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DISMEMBERMENT OF PAKISTAN
D R. SARFARAZ HUSSAIN M IRZA
NAZARIA-I-PAKISTAN TRUSTAiwan-i-Karkunan-i-Tahrik-i-Pakistan, Madar-i-Millat Park,
100-Shahrah-i-Quaid-i-Azam, Lahore. Ph.: 9201213-14 Fax: 9202930Email: trust@nazariapak.info Web: nazariapak.info
AN O VER-VIEW
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Editor: Dr. Sarfaraz Hussain Mirza
Published by: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust
Printer: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers
Under Supervision: Rafaqat Riaz
Designing: Shahzad Yasin
Composing M. Shahid Gulzar
First Edition: August 2009
Copies: 1000
Price: Rs. 115
NAZARIA-I-PAKISTAN TRUSTAiwan-i-Karkunan-i-Tahrik-i-Pakistan, Madar-i-Millat Park,
100-Shahrah-i-Quaid-i-Azam, Lahore. Ph.: 9201213-14 Fax: 9202930Email: trust@nazariapak.info Web: www.nazariapak.info
Published by
Printed at: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers,10-Multan Road, Lahore. Ph: 042-7466975
All rights reservedResponsibility for the accuracy of facts and for the
opinions expressed rests solely with the author.
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DEDICATION
With all my sea-deep affection,I earnestly dedicate this humble
work to the millions of Pakistani
Youth who are perhaps still
unaware about the realities of thedisintegration of their beloved
motherland.
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Message from the Chairman
Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust is a national
academic-cum-research institution for promoting and
projecting the ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama
Muhammad Iqbal. To fulfill this role, the Trust's
programmes aim at highlighting objectives for whichPakistan was established, recalling sacrifices rendered
for achieving it, and creating awareness among
people, particularly young generations, about its
ideological basis and its glorious Islamic cultural
heritage. The Trust feels that its efforts can bear fruit if
it succeeds in equipping the youth with authentic
knowledge about the inspirational teachings and
achievements of our Founding Fathers, Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Muhammad Iqbal.
With this aim in view, the Trust carries out multi-
faceted activities, one of which is production of
literature which not only disseminates knowledge
about the great Pakistan Movement but also fills ourhearts with feelings of pride on our successful struggle
for independence, makes us conscious of our vast
national and human wealth, and unfolds our
capabilities to face the future with confidence.
It must be admitted that although, after
suffering huge losses of life and property, we
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ultimately succeeded in achieving Pakistan under the
epoch-making leadership of Quaid-i-AzamMuhammad Ali Jinnah, we could not make it an ideal
Islamic State as visualized by Quaid-i-Azam and
Allama Iqbal. After the death of the Father of the
Nation, his unfaithful successors deviated from his
path and turned Pakistan into a playfield of civil and
military dictators. The Quaid-i-Azam delivered usfrom the slavery of Britishers and Hindus but we have
now fallen into the trap of another type of slavery. To
free ourselves from its clutches and all other types of
overlordships, we must seek guidance from the nation-
building thoughts and actions of Quaid-i-Azam and
Allama Iqbal who aspired to make Pakistan a truly
modern Islamic welfare democratic state.
As pointed out before, our main focus is on
younger generations who were in the forefront in the
struggle for Pakistan and who can even today play a
similar role in building up Pakistan into a modern
democratic and welfare Islamic State. The students'
favourite slogan during Pakistan Movement wasPakistan ka matlab kiya: La Ilaha Illallah. Through
this slogan the Muslim youth saw a dream of regaining
our past glory and establishing our own free Muslim
State in our homelands.
The Quaid-i-Azam was fully conscious of the
mighty role which students played in the past and
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could play in the future. Addressing a deputation of
students on 31 October 1947 he observed: Pakistan isproud of its youth, particularly the students who have
always been in the forefront in the hour of trial and
need. You are the nation-builders of tomorrow and you
must fully equip yourself with discipline, education,
and training for the arduous task lying ahead of you.
You should realize the magnitude of yourresponsibility and be ready to bear it.
The truth is that we have long neglected the
youth and our educational system does not inspire
them to give their best in the building up of Pakistan
economically, socially, politically and even
educationally. Inspiration comes through ideological
education, which in our case involves a study of two-
nation theory derived from Islamic Ideology which
motivated the great Pakistan Movement and on which
is raised the edifice of our nationhood. It is this
ideological education which the Trust seeks to impart
to the Pakistani youth through its publications,
including the present one. I hope, this literature willacquaint the Pakistani youth about the separation of
East Pakistan and inspire them to rise above
provincial, linguistic and sectarian rivalries and make
them apostles of national unity and territorial integrity.
Majid Nizami
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CONTENTS
v Preface 9
v Prelude 13
v Language Controversy 17
v Promulgation of First Martial Law in 1958 21
v Mujib's Controversial Points 22
v Second Martial Law and General Elections 24
v Beginning towards an End 27
v India's Role in the Dismemberment of Pakistan 37
v The ugly Role of Foreign Press 44
v BBC Reporting 52
v Analysis 63v Conclusion 65
v Appendices:
o The text of Six-Point Formula 67
o Mr. Bhutto storms out of Security Council 71
o
Operative Clauses of the Polish Resolution 75O President Yahya breaks the News 77
O Comments of the Pakistani Press 79
v References 101
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9
PREFACE
It was in early eighties when I first attempted to
work on East Pakistan Crisis under the guidance of Prof.
Dr. Rafique Ahmad. With his blessings, I was able to
produce a book on the Role of Foreign Press in the
dismemberment of Pakistan.
The present monograph is a supplement of my
earlier work with a few changes and addition of four
Appendices i.e., (i) Text of Six Point Agenda Formula of
Sheikh Mujiburrahman, (ii) Operative Clauses of historic
Polish Resolution (iii) President Yahyas speech of 16th
December, 1971 and (iv) Extracts from The Times,London December 16, 1971 dealing with the speech of
Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the United Nations Security
Council when he said: Mr. President!
I am leaving your Security Council. I find it
disgraceful to my person and to my country toremain here a moment longer. Impose any decision,
have a treaty worse than Versailles, Legalize
aggression, Legalize occupation... I will not be a
party to it. We will fightmy country harkens for
me.
As a humble student of history, I have tried to put
facts before the readers with utmost care and
responsibility. My view point is that the Pakistani nation
specially the generation born after the good old days of
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10
the United Pakistan should be properly acquainted with
the realities of the seventies. It is a fact that at that time,
the whole nation was kept completely ignorant of whatwas being written and told by the foreign media especially
at a time when Pakistan was struggling to steer out of
turbulence.
Hence the whole narrative and reporting of the
foreign press was biased and totally one sided. The Indian
press media played havoc following the policy of
disinformation and misinformation. As we know, India
could never reconcile herself to the fact of partition,
therefore, one could see the Indians inner desire to undo
Pakistan in its damaging press propaganda against it.
It may be recalled that during the East PakistanCrisis, the Indian Foreign Minister had categorically
declared: We may have to take action on our own if a
satisfactory political solution to the Bangla Desh crisis is
not found out. (The Times, London, June 26, 1971).
(Late) Indira Gandhis, inflammatory statementneeds special mention when she said. the enemy shall
be crushedAnd now victory will be complete when the
Bangla Desh Government establishes itself in Dhaka and
stabilizes. (The Times, London, December 11, 1971).
What does this depict? One may appreciate to
believe that Bharat has not recognized Pakistan even
today. History is the witness to the fact that she is the arch
enemy of Pakistan and shall remain so for all times to
come. It is a fact that Bharat is mainly responsible for
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disintegrating Pakistan. Beware, she is on the look for
another misadventure. Pakistani nation should learn a
lesson from its past because any nation which does notlearn from its past may not have any future to plan.
I would call this monograph a sorrowful vent of a
wretched heart remembering a part of its country that was
treacherously separated by the enemy when it was still in
its twenties.
Acknowledgements
I must acknowledge that I was able to complete this
task because of foster care of the respected Chairman
Janab Majid Nizami, who has been very kind and
considerate to me throughout my job at the Nazaria-i-
Pakistan Trust.
Prof. Dr. Rafique Ahmad, Vice-Chairman needs
special mention since he, as usual, gave me tremendous
moral encouragement and provided academic guidance in
the completion of this booklet.
Above all, Mr. Rafaqat Riaz, Additional Secretary
deserves my special thanks for taking personal interest in
making this project as a regular assignment and publishing
it in a booklet form.
I shall be failing in my duty if I dont mention the
name of Mr. Shahid Rasheed, Secretary who gave mefree hand to complete my task.
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I am thankful to Mr. Naeem Ahmad, an
experienced script editor, for bringing this script in order.
While doing so, he gave me very useful suggestions.
I should thank Mr. Shahid Gulzar for the entire
typing work which he undertook with care and
responsibility. As usual, Mr. Muhammad Shahzad showed
keenness in finalizing this booklet.
In the end, I must acknowledge that I am aware ofthe flaws in the work for which I alone stand responsible.
An effort will be made to remove discrepancies if any, in
the next edition.
Lahore: 3rd
June, 2009 Sarfaraz Hussain Mirza
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13
PRELUDE
In March 1940, the Muslims of the South Asian
Sub-continent voiced for the creation of a separate
homeland in their majority areas. With this aim before
them, they, under the able and dynamic leadership of the
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948), after
decades of relentless struggle, ultimately achieved their
goal on August 14, 1947 and their Quaid was sworn in as
the first Governor General of the largest Muslim country
in the world. This biggest state of Muslims comprised of
two wings set apart by 1000 miles from each other. The
eastern and western zones of Pakistan worked under onesystem for good 24 years but were disjointed in December
1971 owing to a number of reasons major cause being
the hostility of Pakistans immediate neighbour Bharat
with whom she had parted ways in 1947.
Bharat could not reconcile herself, with the
partition right from 1947 which she dubbed as cutting of
the baby into two. During the movement for Pakistan, the
Hindu leaders called it vivisection of mother India and
once the region was divided, they could not accept the fact
of Pakistan. They, however, did so with mental
reservation and since then remained active in makingpersistent efforts to undo Pakistan. The top brass of the
Indian National Congress failed to conceal their inner
hatred against Pakistan and, on different occasions, gave
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the impression of creating forced Akhand Bharat. In
their bid for re-unification of British India, they spared no
effort to undermine Pakistan by different means eitherthrough their utterances or by means of physical
interventions. The Congress Committees resolution of
June 14, 1947 expressing their hatred against the division
of India; Sardar Vallabhbhais (1875-1950) statement
regarding re-unification; Pandit Jawaharlal Nehrus (1889-
1964) verdict on re-union, Maulana Abul Kalam Azads(1888-1958) remarks of short lived partition; M.K.
Gandhis (1869-1948) opposition to the creation of
Pakistan; Acharya Kriplanis claim of a United India,
are clear testimony to the fact that Bharat could not digest
the birth of Pakistan. While the Muslims were satisfied
psychologically over what they had achieved, the Hindus
seemed determined to regain what they [thought they] had
lost. And to achieve this end, Bharat lost no opportunity,
whenever made available to her. She suddenly stopped the
flow of canal waters to Pakistans parched lands; pushed
millions of refugees into Pakistan at the time of partition;
seized Junagarh and Kashmir states on different pretexts.
She struck against Pakistan thrice first in 1948, secondly
in 1965 and lastly in 1971, when she was able to have
fulfilled her evil design of disintegrating Pakistan.
It may be recalled that the Bengali Muslims played
a very vital role in the creation of Pakistan; as no other
Muslim province had so overwhelmingly supported the
idea of Pakistan as had the province of Bengal. Tracing
the history of the Muslim national struggle one finds that
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the political party that gave Pakistan to the Indian
Muslims, the All-India Muslim League, was established in
Bengal in 1906. The historic Pakistan Resolution ofMarch 1940, demanding a separate Muslim State, was
moved by a stalwart Bengali Muslim leader, A.K. Fazlul
Haque (1873-1962). In the general elections of 1945-46,
the role of Bengali Muslims proved to be decisive in the
creation of Pakistan.
It was a Bengali Muslim League leader in the
person of Syed Hussain Shaheed Suharawardy (1893-
1963) who moved the historic resolution demanding a
single state of Pakistan on the occasion of Muslim League
Legislatures Convention held in April 1946 at Delhi,
under the presidentship of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad AliJinnah. It may be noted that while the Bengali Muslims
voted for Pakistan, the Hindu Bengalis never voted or
supported the Pakistan Movement and, it was this
pressure group of Hindu element that worked behind the
scenes for reunion with their co-religionists in Hindu
Bharat.
One feels difficult to find out any historical
instance of Bengali Muslims disinterest in the creation of
a single state Pakistan. It is also difficult to see how
Pakistan should have become a reality without the
determined support of the eastern wings electorate. Then,
what provoked them to express their discontent soon after
the creation of Pakistan till the crisis of 1971? Seen in the
light of facts, there is little doubt to believe that Hindu
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machinations against a sovereign nation sowed the seeds
of the East Pakistan crisis, through which the country and
the nation passed between 194871.
The Hindu school teachers and University
professors played a significant role in carrying out
propaganda against Pakistan among the students. Prior to
partition, a province that served as hinterland for the
Hindu industrialists and an area that was kept in a state of
backwardness during the British regime and, the Bengali
Muslim, who by experience of history since the annulment
of the partition of Bengal in 1911, had thrown its weight
in the Muslim League independence movement for better
economic living and openings, now miserably fell victim
to the nefarious underhand activities of the Hindupopulation within East Pakistan and with their co-
religionists across the border. Due to hostile Hindu
propaganda, serious misunderstandings cropped up to
strain the relations between West and East Pakistan. These
misunderstandings gave an opportunity to the hostile
elements within Pakistan to exploit the situation toengineer the March 1971 uprising in East Pakistan.
Other factors, such as distance between the two
wings, lack of contact between the masses of both the
wings, the emotions that arose because of language issue,
mishandling of delicate issues by some unimaginative
policy makers and a false sense of neglect and
exploitation of Bengalis by West Pakistanis, gave a
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chance to the fifth columnist and the outside interests to
intervene.
Language Controversy
The most crucial hour of misunderstanding
between the two wings that sowed permanent seeds of
mistrust between them came when controversy began in
February 1948 with regard to a demand for making
Bengali Language an official language.1
This, however,was opposed and a serious controversy started at the
national level that led to the significant political blunders.
This was the first occasion when the East Pakistan
leadership involved students into anti-centre agitations
and inadvertently, invited the nefarious interest of the
communist elements to step in. The resentment bred bythe language issue was transformed into a political
movement with the passage of time. However, the tension
subsided with the timely intervention of the father of the
nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah during his
visit to Dhaka on March 17, 1948 but about four years
after his death, it emerged again in February 1952, when
the Central Government attempted to introduce Arabic
script for the Bengali language. Khawaja Nazimuddin
(1884-1964) the Prime Minister of Pakistan, declared
Urdu as the national language. The Provincial Assembly
of East Pakistan in return passed resolution demandingBengali to be one of the national languages. Soon after,
demonstrations started and on February 21, two Bengali
students died of police firing and a Shaheed Minar was
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erected in their memory. At length, in 1954, the
Constituent Assembly approved Bengali as one of the two
state languages. With this move, provincialism, which hadraised its head as early as 1950, now heightened political
polarization in Pakistan.
In the general elections of 1954 held in East
Pakistan, the Muslim League was badly defeated. A
United Front comprising of four parties, including the
Awami League preached regionalism in the electioneering
campaign presenting 21-point programme which voiced
for regional autonomy. Soon after the crushing defeat of
the Muslim League in East Pakistan, a new chapter of
violence, armed attacks, rioting and plundering was
opened, resulting in a large number of casualties. The thenChief Minister, A.K Fazlul Haque, on this occasion
remarked, that the true solution of the problems of East
Pakistan was independence.2
In these hectic days of
political unrest, Haque ministry (United Fronts
Government) was dismissed and Governors rule was
imposed in East Pakistan by Governor General GhulamMohammad (1895-1956). Major General Iskander Mirza
(1899-1969) was appointed Governor of the Province.
This step redoubled the hatred of Bengalis against West
Pakistan and as such the former turned against the Central
Government.
In was then in 1955 that Chaudhary Mohammad
Ali (1905-1980) became the Prime Minister after
Mohammad Ali Bogra (1909-1963). His appointment as
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Premier was seen with bitterness by the Bengalis on the
pretext that both the number one and number two
positions that of the Governor General and the PrimeMinister were usurped by the West Pakistanis against
the established tradition of allocating one key position to
either wing. While the East West relations were getting
strained, the Indian interest began to increase in Pakistans
politics and, from 1956, the Indians stealthily began to
intervene in Pakistani politics.
Chaudhary Mohammad Ali entered into an
agreement with the East Pakistan leaders. According to
the agreement, matters such as unification of West
Pakistan, parity between East and West Pakistan and the
question of regional autonomy were solved whichultimately paved the way for the passing of the
Constitution in 1956. After the failure of the Ministry of
Abu Hussain Sarkar (1895-1969) during the premiership
of Chaudhary Mohammad Ali, Ataur Rehman (b-1907) of
the Awami League was appointed Chief Minister in 1956
by the new Prime Minister, Hussain ShaheedSuharawardy, who was commissioned to form the
Ministry at the Centre in September 1956. With his great
political skill, Suharawardy solved some of the
controversial issues including that of the electorates yet
the discontent of the Bengalis did not subside and, in April
1957, the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly adopted a
resolution with regard to regional autonomy. In this
particular move, politicians like Maulana Abdul Hameed
Khan Bhashani (1880 1976) took the initiative.
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The political problem of regional autonomy kept on
troubling and, in October 1957, Suharawardy, who had so
amicably handled the situation, resigned for fear ofdismissal. Thereafter Ismail Ibrahim Chundrigar (1897-
1960) succeeded Suharawardy in 1957. The year 1958
saw rapid changes in the ministries one after another, in
East Paksitan. On March 31, 1958 the new Governor of
the Province, A.K. Fazlul Haque, dismissed Ataur
Rehmans ministry and installed Sarkars ministry.Immediately afterwards, the Central Cabinet dismissed
Fazlul Haque and, as a result, Sarkar was ousted within
twelve hours leaving the office vacant for Ataur Rehman
to come back to power. On June 18, 1958 the Awami
League was defeated in the House because the National
Awami Party of Bhashani, which had been playing a
changing role of now opposing and then supporting
different ministries one after another, now withdrew its
support of the Awami League. On June 20, Abu Hussain
Sarkar formed the Government but it was short-lived as
National Awami Party had once again withdrawn its
support and had sided with the Awami League. This
resulted into change of ministry once again and on June
23, Sarkar was defeated in the House. Because of unstable
and increasingly confused situation, Presidents Rule was
imposed in the Province on June 24,1958.
In August 1958, Awami League was reinstalled
and this time the Assembly once again could not function
properly. The overall political situation by then was
awfully painful in both the wings. If there was turmoil in
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the east, the west too was not free of tension as the
Muslim League and the Republican Party, formed in
1956, were at loggerheads against each other in WestPakistan Legislative Assembly.
Promulgation of First Martial Law in 1958
In these circumstances, when the nation was
completely disillusioned with the political leadership, the
first Martial Law was imposed on October 28, 1958 by theCommander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army, General
Mohammad Ayub Khan (1907-1974). He unnecessarily
charge sheeted the politicians and wrongly held them
responsible for inviting such an uncalled for step.
Ayub Khans Martial Law was seen by the
Bengalis as a conspiracy hatched by West Pakistanis who,
according to them, did not allow the parliamentary system
to work successfully in the country. Ayub Khan ruled
both the wings with a strong hand and made relentless
efforts to curb provincialism. Apparently he formulated a
policy of better understanding between the people of bothwings, laid stress on Islam as a unifying force, increased
the ratio of installation of industry, encouraged inter-wing
marriages and revised quota of East Pakistanis in Civil
Services; but despite his persistent efforts he failed to
satisfy the Bengalis and all his attempts for reconciliation
were frustrated owing to one reason or the other. His self-styled system of Basic Democracy could not achieve
desired results. Ayub Khan introduced Presidential form
of government and gave a Constitution to the nation in
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1962 which was bitterly resented by the East Pakistanis,
resulting into wide spread unrest in that region which
convulsed the whole Province for a year. It was on thisoccasion that Hussain Shaheed Suharawardy was arrested.
Resentment of the people gave an opportunity to many
intruders of the enemy camp, including the foreign powers
to walk in and, thereafter, passive voices for separation
began to be heard here and there. The years 1964-65
witnessed increasing political chaos in the country. In1965, Pakistan faced aggression by India and during these
fateful days, the East Pakistanis began to think themselves
unprotected and Sheikh Mujibur Rehman (1922-1975) the
leader of the Awami League, came to the forefront with
his controversial demand of self-determination.
Mujibs Controversial Points
It was during this ugly period that the foreign press
had started taking interest in the political crisis of
Pakistan. The seeds of the future foreign press sabotage
were sown in 1965, which continued to prick Pakistan
from time to time and ultimately fired its last bullet during
1971 crisis in East Pakistan. India, which had begun
intervening in Pakistani politics after 1956, now
encouraged Mujibs uncalled for activities who had
exposed himself with his much controversial Six-points3.
Because of his campaign of hatred against the westernzone and, also, his intentions of secession, Mujib was
arrested in April 1966, but released after a few days and
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was re-arrested in May 1966an act that triggered off
demonstrations by the Awami League workers.
In January 1968, Mujib became the centre of
attention when his name was announced in Agartala4
Conspiracy, thereby making him a martyr while he was
in jail. The case, however, was withdrawn due to political
pressure and, East Pakistans hatred against West Pakistan
became intense which paved the way for the Bengalis to
openly speak about independence. By the end of 1968,
Ayubs power was forcefully challenged by the people
and a storm of frustration rose against him leading to
severe agitations against the Centre. Ayub Khan tried to
save the situation by calling a Round Table Conference
(RTC) of political leaders on February 26, and March 10,1969. Prior to that, Mujib was released under political
pressure to participate in the Conference. His attitude
during the deliberations of the Conference was negative as
he totally refused to soften his stand on Six-points. Since
Ayub Khan believed these points to be a gate-way towards
confederation, therefore, he declined to accept them. Onthe other hand, while the Conference was in progress, both
Bhashani from East Pakistan and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
(1928-1979) from West Pakistan, who had refused to
attend the Conference earlier, staged agitations in the
streets. Thus the RTC failed because of serious differences
of opinion amongst political leaders and non-cooperation
of Bhutto and Bhashani. The effort of a peaceful political
solution therefore ended in fiasco.
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Seeing all avenues closed for the transfer of power
to civilian government, Ayub Khan resigned on March 25,
1969, abrogated the Constitution and handed over thegovernment to General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan
(1917-1980), who imposed second Martial Law in the
country. While addressing the nation, Ayub Khan referred
to the efforts being made for dividing the country and said
that in such circumstances, I cannot preside over the
destruction of my country.5 However, the fact remainsthat the first seed of destruction was sown on the
promulgation of Ayubs Martial Law.
Second Martial Law and General Elections
With the beginning of the second Martial Law
regime, the people became more disgruntled. Thedisgusted Bengalis, who had already resented the Martial
Law of 1958, immediately reacted to the second one too.
They felt that it was another step to curb them
economically and, they began drifting towards the Awami
League. It appears that at the advent of Yahyas Martial
Law, the nation had been divided into opposing factions
one believing their salvation lying with the Awami
League under Mujib and the other faction thought Bhutto
to be their saviour but unfortunately both of them
miserably failed to save the unity of Pakistan.
After assuming power, Yahya Khan declared thathe would hand over the government to the elected
representatives of the people and to achieve this end, he
announced general elections and did some spade work
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prior to that event. In his broadcast of November 28, 1969
he dissolved the One Unit and adopted the principle of
one man-one vote instead of paritya principle that hadpopular support in the past among the warring political
groups, even the East Pakistan leadership. Dissolution of
One Unit and the abolition of parity system was perhaps,
the first step towards bifurcation of Pakistan. The events
that followed in the coming years in the political history
of Pakistan changed the entire fabric of the Pakistansbody politic.
In order to hold general elections in December, the
government lifted the ban on political activities on
January 1, 1970. On March 30, Yahya Khan promulgated
the Legal Framework Order (LFO) which laid certainprinciples for the coming elections i.e., the type of the
future government; preservation of Islamic ideology;
framing of the Constitution in a specific period and the
powers of the President of Pakistan to amend or reject the
Constitution passed by the National Assembly.
Elections to the National Assembly were to be held
on October 5, 1970 but in September, East Pakistan was
afflicted by heavy floods followed by cyclone disaster in
mid-November 1970. As millions of East Pakistanis had
been severely affected by this natural calamity, the
Government as well as the majority of political parties of
both the wings agreed for the postponement of the
elections, which were now postponed from October 5 to
December 1970 accordingly.
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During the electioneering campaign, Mujib availed
of every opportunity of exploitation and left no stone
unturned to spread hatred against West Pakistan amongstthe Bangalis. He exploited the flood situation and fully
benefited from the cyclone disaster by playing up the
passions of the Bengalis and blaming the Government for
apathy and neglect. While he was cunningly carving a line
of separation with his notorious slogan of Six-points, the
political situation in West Pakistan was also notencouraging. No political party could seriously challenge
the veiled secessionist intentions of Mujibs Six-points.
Neither wings political parties other than the Awami
League tried to bring effective and representative
candidates in the field in East and West Pakistan
constituencies. Even the Pakistan Peoples Party of
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto did not nominate any one over there.
The result was that the election campaign gave an
impression of regionalism rather than nationalism. The
East Pakistan leadership particularly Mujib, became
aggressive and gave an impression of clear cut hatred
against West Pakistan and its leadership. Of course, it was
a confusing as well as a discouraging situation from the
national point of view.
After the elections, the two largest parties that
emerged victorious were the Awami League from East
Pakistan and the Pakistan Peoples Party from the West
Pakistan. They secured 160 seats and 81 seats respectively
out of 300 total National Assembly seats6
(excluding
reserved seats for women to be indirectly elected). These
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results show that the elections were fought on the basis of
regionalism and not on the national level--though
popularly known to be the most fair elections ever held inthe history of Pakistan. In other words, this fairness did
not suit the needs of the geo-political requirements of the
country. The way in which the electioneering campaign
was launched by the political parties and, the display of a
lack of foresight by the people in general and the leaders
in particular, moved the country towards a confederation.
Beginning towards an End
After the elections, the situation became alarming.
The future of the country depended on two largest groups
which had emerged victorious. The eyes of the world were
set on the political situation of Pakistan. Democracyawaited the decision of the hour. The nation was anxious
to see her fortunes in the democratic framework that was
supposed to be built up after the elections. But what
happened after the elections was a sad story of ugly events
that took place one after the other. A serious controversy
in inflammatory words began between the leaders of the
major victorious parties in whose hands lay the destiny of
the country. The government in power lacked imagination
who could not fully guage the seriousness of the
disastrous consequences of the grave situation. The ship of
the nation was tottering on the turbulent sea and hardlyany leader had the capability of a real statesman who
could face the nasty waves.
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The party leader having the lions share became
arrogant and too difficult a man to be handled either by
the government or the second majority party or any otherpolitical quarter. Mujib wanted nothing but separation.
His attitude then was take it or leave it.7
As such, a cold
tug of war for snatching power began between the two
majority parties. What should have happened after the
elections was that the session of the National Assembly
should have been convened according to schedule, but allefforts towards this direction were frustrated due to wrong
interpretations and untimely utterances of the contending
political parties regarding the future course of action and
framing of the constitution. This battle of words helped to
intensify the existing hatred and misunderstandings and
the little that was left beneath the surface ascended up
with its ugly and horrible posture. The extremist groups
while reaping the harvest, cried for independence which
further widened the gulf between the two wings. The
nefarious activities of the extremists radical students
added fuel to Mujibs secessionist intentions. On January
3, 1971 Mujib and his partymen including MNAs, in a
public meeting clearly indicated their designs of
separation. On this occasion, Mujib, in his address, said
that the blood of the martyrs would not be allowed to go
in vain. We will frame the constitution as we are the
representatives of the majority. Those who want to placean obstacle in its way will be eliminated
8.While Mujib
spoke, the map of Bangladesh was displayed on the table
carrying the words Jai Bangla.9
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To coop the situation, a series of parleys began
between the political leaders and Mujib. The President of
Pakistan also met with Mujib, and talks between Bhuttoand Mujib also took place but nothing concrete came out
of these meetings. During the course of these meetings,
Mujib showed least interest in the all-Pakistan role which
the nation expected him to play.
Alarmed by Mujibs activities, General Yahya
Khan went to Dhaka and held 3-hour talks with the former
on January 12, 1971. These talks failed to produce any
positive result. On January 27, 1971 Bhutto flew to Dhaka
with his constitutional formula which was rejected by
Mujib as it did not protect his future scheme of creating a
separate Bangali state. According to Bhutto, he hadaccepted all the Six-points minus half a point, but
negotiations between the two could not continue and, at
the end of the parleys, both of them criticized each other
for the failure of talks. Meanwhile, on January 30, 1971 an
Indian plane was hijacked as a result of treachery to
Lahore by two so-called Kashmiri freedom fighters. Thehijackers were given asylum. The Indian government held
Pakistan responsible for this incident and suspended
flights of all Pakistani aircrafts over Indian territory,
which cut off the link between East and West Pakistan.
Such an act was necessarily part of the treachery referred
to above.
Bhutto, who was busy in talks with Mujib, returned
to the capital bare handed and met President Yahya on
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February 11, 1971 to acquaint the President about his
discussion with Mujib. The situation as it appeared was
that: Apart from the uncompromising attitude of thepolitical leaders, the self-assumed role of the army as the
custodian of the country, the role of foreign agencies, the
pressure of the extremists and the refusal of the West
Pakistan leadership to recognize the new political realities
of the situation played a vital role in widening gulf
between East and West Pakistan.10
On February 13, 1971 General Yahya Khan
announced that the National Assembly would meet in
Dhaka on March 3. On February 15, 1971 Bhutto declared
that his party MNAs would not attend the session in the
given situation. The same day Mujibs MNAs and MPAsreaffirmed their faith in Six-points programme. Realising
the gravity of the situation and, for fear of any possible
catastrophe, the West Pakistan leadership and political
circles did not appreciate Bhuttos verdict and expressed
serious apprehensions. They said that if the step was
actually taken then it would lead to a point of no return.
On February 19, Bhutto again met the President to
discuss the tense and serious situation. On February 20,
1971 an amendment was made in the Legal Framework
Order (LFO) which made a provision for elected
members to resign even before the meetings of the
assemblies.
On February 22, 1971 President Yahya Khan held a
high level meeting with the Governors and Martial Law
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Administrator of East Pakistan. According to Dr. Safdar
Mahmood, as communicated to him by a knowledgeable
source, it was in this meeting that the plan for militaryaction was approved in case Mujib refused to modify his
Six-Points.11
On February 22, 1971 Bhutto reiterated his earlier
threat of launching a movement throughout West Pakistan
if the session of the National Assembly was convened as
scheduled. It was on this day that he unequivocally
declared to liquidate any member of his party who dared
to attend the session. In case it was the intention of
someone to create different independent states in Pakistan,
let it be said so clearly added he12
. Thus the foundation
for separating of ways was laid on February 28, 1971 and,the later events, proved decisive as history witnessed
thereafter. Bhuttos sensational slogan of Idhar Ham
Udhar Tum struck the last nail resulting into final parting
of ways.
On March 1, the session was declared to have been
postponed by the Government with no fresh date
announced. While the postponement of the Session was
welcomed by West Pakistan majority parties, the East
Pakistanis termed it as a challenge and began talking of
independence. As a result, Mujib called for a total strike
on March 2, as a mark of protest against the postponement
of the session. What followed thereafter was horrible
which completely paralysed the entire administration of
the Province.
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Mobs took to the streets and indulged in
arson, murder, rape and lootworkers
walked out of factories, business housesclosed down and Government servants
began absenting themselves from offices.
Those who failed to cooperate voluntarily
were made to comply through strongarm
tactics reminiscent of nazi storm troopers.
So great was the reign of terror that allnormal life came to a standstill. Instead of
the legally constituted Government running
the administration, the Awami League
headquarters issued edicts stopping the
payment of taxes or transferring payments
from the central head to the provincial
account, and depositing Government
revenues in private banks rather than
Government treasury.13
Even the Army troops were not spared and were
attacked by trained guerillas. It was in these days of
bloodbath that General Yahya Khan proposed a Round
Table Conference to be convened on March 10, 1971 to
subside the crisis, but Mujib and others refused to attend.
On March 4, Mujib launched the civil disobediencemovement which spread like wild fire from one end of the
Province to another, resulting into a wave of fascist
hysteria. Every type of inhuman atrocity was committed
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and hundreds of innocent people done to death. Houses
were set on fire. Arson, loot and plundering became the
rule of the day. National flag was desecrated and theportrait of the Father of the Nation was trampled under
foot.14
On March 6, Yahya Khan, in his broadcast,
announced that the National Assembly would meet on
March 25, 1971. In response to this, Mujib placed certain
demands as pre-conditions for attending the Session. He
pressed for withdrawal of Martial Law before convening
the session and, transfer power to the elected
representatives of the people forthwith, through a
Presidential Proclamation. He, in fact, had added another
four demands to his Six-points. These demands were seenas a prelude to independence. It became evident when
Mujib announced his plan to run a parallel government on
March 7. It was on this day that Bangladesh flag flew on
the top of his house.15
This act clearly signalized porting
to the ways.
While unspeakable brutalities continued to be
committed on non-Bangalis, the President of Pakistan, as
a last resort, though too late, tried to convince Mujib not
to declare independence. He flew to Dhaka on March 15,
1971. He negotiated with the later for ten days to hammer
out a compromise, preserve the democratic process and
facilitate transfer of power. During the negotiations,
said an official report, Sheikh Mujibur Rehman initially
escalated his mandate for provincial autonomy into a
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demand of confederation. This meant that after the issue
of the proposed proclamation, extinguishing Martial Law
and transferring power, the five provinces of Pakistanwould be cut adrift and national sovereignty would be
virtually extinct.16
The report further said that Sheikh
Mujibur Rehman demanded that the National Assembly
must ab initio sit in two committees: one composed of
members from East Pakistan, the other from West
Pakistan. Later he developed this into a demand for twoconstitutional conventions drawing up separate
constitutions.17
On March 22, both Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmad,
the General Secretary of the Awami League, had an
unscheduled meeting with General Yahya Khan in whichthey categorically demanded the transfer of power to East
and West Pakistan. This was categorically a clear signal
for the break up of Pakistan. Historically March 22, would
be considered as the decisive day for the dismemberment
of Pakistan in her history. It may be referred here that
earlier on March 14, Bhutto too had made a similardamaging statement of demanding transfer of power to
majority parties in East and West Pakistan. It was in
response to this statement that seven political parties
severely condemned Bhuttos malicious plans and had
declared to start a movement for the transfer of power.
On March 23, Dr. Kamal Hussain, a prominent
Awami League leader, met President Yahyas aides and
handed over Awami Leagues draft constitution, which
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proposed the procedure for framing two constitutions.18
Tajuddin Ahmad demanded for a proclamation to be made
within 48 hours in the light of their draft constitution. Thesame day the West Pakistani leaders who were trying to
soften Mujib reported to General Yahya their failure to
dissuade the arrogant Sheikh from secession.19
Shortly
before that, Mujib took salute of a March past from a
squad of armed volunteers. March 23 was observed as a
Resistance Day in East Pakistan under his directive. Theflag of Bangladesh was unfurled on his residence. While
unfurling the flag, Mujib said that the struggle is for
emancipation and for freedom.20
On March 24, the Awami League aides met
President Yahyas aides and Tajuddin Ahmad, whiletalking to the press reporters said that so far as they were
concerned there was no further need for negotiations.21
The conspiracy originally uncovered by Agartala Case
was now fully under way. The fact is that Volunteers
were under training in every district in the garb of
Sangram Parishads. Arms and ammunitions from Indiahad been smuggled in and stocked at strategic points all
over the provincehow well-planned and well-organised
the Awami League move was can be gathered from the
mortar fire which came from Jagannath Hall on the night
of 25th
-26th
March and the appearance within 3 hours of
innumerable barricades all over the city of Dhaka on the
night of the 25th
March.22
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While political negotiations were in progress, the
Awami League was busy preparing to get her demand of
separation fulfilled by force. They instigated students,armed soldiers of regular forces, and made the educational
institutions the centres of subversive activities. When
failed to win over by persuation, the Awami League
sought to line up through Nazi-style tactics. A reign of
terror was unleashed and unmentionable atrocities
committed. On March 25, Mujib, in the presence of a hugemob at Dhaka persuaded them to prepare themselves for
supreme sacrifice and the following day, on March 26, a
full-scale revolt was witnessed throughout East Pakistan.
Mujib called on his people to continue the struggle until
the last enemy soldier has vanished.23
It was against this
background that Mujib was arrested for his rebellious
activities and Army action was ordered in East Pakistan.
The small hours of March 26, 1971 had been set as the
zero hour for an armed uprising, and for the formal
launching of the independent Republic of Bangladesh.
Awami Leagues bid for secession was now under way.
Barely a few hours before the Awami Leagues zero hour
for action, the Armed Forces of Pakistan came in the field
around midnight of March 25-26, 1971.
On the eve of Army action, Yahya and Bhutto, who
had gone there for negotiations, flew back to West
Pakistan on March 25 and 26 respectively. Yahya Khan in
his broadcast of March 26, outlawed the Awami League,
banned political activity throughout Pakistan and
described Mujib and his party as enemies of Pakistan.
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Commenting on the Army action, Bhutto remarked,
Thank God Pakistan has been saved, but the subsequent
events later on proved that the military action, in fact,marked the end of the united Pakistan. What a pity!
Indias Role in dismemberment of Pakistan
India, who had been reluctant to accept the creation
of Pakistan since 1947 could never reconcile to the
partition of the sub-continent. She remained on the look-out to undo the existence of Pakistan. On the eve of the
March crisis in East Pakistan, India played havoc. She was
directly involved in the armed rebellion by the
secessionist elements in East Pakistan in March-April
1971. As discussed before, the Indian intervention in the
political affairs of Pakistan had started earlier in 1956. Itcontinued to enhance with the passage of time and, on
various occasions, India deliberately interfered in
Pakistani politics, especially after Mujibs victory in the
1970 elections. Her attitude became threatening. Her press
and election media missed no opportunity of portraying
Mujib as a hero and martyr. The hijacking of the Indian
plane was a pre-planned conspiracy against Pakistan. Prior
to this, in 1965-66, the Indian High Commission at Dhaka
had indulged in East Pakistan politics. The All India
Radio began a malicious campaign against Pakistan,
thereby inciting the Bangali sentiments. Indian
propaganda literature was being smuggled into Pakistan
territory and freely distributed to project Mujibur Rehman.
At the time of Mujibs arrest in May-June, 1966, Indian
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infiltrators had crossed over the borders to Pakistan to
help the Awami League workers in demonstrations against
the Central Government. In 1967, according to a concreteevidence, it was found out that India was involved in
Agartala Conspiracy. A number of witnesses confirmed
that Sheikh Mujibur Rehman had been one of the actors of
this drama since 1964 in collusion with India.24
One of the
witnesses stated that India had categorically agreed to
provide arms and ammunitions to the secessionists at thetime of revolt against Pakistan and, on the eve of
successful rebellion, India would block the air and sea
routes which join East and West Pakistan with each
other.25
Again in 1968-69, a large number of miscreants
were sent by the Indian Government to East Pakistan, who
were to play a mischievious role during agitations in
association with local Hindu population. These miscreants
raised slogans such as Jai Hind, Akhand Bharat and
Bande Matram even in Dhaka city.26
During the Round Table Conference of political
leaders with Ayub Khan in February-March 1969, AyubKhan had disclosed that thirty thousand Indian
miscreants equipped with arms and ammunition had
entered East Pakistan and were looting and killing
people.27
It may be recalled that after Mujibs victory in
1970 elections, India adopted a threatening posture and
amassed her Army along the borders of East Pakistan on
the pretext of holding fair elections in Bangal. Indian
Radio and press gave all out support to Mujib and incited
East Pakistanis against the Government of Pakistan.
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Thousands of Indians entered East Pakistan and posed a
threat to law and order. The Indian arms and ammunition
was freely distributed by her agents during and after theelections.
After the pre-planned hijacking of the Indian plane
to Lahore, the Indians made their bid to inflict financial
loss on Pakistan and to provide an opportunity to the
Awami League to make its military preparations for a
final round with the Pakistan Army. At the time of Awami
Leagues call for strike on March 2, 1971 thousands of
Indian agents and huge quantity of arms poured into East
Pakistan. During the first fortnight of March 1971,
inhuman barbarities were witnessed in most of the East
Pakistan districts in which the Indian miscreants with thehelp of Hindu population of East Pakistan surpassed all
the past events of brutalities ever committed in the history
of the sub-continent. Thousands of persons were
surrounded and killed in cold blood. Women were paraded
naked in the streets and mothers were made to drink the
blood of their own children. Women and children lockedup in thousands were burnt alive and inmates were roasted
to death. The streets of Dhaka were littered with corpses.28
Mujibs Mukti Bahini, a brain child of India was
established in July 1970, which was duely trained in
Indian territory by the Indian Army, whose endless
atrocities committed on non-Bangali population of East
Pakistan can hardly be discussed in words. At the time of
Bangladesh Ceremony observed on March 23, 1971 the
Indian officials participated in the notorious function.
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Concrete evidence is available to prove that during 1970-
1971, infiltration of armed personnel and transportation of
ammunition from India into East Pakistan continued on ahectic speed under the supervision of the Border Security
Force. The Mukti Bahini was expanded, strengthened, and
trained militarily.29
On the day Mujib was arrested for revolting against
the Government, Indian reaction to the event was not only
quick but sharp as well. On March 27, India expressed
sympathy in Lok Sabha with the refugees from East
Pakistan. While the fact is that by that time no East
Pakistani had ever crossed the borders to take refuge in
the Indian territory.
Also indisputable as a fact was the speech of thethen Prime Minister of India, (late) Mrs. Indira Gandhi on
March 29, when she moved a resolution in the Indian
Parliament offering unanimous support to what was
described as the freedom struggle.30
On March 31, the
Indian Parliament expressed its deep anguish and grave
concern at the developments in East Pakistan.31 The
tempers of the Congress Parliamentary party members
were so high that some demanded recognition of
Bangladesh by the Government of India, and others
declaration of war against Pakistan.32
Again on March
30, the State Assemblies of Bihar and Assam unanimously
adopted resolutions urging the Indian Government to
recognize the provisional government of the Republic of
Bangladesh and the same sentiments were expressed by
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the Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu and Madhya Pradesh.
On the same day, both houses of the Indian Parliament
assured the secessionists in East Pakistan of theirwholehearted support. Situated as India is said the
Indian Prime Minister so cunningly while moving the
resolution, and bound as the people of the sub-continent
are by centuries-old ties of history, culture and tradition,
parliament cannot remain indifferent to happenings so
close to the Indian border.33 On April 4, Mrs. IndiraGandhi speaking at the session of the All-India Congress
Committee asserted that it was neither proper nor
possible for India to keep quite.34
However, on April 24,
the Deputy Chief Minister of West Bangal declared, we
in West Bangal recognize Bangladesh although the
Central Government has not done so yet.35
From the above facts the salient point emerges
about Indias role in the East Pakistan crisis that India,
officially and unofficially, openly and secretly, physically
or vocally, showing complete disregard to international
law of non-intervention in any other country, blatantlyinterfered in Pakistans internal crisis.
It may be noted that on the eve of Mujibs
proclamation of illegal independence, the Indian radio
and other media of publicity began a vehement campaign
propagating the false cause of Mujib and the Awami
League. In other words, India found the situation quite
compatible towards fulfilling her unholy design to undo
Pakistan - the moment for which she had been waiting
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since 1947. Chaos in East Pakistan offered her a golden
opportunity to disintegrate Pakistan. In the words of
Subrahmanyum, Director of the Indian Institute forDefence Studies, what India must realize is the fact that
the breakup of Pakistan is in our interest and we have an
opportunity the like of which will never come again.36
In such an environment while the Indian media and
their leadership including the Premier were busy carving a
line in the map of Pakistan, the international press,
influenced and bribed by Indian secret agencies added
more fury to the already tense situation. Seconding the
Indian exaggerated propaganda, they gave false accounts
of events, thus turning the events in favour of India and
damaging the image of Pakistan at international level.Death toll in thousands was exaggerated and the stories of
refugee problem surpassed any type of falsehood. The
refugee problem was only used as a pretext for invading
Pakistan. India wanted to aggravate the situation by
shrieking for refugee settlement to grab more aid for
relief. If refugees were a problem to India then why didnot she allow them to return to their homeland after the
general amnesty had been declared and, the things,
seemed to be settling down? The fact, however, as
interpreted by Mohammad Ayoob and K. Subrahmanyum
was:-
The Government of India, presumably
after due deliberations, decided not to close
the borders, but to allow the refugees to
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come in. In a sense the commitment of the
Government of India to the liberation of
Bangla Desh was implicit in this decision. Ifthis had not been done, it would have been
difficult to have sustained the flame of
resistance in Bangla Desh for nine long
months, and to keep up the morale of the
people of Bangla Desh.37
When uncertainty and confusion were at their peak,
Indira Gandhi hurriedly toured several countries during
which she advocated the false cause of India. Her tone
was threatening with regard to the situation in East
Pakistan. Her attitude reflected her determination to have
a final round with Pakistan. She played with one ball inhand, leaving the rest in the air thus isolating and
depriving Pakistan of any possible assistance from any
quarter, and decided to beat the trumpet of deliberate
aggression against her. It may also be noted that by then
India had entered into a Joint Defence Pact with Russia.
Eventually, the skirmishes with the Indian Army in
the guise of Mukti Bahini, which had started as early as
March, now took shape of a full-fledged war when India
sent her Army in East Pakistan on November 22, 1971.
The war spread and on December 3, 1971 it took West
Pakistan in its fold.
When war flames had risen too high, the matter
was taken to the Security Council where various
resolutions were moved for a cease-fire, but one way or
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the other, either India or her ally Russia, rejected or
vetoed on one pretext or the other. The resolution moved
by Poland on December 15, 1971 to cease all militaryaction as a first step towards cease-fire met the same fate.
Z.A. Bhutto, who was representing Pakistan in the
Security Council, made a lengthy speech on this occasion
saying: I find it disgraceful to my person and my country
to remain hereLegalize aggression, legalize occupation
I will not be a part to it. We will fight. We will go backand fight. Then he ripped up the Council agenda and
stalked out of the chamber38
While this was going on
in the Security Council, Dhaka fell to the Indian Army on
December 16, 1971. The long cherished goal of India was
thus achieved.
The ugly Role of Foreign Press
It would not be wrong to implicate the western
press as one of the founding fathers of Bangladesh. At
the indignation of Bharat its correspondents did not stop at
malicious and tendentious reporting. They spent hours and
days among University students discoursing on the
economic viability of the proposed state of Bangladesh
and canvassing the possibility of an open revolt against
the Central government when they arrived in East
Pakistan for the ostensible purpose of reporting on the
situation resulting from tidal floods in November 1970.But none of this talented team visited Lahore to witness
the massive relief effort organized for flood-victims.39
The news of floods, sufferings of the displaced people and
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the news of internal strife between the two brotherly
wings, practically came from the foreign press probably
interested foreign press who sabotaged the whole affairin conformity with the policy line given to them by their
friends the Indians.
It is believed that there are three permanent
elements in the foreign press: one that believes in
objective writing, the second which is regarded as a
forceful element, works in line with the policies of the
secret services agencies of any of the foreign country
which purposely provides information in conformity with
her designs, and the third perhaps the biggest of all, is that
element which is tactfully bribed for any adventure. It
appears that India made best use of the last two whodeliberately created confusion during the East Pakistan
crisis and willingly engaged themselves in concocting
stories to malign Pakistan.
The foreign media particularly the British News
media, gave one-sided accounts of the events in East
Pakistan quoting a line from here and a line from there to
suit there own interest.40
It published unfounded and
distorted reports showing open sympathy with the Indian
supported Bangladesh rebellion. Their editorials, articles
and news comments and reports carried biased stories
damaging the Pakistani image. Taking notice of it, the
national press gave critical comments. Deploring their
attitude the Pakistan Observerof Dhaka in its editorial of
April 27, 1971 said the British press, minus a small
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section, has been following the same line of anti-Pakistan
propaganda depending wholly and blindly on unverified
stories told by Indian propagandatists.41
Calling thesenews as gross exaggeration Mrs. Jill Knight an MP of
the British Parliament, who happened to visit Pakistan in
June 1971, remarked, papers in Britain are still reporting
atrocities, and shocking evidence of violence, but there is
none of this going on now.42
The ire and wrath of the
foreign correspondents was mirrored in their exaggeratedaccounts of the Army Action.
43The statement of General
Tikka Khan, Chief Martial Law Administrator in East
Pakistan, as quoted in Pakistan Divided, portrays a vivid
picture of the ruthless reporting of the foreign press
media. He remarked, to this day the world still believes
we started everything. This is a complete distortion of
historyMujib wanted a showdown. During the struggle
that followed, the Bangalis exaggerated their casualties by
a thousand percent or more. Mujib says there were
200,000 rapes. A Roman Catholic Organization, which the
press has chosen not to quote, comes up with a figure of
4,000. We have been the victims of a propaganda
machine.44
Such an act of journalistic dishonesty was done
under the Indian-inspired falsehood tactics. Dailies like
Times, Guardian and Telegraph carried virulent anti-
Pakistan propaganda campaign throughout the crisis in
East Pakistan especially after the expulsion of about half
a dozen foreign correspondents from Dhaka by the
military authorities for their safety purpose. These
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correspondents took this step too seriously and, in return,
deliberately presented distorted events in a manner
prejudicial to Pakistans interests. Exaggerated figures ofrefugees were given, imaginary stories of large scale
fighting were published. The illegal and revolutionary
demand of a pressure group, miscreants and anti-state
elements was presented in such a way that it looked like a
demand of the entire population of East Pakistan. Funny
stories as ludicrous and malicious as anything wereadvertently circulated to slander Pakistan.
One such story that appeared in the foreign press
was that a large number of girl students had been killed
in the Roqayya Hall on the night of 25th
March while the
fact of the matter is that the military did not enter thepremises of the Hall at all, to which the provost of the Hall
herself bears testimony.45
While commenting on the role
of the British Press, the Pakistan Observer, in its issue of
September 4, 1971 wrote:
if one goes by what is being published in
the British press, one would almost believe
that Bangladesh exists while in fact there is
noneIt is notable here that while the
British press has approved the role of the
British troops in north Ireland in quelling
rebellion and lawlessness, the same press is
denouncing Pakistan for using troops to curb
lawlessness and anarchy to save the lives of
innocent citizens and restore law and order
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in East PakistanThis is a policy of double
standard.46
One finds contradiction in the publications of such
a press. It would be interesting to note that many British
papers wrote about the reign of lawlessness that the
Awami League had let loose in East Pakistan in the month
of March; called Shaikh Mujibur Rehman a demagogue
and rabblerouser and emphasized the need to restore order
in the Province. But later on when the Pakistan Army
intervened to restore the order, safeguard the integrity of
Pakistan and tackle the disruptionists, the same papers
began to sing a different tune. They began to lionize the
Awami League and called the law breakers and
secessionists freedom fighters.
47
It is increasinglyastonishing and a pity that while brazenfacedly distorting
truths and misrepresenting facts emanating from India,
they blacked out the news and versions from Pakistani
sources.
It may be recalled that Even when Hilters
Germany was at the peak of its power, the master
propagandist, Goebbels, observed certain principles to
deceive the world but the irresponsible manner in which
the western press, maliciously propagated against echoing
on Pakistan, the Indian broadcasting media and the press,
can hardly be narrated in adequate words. It is a wonder-
how the western press and news media became a tool in
the hands of Indian expansionists and war mongers. It is
quite evident that saboteurs and miscreants played a nasty
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game of rumour mongering to create boundless confusion
and chaos with the sole objective of destroying the
confidence of the people and, thereby, enabling the anti-state elements and infiltrators to make capital out of the
weaknesses of those who fell a prey to the sordid stories
that were invented during the crisis.
Whatever was happening in East Pakistan was the
internal problem of Pakistan and only the Pakistanis were
to decide the best way out for themselves and no foreign
power had a right to impose a solution. The fact is that the
baseless and unfounded propaganda was carried out by
Indian agents in the foreign press. According to an
editorial of the Pakistan Observer ofApril 27, 1971, this
version has been beautifully picturized when the paperwrote: for all we know, the British publicity media have
no correspondents of their own in East Pakistan and are
apparently guided by second hand reports from hostile
sources in India. They seem almost to be functioning as
relaying stations of the All India Radio and other Indian
publicity agencies so that if you have heard one you haveheard all.
48To please the Indians, the British press and
her broadcasting services reported false stories often
committing ridiculous blunders. On many issues they
widely differed among themselves. For example, the
number of refugees from East Pakistan was estimated
between 10,000 by the British press in June 1971 while
the BBC told that the number was 20,000 and the Indian
Television was saying their number was 600,000.
Similarly, the estimates of deaths on the first day of Army
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action was reported to be 6,000 and the press declared the
number as 10,000.49
As referred to earlier, the Times, the
Guardian and The Sunday Telegraph took the lead inpresenting most virulent anti-Pakistan propaganda through
their news columns and also editorially. They frequently
used the name of Bangladesh without any inverted
commas as a matter of principle. Through their writings,
these papers gave the impression that long before its
actual existence, the country had come into being andher government functioning in Calcutta. The Guardians
reporting about Pakistani affairs was remarkable for its
lack of objectivity, while using loaded phrases like
Punjabi occupation regime, liberation forces of the
Bangladesh, Bangals struggle and self-determination
for Bangladesh.
Commenting on the role of The Guardian, an
analyst wrote in the Pakistan Times of Lahore in its issue
of June 18, 1971 that: The Guardian does not report
events; it tells the Bangalis living in Britain how to carry
on the war, how to use guerrilla tactics and defeat thehated Pakistan Government and of course the BBC is
always there to line the cue and broadcast a summary of
the British press for the benefit of the poor East
Pakistanis, who know nothing of modern techniques of
war.50
The performance of the Indian propagandists in
distorting facts about happenings in East Pakistan and the
futile attempts to justify her illegal and immoral
intervention in Pakistans internal affairs was
understandable, but what was not so understandable was
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the role played by the British publicity media with minor
exceptions. It is a pity that the British press minus a small
section had been following the same line of anti-Pakistanpropaganda, depending wholly and blindly on unverified
stories told by Indian propagandists. One is compelled to
appreciate the propaganda machinery of the Indian
propagandists who successfully directed rumour-
mongering campaign on an international scale thereby
convincing the world media to see things in Pakistanthrough Indian eyes only. It may be recalled that the
Western press had remained mute when India illegally
occupied Kashmir in 1948, forcibly held Goa, Monabao,
Hyderabad and, thereafter, attacked Pakistan thrice in
1948, 1965, 1971. Why did the Western Press remain cold
during periodical pogroms of Muslims in India since
partition of the South Asian region? Why, after all,
Pakistan remained their attractive target throughout?
The attitude of the American news media was also
no better. Their attitude remained unfriendly and
unsympathetic on a number of occasions. Pakistanexpressed her concern over unauthenticated and
tendentious reports, mostly derived from Indian sources.
Deploring the publication of one-sided news and views
about happenings in East Pakistan, the Pakistani
Ambassador pointed out that those newspapers had
refused to publish the news refuting reports of the killing
of ten professors of Dhaka University51
The tendency
in America to publish and believe unconfirmed reports, so
long as they were damaging to Pakistan, also became
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apparent, from the statement issued by the International
Committee of University of Emeritus in New York,
describing the massacre of scholars at Dhaka. The truthabout the massacre was revealed when the professors
listed as dead were authoritatively reported to be alive.52
The western press gave horrible stories of refugee
sufferings as depicted by India. They published tearful
accounts of the sufferings of refugees and of starvation.
Although there had been human suffering during a few
months in East Pakistan but the question is that how did
this take place and who caused it? Wasnt it India who
first created unrest in East Pakistan, executed acts of
rebellion and sabotage and then opened her borders,
encouraging somewhat unhappy and innocent people ofEast Pakistan to cross over and take refuge in camps set
up under a pre-planned programme. By raising hue and
cry, India killed two birds with one stone damaging the
integrity of Pakistan and getting maximum foreign
economic aid from the world in the name of refugee
sufferings and shortage of food grains.
BBC reporting while analyzing the attitude of the
British press and the British Broadcasting Corporation
(BBC) propaganda on the East Pakistan crisis, Dr. K.K.
Aziz, has given considerable account on the subject in his
work titled Britain and Pakistan. He writes:
British politicians, historians, writers,
journalists and authors of letters to
newspapers had not missed any opportunity
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between 1947-1971 of expressing their
intense dislike for Pakistan. But it was only
when the crisis in East Pakistan came inMarch 1971 that they discovered a God-sent
occasion to vent their spleen to their hearts
content. All the pent-up emotions, historical
memories and bitter frustration suddenly
found release. The long-awaited moment
had come and with a concerted and gleefuldetermination they assailed everything
Pakistani from the very creation of the
country to its minor difficulties.53
Side by side with the British press, its radio played
the same role. It appears that the BBC mostly depended onthe distorted reporting of the press. Its programmes were
later reproduced in its magazine namely Listener. One,
Michael Clayton of the BBC who was expelled from
Dhaka along with a few other foreign correspondents on
March 26, 1971 in his talk on Radio in early April called
Sheikh Mujibur Rehman a moderate politician anddescribed the armys action of restoring law and order as
applying the solution of burning and killing to the
independence aspirations of East Pakistans people.54
David Sells in his talks on radio called upon the Bangalis
of East Pakistan to organize themselves politically so as to
be able to offer effective military opposition to the
domination of West Pakistan.55
By the end of July in a talk, John Grigg said:
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The partition of India in 1947 was an
unmitigated tragedy, the principle cause of
which was that a man of perverse genius Mohammad Ali Jinnah was determined at
all costs to create a separate Muslim state. In
spite of the Indian National Congresss
genuine commitment to secularism, Jinnah
aggravated and exploited the Muslims fear
that in a Hindu-majority state they would bepersecuted, or would at any rate exist only
as second-class citizens. On the basis of that
doctrine Pakistan was established, the unity
of India shattered, and in the process two
historic Indian communities Bangal and
Punjab were divided. Pakistan was from
the first day a geographical
nonsenseSince 1947 the concept of
Muslim solidarity, which was the one
positive element in the case for Pakistan, has
been exposed as a disastrous myth, while the
negative argument that Muslims would find
life intolerable in India has proved equally
illusoryThe demand for an independent
Bangladesh is a fair enough comment on the
record and the very idea of Pakistan. But
is it fair toIndias record, or to the idea of aunited India which was sacrificed (want only
by Jinnah, sadly by Nehru) when the British
withdrew? Gandhi could never give his
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blessing to what he called the vivisection
of India. To him, the events of 1947 were
heart-breaking the negation of all that hehad worked for more than thirty years. But
surely his vision of a united India, in which
different religious groups could live together
in peace was the right and the true vision,
and is this not the moment to recapture it?...
No doubt it would be extremely difficult toreopen the question which was settled, on
the wrong lines, in 1947. Sovereign states,
however misbegotten, have a terrible bound
to resist any attempt to liquidate them. All
the samethe people of India and Pakistan
are essentially one people, whose artificial
division has been a calamity for themselves
and for the world. That calamity should, if
possible, be endedThe proper demands to
make are that Sheikh Mujibur Rehman
should be released, that the elected
representatives of the Pakistani people
should be allowed to meet, and that military
rule should give way to constitutional
governmentit is possible that a liberated
Pakistan would gradually, through its
component parts (Bangalis, Baluchis,Pathans etc. as well as the dominant
Punjabis) return to the idea of a united,
confederal India. Such a development would
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bring comfort and hope to the masses whose
lives have been blighted by the effects of
Partition.56
The above sentiments are being expressed even
today by Indians and a group of seudo-intellectuals who
are playing role of fifth columnists in Pakistan since its
dismemberment in 1971.
Now have a look on another inflammatory analysisagainst the creation of Pakistan.
In the late October, John Grigg said in his talk that:
Bangal was partitioned in 1947 and East
Pakistan brought into being on two
assumptions which have turned out to becompletely false. The Muslim solidarity
proclaimed by Jinnah has been disproved by
West Pakistans exploitation of the eastern
region over more than twenty years, and by
Yahya Khans recent atrocities; while the
alleged impossibility of a fair deal forMuslims under Hindu majority rule has been
disproved by the experience of Indias 60
million Muslims since Independence. So
why not revert to the idea of a united India?
Since the two-nation theory has failed, why
not go back to one nation instead of creating
a third nation and so, perhaps, starting an
endless process of Balkanistan.57
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While talking about the plight of the refugees in the
same radio programme, John Grigg said that:
One thing is absolutely clear. The refugees
will go home only if and when the Punjabi
Army is withdrawn from East Bangal.
Moreover, to be sure that they return in
safety they will need to know that Sheikh
Mujib has been released and that the country
is effectively under his controlThe outside
world has shown too little appreciation of
Indias gigantic act of charity towards nine
million citizens of another nation driven by
methods of barbarism on to her soilThe
partition of Bangal is against nature. Theoriginal cause of it religious prejudice is
now palpably a waning force, and the vested
economic interests which partition has
created are unlikely to be much of a
breakwater against the force of Bangali
nationalism. Meanwhileunless they gohome very soon, there will be war.
58
In early November 1971, another speaker namely
Donald Milner, not only made a forecast of an Indian
attack on Pakistan but also advocated it during his talk on
the radio, saying:
Steadily, it seems, the false logic of events
in forcing India and Pakistan into warThe
end of the monsoons means that heavy
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artillery can be moved up to the East
Pakistan frontierMeanwhile, the
continued pressure of the Bangali refugees isimpelling the Indians to action. As war fever
mounts, at least in the north of India, a quick
campaign looks more and more attractive. In
theory, it would create one independent state
of Bangladesh, beholden to India for its very
existence, to which the refugees could allreturn in confidence. And with Pakistan
weakened irreparably by the loss of half of
her population and resources, India would
be free to divert her own vast defence
budget towards crying social and economic
needs. Mrs. Gandhis cabinet is still divided
roughly 50-50 between hawks and doves,
and there seems little doubt that the decision
is hers.59
In early December Donald Milner in his talk said:
Even the most optimistic observer must
now admit that little short of a miracle can
save India and Pakistan from war. India
had no need to foment anti-Punjabi fervour
in East Pakistan. The refugees are a very
real goad to India to take action. Overtly she
has behaved in the circumstances with
commendable moderation, insisting until
very recently that the whole crisis was an
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internal affair for Pakistan to solve (even if
India knew she couldnt!). For the Indians,
it may be now or never: a uniqueopportunity (while world sympathy lasts)
not only to get rid of the refugees, but at the
same time finally to shatter the unity of
Pakistan.60
By the end of December 1971, a report of Peter
Flinn sent from Rawalpindi was read out on radio which
alleged that:
The youth of Pakistan had already written
off Muslim unity as a practical failure before
the fighting and the armed services are
almost relieved to see the East go.61
Like the BBC, the British press did no less harm to
Pakistan by false reporting during the March crisis. Its
leading papers gave full-scale coverage to the so-called
Bangali Liberation Movement with full devotion. The
Times took the lead in the whole affair:It did not make a secret of its utter dislike
for Pakistan. In the dispatches it chose to
print, in the headline
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