akim robert joseph- chapter one
DESCRIPTION
proposalTRANSCRIPT
LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES OF FEMALE HEADED HOUSEHOLDS IN POST-
CONFLICT SITUTAIONS: CASE STUDY OF
WOMEN IN JUBA CITY
BY:
AKIM ROBERT JOSEPH
02/03018/13590/D
A RESEARCH PROPOSAL SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR’S DEGREE OF
INTERNATIONA RELATIONS OF CAVENDISH UNIVERSITY
UGANDA
MARCH, 2015
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE..............................................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION AND BACK GROUND...................................................................................1
1.0 Introduction................................................................................................................................1
1.1 Back ground...............................................................................................................................2
1.2 Statement of the Problem...........................................................................................................3
1.3 Objectives of the study..............................................................................................................4
1.3.1 General Objective...................................................................................................................4
1.3.2 Specific Objectives.................................................................................................................4
1.4 Research Questions....................................................................................................................4
1.5 Scope..........................................................................................................................................5
1.5 Content Scope............................................................................................................................5
1.5.1Geographical Scope.................................................................................................................5
1.5.2 Time Scope.............................................................................................................................5
1.6 Significance of the Study...........................................................................................................5
1.7 Conceptual framework...............................................................................................................6
LITERATURE REVIEW................................................................................................................7
2.0 Introduction................................................................................................................................7
2.1 Impact of conflict on the peoples livelihoods............................................................................7
2.2 livelihood strategies adopted by Female Headed Households (FHHs)...................................10
2.3 Challenges that female headed households face in post conflict situations............................12
CHAPTER THREE.......................................................................................................................15
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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................15
3.0 Introduction..............................................................................................................................15
3.1 Research Design......................................................................................................................15
3.2 Area of Study...........................................................................................................................15
3.3 The study population...............................................................................................................15
3.4 Sampling Technique and Size.................................................................................................15
3.5 Data Collection Technique and Tools.....................................................................................16
3.6 Data Management....................................................................................................................17
3.8 Limitations of the Study..........................................................................................................17
REFERENCES..............................................................................................................................18
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION AND BACK GROUND
1.0 Introduction
Life in Third World cities is miserable nowadays especially for low income households. Third
World nations are suffering from broader conflicts, drought and famine, disease, social
disruptions, and many other tragic developments. Reliance on the cash economy, unemployment
and underemployment, overcrowded living conditions, environmental hazards and exposure to
multiple pollutants, social fragmentation and lack of community and inter-household support
networks, crime and violence, systematic subordination or exclusion of specific social groups or
households are common facts of urban life. Urban poverty and other socio- economic evils strike
all socio-economic groups but evidence suggests that women and their children living in these
countries are the principal victims.
Gender based differences in socio-economic and political status have become a feature of the
poorest nations of the world. Among others, one way to remark the variation is the gender
intensity of illiteracy and participation in the informal sector. For all developing countries taken
together, female literacy rate is 29% lower than male literacy, women's mean years of schooling
is 45% lower than men's, and female's enrollment rates in primary, secondary and postsecondary
schools is 9%, 28%, and 49% lower respectively, than the corresponding male rates (Todaro &
Smith 2003). Moreover, females in poor countries represent the bulk of the informal sector
labour supply or low productive informal business ventures, constituting nearly 70% (World
Bank 2000).
What is more, in every society male-headed nuclear households are constructed as a natural
order with intrinsically defined roles between a husband and a wife. However, households
headed by women have become a demographic reality especially in urban areas. While the rising
phenomenon of female-headed households (FHHs) is well-acknowledged in literature, it is often
a neglected area of study in the field of urban sustainable development.
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1.1 Back ground
The “post-conflict” situation is not as easy to define as it sounds. In big international wars, a
formal surrender, a negotiated cessation of hostilities, and/or peace talks followed by a peace
treaty mark possible “ends” to conflicts. But in the sort of intra-state wars that we are chiefly
concerned with it is not so simple. Hostilities do not normally end abruptly, after which there is
complete peace. There may be an agreed “peace” but fighting often continues at a low level or
sporadically, and frequently resumes after a short period. Recent developments in South Sudan
provide an illustration, while in Northern Ireland moves towards peace have taken 15 years.
Genuine attempts at reaching peace can frequently be derailed by “spoilers” – that often turn out
to be breakaway insurgent groups that are not yet ready or willing to give up armed conflict.
Female Headed Households are those which do not count on or receive the economic support of
a male partner, whereas de facto Female Headed Households are those in which the male partner
is absent for some periods or his contribution is marginal (Machado, 1992). Hossain and Huda
(1995) also defines de jure household head a permanent head of a particular household while a
de facto household head refers to that head of a household who is temporarily taking care of the
household (usually acting as a head in absence of the actual head of the household). The
underlying assumption in these definitions is that in the Female Headed Households, the woman
is the main decision maker and in most cases the main economic provider for the household.
Household poverty related literature on South Sudan (for example Kedir & McKay 2003, Kedir
2005, Dercon 1997) focus on the outcomes or conditions of being poor and often explain poverty
as a product of material deprivation. Much of the studies are dominated by narrow measures of
current household income, expenditure or consumption and fail to address important aspects
such as asset erosion and vulnerability. Most importantly, a majority of the studies fail to analyse
the variations and implications of various forms of deprivation for living conditions of
households in the South Sudanese urban socio-economic context. Furthermore, there is lack of
appropriate analytical research that investigates livelihoods of urban female-headed households
(FHHs) in South Sudan in general and in Juba region in particular because the majority of these
studies mainly focus on rural areas. This implies very little or nothing has been done to
investigate how FHHs in general cope with urban poverty in the South Sudanese urban socio-
economic and institutional context.
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According to Scoones (1998), Farrington et al. (1999) and De Satgé (2002) livelihood strategies
of the poor are determined by the range of assets available to them to pursue different activities
that would enable them to secure a sustainable livelihood. However, the poor are highly
influenced by their vulnerability, shocks, overall trends and seasonal variations. In addition,
structures such as the role of government and the private sector and processes such as
institutional, policy and cultural factors, which people face, also determine options for choice of
livelihood strategies
This study, therefore, fills a very important niche to the research gap on livelihoods and coping
strategies of FHHs in South Sudan in general and Juba city in particular. The study focuses on
the impacts of different types of assets and institutions on the livelihoods of these households.
To gain a better analytical understanding of livelihoods of the FHHs, the study makes use of the
“Sustainable Livelihoods Approach” (SLA). The SLA is preferred above the standard
approaches, which view poverty in terms of income or consumption deprivation. The SLA
approach places people at the centre of livelihoods analysis and provides a holistic framework to
assess the assets and resources households have at their disposal and analyze how these assets
are linked to the strategies that they take up to achieve desired outcomes. Apart from these, the
SLA is a tool that draws on the notion of multidimensionality of poverty and provides an
analytical basis for understanding the impact of different types of institutions on access to
livelihood assets and capabilities of households in dealing with poverty. What is more, the
approach is much wider in scope and incorporates issues that have to do with entitlements social
and institutional resources and human endowments (Carney 2002).
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Lower levels of education, unemployment or underemployment, systematic subordination of
women by men and the bare dependence of a household on male income make FHHs start every
aspect of their life from a disadvantage platform. Like in many developing countries, women in
South Sudan are confined to only traditional roles: cooking and raising children. Most women,
even those in a good social position, have accepted those traditions without questioning their
subordination. Furthermore, there is the stigma of a woman as belonging to and dependent of
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male guardians (CRR 2003). These conditions make women to be psychologically, economically
and emotionally dependent on men or to have limited bargaining power within the socio-
economic systems that surround them. The implications of this inbuilt gender bias against girls
and women in society are that FHHs are more likely to be vulnerable to poverty at any point in
time compared to nuclear-family households. More significantly, gender-based differences in
access and resources considerably affect resource allocation and productivity within the
households, posing another threat to secure livelihoods. Most important of all, in a fragile socio-
economic environment and during the absence of a male and household support, FHHs’
livelihood strategies may result in uncertain livelihood outcomes, such as erosion of household
asset base and kinship ties and may sustain poverty or perpetuate it inter -generationally. It is
also important to remark that single parenthood may result in inter- generational transmission of
various forms of adversities (emotional, psychological, and social) which deems to spread the
seeds of distress and future hardship on children (Chant 2007).
1.3 Objectives of the study
1.3.1 General Objective
To examine the livelihood strategies of female headed households in post conflict situations in
South Sudan.
1.3.2 Specific Objectives
i) To establish the impact of conflict on people’s livelihoods.
ii) To examine the livelihood strategies adopted by female headed households
iii) To examine the challenges that female headed households face in post conflict situations
1.4 Research Questions
i) What is the impact of conflict on people’s livelihoods?
ii) What are the livelihood strategies adopted by female headed households?
iii) What are the challenges that female headed households face in post conflict situations
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1.5 Scope
1.5 Content Scope
The study focused on nature of female headed households, problems of female headed
household’s social survival strategies of female headed households and the economic survival
strategies of female headed households.
1.5.1Geographical Scope
The study will be carried out among the female headed households pollution located in Juba
City.
1.5.2 Time Scope
The study will cover the period of review from 2010 – 2015 and collection of data will run from
March to May 2015.
1.6 Significance of the Study
My research on female headed households will provide valuable information such as what
challenges female headed households are facing and what services they need assistance in
accessing. With an accurate needs assessment for the female headed households community,
agencies can then begin providing those services to the female headed households population. In
identifying the needs of the population, my research will also contribute to the development of a
methodology for identifying and modeling needs and networks in urban centers, in order to more
efficiently provide services to that population.
My research will also contribute to a larger body of research that is beginning to address the
increasing amount of female headed households, particularly in developing countries, as well as
the challenges they face and the livelihood strategies that they employ.
My research will provide evidence that female headed households have agency and are not
burdens on society, and will show that while female headed households face challenges due to
inadequate protection and support, they carve out certain social and economic spaces in order to
sustain their livelihoods. In discussing their livelihood strategies, my research will emphasize the
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voices of female headed households living in urban areas and what they express their needs to
be.
My research will also contribute to a larger body of research that is increasingly addressing the
challenges and livelihood strategies of urban female headed households, as well as to service
providers in other urban areas which seek to improve their operations.
My research will enable me to put forth a methodology for identifying and modeling needs and
networks in urban centers, enabling agencies to more efficiently evaluate the provision of
services to female headed households and better understand the processes involved in the social
and economic integration of female headed households.
1.7 Conceptual framework
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Post conflicts situation characteristics
Loss of assets Lack of security Lack of a functioning
judiciary Tension between factions and
groups High number of female
headed households
Female headed households’ characteristics
Petty trade No professional training Single parent Poverty stricken Live on minimum wages
Livelihood strategies
Income from petty trade Crafts Remittances Agriculture Membership to
cooperatives
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter focuses on what scholars have written in the field of livelihood strategies of female
headed households in conflicts situations. It is guided by the objectives of the study
2.1 Impact of conflict on the peoples livelihoods
Individuals and households in developing countries face severe economic risks even in the
absence of armed conflict (see Dercon, 2004 for discussion). Insecure socio-economic
environments force vulnerable people into deprivation and distress. Outbreaks of armed conflict
are likely to increase insecurity further. These conflicts are typically associated with the
destruction of essential infrastructure and social services, the breakdown of the rule of law, and
significant reductions in private and public investment. Armed conflicts kill and displace
populations, often limiting the access of households to employment and earnings (due to, for
instance, the death or recruitment of young adult males) and increasing levels of instability and
loss of trust. This situation can be aggravated once displaced and refugee populations and
demobilised combatants return to their communities in post-conflict situations, particularly when
food aid and medical help (at least for those who were in refugee camps) may no longer be
available. Conflict, followed by periods of insecurity and fear, may decrease the ability of
individuals and households to fall back on known survival strategies. In poorer, more vulnerable
areas, or amongst the poorest, more vulnerable households, these consequences of conflict will
add to already difficult circumstances. Those that were not poor may well become so due to
reductions in food security following market disruption, increased difficulties in getting to
markets to sell and buy goods, and the loss of earning capacity, savings and formal and informal
risk-sharing networks.
Household welfare is affected by a myriad of factors and it is often very difficult to isolate the
impact of one specific shock. Effects may depend on each household’s initial welfare position
(e.g. initial asset endowments will determine the household’s capacity to respond to economic
slowdown or reduced market access caused by armed conflicts), but are also related to
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households’ specific characteristics that may make them more prone to being a target of
violence, being recruited into fighting units or being forced to leave their area of residence (e.g.
belonging to a specific ethnic group, owning targeted land holdings or property). These effects
are unpacked below.
2.1.1. Changes in household composition
Violent conflicts kill and injure civilians and combatants alike and cause severe psychological
damage to those involved in fighting, to those living in war-torn communities and to displaced
populations. The levels of mortality and morbidity associated with armed conflict are explained
not only as outcomes of fighting but also for the most part as the result of spreading disease and
malnutrition (see Roberts et al., 2003; Guha-Sapir and Degomme, 2006). Armed civil conflicts
are highly correlated with increases in infant and maternal mortality rates, a higher proportion of
untreated illnesses and reduction in nutritional levels, even when these are not directly caused by
the initial conflict (e.g. WHO, 2002). For instance, Verwimp and van Bavel (2004) show that
although refugee women tend to have higher fertility rates than other population groups, their
children (girls in particular) have a much lower probability of survival due to the health and
socio-economic conditions experienced in refugee camps. These effects are often aggravated by
a variety of factors, even after the end of the initial conflict. These include the breakdown of
health and social services (which increase the risk of disease transmission such as HIV/AIDS,
particularly in refugee camps), decreased food security (possibly resulting in famines), increase
insecurity in living conditions and the loss of social capital and political trust (Grein et al., 2003).
2.1.2. Destruction of assets
During violent conflicts assets get lost or destroyed through heavy fighting and looting. These
include houses, land, labour, utensils, cattle, livestock and other productive assets. The very poor
are likely to be the worst affected. For instance, Verpoorten (2003) reports that 12% of all
households lost their house during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, while cattle stock on average
decreased by 50%. Shemyakina (2006) finds that the homes and livelihoods of around 7% of
households were damaged during the civil war in Tajikistan between 1992 to 1998. The Burundi
conflict in the 1990s was associated with severe asset depletion (Bundervoet and Verwimp,
2005). In Latin America, violence has significantly affected the efficiency of farm holdings due
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to the disruption of rural labour markets and limits imposed on the operation of larger farms (see
Gonzalez and Lopez, 2007 for Colombia and Wood, 2005 for El Salvador). The number of
deaths and injuries in these conflicts were extremely high (Verwimp, 2005; Bundervoet and
Verwimp, 2005; Shemyakina, 2006), with unaccountable impacts on individual livelihoods.
The destruction of assets, in addition to making for unstable economic, social and political
environments, will impact significantly on the ability of affected households to recover their
economic and social position in post-conflict settings. On the other hand, armed civil conflicts
usually take place because there is something worth fighting for, implying that some groups and
individuals will benefit from violence through looting, redistribution of assets during conflict,9
and privileged access to market and political institutions for those who ‘win’ the conflict or
support winning groups during the conflict. These effects are as important in understanding
processes of armed conflict as the more negative effects of fighting as both will have significant
bearing on the sustainability of peace during the post-conflict period.
2.1.3. Forced displacement
Armed conflicts are typically accompanied by large population movements. Civilian populations
are often targets for both armies and rebel groups trying to expand their territorial control,
weaken support for oppossing groups, increase their own support base and/or add to their
resources through looting and appropriation of valuable assets and sites Kalyvas, 2006; Vargas,
2007). This leads to population flights from areas of more intense fighting or areas where the
outbreak of violence is expected. In 2002, almost 35 million people across the world were forced
to seek asylum in another country or within the national borders due to violent conflicts (USCR,
2004). 25 million people were displaced in 2004 (UNCHR, 2005), many within their own
country (IDMC, 2006). By cutting off a large number of people from economic opportunities,
internal conflicts can lead to a vicious cycle of displacement and household poverty from which
it is difficult to escape. This is made worse by the destruction of social networks and the
consequent depletion of important elements of the social, economic and political capital of the
poor. Refugees from conflict areas and displaced populations are found to be living under the
most difficult forms of socio-economic exclusion and deprivation (see Chronic Poverty Report
2004-05). The literature has distinguished between different types of displacement, including
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forced migration, asylum seeking, and refugees. Asylum seekers and forced migrants are, to a
large extent, young economically active household members. They have always been
traditionally the most likely members of the society to migrate. In conflict settings, this effect is
compounded by the fact that they are also the most probable targets for violence and forced
recruitment into armies or rebel groups (see Czaika and Kis-Katos, 2007). Other displaced
groups such as the elderly, women and children are overrepresented amongst refugees from
conflict areas.
2.2 livelihood strategies adopted by Female Headed Households (FHHs)
Female Headed Households (FHHs) devised four major works, at the outset, to change their life
condition through 1) investing in agriculture, 2) mutual reinvestment between crop and
livestock, 3) combining farming and Off-farming income earning activities and 4) receiving
support from the community and others.
Although most households that become poor find it difficult to reverse their circumstances, there
are some that have managed to escape poverty to rebuild viable livelihoods. One of the ways
such households achieve this is by investing in agriculture and using surplus to rebuild their
assets. The success of this strategy depends on sufficient access to land and labor, as well as
favorable crop conditions. The study communities in general and the study groups in particular
tried to augment the capacity of agricultural products through preparation of natural fertilizer or
compost. This compensated the high price of artificial fertilizer like urea and daps. An
agricultural extension service was one of a mechanisms employed by the communities
particularly rural FHHs in order to add some values on crop production. Nevertheless, as
mentioned before, unavailability of ample resources in the household, less access to extension
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services, cultural influences, social biases and triple role of responsibilities necessitated upon
FHHs would thus be the major constraint for them to build their viable livelihoods.
Other households are able to rebuild their assets base in a sustained fashion by combining
surpluses from their crop and livestock production to enhance their assets and productivity in
each sector. This strategy also requires sufficient access to land and labor, as well as favorable
crop performance if it is to be successful. Households are able to secure food security
successfully through resorting to both farm and non-farm activities to acquire resources that they
can invest in assets. This type of strategy requires a substantial amount of skill and labor.
Therefore, using this strategy for FHHs became beyond their capacity due to shortages of skilled
and able-bodied adults in their households.
The third coping strategy employed by FHHs is receiving support from the community and
government. Households that have succeeded in escaping poverty have often been beneficiaries
of a helping hand from their kin or other members of the community that helped them ‘get back
on their feet’. This could be in the form of grain or cash loans when they were facing severe food
or seed shortages, or donations of labor and oxen as well. However, a kind of support received
from their relatives and neighbor was not satisfactory or none at all. This is due to the belief that
most households did not have surplus resources to assist others. Even though there are some
better-off households relatively, most households are living in poverty. This weakened their
social bondage particularly in sharing of resources through borrowing and lending of resources.
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2.3 Challenges that female headed households face in post conflict situations
These problems are manifestations of diverse economic, social, cultural and political
processes. Lack of sufficient assets such as land, labor, oxen, capital; negative attitudes of
communities towards them; low participation in political spheres; and less availability of social
support from communities as well as government exacerbates the life situation of FHHs even
though they exert much effort to succeed and improve their life through engaging in various
activities. In short, FHHs face the following set of specific restraints in order to move themselves
upward.
The Lack of Male Income Earners
FHHs suffer from lack of male income earners. This is frequently pointed out as a common
problem of such households, as it places a heavy burden on the women, especially in the
execution of farming operations. Farming in the study area is a male domain. Men are usually
responsible for ploughing the farm field and preparing the soil, while the women take charge of
such tasks as seeding, transplanting, and preparing of meals. Farming operations rely mostly on
pairs of draft oxen and human labor. The harvest is done jointly by male and female members of
a household. Ploughing is a task performed by men; though it is not impossible for women to do
this work, it is a very physically demanding operation and women ban to plough their farmland
due to cultural influence. It is possible for FHHs to hire male labor power to help with farming
operations, but this imposes a heavy expenditure burden on the households. Moreover, the
tradition of the society also negatively affects female-headed households in obtaining labors.
They do not hire laborer to till their lands since they are afraid of people’s gossip. Locally,
people call females who till their lands by hiring farmers as yeset asarash that is meant to
undermine females’ status in the community. Thus, FHHs are forced to give their resources like
land and oxen to sharecroppers and renters. FHHs till their farmlands with the help of hoe which
12
are found near to their home. As a result, they suffer under an additional physical burden.
Child-raising
When divorces take place in the study area, it is customary for the mother to take the children
into her care and bring them up. In fact, all the divorced women in the village have the children
in their care and are bringing them up. None of these divorced mothers receive child support
from the ex-husband. Consequently, the divorced mother must bear the heavy burden of raising
the children, especially when they are small.
As indicated in Article No. 165 of Civil Code of women take child custody until children are five
years of age but in reality, according to Hobben (1973), children generally stay with their
mothers. This exacerbates the financial problems and worsens the life condition of FHHs for two
reasons. First, children are too young so that they are dependents of the households. Second,
women are not able to carry out other than domestic works freely since their children of these
ages need care and support. Otherwise, they are exposed to health hazards, accidents etc. Thus,
women spend much time by taking care of their children rather than doing other works. Thus,
child-rearing is more a social compulsion than an economic involvement among FHHs.
Limited Job Opportunities
Limited job opportunities in the study area are due to lack of capital, location, traditions, skills
and sometimes education. As mentioned in Table 7.1, women seem relatively better
opportunities to engage in different activities than men. Men focus on major activities although
limited in number. Women try to participate in variousactivities such as crop production,
livestock rearing, daily labor, spinning cotton, embroidering. However, due to shortage of assets
and low job opportunities found in the study area, they cannot lead their life properly. Especially,
lack of start up business limit their engagement in petty trading. Low demand of their products
13
and the high price of raw materials affect the condition of the markets. Moreover, the location of
the study sites near to towns may sometimes limit the job opportunities of women, who are
interested in engaging preparation of local liquors. This is due to men as well as women can find
many types of liquor houses in nearby towns. Hence, as far as women reside in the rural areas,
the chance to get job is rare.
Feeble Social Support
The present study has revealed that no public programs, administered by provincial or district
offices, are seen in the study area to support FHHs. There are also no self-help groups that offer
welfare-like services to female-headed households in the study area. Any arrangements for
mutual aid that may exist are established either erratically, or temporarily, with the result that
there are no institutional arrangements to cater to the needs of FHHs on a day-to-day basis.
Voluntary and informal associations for mutual financial help do not exist either.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter explains the methods that the researcher will use to select the geographical areas,
from which research will be carried out and methods of selection of respondents. It also explains
the methods that will be used to collect, process, and analyze data.
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3.1 Research Design
The study will be basically observational without any interventions. A descriptive cross sectional
design will be used to collect data from a section of the population in the Juba City. Data on
female headed households etc will be obtained from the study subjects one at a time. Background
information such as age, marital status, socio-economic status, religion etc will also be obtained.
Both qualitative and quantitative data will be collected for the study.
3.2 Area of Study
The study will be carried out among the female headed households pollution located in Juba
City.
3.3 The study population
The study will engaged households in selected communities within the Juba City. The focus will
be on most especially women in the study households. Subjects will be drawn from a number of
communities within the Juba City.
3.4 Sampling Technique and Size
A total of 384 community will be selected for the study. A mix of sampling methods will be used
in selecting the 384 study subjects. This includes cluster sampling, simple random and
systematic sampling methods. A simple random sampling technique will be used to select twenty
(20) communities and each community then formed a cluster. Subjects will be selected from
each cluster systematically. The sample frame will be the total number of house holds within the
study communities. Each household then will constitute a sample unit. The sample size will be
obtained having statistical population proportion method,
Where, n = estimated sample size
P = sample proportion (the proportion of the sample that is assumed to be having Children =
50% or 0.5)
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n=z2 p(1−p )
d2
d = the probability that the desired sample size will not be representative of the study population
(5%)
Z = level of confidence that the chosen sample will be representative of the population (95%)
The assumption that 50% or 0.5 of the sample having Children is based on the fact that there is
no baseline data from the district hence half of the population is assumed to be having children.
Below is the sample size calculation;
n = 1.96 2 x 0.5 (1- 0.5)
0.052
n = 3.8416 x 0.5 x 0.5
0.0025
n = 0.9604
0.0025
n = 384.16
n = 384
3.5 Data Collection Technique and Tools
Prepared questionnaires containing open ended and closed ended questions will be given out to
the study subjects to respond with the aid of research assistants. The research assistants will
administer the questions to the respondents’ one at a time. They will read out the questions and
interpret them to the respondents in a local languages after which the response from the
respondents will be recorded accordingly.
Exploration of available data
Data on female headed households will be explored having compilation forms and checklist.
Observation
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Interviewers will observe female headed households during the interview.
3.6 Data Management
(a) Storage of data: Data collected from the field in the form of answered questionnaires
and checklists will be stored in files whilst awaiting analysis. Analysed data in the form
of tables and charts will be stored on computer prior to the writing of the thesis report.
(b) Data analysis method: collected data will be analysed through the use of computer to
construct tables and charts. Computer software Statistical Package for Social Science
(SPSS) version 16.0 will be used for the data entry and analysis was done having Stata
software. The data from the questionnaire will be coded and fed into the computer for
onward analysis based on the study objectives and the main study variables. Descriptive
statistics will be employed in the analysis of data collected from the field.
. 3.7 Pre-Test of Data Collection Instruments (Tools)
Data collection tools such as the questionnaire and checklist will be tested in a pilot study before
the actual collection of data. This was to test the validity and reliability of the instruments. The
pre-test or pilot study was conducted on pregnant women in a non-study community within the
Juba City. Any faulty tool was redesigned or replaced after the pre-test.
3.8 Limitations of the Study
The study will be limited to only community in the Juba City. Due to time and financial
constraints and the large nature of the state, the study will not cover every community in the
state. In view of that, data for the study will be collected from study subjects chosen from
selected communities in the district.
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