wealth expected to

grow in the future? The answer is

once again East Africa. The num-

ber of millionaires in Addis Ababa,

Dar es Salaam, Nairobi and Kam-

pala is expected to grow faster than

in any other city.

Investors and business people look-

ing to make some profits should

keep this information in mind and

bring their business to East Africa

to capitalize on this golden oppor-

tunity.

Riccardo Pelizzo

Rising inflation, on the back of record

-high food prices and shortages, is be-

coming a more serious problem in Af-

rica. While consumer price inflation is

kept within reasonable margins across

the developed world, that is below 2

per cent annually, it is entirely a dif-

ferent situation in the developing

world and especially in the less-

developed regions of Africa.

There are several reasons behind the

recent surge in consumer inflation in

Africa: First, and foremost, the food

prices are rising across the globe and

Africa is no exception. The

IMF’s global food price index indi-

cates an average 9.1 per cent increase

in overall food prices in the first quar-

ter of 2017, compared to 7.9 per cent

decline in the same period of 2016.

Overall, global food prices decreased

by 15.8 percent in 2015 and increased

by 1.3 per cent in 2016. The global

trend of higher food prices affects the

African continent the worst, partly

due to continuing civil war in some

regions, and mostly due to shortages

in harvests.

Secondly, falling commodity prices

affect the exporters national curren-

cies negatively. A weaker currency is

translated into a rising consumer in-

flation, even if the economy is other-

wise stable.

The most recent update on the World

Economic Outlook by the IMF pre-

dicts Sub-Saharan Africa to grow 2.6

percent in 2017 after a disappointing

1.4 percent growth in 2016. The same

report points out the rise in inflation

from 6 to 7 percent in 2013-15, to

above 10 per cent in 2016-17.

Although double-digit inflation rates

in countries like Angola, South Su-

dan, Nigeria, Zambia, Malawi and

Ghana can be held responsible for

high average rates in the region, con-

sumer price inflation is also on the rise

in countries with relatively lower in-

flation rates like South Africa, Swazi-

land, Senegal, Burundi and Botswa-

na.

The average growth trend is not ex-

pected to reach before-2015 levels, in

the foreseeable future, according to

the IMF.

Combined with a more sluggish

growth trend, that’s bad news for the

region: stagflation.

By Omer F. Baris

Where will wealth grow fastest?

The constitutionalization of Culture

African countries have diverse ethnicities with different cul-

tures, languages and religions.

The importance of protecting and promoting traditional

culture as a source of political stability, economic and social

development and growth of tourism industry has been may

times claimed by African leaders[1]. Taking into account

that Constitution is the main legal document of a country, it

embodies its values and structures its behavior, it is interest-

ing to know how culture is reflected in African Constitu-

tions.

This analysis is focused on 18 countries of Eastern Africa.

The first finding is that culture is acknowledged in 15 of the

18 Constitutions from the East Africa region. Only Comoros,

Djibouti and Tanzania are an exception to this trend. Yet,

in spite of the fact that culture is given constitutional recog-

nition in so many countries, only two Constitutions go on to

provide a definition of what culture is.

According to Article 11 of Kenyan Constitution, culture is

the “foundation of the nation and the cumulative civiliza-

tion of the Kenyan people and nation”. For Rwanda, culture

is a “source for home-grown solutions” (Art 11), which helps

“to build the nation” and “restore dignity”. Culture and

history for Kenya are prioritized in identifying and changing

the borders of community land (Art 63), constituency (Art

89), and county (Art 188).

Constitutional dispositions

While most Constitutions do not specify how culture should

be understood, they display some differences in terms of how

extensive and detailed are the constitutional provisions con-

cerning culture.

For example, in the case of Madagascar, the Constitution

devotes only one article to culture. However, the Preamble

that starts with identification of guiding principles makes

several references to traditional values that deeply imbedded

in Malagasy society:

• belief in Andriamanitra Andriananahary, concept of

God the Creator;

• Malagasy proverb “Ny fanahy no mahaolona” (“The

spirit/‘the soul of living’ makes a person”) that is a guiding

principle for “promot[ing] and develop[ing] heritage of soci-

ety living in harmony and respectful of otherness, of the

wealth and of the dynamism of its cultural and spiritual val-

ues”; and

“ny fitiavana, ny fihavanana, ny fifanajàna, ny fitandroana,

ny aina”, ancestral wisdom referring to love, kinship/

friendship, respect/living together, responsibility, soul that

facilitate Malagasy people “to recover its originality, its au-

thenticity and its Malagasy character, and to inscribe itself

in the modernity of the millennium while conserving its tra-

ditional fundamental principles and values, and privileging a

framework of life allowing a “living together” without distinc-

tion of region, of origin, of ethnicity, of religion, of political

opinion, or of gender”.

In other cases, Constitutions devote more than one article to the

constitutionalization of culture, for instance Mozambique, Ken-

ya, Eritrea, Zimbabwe.

What do Constitutions constitute?

Constitutions are the documents that constitute a polity in the

sense that they create it, they shape it, and they regulate it.

With regard to culture, Constitutions tend to constitute in the

sense defined above and constitutionalize four dimension of the

cultural sphere: the right to culture, the development of national

culture and values, the preservation of historical and cultural

heritage, the promotion of the culture through the promotion of

arts, science and technology.

With regard to the right to culture, African Constitutions dis-

pose that:

• every citizen has [a] right to the equal access to instruction,

to education and to culture (Burundi, Art. 53; Seychelles, Art.

39; Uganda, Art. 37);

• every citizen has a right to participate in culture of his

choice (Kenya, Art. 44; Malawi, Art. 26; Zimbabwe, Art. 63); or

every citizens has the right to actively participate in all political,

economic, social and cultural life of the country and community

(Eritrea, Art 7; Madagascar, Art 26; Seychelles, Art. 39).

In this regard the Rwandese Constitution is of particular inter-

est because it does not only provide every Rwandan with the

right to culture but it also endows its citizens with a ‘duty to

promote it’ (Art. 36). Similar prescriptions can be found in the

Constitution of Burundi (Art. 68), Mozambique (Art. 45). More-

over, the Constitution of Mozambique allows all citizens with

the right to popular action in case of offences against cultural

heritage (Art. 81).

With regard to the development of national culture and values,

African constitutions include dispositions designed to ensure

that national culture, values and identity are properly developed

and promoted. This point can be illustrated by Art. 68 of the

Constitution of Burundi; by Art. 9 of the Constitution of Eri-

trea; by Art. 11 and 115 of the Constitution of Mozambique, and

by Art. 286 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe.

African Constitutions are also concerned with the preservation

of historical and cultural heritage. This preservation is constitu-

tionalized a fairly large number of dispositions, such as: Eritrea,

Art. 21; Ethiopia, Art. 9, 41, 51 & 91; Madagascar, Art. 26;

Rwanda, Art. 47; Seychelles, Art. 39; Somalia, Art. 31; South

Sudan, Art. 38; Uganda, Art. 24, 25 & 5th schedule (Art, 178-

13); Zambia, Art. 112; Zimbabwe, Art. 16. In some cases these

dispositions are also meant “to preserve, protect and promote

By Kristina Bekenova

indigenous knowledge systems, including knowledge of the

medicinal and other properties of animal and plant life pos-

sessed by local communities and people” (Zimbabwe, Art.

33, similar Kenya, Art. 11).

Finally, Constitutions also include dispositions concerning

the promotion of arts, science and technology. There are

measures designed to promote arts, science, technology and

sports and create environment for creativity and innova-

tions (Eritrea, Art. 9 & 21; Ethiopia, art. 9, 41 & 91; Mada-

gascar, Art. 26; South Sudan, Art. 38). In Kenya, the consti-

tutional dispositions are meant to “promote all forms of

national and cultural expression through literature, the arts,

traditional celebrations, science, communication, infor-

mation, mass media, publications, libraries and other cultur-

al heritage” (Kenya, Art. 11). In Mozambique, the Constitu-

tion provides its citizens with the “freedom of scientific,

technical, literary and artistic creativity” (Art. 94). In So-

malia, the Constitution (Art. 30) emphasizes the advance-

ment of cultural and traditional dances and sports, while in

Uganda (Art. 38) and Zimbabwe (Art. 12), the Constitutions

also aim to promote Pan-African cultural cooperation.

Some Constitutions – Eritrea (Art. 19) and Kenya (Art. 44)

– guarantee citizens the right to form cultural organisations,

while the Constitution of Mozambique encourages youth

“to create organisations for the pursuit of cultural, artistic,

recreational, sporting and educational objectives” (Art. 123).

Such diverse counties as Ethiopia (Art. 39), Kenya (Art. 56),

South Sudan (Art. 33), Uganda (Art. 37) provide their di-

verse cultural communities with the right to express, devel-

op and promote their culture and preserve their history.

Along with this right, the government has a duty to support

cultures on the equal basis (Ethiopia, Art. 91). Cultural di-

versity should be reflected in public bodies (Kenya, Art 197;

Uganda, 5th schedule, Art. 178-2), respected in performing

its functions (Kenya, Art. 238; Uganda, 5th schedule, Art.

178-12) and reflected in the design of national currency

(South Sudan, Art. 183).

Some of the African Constitutions acknowledge the exist-

ence of harmful or negative cultural practices that are in-

compatible with “fundamental rights, human dignity, demo-

cratic norms and ideals, and the provisions of the Constitu-

tions” (Ethiopia, Art. 91), with “public order and good mor-

als” (Rwanda, Art. 47), with “unity, civilization and well-

being of society” (Somalia, Art. 31) or against women or any

other marginalized group (Uganda, Art. 32; Zimbabwe, Art.

80). In this case, State’s government does not support and

prohibit its practice. Rights of children and youth should be

protected against harmful cultural practices (Kenya, Art. 53

& 55; South Sudan, Art. 17; Zimbabwe, Art. 12).

Zambian, Ugandan and Zimbabwean Constitutions recog-

nize the institute of traditional or cultural chief/leader (128;

246; 280 respectively), while not offering a special status and

political rights.

Conclusion

While African countries are proud of their vibrant cultures, his-

tory and traditions, its preservation and promotion should starts

with clear legislation. Constitutions should clearly underline the

importance of culture for state’s development, and should ac-

cordingly protect the right to culture and creativity.

In this case, it is worth noting the Constitution of Kenya, which

in addition to granting a profound and essential significance to

culture, promotes all cultural expressions and protects intellec-

tual property and indigenous knowledge. In these last two re-

spects, the Constitution of Kenya provides a constitutional justi-

fication for the enactment of special legislation that ensures the

payment of royalties and the compensation for the use of cultur-

al products (Art. 11). Intellectual property is also secured by

Burundi (Art. 58), Madagascar (Art. 26) and Mozambique (Art.

94).

Tanzania is on its way to a new Constitution, where, according

the draft[2], culture would take an important role as well. Ac-

cording to Art. 15 (part 3) of the draft, culture is defined as

‘ancient heritage’ and, because of its status and constitutional

relevance, should be protected; cultures of communities should

be preserved and promoted; and the conditions for culture as

individual creativity that brings economic development and

social changes should be created.

How do African Millionaires spend their Money?

By Riccardo Pelizzo

As we noted in a previous post, Africa has 145000 High Net Worth

Individuals whose assets are worth about 800 billion. Overall Afri-

cans’ net worth is estimated in 2.2 trillion US dollars. The number

of HNWIs has increased considerably in the past decade and is ex-

pected to grow nearly as much in the next decade. Given the mag-

nitude of Africa’s wealth, how do rich Africans invest their money?

The AfrAsia’s Africa Wealth 2017 report indicates that African

millionaires like to invest in fine wines (Lafite Rotschild), in classic

cars (Ferrari, Bugatti, McLaren, Porsche, Aston Martin, Lambor-

ghini, Rolls Royce…), super-luxury watches (Patek Philippe,

Vacheron Constantin), prime real estate and second home in foreign

cities (London, New York, Paris, Dubai, Sydney, Melbourne).

African millionaires also spend like to spend in luxury goods. The

AfrAsia’s Africa Wealth Report 2017 indicated that in 2016 the

luxury market grossed about 6 billion US dollars. Wealthy Africans

spend in cars, clothing, expensive watches and travels.

African millionaires travel considerably to what could be regarded

as Africa’s top destinations for millionaires. The list of such destina-

tions in South Africa includes Cape Town, the Garden Route, the

Whale Coast, Umhlanga, Durban, Paarl, Franschoek, Stellenbosch

and the Sabi Sands in the Kruger Park. Top destinations outside

South Africa include Sharm El Sheikh in Egypt, the Masai Mara in

Kenya, Livingstone in Zambia and the Okavango Swamps in Bot-

swana.

Given the concentration of top destinations in South Africa, it is

unsurprising that South Africa receives more millionaires than any

other country in Africa. But the interesting thing is that many Af-

rican countries, because of their tourism appeal, also manage to

attract thousands of African millionaires on a yearly basis.

In fact while South Africa received about 15000 millionaires in

2016, Morocco received 5000, Kenya received about 4000 and Mau-

ritius received 3000.

Given the number of millionaires in the continent and their inclina-

tion to travel and spend their holidays in the continent’s top desti-

nations, Africa offers a wide range of top rated hotels (12 Apostles

Hotel and SPA in Cape Town, Four Season Seychelles in Sey-

chelles, ), of top safari lodges (Ngorongoro Crater Lodge in Tanza-

nia, for example), and of top small hotels (North Island in Sey-

chelles).

As Africa grows richer, tourism will grow accordingly and will in

turn become one of the main drivers of growth, development and

wealth in the continent.

Investing in African Fine Arts

By Riccardo Pelizzo

The art market grew remarkably well in the East for

a few years as Chinese collectors unleashed massive

resources in purchasing Chinese art, old and new.

Xue Dai’s Red Veil is an excellent example of how

the frenzy collecting drove up prices –it was painted

in 2005, sold in a Singaporean Gallery (Art Karen)

for about 5000 Singapore dollars, a year later was

auctioned by Larasati fetching 30420 Singapore

dollars, and in 2013 was auctioned by Sotheby in

Hong Kong where it was transacted for nearly

26000 US dollars. In other words, rapid apprecia-

tion followed by slower but steady growth.

This slow growth is what Africa Wealth Report de-

tected in the art world worldwide. According to

their Africa Wealth Report, in the past 10 years art

prices grew by roughly 3 per cent around the world.

African art prices, however, grew much faster. Ac-

cording to the Africa Wealth Report art prices grew

by 22 per cent in a decade. And of course, the price

of some artists increased in a more dramatic fash-

ion.For instance a painting by Irma Stern that was

sold for 20,000 US dollars in 1995, fetched 2 million

US $ in 2011.

The conclusion is simple and is that as the demand

for art increases, price rise accordingly.

There is a second and more important lesson from

this story, namely that while it was probably a

great idea to invest in a painting by Irma Stern, JH

Pierneef, or Gerard Sekoto in the mid-1990 ( because

the price of their paintings had the potential to

grow manifolds), investing in fine arts today may

not be an equally good investment because it is un-

likely that the value of their paintings may increase

as much as it did in the past 20 years. A 20,000 dol-

lar painting may become a 2 million dollar painting

in 16 years, but it is less likely to turn into a 200

million dollars painting in 32 years.

There is also a third lesson to be learned, namely

that the cultured middle-class can afford to buy art

before artists become established and prices grow

uncontrollably, after that the art world is only for

the wealthy.

Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections and the state of the opposition-Part 2

It is a well-known fact that Zanu (PF) will stop at nothing

to win the vote, to the extent that it will capitalise even on

its internal ‘difficulties’ to distract the opposition. And like-

wise, the opposition should not focus on Zanu (PF)’s inter-

nal squabbles and Mugabe’s advanced age as indications of a

party in possible implosion. It is in actual fact a trap they

use (without publicly acknowledging it) and many opposi-

tion parties, including the electorate have been fooled, on

more than one occasion, into believing that Zanu (PF) is on

the verge of collapse only to be rudely awakened by a

‘resounding’ Zanu (PF) victory. The net impact of this ploy

has been to make those of the opposition relax, making them

believe they are going to have any easy kill over the ruling

party and only for the ruling party to strike ruthlessly while

the opposition is asleep. In order to divert people’s attention

and energies from the real issues, the ruling party wants

these issues thrown into the political arena for public debate

and public consumption. For as long as these activities will

cost the opposition time and votes, they will ‘allow’ the op-

position and the public in general to chase this mirage, to

demonstrate and demand electoral reform, themselves know-

ing fully well they won’t effect electoral reform even under

international pressure, (and for that matter, any electoral

reform Zanu (PF) readily agrees to must be viewed with

uttermost suspicion). In the meantime, while the opposition

is busy marching in the streets of Harare, the ruling party

will be busy organising its structures, doing everything pos-

sible to ensure it steals the vote. A case in point is the on-

going attempt by one of the factions to have Kasukuwere

removed from his position as National Commissar (a very

powerful position for which many died mysterious deaths

e.g. Border Gezi and Eliot Manyika). The current demon-

strations and exchange of words among party members may

as well be seen as indications of a maturing factional disease

within the ruling party’s camp yet at the end of it all, Muga-

be will have everything ‘under control’. A careful study of

previous elections will reveal that Zanu (PF) always had

some drama of some sort playing out before the elections, as

a distractor for the opposition and electorate. It’s very possi-

ble that some of the actors (Kasukuwere and others) in the

ruling party are not even aware of the role they are playing

in the short and long term. There is nothing for the opposi-

tion to celebrate here except only if it flexes its muscles to

not only echo Zanu (PF)’s problems but take steps to con-

vert this opportunity into meaningful votes.

Zanu (PF) is well networked and has its tentacles spread

across all social, political, and economic space. It has control

over heads of departments in the public sector, including

headmasters of schools in both rural and urban schools. It

also has some influence in some popular churches that it

supports financially. It also has a very strong hold over the

business sector, big and small and these from time to time

are asked to make donations to the party. The remaining few

white commercial farmers provide financial support to Zanu

(PF) at grass root and national level. It is also an open secret

that the majority of the multinational companies operating in

Zimbabwe from time to time make generous donations to the

ruling party’s as means to keep their operating licences. Failure

to make these ‘donations’ has invariably led to trouble for dar-

ing companies. The ruling party also makes sure that any of the

above mentioned groups do not render support to the opposition

because once they do so, they will be severely punished. The

opposition has to find means to infiltrate this well-guarded area

but as argued in my previous article, only if there is an insurance

policy guaranteeing an undoubted opposition victory.

Like other political parties of its type, Zanu (PF) is a party that

is built around patronage, and carrot and stick. This is the rea-

son why even when there are serious factional challenges, the

party remains somehow united because the party is the basis for

personal enrichment for those who support it. Thus in spite of

major differences and in-house squabbles, they are united

around this common benefit the party offers them, This also

explains why there was no mass exodus of the ruling party’s big

wigs after Mujuru fell out of favour with Mugabe. Many people

expected an exodus en mass of some of the most influential par-

ty members and Mujuru did promise Zimbabweans that a lot

were going to leave the ruling party, (this is yet to happen). On

the contrary, those who have been kicked out of the party are

making all efforts to be readmitted. Because most of these Zanu

(PF) gurus are connected to the party business wise, they are

not ready to sacrifice these benefits by leaving the party that

nourishes them, to join the opposition, even if there is serious

factionalism. They would rather fight among themselves but

unite in keeping the opposition out. Therefore, the Zanu (PF)

big wigs need an assurance that their business concerns will not

be affected by any change in government and a promise of a

share of power in a future government. That’s the same assur-

ance that was given to the minority whites at independence and

likewise, they were ready to transfer political power. How much

research has the opposition done to find out the status of these

big wigs how they are connected business wise and so forth.

What could be possible weak points they could capitalise on to

push for regime change? Thus, the opposition could take ad-

vantage (practically) of the problems besieging the ruling party

to push for a post Mugabe era that is less intolerant to opposi-

tion politics and doing this from a united perspective through a

coalition of all opposition parties, with the cooperation of those

who within the ruling party, are sympathetic to democratic

change but are discouraged by possible economic exclusion re-

gime change could bring.

By Steven Machaya

INTERVIEW with Outraged South African Citizens Against Rhino Poaching

African Politics and Policy, concerned with the rhino situa-

tion in South Africa, is delighted to talk to Kim Da Ribeira,

spokesperson of the organization that one of the few is the

rhinos’ defender, Outraged South African Citizens Against

Rhino Poaching (OSCAP).

APP: How was the idea to establish on the initial stage the

Facebook group born, and how did the group transform/

evolve into the organization fighting against rhino poaching?

Kim: In August 2011, three rhino were poached on a reserve

in the Western Cape in South Africa. The poaching was well

publicized especially on social media. The media coverage of

this poaching highlighted the horror and brutality of rhino

poaching. Allison Thomson started the OSCAP (Outraged

South African Citizens Against Rhino Poaching) Facebook

group after this poaching incident as she felt that there was

a need for more action from the general public to create

worldwide awareness of the poaching crisis that South Afri-

ca was facing. OSCAP organised a mail campaign to raise

awareness of the extent of rhino poaching in South Africa.

Members and friends of OSCAP sent personalised, predraft-

ed call to action letters to domestic and international gov-

ernment officials, wildlife organisations, newspapers and

media outlets. OSCAP was instrumental in organising on-

the-ground protests at the Chinese Embassy in Pretoria, as

well as arranging peaceful awareness campaigns in various

city centers across South Africa. Due to the rapid growth of

OSCAP Allison registered OSCAP as a non-profit organisa-

tion, this has enabled the organisation to perform their work

more efficiently and effectively.

OSCAP is now one of the largest anti-rhino poaching groups

in South Africa with more than 20 000 members worldwide.

The non-profit has been a pioneer in manufacturing the

world’s first rhino ambulances and now has 4 out in the field

throughout South Africa. The ambulances are used in the

rescue, stabilization, treatment and transport of rhino calves

to rhino orphanages. Rhino calves often stay close to the

corpse of their mothers after a poaching incident and many

die from dehydration or injuries. Their rescue can be prob-

lematic and there is a risk of further injury and of the calf

succumbing to shock. The ambulances ensure that orphaned

rhino calves receive the best treatment and care available.

OSCAP also assists private rhino owners, orphanages and

anti-poaching units with anti-poaching equipment. OSCAP

works closely with other Rhino groups, NGO’s, local and

International Wildlife agencies as well as local and provin-

cial government departments in order to assist where ever

possible. We are also strong advocates against the trade in rhino

horn both domestically and internationally.

APP: Why did rhinos become a particular focus of your atten-

tion? What does make rhinos particularly under the risk?

Kim: South Africa is home to many species of wild life, many of

whom are threatened by the illegal trade in wildlife. Rhinos are

iconic species who deserve our protection. Rhinos are an umbrel-

la species – protect the rhino, and you protect all the other spe-

cies that share their habitat. Rhinos are mega-herbivores and

impact greatly on their environment by shaping the landscape.

They force their way through thick shrub and forest opening up

access for other species. By continuously browsing shrubs and

small trees, rhino’s shape the way these plants grow and keep

them short and accessible to a whole range of smaller leaf eaters.

It is important that we conserve this mega herbivore for the

welfare of the ecosystems they inhabit, as well as for man’s well-

being.

According to Will Travers, president of the Born Free Founda-

tion, “the industrial-scale, commercial exploitation of wildlife

under the ‘it pays, it stays’ paradigm is a relatively recent con-

cept. It doesn’t really take into account the human condition

based on greed and avarice or the massive growth in human

population. There are simply too many of us and too few of

them for us to continue to try and create an economic model

that allows us to treat wildlife as a commodity”. He suggests a

more benign approach: “in the same way that we value the great

human works of art and are willing to put state, corporate and

private funding into their preservation, why don’t we do the

same for wildlife by thinking of it as a natural work of art in

which we invest for our own sanity as much as for protection

and conservation”. (http://www.news24.com/Columnists/

AndreasSpath/the-commodification-of-south-africas-wildlife-

20151207)

It is OSCAP’s vision to protect endangered species in Southern

Africa and end the illegal wildlife trade of endangered and

threatened species. Currently rhinos are being poached at a rate

where it is predicted that we will see a detectable negative popu-

lation growth rate in the Kruger National Park. The number of

rhino poached in South Africa has grown at an alarming rate. In

2009 there were 122 rhinos poached and in 2010, 333 rhino were

poached. The official poaching statistics for rhino in 2016 are

1054.

Because of the demand for rhino horn and the fact that rhino

horn commands such a high price they are at risk from poachers

who wish to benefit from selling the horn. As the price of horn

has escalated to the point that horn now fetches a price higher

than gold, rhinos have increasingly become a target for poach-

ers. WE COULD SEE THE EXTINCTION OF WILD RHINO IN

OUR LIFE TIME…

APP: How does South African legislation treat rhinos? Could

you please comment on the South African recent legalization

of the domestic rhino horn trade? How will it affect the rhi-

nos?

Kim: The South African Department of Environmental Af-

fairs and our National legislation promote the use of our

wildlife in a sustainable manner. We support sustainable use

policies but it is yet to be determined beyond any reasonable

doubt that rhino horn trade is sustainable and will not in-

crease the risk to the current rhino population (wild and

private) in South Africa, as well as rhino populations in oth-

er range states. Without proper knowledge of what the de-

mand for horn is or will be under a trade environment means

that decisions are being made without the relevant infor-

mation needed to make an informed decision. The authori-

ties run the risk of making the wrong decisions.

We question our Department Environmental Affairs’ (DEA)

ability to monitor and regulate trade. In the Appeal that

went before the Constitutional Court the DEA said they

would need a minimum of 12 months to have systems in

place to regulate and manage trade. It is not clear if the

DEA still envisage that it will take those 12 months to have

systems in place to monitor and regulate trade. The other

question they have not addressed is what they propose doing

with permits to trade that are submitted to the DEA in the

interim.

OSCAP would also question the statement that regulatory

loopholes have been identified and addressed, if the DEA do

not have regulations in place how will they know where the

loopholes are?

We have regularly expressed doubt about the pro-trade as-

sertion that lifting the trade ban would stem poaching and

create ‘self-sustaining funds’ for rhino conservation. OSCAP

believes that opening legal trade would only facilitate trade

in ‘illegal’ or poached horn, by creating a parallel market.

There is insufficient data available on the size and scope of

any existing or potential market to support a legal trade

argument.

Trade could lead to increased demand and the ultimate ex-

tinction of the rhinoceros in the wild. There is also no evi-

dence that legalizing trade will prevent poaching. On the

contrary, legalizing trade has the potential of increasing

poaching. Legalizing the trade in rhino horn was proposed as

a “solution” to the rhino poaching crisis, however the same

agenda was proposed at the Tenth Meeting of the Conference

of the Parties to CITES in 1997 — during a year when four

rhinos were killed in South Africa. Trade has nothing to do

with curbing poaching and everything to do with money.

APP: According to your report, “there are roughly 25 000

rhinos left in Africa and South Africa is the largest range

state, with numbers becoming below 20 000; we are losing 3

rhinos per day due to the criminal activities of unscrupulous

men causing havoc in especially Kruger National Park”. Why

does not the status of being national park, where wildlife is pro-

tected by rangers, and guarantee security for rhinos? What are

the ways to improve the situation?

Kim: The Kruger National Park covers a vast area, policing this

area is a difficult task. Mr Nicholas Funda, head of the KNP

anti-poaching team, said the size of the park necessitates 2 000

rangers to keep it safe, but that the Kruger National Park can

only employ 500 rangers.

Recently the Kruger National Park introduced a surveillance

system called Postcode Meerkat. This technology is basically a

new set of ‘eyes in the sky’ that identifies poachers and their

movements and has proven to be very effective. If we can make

use of technology like this in conjunction with anti-poaching

patrols and on the ground intelligence, we could see a reduction

in poaching.

With the price that rhino horn attracts rangers are often ap-

proached by the poaching syndicates and offered money to pro-

vide information to poachers, which sadly some of them do.

Some rangers have even gone so far as to being directly involved

in rhino poaching themselves. Corruption is endemic in the rhino

poaching arena with vets, pilots, rangers, policemen, members of

the Organized Crime Unit, conservation officers etc. all being

involved in poaching and poaching syndicates. We need to tack-

le corruption it is probably our biggest threat.

APP: What are the organizations main achievements to stop the

poaching? What are the problems you face?

Kim: OSCAP constantly lobbies the South African government

and relevant government organizations to ensure that rhino

poaching is addressed with the necessary urgency and commit-

ment.

The non-profit has been a pioneer in manufacturing the world’s

first rhino ambulances and now has 4 out in the field throughout

South Africa. The ambulances are used in the rescue, stabiliza-

tion, treatment and transport of rhino calves to rhino orphanag-

es. Rhino calves often stay close to the corpse of their mothers

after a poaching incident and many die from dehydration or

injuries. Their rescue can be problematic and there is a risk of

further injury and of the calf succumbing to shock. The ambu-

lances ensure that orphaned rhino calves receive the best treat-

ment and care available.

OSCAP also assists private rhino owners, orphanages and anti-

poaching units with anti-poaching equipment. OSCAP works

closely with other Rhino groups, NGO’s, local and International

Wildlife agencies as well as local and provincial government de-

partments in order to assist where ever possible.

Corruption and the political will on the part of our government

to address the poaching crisis are the two biggest challenges we

face. The moratorium was instituted in 2009 to put in place a

database and means of regulating domestic trade and now 8

years later our DEA are still asking for time to put their house

in order? This doesn’t show us that they are taking the matter

seriously.

Criminal organisations and individuals often rely on, weak

legal frameworks and bureaucratic procedures, lack of coor-

dination between oversight agencies, lack of capacity of cus-

toms officials, and lack of enforcement in order to poach and

illegally trade wildlife animals, addressing such challenges

could help reduce corruption linked to wildlife crimes. All of

these are relevant in South Africa, we need to address these

issues and effect change in order to start to win this war

against the criminal syndicates.

APP: How do you assess the recent initiative to ship 100

white rhinos from South Africa to Botswana to save them

from poachers?

Kim: We support this initiative.

APP: What are the measures that should be taken in a short

term period to save the rhino population? In your view, cur-

rently what is the biggest change that needs to happen to pro-

tect the rhinos in South Africa?

Kim: We believe that there is no single solution to this prob-

lem and that all the tools that are available to us should be

used to stop the poaching. These tools include but are not

limited to: Top notch security; De-horning – only where ab-

solutely necessary when no other alternatives are available;

Education and awareness; Increased sentences for people

found guilty of Wildlife offences; No bail for suspects.

We need to: Improve the capacity and skills of enforcement,

conservation agencies and rangers; Find alternate sources of

funding other than rhino horn trade; Use appropriate tech-

nologies on the ground to aid patrolling and wildlife protec-

tion; Engage communities and work in partnerships (there

are well documented cases of successful community partner-

ships as well as documented cases of unsuccessful partner-

ships – it is of vital importance that SA ensures that we do

not enter into any more unsuccessful partnerships such at

the GLTP community projects); Strengthen prosecution for

wildlife offences; Co-operate with other countries to control

and respond to illegal wildlife trade. Increase targeted de-

mand reduction campaigns as well as education and aware-

ness campaigns in demand side countries and supply side;

Increase minimum sentencing and in particular special sen-

tencing structures for those in the enforcement and conser-

vation environment who are found to be complicit in.

APP: How do you think, is it possible to create world-wide

shelters for rhinos, where they can enjoy safe life? What is

the role of the international community in protecting rhinos?

Kim: We support any move that will ensure that our wild

rhino populations flourish. It’s important that the measures

we take ensure that wild rhino populations are the ones pro-

tected and that African rhino are conserved on the continent

of Africa.

APP: How can our readers get involved in the various initia-

tives you offer to protect rhinos against poachers? and how

can we (African Politics and Policy) be helpful to you?

Kim: There are a number of ways readers can get involved, the

main aim is to continue to raise awareness. Despite all of the

information available many still don’t appreciate how much of a

crisis this is for our rhino.

You can raise awareness by participating in RHINO FRI-

DAYS, wear your ‘Save The Rhino’ type T-shirt and then talk-

ing to others about it. Share and forward any emails or newspa-

per articles that you come across with everyone you know. The

more people that are talking about it, the more people there are

doing something about it, the more chances there are that the

powers that be will do MORE than they are currently doing to

save our rhino. Whenever readers or their family or friends par-

ticipate in a sporting even i.e. fun runs/walks, cycling events,

triathlons etc. call yourselves ‘Team RHINO’, wear rhino T-

shirts have a rhino mascot!

If you are a learner then get your class or school to make Fri-

day’s RHINO FRIDAYS and get all your class mates to send a

postcard to President Zuma. Encourage your school and or so-

cial group, art group whatever to start project like making a life

sized rhino out of papier-mâché /wire whatever. Possibly in con-

junction with a prominent business, your local radio station etc.

Have the rhino on display outside your school, out front of a

highly visible shopping center (NB please ensure you have the

relevant persons authority/ permission)

TALK about it – SHARE about it – WRITE about it – DO some-

thing about it.

Donations to the OSCAP (now collecting for Wildlife transporta-

tion trailers for the rhino orphanage) could be made via the

link:http://www.oscap.co.za/about-oscap/donations/

The website of the organization: http://www.oscap.co.za/

Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/groups/OSCAP/

Mauritius on Top

Known as attractive tourism destina-

tion, Mauritius is also one of the fast-

est growing and wealthiest countries

in Africa.

While in Africa the average wealth

per capita amounts to roughly 2000

US dollars, the average wealth in

Mauritius amounts to 25700 US dol-

lars, which is basically in line with

average wealth worldwide and consid-

erably higher than in the rest of the

continent.

Because of its high wealth per capita,

Mauritius’s total wealth is much high-

er than that of larger countries such

as Democratic Republic of Congo,

Namibia, Mozambique, Zambia, Zim-

babwe and Botswana.

With a population of roughly 1.3 mil-

lion people, Mauritius has 3800 High

Net Worth Individuals and 170 multi-

millionaires. This means that Mauri-

tius has more multi-millionaires than

Namibia, DRC, Rwanda, Zambia,

Mozambique, Botswana, Ghana,

Ivory Coast, Tanzania, Uganda and

Ethiopia.

As a result of a rapid increase in

wealth per capita, the number of

High Net Worth Individuals is also

rapidly growing. It grew by 20 per

cent from 2015 to 2016 and by 230 per

cent from 2006 to 2016—the fastest

growth recorded in Africa.

The success of Mauritius can easily be

explained. It is the safest country in

Africa, with low taxes, low crime rate,

low inflation, low unemployment, fast

economic growth, excellent property

rights, a vibrant tourism industry and

a good banking system.

Analysts (from New World Wealth)

believe that Mauritius will remain

very successful in the 2016-2026 dec-

ade. The number of High Net Worth

Individuals is expected grow faster in

Mauritius than in any other African

countries and 30 per cent faster than

in the second best performing country

(Ethiopia).

Coastal Erosion in Togo

This is a true story, and it is a real prob-

lem. Togolese authorities have realized

that its coast is being eroded by the

ocean.

This erosion is something that we have

witnessed first hand in the course of one

of our trips to Togo. It was my second or

my third trip to Togo, some friends in-

troduced me to some officials in the Min-

istry of tourism, I mentioned that one of

my friends was running Turismo in re-

te and upon hearing these news the gov-

ernment officials decided to take me to

the Tropicana with the hope that either

myself or my friends of Turismo in Rete

could find the resources to buy the Trop-

icana and restore its past glory.

The Tropicana, along with the Hotel 2

Fevrier and with the Hotel de la Paix,

was one of the most beautiful, most so-

phisticated hotels in the greater Lome’

area. Unlike the Hotel 2 Fevrier, which

is close to the government building, the

independence square, and the museum

and unlike the Hotel de la Paix, which is

a (now abandoned) hotel proper, the

Tropicana had a major clubhouse sur-

rounded by bungalows.

When the government officials brought

me to the Tropicana, the hotel had long

been abandoned, and had become the

camping site for Ivorian refugees who

had come there to escape from danger

and never went back home. The Tropi-

cana had two swimming pools in its hey-

day. Yet, walking around the property I

could spot only one. I asked where the

other swimming pool had disappeared

and I was told that it had been reclaimed

by the ocean which, little by little, was

eroding the Togolese coast.

The Togolese coast is being eroded by the

Ocean, it’s true. It is a big problem, it’s

essential to do something about it and

it’s good to know that Togolese authori-

ties are not only aware of the problem

but willing to do something about it.

Riccardo Pelizzo

By Riccardo Pelizzo

Job Openings

REPOA, Tanzania’s leading research institution, is look-

ing forward to recruting a re-searcher.

Further details about the va-cancy can be found

here: http://www.repoa.or.tz/repoa/careers

APP Newsletter

ISSUE 26 May 2017

Omer F. Baris, Assistant Professor, GSPP, Nazarbayev University

Kristina Bekenova, correspondent African Politics and Policy.

Steven Machaya, correspondent from Zimbabwe

Riccardo Pelizzo, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, Nazarbayev

University, Astana, Kazakhstan

Collaborators

of the Newsletter of African Politics and Policy

African Politics and Policy