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    Blurred Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, and the Imagined

    StateAuthor(s): Akhil GuptaSource: American Ethnologist, Vol. 22, No. 2 (May, 1995), pp. 375-402Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/646708

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    blurredboundaries:the discourse of corruption,theculture of politics, and the imaginedstate

    AKHILGUPTA-Stanford University

    While doing fieldwork in a small village in North India(in 1984-85, and again in 1989) thatIhave named Alipur, Iwas struckby how frequentlythe theme of corruption cropped up in theeveryday conversations of villagers. Most of the stories the men told each other in the evening,when the day's work was done and small groups had gathered at habitual places to shoot thebreeze, had to do with corruption (bhrashtaachaar)and "thestate."' Sometimes the discussiondealt with how someone had managed to outwit an official who wanted to collect a bribe; atother times with "thegoing price"to get an electrical connection fora new tubewel Ior to obtaina loan to buy a buffalo; at still other times with which official had been transferredor who waslikely to be appointed to a certain position and who replaced, with who had willingly helpedhis caste members or relatives without taking a bribe, and so on. Sections of the penal codewere cited and discussed in great detail, the legality of certain actions to circumvent normalprocedure were hotly debated, the pronouncements of districtofficials discussed at length. Attimes it seemed as if I had stumbled in on a specialized discussion with its own esotericvocabulary, one to which, as a lay person and outsider, Iwas not privy.

    What is strikingabout this situation, in retrospect,is the degree to which the state has becomeimplicated in the minute texture of everyday life. Of course north Indianvillages are not uniquein this respect. It is precisely the unexceptionability of the phenomenon that makes the paucityof analysis on it so puzzling. Does the ubiquity of the state make it invisible?Or is the relativelack of attention to the state in ethnographic work due to a methodology that privilegesface-to-face contact and spatial proximity-what one may call a "physics of presence?"In this article I attempt to do an ethnography of the state by examining the discourses ofcorruptionincontemporary India.Studyingthe stateethnographically involves both the analysisof the everyday practices of local bureaucracies and the discursive construction of the state inpublic culture. Such an approach raisesfundamental substantiveand methodological questions.Substantively, it allows the state to be disaggregated by focusing on different bureaucracieswithout prejudgingtheirunityorcoherence. Italso enables one to problematize the relationshipbetween the translocality of "the state"and the necessarily localized offices, institutions, and

    In this article I attempt to do an ethnography of the state by examining thediscourses of corruption in contemporary India. I focus on the practices of lowerlevels of the bureaucracy in a small northIndian town as well as on representationsof the state in the mass media. Research on translocal institutionssuch as "thestate"enables us to reflect on the limitationsof participant-observationas a technique offieldwork. Theanalysis leads me to question Eurocentricdistinctions between stateand civil society and offers a critique of the conceptualization of "the state" as amonolithic and unitary entity. [the state, public culture, fieldwork, discourse,corruption, India]

    blurred boundaries 375

    American Ethnologist22(2):375-402. Copyright? 1995, American AnthropologicalAssociation.

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    practices inwhich it is instantiated.Methodologically, itraises concerns about how one appliesethnographic methods when the aim is to understandthe workings of a translocal institutionthat is made visible in localized practices. What is the epistemological status of the object ofanalysis? What is the appropriate mode of gathering data, and what is the relevant scale ofanalysis?2Anethnography of the state in a postcolonial context must also come to terms with the legacyof Western scholarship on the state. In this article I argue that the conventional distinctionbetween state and civil society, on which such a large portion of the scholarship on the state isbased, needs to be reexamined. Is it the "imperialismof categories"(Nandy 1990:69) that al lowsthe particularcultural configuration of "state/civil society" arising from the specific historicalexperience of Europe o be naturalizedand applied universally?Insteadof takingthis distinctionas a point of departure, Iuse the analysis of the discourse of corruptionto question its utility inthe Indian context. The discourse of corruption turns out to be a key arena through which thestate, citizens, and other organizations and aggregations come to be imagined. Instead oftreating corruption as a dysfunctional aspect of state organizations, I see it as a mechanismthrough which "thestate" itself is discursively constituted.3Inaddition to description and analysis, this article also has a programmaticaim: to marksomenew trails along which futureanthropological research on the state might profitably proceed.The goal is to map out some of the most importantconnections in a very largepicture, therebyprovidinga set of propositionsthat can be developed, challenged, and refutedby othersworkingon this topic. Inso doing, this article seeks to add to a fast-growing body of creative work thatis pointing the way to a richeranalysis of "the state"(some examples are Abrams1988; Anagnost1994, in press, n.d.; Ashforth1990; Brow 1988; Cohn 1987a, 1987b; Handelman 1978, 1981;Herzfeld 1992a; Kasaba 1994; Mitchell 1989, 1991; Nugent 1994; Taussig 1992; Urla 1993;Yang 1989).I should point out that much more needs to be done to lay the empirical basis forethnographies of the state. Very little rich ethnographic evidence documents what lower-levelofficials actual y do in the name of the state.4 Research on the state, with its focus on large-scalestructures,epochal events, majorpolicies, and "important"people (Evanset al. 1985; Skocpol1979), has failed to illuminate the quotidian practices (Bourdieu 1977) of bureaucrats that tellus about the effects of the state on the everyday lives of ruralpeople. Surprisingly ittle researchhas been conducted in the small towns (inthe Indiancase, atthe level of the subdistrict[tehsil])where a largenumber of stateofficials, constituting the broad base of the bureaucraticpyramid,live and work-the village-level workers, land record keepers, elementary school teachers,agriculturalextension agents, the staff of the civil hospital, and others. This is the site where themajorityof people in a ruraland agriculturalcountry such as India come into contact with "thestate,"and this is where many of their images of the state are forged.

    Although research into the practices of local state officials is necessary, it is not by itselfsufficient to comprehend how the state comes to be constructed and represented. Thisnecessitates some reflection on the limitations inherent in data collected in "the field." Thediscourse of corruption,forexample, is mediated by local bureaucratsbut cannot be understoodentirely by stayingwithin the geographically bounded arena of a subdistrict ownship. Althoughin this article I stress the role of public culture and transnational phenomena, Ido not want tosuggest that the face-to-face methods of traditionalethnography are irrelevant. ButIdo want toquestion the assumption regardingthe naturalsuperiority-the assertion of authenticity-im-plicit in the knowledge claims generated by the fact of "being there" (what one may call the"ontological imperative").Such claims to truthgain their force precisely by clinging to boundednotions of "society"and "culture."Once cultures, societies, and nations are no longer seen tomap unproblematically onto different spaces (Appadu