ajantha's excavation

7/23/2019 Ajantha's Excavation

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Journal ofthe International ssociation of

Buddhist

Studies

Volume24 Number 1 2001

M I N O R U H A R A

In

memoriam

J W deJong 1

J I N H U A

JIA

Doctrinal

Reformationof the

HongzhouSchool of ChanBuddhism 7

N A D I N E O W E N

Constructing

Another Perspective

for

Ajanta s

Fifth-Century

Excavations

27

P E T E R

V E R H A G E N

Studies

in

Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Hermeneutics

(1)

Issues

of Interpretation and Translationin the M in o rWorks

of Si-tu

Pan-chen Chos-kyi- byun-gnas (16997-1774)

61

G L E N N W A L L I S

The Buddha s Remains:

mantrain theManjusrTmulakalpa

89

B O O K R E V I E W

b y U L R I C H P A G E L

Heinz

Bechert

[et a l ] :

Der

Buddhismus

I

Der

Indische Buddhismus

undseineVerzweigungen 127

Treasurer s

Report 2000

135


2/34

L I S A N A D I N E O W E N

ConstructingAnother Perspective for Ajanta's

Fifth-Century

Excavations*

Since

its

Bri t ish

discovery in 1819,

1

Ajanta has been accorded a pr i v i

legedplace in many studies of Indian art. Notonly are its spectacular

pictorial programs the earliest surviving examples of Indian Buddhist

painting,but Ajanta also laysclaimto being the first monastic complex

to enshrine large anthropomorphic Buddha images inside its vihdras.

2

Although the inclusionof Buddha images is often acknowledged as an

innovative feature at the site, the significance of excavating a shrine

within the monastic residence to house such images has not been

fully

investigated. Instead, most scholarly attention focuses on how Ajanta's

shrine imagery demonstrates

that

the site's fifth-century vihdras are

mature Mahayana excavations. The designation of Ajanta as a fully

developed Mahayana site has also resulted in its positioning as the

original source from whichlater sites such as Aurangabad and El l ora

ultimately derive. This in turn has fostered the impression

that these

later excavations are necessarily Tantric or esoteric. Furthermore, com

parisons between Ajanta andonly later sites thathave similar features,

specifically Buddha images, have perpetuated the strict categorization of

the caves by bothdateand proposed sectarian

affiliation.

Due tothese

restrictions, many scholars have not viewed Ajanta's rock-cut architec

turein light of earlier excavations.

In

this essay, I

w i l l look

at the fifth-century vihdras at Ajanta

from

a

perspectivewhichincorporates a consideration of how they continue and

Thisessayisextractedfrom myMaster'sthesis,"Locating the Buddha:Ajanta's

Place

inWesternIndia'sRock-CutExcavations," (Universityof

Texas

at Austin

1997)

written

underthesupervisionofJaniceLeoshkoand GregorySchopen.

1. Thecaves

were

"discovered"in 1819 by acompanyof

officers

in the Madras

army who

were

in the

area hunting

tigers.Although the

officers

involveddid not

publish

an

account

of their findings, one of them, John Smith of the

28th

Cavalry,scratchedhis

name

abovea Buddhapaintedon one of the

interior

pillars

of Cave 10.

2. Although the

termvihdra

isoftentranslatedas"monastery,"I amusingit as a

convenient

gloss

for the

monastic

residencehall.

JournaloftheInternational AssociationofBuddhistStudies

Volume 24 Number1 2001


3/34

further develop elements found in some earliervihdrasin western India.

Thesevihdras,datingfrom thesecond through fourth centuries C . E . ,are

found at thesitesofNasik,Wai, Shelarvadi, andMahad.Ihave chosen

this select group ofcaves primarily fortheir floor plans which are

similarin arrangement tothose foundatAjanta. These earlyvihdras,are

however, rarely comparedto thefifth-century cavesatAjantaprimarily

because they contain rock-cutstupasand have consequently been identi

fied aslate Hlnayana excavations. Nonetheless, recent investigations

into documented conceptions regarding stupas reveal that structural

stupaswere thought ofin termsof anactual l i v i ng presence.

3

Thisin

turn

suggests

aclosersymbolicconnection betweenstupasand images of

the Buddha than hasusually been thought, atleast interms ofmaking

hispresence manifest. Thusthe

inclusion

of

stupas

intheseearly

vihdras

may foreshadow, atleast conceptually,theBuddha images in the

fifth-

century vihdras atAjanta. However,itshouldbenoted

that

I am not

proposing

alinear, systematic developmentorattemptingtodemonstrate

a

direct artistic dialogue between

these

early caves andAjanta's

fifth-

century excavations. WhatI amsuggesting is amore conceptual

l ink

-

that

theconcernforhousingtheBuddha's presence withinthemonastic

residence isnotsolely afifth-century phenomenon, rather thewayit is

manifested

at

Ajanta is innovative.

In order to locate Ajanta's place

within

thetraditionofcave excava

tion inwestern India,it isusefultofirst examinethe

floor

plansof the

site's fifth-century vihdras.As constructed spaceisnever value-free,an

investigation into howAjanta's monastic community conceivedand

created

its

place

of

residence may reveal what

was of

primary impor

tance tothose who

l ived

there. Outof theseventeen completed

fifth-

century vihdras at thesite, thereare atleast fourteen residences

that

closely

resemble one another in terms of architectural lay-out.

4

Although

3. Vidya

D E H E J I A ,

ed.:

Unseen

Presence:The BuddhaandSanchi(Mumbai: Marg

Publications 1996); andGregory

S C H O P E N :

"Burial 'Ad Sanctos'and the

Physical Presenceof theBuddha inEarly Indian Buddhism: AStudy in the

ArchaeologyofReligions,"Religion17 (1987): 193-225.

4. The

term

"complete"isanadmittedlysubjective

term

as the

majority

of caves at

Ajanta are

"unfinished"

inone wayoranother. However,Iam referring primarily

to

their general

state of

excavation,

not

decoration.

The

fourteen fifth-century

vihdras

thatIwillbereferring to in

this

essay areCaves

1,2,4,

L6

(Lower

6),

U6 (Upper6), 7, 11, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22,and23.However,itshouldbe

noted

thattheshrineBuddha for Cave23 was

never

carved.


4/34

any one ofthesefourteen caves can be analyzed in detail, Cave 1 might

serve as a representative example as it is

perhaps

the

best

preserved

vihdraat the site (F ig . 1).

The excavation consists ofthreecomponent

parts:

a pillared veranda,

the main ha l l or courtyard with

individual

residential cells, and a

shrine carved

deep

into the back w a l l of the ha l l . There are three

entrances

leading into the main hal l , the central doorway being both the

largest and most fully decorated with an elaborately carved and painted

doorframe. Two large windows flank this

entrance,

providing light into

the ha l l .Other architectural

features

of Cave 1 include the remains of a

small

pillared porch projecting from the

center

of the veranda, a carved

architrave, and at least four residential cells excavated on either side of

the cave. Measuring approximately 64

feet

square,

the main

hal l

of Cave

1 contains twenty rock-cut pillars and fourteen residential cells.

F i v e

cells

are carved into each of its side walls while the back w a l l contains

only four. Excavated between thesefour cells is a pillaredantechamber

leading into a larger ce l lor shrine.

The significance of this floor plan is readily

apparent

particularly

when compared to one of Ajanta's earliest vihdras,Cave 12, dating from

ca. 100 B . C . E . to 100 C.E. (Fig. 2). As in most residences excavated

during

this early period, Cave 12 is a simple quadrangular hal l .The

hall

measures

approximately 36

feet square

and contains four residential cells

in

the back and side walls. Although the facade is destroyed, remaining

evidence indicates thatit probably had a narrow pillared veranda with a

single central entranceway leading into the main

hal l .

The only decora

tioninside the hal lconsists of a row ofcandrasdlascarved alongside and

above the doorway of each

cell .

Compared to Cave 12, the fifth-century vihdras reveal major

changes

in

both the conception and excavation of residential space. These

changes

are particularly evident in the back of the vihdrawhich empha

size

the

ce l l

located in the

center

of the back

w a l l .

What had earlier been

a row of indistinguishable monks' cells now

presents

a hierarchical

arrangement

of

spaces

with the back central

ce l l

enlarged, embellished,

and preceded by an

antechamber.

Furthermore, housed in this back

central

c e l l ,

or shrine, is a rock-cut sculpture of a Buddha

(F ig .

3).

Though

anthropomorphic Buddha images were commonly

made

since

the first century

C . E . ,

it is generally accepted that they were not incor

porated into rock-cut vihdras

until

the fifth century. The relatively late

appearance

of the Buddha image inside the monastic dwelling has


5/34

prompted scholars, such as Gregory S C H O P E N , to investigate possible

explanations.

5

S C H O P E N suggests thattheinclusionof the Buddha image

in

post-fourth-century excavations reflects a concern for

identifying

and

locating

the Buddha as a

juristic

personality - a concernthatis indicated

in Buddhist donative inscriptions andlandgrants datingfrom the fourth

through fourteenth centuries. Though these records cover a broad

geographical and chronological range, a reasonable number have

survived

from the rock-cut caves in western India. As

these

inscriptions

document transactions of land and other gifts to the Buddha, the

language used is precise inidentifying him as a recipient of property.

In many ofthese

inscriptions,

the Buddha islegallyrecognized as the

head of the community of monks - buddhapramukham bhiksu-

samgham. Similarexpressions using the termpramukha ( head ) are

also

found in sixth-century documents that describe other important

individuals as the head of a specificcorporation orlegalentity, i.e.,

groups that are headed by the banker

6

or headed by the elders.

7

Thus,

whether in reference to the Buddhahimself or to other legally

recognized individuals,

these

inscriptions indicate that the term

pramukha was not used as a symbolic title or appellation. If this is

indeed the case, as S C H O P E N suggests, then it seems probablethat the

Buddha

was considered to be not

only

the

legal

head and conse

quently,the legal owner of a monastery, butthathe also was believed

to be living inthatmonastery. Thus, the Buddha as the head of the

monastic community is

literally

carved in stone.

T he

conception of the Buddha as a

l iv ing

person withinthe monastic

complex

at Ajanta is not only suggested by the inclusionof rock-cut

images but also by the site's dedicatory inscriptions.

Although

the

5. Gregory

S C H O P E N :

"The Buddha as an Owner of Property and

Permanent

Resident in Medieval Indian Monasteries,"Journal

of

Indian Philosophy18

(1990):181-217.

6. This particular

expression

("the council of

citizens

headedby the

banker")

is

found in an inscription from Nagarjunakonda and is discussed by Gregory

SCHOPEN

in his

article,

"The Buddha as an Owner of Property":

190-91.

7. The full expression, translatedby SCHOPEN, reads, "to the inhabitantsof the

district

headed

by theeldersof the

village

anddistrict officer,"and is found in a

land grant from Andhra Pradesh. See G regory SCHOPEN: "The Buddha as an

Owner of Property": 190; and S.S. RamachandraMurthy:"Hyderabad Museum

Platesof Prithivi-Sri-Mularaja,"EpigraphiaIndica38 (1969): 192-195, esp.

194, line15. For additionalexamplesof the term

pramukha

in epigraphical

mate

rialsee Gregory SCHOPEN:"The Buddha as an Owner of Property": 210 n. 37.


6/34

expression

buddhapramukham bhiksusamghamdoes

not

appear inthese

records,

the

Buddha's exalted position

as the

head

of the

monastic

community

is

nonetheless evident. For example,

the

dedicatory inscrip

tion for

Cave

16

identifies

thevihdra as an

excellent

dwelling to be

occupied

by

the

best of ascetics

(uddram ...

vesma

yati[ndra-sevyam\).

The

inscription

in Cave 26 identifies the excavationas astone residence

.. . for theTeacher (saila-grham ...sdstuh).

9

Theuse of theterm grha

(residence, house, home)issignificant,forCave26 is not avihdrabut a

fifth-century caitya hal l .Thoughtherearewhat seemto beresidential

cells excavatedoff theveranda,as w e llas twoshrinelets withBuddha

images intheleft and right wings,theinscription appears toreferto the

caitya ha l l

itself

as it is the object of the dedicatory inscription.

Considering that themain imagein theworship ha l l is amonolithic

stupacarved

with

aseated Buddha indharmacakramudrd, the

identifi

cationof the excavationas the residence fortheTeacher seems appro

priate. This

would

then indicate that both types ofexcavations(the

vihdra andthecaitya hall)were places wherehe ispresent. Moreover,

the fact that

the

Buddha

is

almost always referred

to as a

person

in

Ajanta's inscriptions, i.e.,

the

Tathagata,

the

Sugata,

the

Teacher,

or the

best

orkingof

the ascetics, rather than

as an

image (bimba, pratikrti,

orpratimd) further suggests

the

beliefin his

l i v i ng

presencewithin

these

excavations.

10

AlthoughtheBuddha's presence and positionas head of the monas

tic communityis

clearly

articulatedatAjanta, there aresome earlier

8.

For

the

Cave

16

inscription

see V . V .

M l R A S H I :Inscriptions oftheVakatakas.

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum

5

(Ootacamund: Government Epigraphists

for

India 1963): 103-111, esp. 109,

line

18.

9. For the

Cave

26

inscription

see the translation by B. Ch.C H H A B R A in

G . Y A Z D A N I :Ajanta:

The

Colour

and

Monochrome

Reproductions ofthe

Ajanta

FrescoesbasedonPhotography,vol.

4

(London: Oxford University Press

1930

1955): 114-118, esp. 115,

line

6.

10.

Significantly, out offorty-one legible donative inscriptions connected with

Buddha

images at

Ajanta,

only two use a

Sanskrit term

for"image."For a

convenientlistingof

Ajanta's

inscriptions,

including

their location,content,and

sources

of

publication,

see

Richard

S. COHE N: "Settingthe

Three

Jewels: The

Complex Culture

of

Buddhism

at the

Ajanta Caves," (Ann Arbor: University

Microfilms

1995),

Appendix A,

325-383.

The

forty-one inscriptions

are

cited

in

COHE N as nos. 11-17, 19, 23, 25, 26-27, 29-31, 33-36, 48, 51-54, 56-61, 65, 70

74, 89-90, 94-96. Nos. 52

and

90 use the

termbimba

inreferenceto a

Buddha

image.


7/34

vihdrasin western Indiathatalso seem to make accommodations for the

Buddha's presence. These vihdras, located among the excavations at

Nasik, Wai, Shelarvadi, and Mahad, exhibit an earlier concern for

incorporating an image (either a

stupa

in

bas-relief

or a three-dimen

sionalstupa)into the monastic residence.

11

Even

thoughthesestupasare

indeed

different from the main shrine Buddhas at Ajanta - at least in

formal

terms - they are nonetheless

similarly

housed in the back of the

vihdra,directly opposite the entrance to the cave.

The Early Excavations

The

earliestvihdrain western India to designate a space in the back wal l

foran image - in this case a

bas-relief

of a

stupa

- is Cave 3 at

Nasik.

Thisexcavation is alsocalledthe GautamTputra cave due to the reference

to this Satavahana king in two inscriptions.

12

The first inscription,

located

on the left w a l l of the veranda, contains two separate grants

dated in the years 18 and 24 (124 and 130 C . E . ) .The grant dated in the

year 18 records the gift of a field by GautamTputra Satakarni to the

monks in residence. The second grant also records the gift of a field to

the monastic community by the

king

alongwith his mother BalasrI in

the year 24. The second inscription is incised on the back w a l l of the

veranda over the left doorway. It also contains two grants, dated in the

19th and 22nd year of the king's sonPulumavi III (149 and 153 C . E . ) .

It is this second

inscriptionthat

records the actual dedication of the cave

as w e l las thegiftof a neighboring

village.

13

In

plan, Cave 3 exhibits features of the standard early vihdra

includingapillaredveranda and quadrangular hal lwithcells carved into

the back and side walls (F ig .4). The

hall

itself measures approximately

41 feet inwidth,45 feet in depth, and 10 feet in height. A stone bench

running

the length and width of the cave has been left intact. There are a

total

of twentycells,almost identical in dimension,whichcontain rock-

cut beds. One

cel l ,

though aligned

with

the left

w a l l ,

canonlybe entered

from the veranda. This strange arrangement, coupled

with

the inscrip-

11. By the term"image,"I am referring to anyobject that

appears

tohave

been

the

central

focusofdevotional activity.

12. E.

SENART:

"Nasik Inscriptions,"

EpigraphiaIndica

8

(1905-6):

60-75.For the

chronology

of the

Satavahanas,

I am relying on

Seshabhatta

NAGARAJU's

reconstruction inBuddhist ArchitectureofWesternIndia(c. 250 B.C.-c. A.D.

300) (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan 1981):23, Table 2.

13. E.SENART:"NasikInscriptions":60-65.


8/34

tional

evidence, suggests

that

the cave was excavated in two phases.

V i d y a

D E H E J I A

proposes

that

the original plan of the cave, excavated

under the authority of Gautamlputra Satakarni, consisted of thepresent

veranda whichled directly tothreecells carved into the rear

w a l l

and a

fourth

at the right end of the veranda.

14

Gautamlputra's inscription

regarding his grant of a field to the monks in residence (i.e. inthose

fourcells) was incised on the left w a l l .The secondphaseof excavation

resulted in the cave'spresentformwiththe dedicatory inscription on the

back w a l lof the veranda identifying Gautamlputra's mother, Balasri, as

the patron.Directlybeneath this inscription is the grant dated in the year

22whichrecords the gift of a village to the community in residence and

indicatesthatthe cave was then known as the Queen's cave.

15

Carved

in the center of the back

w a l l

of this

vihdra

is a

bas-relief

of a

stupa

flanked by two female devotees(Fig. 5). The figure to the left of

the

stupa

clasps her hands in adoration, while the female on the right

holds a

chauri.

Carved above thedevoteesare aseated l ionand a

cakra,

respectively.

In the upper corners of the relief, located below twin

umbrellas, are two

f l y ing

figures bearing garlands. The panel itself

projects from the surface of the rock indicating it was planned during

the excavation of the back w a l l .Its location between the third and fourth

cells

represents

the first

attempt

to establish an image in what

w i l l

become the back central ce l lor shrine in later

vihdras.

Theabsenceof

other images or decorative features within Nasik 3seemsto verify the

significanceof its presence, emphasized further by its position opposite

the mainentrance into the cave.

Moreover,

thisentrance is fronted by

stonestepsand adorned withan elaborately carved

torana

recalling the

structural gateways of the GreatStupaat SancT. Standing on either side

of the door are largeattendantor guardian figures, who provide protec

tion

and

glorification

to

those

in residence.

The emphasis given to the center of the rear w a l l in Nasik 3 also

appears at another cave at the site, the Nahapana

vihdra

- orNasik 10

(F ig .6). This

vihdra,

whichwas excavated slightly earlier than Nasik

3,

1 6

is similar in both plan and dimensions. The veranda has two

14. Vidya

D E H E J I A :

Early

Buddhist

Rock Temples:AChronology (Ithaca:Cornell

University

Press

1972): 95-96.

15. E.

S E N A R T :

"NasikInscriptions":

65-71;

and Vidya

D E H E J I A :

Early

Buddhist

Rock Temples:96.

16. It is

generally

accepted that

thisvihdra

was excavatedprior toGautamlputra's

defeatof Nahapana.Both arthistoricalandepigraphical

evidencesupport

this


9/34

pilasters and four pillars, the latter exhibiting a widerspacebetween the

central pair. A flight of

stone

steps leads up to the central doorway

which

is flanked by two windows and two smaller doors. The ha l l itself

is 46 feet wide, 45 feet deep, and 10feet high. There are a total of

eighteen cells with rock-cut beds, two of which are located at either end

of the veranda. Each side w a llof the

hal l

contains

five

residential cells,

with

six carved into the back

w a l l .

Although it

appears

thatthe vihdra

was not originally planned to

house

an image, a shallow relief of a

stupawas carved into the back w a l lbetween the third and fourth cells.

17

The addition of this relief

suggests

both the importance of bringing an

image into the vihdra, and most significantly, where it should be

located. As in Nasik 3, the interior

hal l

of Cave 10 contains no other

imagery, again suggesting the

stupa-reMefs

function as an object of

devotional activity.

The actual excavation of a back central cel l containing a three-dimen

sional

stupa

can be found among the eight excavations at

Wa i .

The caves

are located in the village of

L o h a r i ,

approximately 2.5 miles north of

Wa i .

Due to their early

features

which include rock-cut

beds

and

stone

benches spanning the perimeters of the halls,these caves are generally

dated to the third century

C . E .

1 8

The largest of the vihdras, Wai 2,

measures

approximately 31

feet

in width, 29

feet

in depth, and 8

feet

in

height (Fig. 7). There are a total of seven cells; four carved into the

right w a l l and three in the rear of the cave. The back central c e l l is

architecturally set off by its larger size. This ce l l , which

houses

the

stiipa,

19

is also flanked by windows andthereis evidence of acel l door.

Located

approximately 50 miles from the excavations at Wai and

along

the

same

ancient traderouteas

KarlT,

Bhaja, and Bedsa, is the site

sequence.Thereareseveninscriptionsin

Nasik

10. Five are

found

in the

veranda

and two are

incised

in the

vihara's

sidewalls.

Three record

the

donations

of

Nahapana's son-in-law

Usavadata;

two

record

thoseofUsavadata's

wife;

one is

datedin the 9thyearofkingIsvarasena;and one isillegible.Thecaveitself was

donated

in the

42nd year

of

Nahapana

by his son-in-law.The two

verandacells

are the

gift

ofUsavadata's

wife.

See

E. SENART: "NasikInscriptions":78-89.

17. Itshouldbenoted,however, thatthestupa

relief

has been subsequently

carved

withanimageof Siva.

18. M.K.

D HA V A L I K A R :

Late

Hinayana

Caves

of

Western

India

(Poona:Deccan

College

Postgraduateand

Research

Institute

1984):

35.

19. Theharmika,

which

hasbeen

broken

off, is now placedin

front

of the

stupa

and

worshipped

as a

Sivalinga.


10/34

of Shelarvadi. There areeleven excavations at Shelarvadi whichare

geographically separated into twogroups: thosenumbered 1 to 8 face

southwestwhile9through 11 overlookavalley towards thenorthwest.

20

The monastic complex consists of four cisterns (excavations 2, 4, 5, and

7) and seven vihdras. Ingeneral,thevihdras aresmall in dimension and

haveonly onetofour residential cells. An exceptiontothisis thelargest

vihdra, Cave8,whichhas atotal of ten cells andis themost significant

excavation forthis

essay

(Fig. 8). Unfortunately, theveranda and front

w a l l ofCave8 arecompletely destroyed, sothereis noway ofdeter

mining howmany doors provided

access

into thevihdra orwhatthe

exterior decoration might have included. The h a l l itself

measures

approximately 25

feet

inwidth,20

feet

indepth, and 8

feet

inheight.

There arethree cells excavated into theleft

w a l l ,

2 1

four cells in the

right,

and

three

in the

back

w a l l .

The central

ce l l in the

back w a l l

is a

long

rectangular chamber (13x 25 x 9 ft.)which originally containeda

monolithic

stupa. However, only theharmikd and a rough circular

pattern

on thece l l floorareextant.Carvedon theback w a l l , abovethe

left

c e l l , is aninscription

that

hasbeen paleographically datedto the

secondorthird century C . E .

2 2

In plan, Shelarvadi8exhibits

some

ofthe

features

seenin thep r i n c i

palresidence

atW a i . L i k ethe

Wai

vihdra,

the

back

w a l lof

Shelarvadi

8

contains two residential cells flankingthemain shrine. There arealsoa

similar number ofcells excavated intheside walls. However,

there

are

someinteresting differences between

these

tworesidences

that

arenote

worthy. The residential cellsinShelarvadi8, forexample, lack rock-cut

beds.Moreover, this excavationdoesnot containaninteriorstonebench.

Theabsenceof

these

featureshasled

M . K .

D H A V A L I K A R

to

attribute

a

latethirdtoearly fourth-century

date

for the cave.

23

D H A V A L I K A R also

notes that

in

plan, Shelarvadi

8 has

some

resonance

with

the

arrange

ment

ofspaces exhibited inAjanta's Cave 8(Fig.9).This particular

20. SeshabhattaN A G A R A J U :

Buddhist

Architecture

of

Western

India:

294.

21. The

dividing wall

between the

first

andsecond

cell

isdestroyed.

22.

C . C . D A S

G U P T A :

"N

o

.

14-

ShelarwadiCaveInscription,"EpigraphiaIndica

28

(1949-50): 76-77.Thecontents of thisinscriptionwillbe

examined

below.

Both

C . C . D A S G U P T A and VidyaD E H E J I A

date

the

inscription

tothesecondcentury

C . E . , whileSeshabhatta

N A G A R A J U

dates it to the late

third

century

C . E .

See

Vidya D E H E J I A :

Early Buddhist Rock Temples:

183; and

Seshabhatta

N A G A R A J U :

Buddhist

ArchitectureofWestern

India:

295.

23. M . K . D H A V A L I K A R :LateHTnayana

Cavesof

Western

India:

47-48.


11/34

cave

at

Ajanta

has

created problems

for

those interested

in the

relative

chronologyof the siteas itexhibits both early and late features. The

locationofthe cave inthecenter of the escarpment anditsproximityto

the ca. 100 B . C . E . - 100C.E.caitya h a l l 9, has prompted Susan

HUNTINGTON to

assign

a

first-century C . E .

dateto

Ajanta

8.

2 4

On

the

other hand, Suresh V A S A N Tand WalterSPINKargue forafifth-century

datebased on thesmall excavated antechamber, chiseling techniques,

and c e l l door-hinges thatarecomparabletoother fifth-century cavesat

the site.

25

Moreover, both V A S A N T and

SPINK

note

the

significance of

the rock-cut bed intheback central

cel l ,

orshrine, and suggest thatthis

feature may have supported aloose image. Whetheror notthis wasthe

case cannotbeascertained, however,it is atleast interestingtoconsider

thepossibility

that

either an anthropomorphic image (or

a

stupa-relitf

as

atNasik)was placed in this important

cell .

T he f inal early site under consideration isMahad, located approxi

mately95milessoutheastofMumbai. Among itstwenty-eight excava

tions,

dating stylistically

to the

second through fourth centuries C.E.,

tw o vihdras

- Mahad 1 and 8 - exhibita

similar

ground planas the

principalvihdraat

W a i .

2 6

ThevihdranumberedMahad8 isonly slightly

smallerthantheWai excavation, measuring approximately27feet wide,

24 feet deep, and

9

feet high

(Fig.

10). The

hal l

has a

total

of

nine

cells;

threecarved into each

w a l l .

The back central

cel l ,which

once houseda

three-dimensionalstupa,is thelargest cel land measures approximately

15 feet square. O n l y fragments ofthe monolithicstupaareextant- the

chattra, which

is

s t i l l attached

to the

c e i l i n g ,

and a

rough circular

surface on the

c e l l floor.

Other features of thecave include rock-cut

bedsin the residential cells andastone bench spanning the side and back

wallsof the

hal l .

24. Susan

H U N T I N G T O N :TheArt ofAncientIndia: Buddhist,

Hindu,

Jain(New

York:Weatherhill

1985): 239 n.2

and

242.

25. Suresh

V A S A N T :

"Ajanta Cave

8: A

Study,"

in

M.S. Nagaraja

Rao, ed.,

Kusumdnjali:New

Interpretation

ofIndianArt &

Culture.

Sh. C. Sivaramamurti

Commemoration

Volume

II

(Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan

1987),

pp.

249-253;

and Walter

SPINK:

"The

Archaeology

of

Ajanta,"

Ars

Orientalis

21 (1991): 93

n.3.

26. Theremaining

excavations

atMahadincludesingleand

double-celled

vihdras,

cisterns,andsinglequadrangular halls.


12/34

According

to M . K . D H A V A L I K A R , these

features

areindicativeof a

mid-third-century vihdra.

21

However, other

dates

have been proposed

for

Mahad8 byvarious scholars which include an

assessment

of the

cave's epigraphical material. Incisedon theback w a l l between the

central and right residential cel l is adedicatory inscription.Seshabhatta

N A G A R A J U

datesthe

cave on both stylistic and paleographic grounds

to

the late third orearly fourth century

C . E .

2 8

Using the

same

bodyof

evidence,butfocusing primarilyon thepaleography of the inscription,

V i d y a

D E H E J I A proposes an even earlier date of ca. 100 C . E .

2 9

Regardless

of

thesedifferences

in

opinion,

it

can

at

least

be

stated

that

Mahad

8 isanother early excavationthat

seems

toforeshadow whatis

found inthefloor plans of Ajanta's fifth-century vihdras.

Mahad 1 provides further interesting evidence in regard to the

Buddha's

presencewithin

the monastic residence. Locatedatthe extreme

left

of the complex, Mahad 1

is

probably

the

latest

excavation

at

the site

-

dating stylisticallyto the late fourth century C.E. (Fig. 11). The

veranda hassix pillarsand two pilasters, butonlytheleft pilasterand

adjacentpillarare finished. The

square

baseof the pillarandthecarving

of the columnitselfwhichalternatesbetween

an

octagonal and sixteen-

sided

shaft issimilarto

those

found intheinteriorofAjanta's Cave16.

Based primarily

on

this evidence, Walter

S P I N K

posits that Mahad

1

dates to the fifth or sixth century C . E .

3 0

However, I agree with

D H A V A L I K A R ' s assessmentthatthe finishedpillarmay actually reveal

a

later (ca. sixth century) re-cutting.

31

As in Mahad8, the

hall

of Mahad1

(measuring 57

feet

wide; 35

feet

deep;10

feet

high)has arunning bench

in additiontocells. A l lof thecellsareunfinished, withtheright w a l l

containing only chisel marks. The back w a l l

has

five cells;

the

largest

cel l

occupying the central position.Itis flanked by two large windows,a

feature

already noted

at

Wai.

Inside the back central

c e l l

of Mahad 1is asquare-shaped rock whichI

in i t ia l ly assumed was intended for thestupa.However, Walter S P I N K

questions

the

practicality

of

blocking

out a

square matrix instead

of a

27.

M . K . D HA V A L I K A R :Late

Hlnayana

Caves of

WesternIndia:46.

28.

SeshabhattaN A G A R A J U :Buddhist Architecture

of

WesternIndia:251-52.

29. Vidya

DEHEJIA:

EarlyBuddhist

Rock Temples: 182-83.

30. Personalcommunication with

the

author.

31.

M . K . D HA V A L I K A R :Late

Hlnayana

Caves of

Western

India:

46-47.


13/34

more rounded form

i f a

stupa

was to be

carved.

32

Instead,

hesuggests

that this mass

of

rock

may

have been

originally

intended

for an

enthroned Buddha figure, similar

to

those

at

Ajanta.This possibility

is

supported by

the

subsequent modifications made

to

this rock. Carved

on

the front faceis anenthroned Buddhai npralambapdddsana, flanked by

chauribearers.

Consideringthat

the European pose doesnotappearat

Ajanta

until arelatively late date,

33

this

revision

of therock probably

dates

to thefirst quarter of thesixthcentury C . E .

The

excavationofthis matrixin thecenter of thece l l isidenticalto

the placement ofAjanta's earliest fifth-century shrine Buddhas.In

contrast to thelatest shrine BuddhasatAjanta (whicharecarved directly

from theback w a l l of thecel l ) , theearliest Buddhas (i.e. inside Caves

11,

L6,

and 17) are

carved

in the

center

of the

shrine, paralleling

the

placement

of

thestupa

as

seen in earlier western caves. The question of

whether

the

matrix of rock insideMahad 1 was

originally

intended

for a

three-dimensionalstupa

or for an

enthroned Buddha

thus

becomes less

significant if we consider thepossibilitythatboth types of images may

be used toindicatehispresence.

This

leads usintoanexaminationof

one of the earliestvihdrasatAjantatomake accommodations forarock-

cut Buddha.

Ajanta's Cave11

Generally acknowledged

for

housing

one of

the earliest shrine Buddhas

at

the

site, Cave

11

measures

37

feet in width and

28

feet in length

and

contains four central octagonal pillars (Fig.

12).

There

are a

total

of

eleven residential

cells,

four

of

them

with

entrances from

thepillared

veranda. Four cellsarecarved intotheback w a l l ,

three

arelocatedon

the left sideof the

ha l l ,

while the right side contains a stone bench

spanning

the

length

of the

cave.

Although

this vihdraexhibits some

of

the features foundinother fifth-century excavationsat thesite,thereis

evidence

that

this maynothave beentheoriginalconception.According

to Walter S P I N K , Cave 11appears to have been substantially altered

duringexcavation.

34

Theoriginalintentionseemstohave beenasimple

32.

Personal

communication withthe

author.

33. Sheila W E I N E R was the first

scholar

to note the

relatively

late date of the

pralambapdddsana

pose at

Ajanta.

See

SheilaL .

W E I NE R :

Ajanta:

Its Place in

BuddhistArt

(Berkeley:

UniversityofCaliforniaPress1977): 62-3, 70.

34. Walter SPI N K : 'Ajanta's Chronology:

Politics

and

Patronage,"

inJoannaG.

Williams, ed.,Kaladarsana: American

Studiesin

the

Art of

India (NewDelhi:


14/34

square vihdra

with

three residential cells ineachof itsthree

walls.

Perhaps outof fear of penetrating theneighboring Cave 10,theexcava

tionofcellsin theright w a l l hadto beabandoned. Tocompensatefor

this lossinresidential space, thefour veranda cells were subsequently

carvedas

was

the far

left cel llocated in the back

w a ll

of the

hal l .

Other changes also appear

to

have been made inside

the

vihdra. By

carefully

examining

the

ground plan

it is

obvious

thatthe

shrine con

taining

the

Buddha image

is

literally

a

converted monk's c e l l .The back

w a l l

of

this ce l l

has

been extended in order

to

carve

the

image,with

the

space

of

the original cel lnow functioning

as an

antechamber. Further

evidence suggesting theconversionofthis ce l lis thetreatmentof the

shrine doorway. U n l ik ethelater fifth-century excavations,thedoorway

of the Buddha's ce l lisnot distinguishedfromthose of his

fellow

monks

byanelaborately carved and painted doorframe. The lackofthis archi

tectural element, as w e ll as apillared antechamber, supports theearly

dateof this cave amongthefifth-century excavations.

AlthoughWalterSPINKbelievesthatthe image and its shrine were not

planned duringtheinit ialexcavation,theimportance of making accom

modationsforsuchanimage insidethevihdraisnonetheless evident.A

conscious

choice was madeas towhere, andin

which c e l l ,

theBuddha

image

would

be

carved.Although

the

back

w a l lof

Cave 11 was altered

to have

an

even number

of

cells,

the

Buddha image

was

carved

in the

cel l

thatis

centered along

the

longitudinal axis

of

the cave.

Its

location

directly

opposite

the

entrance

to the

cave, visually framed

by the

octagonalpillars,notonlymirrors

the

excavation of the shrine in earlier

vihdras,

but it

also suggests

a

similar alignment with what M i c h a e l

M E I S T E R identifies

as the

axis

of

access

in

Hindu temple architec

ture.

35

Thoughthecaves atAjantaareresidences forBuddhist monks,

there

are

interesting similarities between

these

two types

of

monuments

that are rarely acknowledged. L i k e the Hindu temple complex,the

vihdras atAjanta provide shelterforboththeimage and worshipperas

w e l las the space where ritualandmundane activitiescanoccur. The

nature of rock-cut architecture notonly furnishes themonk with a

permanent residence, butalludes to hispresence

within

thecosmic

Oxford and IBH Publishing

with

theAmericanInstituteofIndianStudies1981),

pp.

112-115.

35. Michael

W. M E IS T ER : "The

Hindu Temple: Axis

and

Access,"

in

Kapila

Vatsyayan,

ed.,

Concepts of

Space,

Ancientand

Modern(New

Delhi: Indira

Gandhi National Centre for the Arts & AbhinavPublications

1991): 269-80.


15/34

mountain - or abode of the gods. It seems significant that as one

approaches the main shrine he is simultaneously entering deeper into the

mountain.

This longitudinal axis is enhanced in some of the caves at Ajanta

where thereis a wider space between the centralpillarsof the veranda

and

between the central pillars of the front and rear rows

within

the

main h a l l .

3 6

Althoughthe employment of this feature is not consistent in

the caves, other methods of accentuating the axis of access can be

found.

For example, in Caves 16 and 17, the middlepillars in the front

and

back rows do not show a wider

intercolumniation,

but are differen

tiated from the remaining interior

pillars.

The four central pillars in

Cave 16 have tal l square bases, sixteen-sided shafts and ornamented

bracket-capitals in contrast to the slightly tapering octagonal pillars

found elsewhere in the

vihdra.

Cave 17's axispillars are also more

elaborately carved than the others, particularly the rear pair

which

are

adorned

with

lions.

However,

the most important and prevalent architectural feature that

both reinforces thevisualemphasis towards the main image and marks a

change in space is the

pillared

antechamber. Out of the thirteen

vihdras

at Ajanta that house Buddha images in the back central

c e l l ,

ten are

preceded by this feature.

37

The antechamber not only emphasizes the

importance of the shrine and its occupant, but also seeminglyseparates

residentialspace

from

sacred space. The antechamber gives the shrine a

greater sanctity by further removing itfrom the other

cells.

This demar

cationof space notonly enhances the longitudinalaxis of the cave but it

implies

avertical ascent as w e l l .The Buddha's space is further articu

lated by the ornamentation of the shrine doorway

which

echoes the

architectural

and motival elements found on the central exterior

entranceway to the vihdra itself. By repeating

these

motifs,

which

include mithuna couples, floral and lotus designs, and smallBuddha

figures,the Buddha's chamber isclearlymarked. As one

passes

through

the exterior doorway to enter the main residence ha l l , so too must he

passthrough another doorway to enter the Buddha's residence.

36. The

vihdras

thatexhibitthiswider

intercolumniation

areCaves1, 21, 23, and 24.

Thefollowingcavesonlyhaveawiderspace betweenthe two central pillars of

the veranda as

they

lack interior pillars or are

unfinished: Caves

3, 5, 14, 22,

and 28.

37. The ten cavesare: 1, 2, 4, L6, U6, 7, 15, 17, 20, and 21. Thethree thatdo not

containantechambersareCaves11, 16, and 22.


16/34

Although

the longitudinal axis leading to the shrine and its image is

much

more clearly defined and articulated at Ajanta than at

Nasik,

Wai,

Shelarvadi,

and Mahad, this axis of access is nonetheless an integral

component in the early excavations.

A l l

of the

stiipas

are in alignment

withthe centralentranceto the cave. If thestupais three-dimensional, it

is

located in an enlarged ce l lcompletewithshrine door. Thoughthereis

limited decoration inside

these

caves to further differentiate this back

central ce l l from the other cells, the exterior of some of the

vihdras,

particularlyNasik3with its door guardians and

torana,

clearly allude to

the sacred presence housed inside. Thus,

these

early excavationssuggest

thatthe arrangement of space in Ajanta's fifth-century

vihdras

actually

reflects much earlier concerns for housing the Buddha's presence within

the monastic residence. In fact, the dedicatory inscriptions from these

earlysites seem to support their conceptual connectionwithAjanta.

An Examination oftheInscriptional Evidence

Further understanding of the relationship between the

stiipa

and the

anthropomorphic Buddha image within the monastic setting might be

gleaned from the epigraphical evidence from both the early

vihdras

and

from Ajanta. Of the

vihdras

atNasik, W a i,Shelarvadi, and Mahad, only

W a i is lacking in inscriptional evidence. The inscriptions incised in

Nasik 3 and 10 have already been briefly discussed. Apart from their

interesting information concerning grants of neighboring villages in

support of the monastic community, the combined inscriptions from

thesetwo caves provide uswitha single term for the excavations,

lena.

Often

simply translated as cave, this particular term is found through

out the epigraphical material of the early western caves.

According

to

Franklin

E D G E R T O N , the termlena as it is found in both contemporary

and later textual sources often connotes the idea of refuge.

38

For

example, he

notesthatlena

often

appears

with the synonyms

trdna

and

sarana,

and as a masculine noun, is found in the

Mahdvastu

as an epithet

ofa Buddha.

Whether or not there is a direct correlation between the meaning of

lena

in epigraphical and textual material cannot be easily determined.

Comparisons

between

these

two sources intermsof word choice and

meaning are not often made by scholars due to the assumed differences

38. Franklin E D G E R T O N :Buddhist

Hybrid

SanskritGrammar

and

Dictionary(New

Haven: YaleUniversityPress1953):463.


17/34

inboth content and style

of

writing

in

text andinscription.However,

as

shown

in

GregoryS C H O P E N '

s

work, both materials

can

share

the

same

terminology particularly when documenting conceptions

of the

Buddha.

3 9

Furthermore,

if we

considerthat

the

Sanskrit equivalent

of

lena, lay ana,found

in the

dedicatoryinscription

of

Cave

16 at

Ajanta,

40

denotes

a

place

of

rest,

a

house,

ac e l l

4 1

it is at

least possiblethatlena

meant more than just cave in

the

second century

C . E .

Interestingly,the

more frequent terms

for

identifying

the

excavations

at Ajanta include

mandapa, vihdra, or

vesma;

the

latter two having

a

stronger connotationof residence thantheterm lay ana.

42

Thisis not

to suggest thatthetermsvihdraandmandapado notappear intheearly

inscriptions

-

they

do - but

with less frequency than

at

Ajanta.

To my

knowledge,

the

term vesma

(in

reference

to the

rock-cut excavation)

appears only sporadically

in the

inscriptional records

of the

early

western caves. The variety

of

terms found

to

describe

the

excavations

at

Ajanta, therefore,

may

represent either

a

change

in

architectural termi

nology,

or it

maysignify

a

greater emphasis

on the

fifth-century cave

as

the Buddha's residence.

However, other terms

in

addition

to

lena also appear

in the

inscrip

tions

of the

earlyvihdras.

In the

dedicatory record

of

Shelarvadi

8, for

example,

the

excavation

is

identified

as a

cetiyaghara,

not a

lena.

This

inscription,transcribed and translated by

C . C .

DAS G U P T A , reads:

Sidha

therdnam

bhayata-Sihdnaateasiniya

pdvaTti[k]dya

Ghapa[rd]ya

bdlikdd

Saghdya

Budha(dhd)rd

cha chetiya-gharo

deya-dhama

mdta-pitaudisasaha

[end]

savehi

bhikhd(khu)-kulehisahdcha

dchari[ye]hi bhata-vireyehi

samdpito

Success.The

meritoriousgift

of achaitya

hall

is

made

by

Budha

and

Sagha

(Samghd)(whowas)thedaughterof thenun Ghapara,afemalediscipleof the

39. Gregory

SCHOPEN:

"The Buddha

as

an Owner

of

Property":

181-217.

40. The term

lay anaappearstwice in the

inscription

of

Ajanta's Cave

16 (lines 24

and

26).

Maya,

also

derived from

therootIT,is

found in

the

dedicatoryrecord

of

Ajanta's Cave

26 (lines 3

and

12).

41.

M.M O N I E R - W l L L I AM S :

A SanskritEnglish Dictionary (Delhi: Motilal

Banarsidass

1995): 903.

42.

The term

mandapais

used

to

describeAjanta's Cave

20(line1)

and

is

found

in

the

inscription

of

Cave

17 (lines 24

and

29).

Cave

17 is also

identified

as avihdra

(line1).

The term

vihdrais also

usedin

line22wherethe

brother

of

Ravisamba

is

said

to

have

"adorned

the

earth

with

stupas

and

vihdras.

Vesma is

used

in

bothCave

16(line18)

and Cave

26 (lines 12

and

17). It thusappearsthatin the

fifth century,

a

much broader and

descriptive

vocabulary

for caveexcavations

was

utilized.


18/34

elder thera)

Bhadanta

Siha for the

sake

ofparents

together

withall

communities

of thebhikshusand the

teachers.

43

The use of the term

cetiyaghara

in this inscription is significant for two

reasons. First, we know

that

Shelarvadi 8 is a monastic

residence.

Second,there are no congregational worship halls (i.e., what we often

cal l

caityagrhas)

at this site. Therefore, the inscription must be self-

referential. The term

cetiyaghara

must then either refer to the excava

tion

itself

or just to the back central

cell .

Inscriptional evidence from another early

vihdra

from our selected

group provides further clarification. Carved on the back w a l lof the hall

insideMahad 8 is the followinginscription transcribed and translated by

James

BURGESS:

Sidhamkumdrasa kdnabhoasa vhenupdlitasa

[e]sa

lena

chetieghara ovaraka

cha

atha

8

vi[ti]kamam

niyutamle[na]sacha

ubhato

pasesu

podhiyo

be 2

lenasa

aluganake

patho

chadato

etasa

cha

kumdrasa

deyadhamam

Success Prince

KanabhoaVhenupalita'sLena,

Chetiyaghara

and

eight

(8)cells:

thismuch

isallotted;and two (2) cisternsoneach

side

of the

lena,also

apath

connectedwiththe

lena,

are

presented.

It is ameritoriousgiftofthat

prince.

44

L i k ethe site at Shelarvadi, the Mahad excavations do not include a con

gregational worship

hal l .

Thus it

appears

that

it is the back central

cel l

that

is identified as the

cetiyaghara,

as it is differentiated from the other

eight residential cells

{ovaraka)

and from the excavation

(lena)

itself.

A l l three

are written in the nominative case, suggesting

that

they are

structurally

(and grammatically)

three separate

entities. Furthermore, the

identification

of

these

architectural components in this inscription corre

sponds withthefloorplan of the cave.

Although

it is clear

that

Shelarvadi 8 and Mahad 8 are monastic

dwellings,

the use of the term

cetiyghara

to identify the back central

cel l

is

not necessarily problematic. The term

cetiya

(Skt.

caitya)

can refer

either to an object or a person worthy of veneration.

45

In some instances

43. C . C . D A S G U P T A :

"N

o

.

14- ShelarwadiCaveInscription,"

76-77.

Although D AS

G U P T A transcribes

the

phrase

bhata-vireyehisamdpito,hedoesnot includeit in

histranslation,stating that"the meaningof thewordbhata-vireyehiis notclear."

However,Gregory

S C H O P E N

suggestedto me in apersonal communicationthat

bhata-vireyehiisprobablythenameof the individual (BhadantaVirya) who was

responsible

at

that time

for the

cave's

completion

samdpito).

44. JamesB U R G E S S :

Report

on the

Buddhist

Cave

Temples

andtheirInscriptions,

A.S.W.I.,vol. IV (London: Trubner & Co.

1883):

88, no. 1.

45. Franklin

E D G E R T O N :

Buddhist

Hybrid

SanskritDictionary:233.


19/34

it

can even refer to theBuddha himself.

46

The termghara, in both

Pal i

and Sanskrit

(grha)

isdefinedashouse.

47

Itthenappearsthattheterm

cetiyaghara,

atleast in the rock-cut caves inwestern India, can be

appliedto anyenclosureof asacred object orperson, i.e. boththehall

for

congregational worship and the ce l l

or

shrinewithinthe vihdra.

What

is especially interesting, however,

is

the use of the termcaitya

at

Ajanta in

reference

to the

back central cells

and

their Buddha images.

The

termappears

in

two inscriptions

-

in Caves

16

and 17. Translated

by V . V . MIRASHI,verses twenty-two and twenty-four of Cave 16 read

asfollows:

[Realizing

that]

life,youth,

wealth

and

happiness are

transitory,...

he, for the sake

of

his

father

and

mother,

caused to be

made

this excellent

dwelling

to be

occupied

by

the

best

of ascetics

uddram...vesmayatt[ndrasevyam]).

[The

dwelling] which is adorned

with

windows,

doors,

beautiful picture-

galleries,

ledges,

statues

of the

nymphs

ofIndraand the

like,

which is

orna

mentedwithbeautiful pillars

and stairs and has a temple of the

Buddhainside

([ni]vesitabhyantaracaityamandiram).

4

%

A g a i n inthese two

verses

of

Cave

16 wefind

various terms used

to

identify the

architectural components. The excavationitselfis referred

to

as

a

dwelling (vesma)while

the

temple (mandiram) located inside

the

dwelling (nivesitdbhyantara) housesacaitya,i.e. the Buddha. There can

belittledoubt

thatthe

caitya-mandiram

is the

ce l l inwhich

the

Buddha

resides,

for the

term mandira, often used

to

refer

to

Hindu temples,

further emphasizes the location of a sacred being

4 9

Furthermore, theterm caitya isalso foundin thededicatory inscrip

tionof Cave 17:

[He

excavated] this

monolithic

excellenthall,

containing

within

it a

chaitya

of the

king

of ascetics

i.e.,

of the

Buddha)

and

possessing the

qualities

of stateliness ...

{gambhlryyagunairupetam

[/] nivesitantarmunirajacaityam

ekasmakammanda-

paratnametat).

50

46.

Ibid.

47.

Ibid,220.

48.

V.V. M I R A S H I:Inscriptionsofthe Vakatalcas:

111. I have

included part

of the

Sanskritfrom

M l R A S H I 's

text

on page 109, lines 18

and

20.

49.

M . M O N I E R - W I L L I A M S :

A

SanskritEnglish

Dictionary:788.

The interesting

use

of

the

term

mandira

in a

Buddhist

excavationalso raises questions

concerning

broader

culturalnotions of

sacred

space

and

ritual

practices.

50.

V.V.

M I R A S H I:Inscriptionsof the

Vakatakas: 129, verse 24.1 have

included

the

Sanskritfrom

M l R A S H I ' s

text

on page 127,

line

24.


20/34

T he fact

that

the term

munirajacaityam (caitya

of the

king

of ascetics) is

not compounded with

mandira

or

grha

suggests that it refers to the

Buddha

image itself, or more accurately, the presence of something (or

someone) worthy of veneration. The use of the term

caitya/cetiya

in the

epigraphical

material from the

vihdras

at Ajanta, Shelarvadi, and

Mahad, therefore clearly suggests similar conceptions about the

Buddha's presence within the monastic dwelling - despite the formal

differences in the articulation of this presence. In this connection, we

might

take abrief lookat the fifth-century site ofBagh.

The Bagh Caves

Baghis an interesting site for this examination because it provides both

inscriptional

and art historical evidence

that

supports the Buddha's

residency - as w e l las his proprietorship - in the context of the monastic

dwelling.The rock-cut caves atBaghare located in theVindhya hil lsin

MadhyaPradesh and are approximately 135 miles northwest of Ajanta.

Excavated

from the localreddish-pink sandstone are at least ten caves in

various stages

of completion. F i v e of the caves appear to have

functioned as residences,while others are rectangularpillaredassembly

halls.The most significantvihdrasfor this essay are Caves 2, 4, 7, and

8.5i

Althoughthereare no extant legible inscriptions at the site, a copper

plate land-grant was found insideBaghCave 2 in 1928.

52

Measuring 8.3

inches in length and 4.5 inches in height, the plate is inscribedwith

fourteen lines recording the gift of avillage. Although the grant refers

to the reign of Maharaja Subandhu, a

king

of

MahismatI,

the lower right

corner of the plate,which wouldhave presumably contained the year, is

lost due to breakage. Fortunately, another copper-plate grant that is

believed

to be associated

with

this same

king

was found in

Barwani

and

51. Although Cave 3

also

appearstohaveresidentialcells, this cave

does

notshare

similar characteristics withthe

other

residencesat the site, nor withthoseat

Ajanta.Caves1 and 10have

collapsed

and are currently filled

with

debris. Caves

5 and 9 are pillaredassemblyhallsthatdo notincludeindividualresidentialcells.

Although Cave 6 is a quadrangular

excavation

withatotalof

five

cellsin the

back

andrightwall, John A N D E R S O N suggeststhatthesecells

most

likely

served

as

storage

facilities.

See John

ANDERSON:

"Bagh

Caves:

Historical and

Descriptive

Analysis; Architecture,

Sculpture,

Painting,"Marg25/3 (June

1972):

15-56.

52. V.V.M l R A S H I:Inscriptions

of theKalachuri-ChediEra.

Corpus Inscriptionum

Indicarum

4

(Ootacamund: Government

Epigraphist for

India1955):

19-21.


21/34

it is dated in the year 167 of an unspecified era.

53

Therefore, there are

generallyonly

two possible

eras that

the

Barwani

grant can be assigned

to:

the

Kalacuri-Cedi

era,

providing

a

date

of

ca .

417

C . E . ,

or the

Gupta

era which woulddatethe grant ca. 487 C . E .

Based

on the arthistorical

evidenceof the site, however, the later

date

for both grants seems more

plausible.

54

According to

V . V . M l R A S H I

' stranslation, the land-grant

found

inside

Bagh

2 records the

gift

of a

village

to a

community

of

Buddhist

monks:

in order

that

it may be

used

for

(defraying

the

expenses

of) perfume, frank

incense, flowers andofferings as well as for maintaining analms-house, for

repairing broken and rent portions (of the vihdra) and for providing the

Community of Venerable Monks coming from

(all)

the four quarters, with

clothing, food, nursing of the sick,

beds,

seats

as well as medicine in the

Monastery called Kalayana (the Abode of Art)caused to be constructed by

Dattataka, as long as the moon, the sun, theoceans, planets, constellationsand the

earth would endure.

55

However,

in his translation,

MIRASHI

failedto include the key phrase

for the

Blessed

One, the

Buddha

contained in the actual grant.

56

This

omission

has serious ramifications for understanding this

legal

transac

tion

of

land

which was to be used to provide perfume and other

53. V . V . M I R A SH I: 'The Age of the Bagh Caves,"

The

IndianHistoricalQuarterly

21/2 (June1945):79-85.

54. However,

some

scholars havedated the Baghcavesevenearlier than the fifth

century. In order to account for aclausecontained in the Subandhu land grant for

"repairing broken and rent portions (of the vihdra) V.V.M I R A S H I, John

A N D E R S O N , and K a r l K H A N D A L A V A L A haveindependently suggestedalate

fourth-century datefor the

site

to provide

enough time

for an accumulation of

damage thatwouldnecessitate"repairs" to the monastery. See V . V . MI RA SH I:

The Age of the Bagh Caves":84-85;JohnANDERSON:"Bagh Caves: Historical

and Descriptive Analysis; Architecture, Sculpture, Painting": 19; and K a r l

K H A N D A L A V A L A :

"Bagh and Ajanta," in

K a r l

Khandalavala, ed.,The

Golden

Age:GuptaArt-Empire,ProvinceandInfluence (Bombay: Marg Publications

1991),

pp.

93-94.

However, the attribution of such an earlydateis

completely

at

odds with the art historical

evidence

and

fails

to acknowledge that"repair"

clauses

are a standard

feature

ingrantspertaining to Buddhist

monasteries.

55. V . V . MI RA SHI:Inscriptions

of the Kalachuri-Chedi

Era 21.

56. This is pointed out in Gregory SCHOPEN's

analysis

ofthisinscription in "The

Buddha as an Owner of Property": 207 n. 15. The Sanskrit reads:bhagavato

buddhdya

gandhadhupamdlyabalisatropayojyah

...

dryyabhiksusanghasya

cdturddisdbhydgatakasya cTvarapindapdtagldnapratyayaseyydsanabhaisajya-

hetor...

See V . V . MI RA SH I:

Inscriptions

of the Kalachuri-ChediEra 20,lines6

through 9.


22/34

requisites.

Moreover,

bothparties are said to be residing in theKalayana

monastery

(kalayanavihdre). This

monastery,

literally

the Abodeof

Art ,

is probably Cave 2 where the copper-plate was found. Thus, if the

Buddha's residentialstatusis at least alluded to, if notclearlystated, in

this grant, then we might expect to

find

his presence manifested in the

arthistoricalremains of the cave itself.

Cave2 at

Bagh

is a quadrangular

vihdrawith

the main

ha l l

measuring

approximately86 feet square

(Fig.

13). It has a total of twenty residen

t ialcells,apillaredantechamber and a large back central

cel l .

Similarto

Ajanta's

vihdras, the central doorway leading intoBagh2 is differen

tiatedfrom

the other two entrances in terms of both size and decoration.

Other

external decorative features of Cave 2 include fragments of the

architrave

which

were found amidst

fallen

debris. There are no extant

paintings or sculptures found on the rest of the facade, however,there

are two niches

with

carved images located on either end of the veranda

preceding

the damaged colonnade. In the right niche is a nineteenth-

century Ganesa constructed of mud-plaster and paintwhich assumedly

covers theoriginalimage of a Buddha.

57

Due to the extensive damage of

the rock, the image in the left niche has been variously identified as a

ndgardja,

ayaksa,or a Buddha.

58

T he

visual

emphasis inside

Bagh

2 is on the shrine and its antecham

ber. A l i g n e don the axis of the cave and framed by thevihdra's central

pillars,the antechamber measures approximately 26 feet inwidthand 12

feet in depth. Carved into the sidewalls are the onlyextant figurative

57. See

C . E .

L U A R D :"The Buddhist Cavesof Central India,"Indian Antiquary39

(1910):228 and A . K . H A L D A R : "The Buddhist Caves of Bagh,"Burlington

Magazine

XLIII

(October1923):

159. Mukul Chandra

D E Y alsomentions

this

imagein his diary,

stating:

"At

each

end of the veranda is a small

recess;

thaton

the right contains avery modern figure of Ganesh, the Hindu god of luck,

usurping theplaceof theearliestfigureof the Buddha,whichisknowntohave

been

there

originally by the Buddhistic

emblems

of flying

figures

holding

garlands."

See M.

D E Y :My

Pilgrimages

to

Ajanta

andBagh

(London: Oxford

University Press

1925):

163.

58.

C . E . L U A R D

and E.

IMPEY

identify the

figure

as a Buddha; J. Ph.

V O G E L

and

Walter

SPINK suggesteither

a

nagaraja

orzyaksa. See

C . E. L U A R D :

"The

Buddhist

Caves

of Central India": 228; E.

IMPEY:

"Description of the

Caves

of

Bagh, in Rath,"

Journal

of the

Bombay

Branch

of the

Royal

Asiatic

Society

V

(1854):

548; J. Ph.

V O G E L : "Sculptures,"

in John Marshall, et. al.

TheBagh

Caves

in theGwaliorState

(London: The India

Society 1927),

pp.

38-39;

and

Walter

SPINK:

"Bagh: A

Study,"Archivesof

Asian

Art

30

(1976/77):

65.


23/34

sculptures of the Buddha found inside the cave. Although large Buddha

sculptures are found in the

antechambers

of Ajanta's Caves 4 and U6,

the figural group at Bagh is closer to Ajanta's main shrine images where

the Buddha is flanked by two

attendants.

On both sides of the antecham

ber at Bagh, the Buddha is over life-size (Fig. 14). Standing on a small

lotus, the Buddha displays thegestureofgiving(yaradamudra) with his

proper right hand and holds the hem of his robe in his left. As in

Ajanta's main shrine images, the Bagh Buddhas exhibit the standard

iconographical features, including tightly-curled hair, usnTsa, and

extended earlobes.

The sculpted Buddhas and attendant figures in the antechamber

demarcate

the sanctity of

space

and allude to the

presence

contained

within

the shrine. However, the main shrine image in Bagh 2 is not an

anthropomorphic Buddha but a three-dimensional stupa.In fact, Bagh 4,

7, and 8 also exhibit nearly identical floor plans which incorporate a

three-dimensional

stupa

in the shrine. In light of the

grant

which locates

the Buddha as a

l i v i n g

person

within

the Kalayana monastery, the

presence

of astupa

within

these fifth-century vihdras suggestsa con

tinued use of the stiipa todenotethe Buddha's

presence

thatI noted in

the earlier vihdras at Nasik, Wai , Shelarvadi, and Mahad. Thus the

presence

of astiipainside the shrines at Bagh indicates

that

the

stupa

in

the fifth century stillarticulated the Buddha's presence.

Though clearly thestupawas considered to be, or at least contain, the

presence

of the Buddha - this

presence

was more fully defined and

articulated at Bagh than in the earliervihdrasthatcontainstupas.This is

evident not only in Bagh 2's antechamber imagery which contains

anthropomorphic Buddha images, but in some very interesting modi f i

cations to the shrines themselves. On the ground in front of the stupa

housed in the back central

c e l l

of Bagh 7 is an extention of

stonethat

contains a

deep

socket-hole centered between two smaller holes. Walter

SPINK suggeststhat theseholes served to affix a Buddha image flanked

by

two attendants.

59

Evidence confirming the attachment of separate

Buddha figures can also be found in Bagh 1, 3, and 7, and in front of

the

stupa

in Cave 8.

60

The juxtaposition of the anthropomorphic Buddha and stupais also

found in Ajanta's fifth-century excavations, though in monolithic form.

59. WalterSPINK: "Bagh: AStudy":62.

60.

Ibid,

64 and 84 n. 39.


24/34

Forexample, the Buddha enshrined in Cave 11 is actually carved from

(or backed by) astupa. Interestingly, a more emphatic presentation of

thestupa as the Buddha's body occurs inside Ajanta's caitya halls 19

and 26. Instead of having aplain domedstupaas the object of venera

tion, both ofthesehalls contain astupa thatis carved

with

a Buddha

figureon its front face (Fig. 15).

61

Rather than seeingthese images as

solutions or compromises between stupaand Buddha image wor

ship,

it

appears

that theirjoining of forces, so to speak, is a

literal,

further articulation of the Buddha's presence.

Conclusions

In

this essay, I have chosen to move beyond the chronological and

sectarian frameworks inwhichAjanta is most often discussed.

W i th

this

approach we can focus on how Ajanta's excavations relate to important

aspectsof some earliervihdras.Though clearly not all of western India's

earlyvihdrasdemonstrate a concern for housing the Buddha's presence,

some do nonetheless reveal conceptual similarities

with

Ajanta in terms

of

their architectural and epigraphical evidence. The second through

fourth-century excavations atNasik,Wai, Shelarvadi, andMahad seem

to foreshadow notonlywhat becomes further defined and articulated in

the

fifth

and post-fifth-century archaeological records, but also the

increasing

concern expressed in the later epigraphical sources

that

locate

and identify the Buddha as a l i v i n g person. Though the objects of

worship

in the early and latervihdrasare indeedformally different, both

thestupaand the anthropomorphic figure were conceived of asbeing,or

at leastcontaining, the l i v i ngpresence of the Buddha. Seen in this light,

the early vihdras are in actuality the keys to understanding what is

presented moreexplicitlyat Ajanta.

Although

these

early excavations exhibit a concern for locating the

Buddha's presence withinthe monastic residence,thereare nonetheless,

some differences inhowthis presence is manifested at Ajanta. Notonly

ishis presence articulated in humanform,but thenatureof his presence

is also more fully defined. Rather than simply incorporating a solitary

image, the caves at Ajanta create a celestial environment for their

permanent resident. The rock-cut sculptures of the Buddha are notonly

61. It is

alsonoteworthy

thatsuch monolithicstupa-cum-Buddhasare

found

at the

roughly

contemporarysitesof Dhamnar and Kolvi, and in the seventh-century

caityahall at Ellora.


25/34

surroundedby a retinue of attendants, garland bearers, musicians, and

other deities, but are often presented among an array of

Buddha

images

that are either carved or painted in Ajanta's antechambers.

62

Thus at the

same time the Buddha's presence is made more concrete at Ajanta,his

divinenature is also emphasized, suggesting his presence as a super

mundane

figure.

Thisemphasis on the Buddha's

cosmic

nature may in

fact

better correspondwith the abstract presentation of the Buddha's

presence instiipaform.In other words, it was not just the

Buddha

figure

that could replace thestiipainside thevihdra,but an entire

celestial

ensemble may have been required in order to evoke the same power or

presence as the

stiipa

in the earlier caves.

63

Although

further

investiga

tionis needed into how such imagery becomes aspowerful as thestiipa,

clearlyatAjantathis is so.

62. Themostpopular

scene

depictedin Ajanta's antechambersis the multiplication

miracle at Sravastl. Paintedrepresentationsofthiseventare found in Caves 1, L6,

and 17. Cave 7containstwo carved

panels

which

cover

thesideand front

walls

of the

antechamber.

It is

interesting

tonote

that

in the

three

vihdras

that

do not

have

pillared

antechambers

(Caves

11, 16, and 22)

representations

of the multi

plication miracle (or a variation ofthistheme)are found on the rear wall, asclose

to the main shrine aspossible.

63. I would like to thank Janice Leoshko for

this suggestion.


26/34

D P

Figure1.Ajanta Cave 1,floor plan, fifth-century

excavation.

Reproduced from

James

F E R G U S S O N

and

James

B U R G E S S ,

Cave Temples of

India

(London: W.H. Allen

1880):platexl.

JJlWli

B

S t

Figure

2.

Ajanta Cave

12,

floor plan and longitudinal

section,

ca. 100

B . C . E .

to 100

C . E . Reproduced from

James

F E R G U S S O N and

James

B U R G E S S , Cave Temples of

India(London:

W . H .

Allen1880):platexxvii.


27/34

Figure 3. Ajanta Cave 2, main

shrine

Buddha, fifth

century

C.E.

Photocourtesy

of

LanceNelson.


28/34

Figure

5. Nasik 3,interiorshowingstiiparelief, second centuryC . E .Photo courtesy of

theAmerican

Institute

ofIndianStudies (AIIS Neg. No

688.68).


29/34

Figure

6.

Nasik

10,

floor plan, second-century excavation. Reproduced from M . K .

D H A V A L I K A R , Late

HTnayana

Caves of

Western

India(Poona: Deccan College

Postgraduate and ResearchInstitute

1984):

figure

6.

Figure 7. Wai 2, floor plan, third-century excavation. Reproduced from M.K.

D H A V A L I K A R , LateHTnayanaCaves ofWestern India(Poona: Deccan College

Postgraduate and ResearchInstitute 1984):figure24.


30/34

M O D E R N WALL

Figure 8. Shelarvadi 8, floor plan, late

third

to early fourth-century excavation.

Reproduced fromM . K . D HA V A L IK A R ,LateHlnayanaCaves of WesternIndia(Poona:

Deccan College Postgraduate and ResearchInstitute

1984):

figure

34.

Figure 9. Ajanta Cave8, floor plan, late fourth to early fifth-century excavation.

Reproduced from

M . K . D HA V AL I K A R ,

LateHlnayana

Caves

of

Western

India(Poona:

Deccan College Postgraduate

and

Research

Institute

1984):

figure

36.


31/34

Figure 10. Mahad 8, floor plan,latethird to fourth-century excavation. Reproduced

from

M . K . D HA V A L I K A R ,

LateHTnayana Cavesof

Western

India(Poona: Deccan

College Postgraduate and ResearchInstitute

1984):

figure 32.

n o L J 0 0 ,

5W W\ WM> >r^, .,

S a m m r

3 tew i w i ;

Figure

11.

Mahad

1, floorplan,latefourth-century excavation. Reproduced from

M . K .

D H A V A L I K A R ,

Late

HTnayanaCavesof

Western India(Poona: Deccan College

Postgraduate and Research

Institute

1984):

figure 33.


32/34

Figure 12. Ajanta Cave 11, floor plan, fifth-century

excavation.

Reproduced from

James B U R G E S S , Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples andtheir Inscriptions,

A.S.W.I.

IV (London: Trubner and Co.

1883):plate

xxviii.

Figure

13.

Bagh Cave

2,

floor plan, fifth-century

excavation.

Reproduced from John

M A R S H A L L ,

et.al.,TheBagh

Caves

inGwaliorState(Delhi: The IndiaSociety 1927):

plateI.


33/34


34/34

ajantha's excavation

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