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HISTORICAL ANALYSIS ON THE IMPACTS OF EXTERNAL INSTITUTIONS’ SUPPORT TOWARDS ENVIRONMENTAL
MANAGEMENT IN A PHILIPPINE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY
Rico C. Ancog, Prima R. Silvestre, Carmelita M. Rebancos, and Dazzle R. Labapis
ABSTRACT
Historical analysis on the impacts of institutional support provided for by a religious group in collaboration with a foreign-funded non-governmental organization to the Sepuyo Alangan-Mangyan of Mindoro was conducted to evaluate its effects and impacts in relation to the improvement of their capability towards environmental management. Data were obtained from the Alangan-Mangyan community using key informant interviews and participant observation. Alangan-Mangyans have rich indigenous knowledge, beliefs, practices, and rituals in relation to their way of living, farming systems and in managing the environment long before any attention was given to them by various institutions. The external institutional support given by those organizations led to major cultural changes to the Mangyan community. It not only resulted to favorable impacts, but also brought up unintended negative effects that changed the community’s way of living, specifically in managing their environment. What we have learned was that any assistance or support from outside institutions, GO’s and NGO’s given to the Mangyans must be done in a sensitive manner and must be granted with vision—in the framework of true understanding of indigenous people’s culture; ensuring its preservation, and giving them benefits that they truly need and deserve.
INTRODUCTION
Background of the study
Institutions’ support is a packaged of materials and services that are
afforded to a certain group for them to be able to achieve a certain set of
objectives. It can be in a form of material gifts, technology transfer, technical and
financial assistance, and others. The objectives of these support is wide-ranging
but many of which is for the improvement of local capacity specifically for
environmental management as a strategy for contributing towards sustainable
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development. These supports and multilateral agreements will also help to meet
the collective obligations of both the recipients and the implementers.
Specifically, in the Philippines setting, the Indigenous peoples have been
the focus of several institutional supports particularly on poverty alleviation and
in enhancing their resource base. Several programs and projects were created for
the IP’s in relation to their way of living and conserving the environment,
believing that these supports can further help these peoples in developing the
needs to conserve indigenous knowledge systems and practices related to
biodiversity. Recognizing and supporting the crucial role of indigenous peoples in
biodiversity conservation, significant policies, agreements and regulatory
frameworks were crafted and institutionalized at the international level, such as
the: Convention on Biodiversity, Agenda 21, International Labor Organization
169, Intellectual Property Law, and UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples.
Although these people can be seen in the areas where there are rich
resources and policies were created for them by the government, different and
continuing problematic issues of powerlessness, deprivation from access to their
land and resources, lack of knowledge due to lack of education, insufficient
income, and alienation from kin/clan and their culture --- some of the key
indicators of poverty, were continuously being faced by indigenous peoples.
Castro (2003) reported that many Protected Area Superintendents (PASUs) have
failed to recognize the role of indigenous peoples in biodiversity conservation. It
can possibly be due to the fact these foresters do not have the full understanding
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on the way IP’s live their life. They know how to manage flora and fauna but they
were not able to fully obtain the right way and the sensitivity to deal with these
indigenous peoples.
Abadiano (2004) emphasizes how indigenous people chart their own progress
in which the problems confronting IPs have become more complex, such that it has
now become more than just a matter of developing and giving the right kind of
education program to benefit them. Other issues that bear upon IP life, culture, and
survival have sprung up in recent years as a result of national and global
developments. Land rights, security of tenure, and access to resources appeared to be
essential variables affecting biodiversity conservation when indigenous peoples and
communities are concerned. Cairns’ (1995) study (as cited in the Capacity
Assessment for the Preservation and Maintenance of Biodiversity-Related Knowledge
of Indigenous and Local Communities) yielded empirical evidence that indigenous
communities’ participation in protected areas is an effective strategy in the protection
of national parks. “Granting their ancestral land claims, contingent to conservation-
related activities, would provide a rallying point for their revived sense of ethnic
identity and empowerment, and harness their initiative towards park protection.”
Generally, these are issues that require the immediate and concerted
attention of both government and civil society if IPs are to progress in their quest
for peace, justice, and development. Thus, external support is considered by many
as necessary.
Indigenous communities, contrary to what people think of them, have a
deep and intimate knowledge: their indigenous knowledge, born out of centuries
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of constant interaction with the environment and handed down from generation to
generation. Ulluwishewa (1993) defined this knowledge as:
“Indigenous knowledge (IK) is local knowledge that is unique to a given culture or society. It is the basis for agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, environmental conservation and a host of other activities. Much of such knowledge is passed down from generation to generation, usually verbally. IK is the knowledge that people have gained through inheritance from their ancestors. It is a people-derived science, and it represents people’s creativity, innovations and skills.”
In view of the incredible complexity, diversity and specificity of plants
and animal’ habitats, such knowledge and skills are indispensable in evolving
responses to changing material conditions to preserve and enhance environmental
quality. Castro (2003) revealed that many policies, programs, and plans on
biodiversity conservation that are implemented by the government are based on
foreign models or those developed by technical experts. On the other hand, the
indigenous knowledge and practices on biodiversity conservation and
management have not been studied and documented nor have they been integrated
into existing programs and projects. It is for this reason that few of the
interventions from the national and international agencies respond to the social
need of the local people and often end up by doing more harm than good (Ghai,
1992).
However, though these supports is seen to bring in benefits to the recipient
community, it is worthwhile to analyze its impacts as to whether or not it
contributed towards the improvement of environmental management in the long-
run. This is of particular importance especially among indigenous peoples
community which has inherent cultural attributes that must be given careful
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consideration in the determination, approaches and strategies of any projects or
programs to be implemented that directly concern them. Historical Analysis can
be one of the useful tools in tracing the possible cause(s) of these unintended
negative impacts. Historical analysis is a less separate analytical framework or
approach than it is an element that should be present in any kind of analysis.
Observing and analyzing changes over time is essential to understanding why an
event is the way it is. We cannot understand our present without understanding
our past. And we cannot fully imagine change without a sense of how our culture
has changed over time.
This paper aims to provide a historical analysis on the impacts of the
institutional support provided for by a religious group in collaboration with a
foreign-funded non-governmental organization to the Sepuyo Alangan-Mangyan
of Mindoro in relation to the improvement of their capability towards
environmental management.
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Objectives of the study
The paper seeks to provide a historical analysis on the impacts of the
institutional support that has been extended by a religious organization (MIC
sisters) in collaboration with a foreign NGO (21st Century Association) to the
Alangan Mangyans in Sepuyo, Sta. Cruz, Occidental Mindoro. It specifically aims
to provide an overview on the belief systems, rituals, and other cultural practices
of the Alangan Mangyans in relation to their indigenous farming system (Kaingin
System) and to describe the resulting changes after the conventional and non-
conventional indigenous farming practices has been introduced.
METHODOLOGY
Description of the study area
Occidental Mindoro is a province of the Philippines located in the
MIMAROPA region (Region IV-B). It is the western part of Mindoro with a total
land area of 5,879.8 sq. km. composing of 11 towns. Its capital is Mamburao and
occupies the western half of the island of Mindoro. Oriental Mindoro is at the
eastern half. The South China Sea is to the west of the province and Palawan is
located to the southwest, across Mindoro Strait. Batangas is to the North,
separated by the Verde Island Passage.
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Occidental Mindoro has two distinct weather types: rainy season and dry
season. Rains begin to fall in the province in late May, intensifying through June,
July, August, September and October, and then gradually subside in November.
The months of August and September is the wettest period, with storms directly
passing through the area. On the other hand, dry season starts in November, with
rainfall subsiding in intensity, and altogether ceasing in January, February, March
and April. March and April are the driest period, with cloudless skies and parched
earth characterizing the general area.
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Figure 1. Location Map of Occidental, Mindoro Philippines (Source: Wikipedia.org/Occidental_Mindoro)
Agriculture is basically the major industry in Occidental Mindoro,
holding the record of being the Southern Tagalog Region's leading rice producer.
Other major agricultural products that are likewise exported from the province
include coconut, corn, tobacco, garlic, mango, banana and peanut. Most of the
residents are also engaged in cattle and poultry raising, logging and fishing. The
famous "Mindoro Bangus" is produced in many fresh-water ponds, while its
offshore water teems with tuna, grouper and octopus.
There are also light industries like processing fruits, fish, prawns and
nuts, feed milling, gemstone and marble finishing, handicrafts, toys and gifts,
which make use of the province’s profuse and accessible resources
(globalpinoy.com, 2009).
Field Data Collection and Analysis
The main goal of this paper is the historical analysis on the impacts of the
institutional support that has been extended by a religious organization in
collaboration with a foreign NGO to the Alangan Mangyans in Sepuyo, Sta. Cruz,
Occidental Mindoro. The study employed the use of Historical Analysis as its
framework for data collection and analysis. Historical relevant information on the
environmental changes that have occurred in the area was gathered through the
use of key informant interview and participant observation. Key informant
interviews was used for the Sepuyo community household heads and community
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leaders to determine their belief systems and rituals on their environment, their
farming practices and other economic activities were also solicited, as well as
cultural practices and perceptions on the environment. Castro (1994) defined
Participant Observation as a research technique of direct observation of family
and village live where the researcher stays in the community being studied for a
relatively long period of time. The aforementioned technique was used by the
researchers to gather majority of the data and observation from 1994-1997 and
data on the current situation of Sepuyo was gathered on February 2009 via
revisiting to the area.
Background on the Institutions’ Support Provider
Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (MIC)
The Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (MIC) is a religious
missionary institute which is Marian in character. The spirituality of the institute
bequeathed by their foundress Venerable Delia Tetreault is thanksgiving. The
MIC Sisters express their thanksgiving for the love of God through their
missionary apostolate. Based on an article written by Louise (2002) of the M.I.C.
Mission News, MIC started its mission in the Philippines when the first
missionaries of the Institute who left Canada went to China in l9O9. They
undertook services in the field of health care and education where their zeal and
dedication soon became widely known. In 1921, Dr Jose Tee Han Kee, a close
collaborator in their mission work, was named Director of the Chinese General
Hospital of Manila. He then requested the Archbishop of Manila to send M.I.C.
Sisters to assume the administration of the hospital. This facility was serving the
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Chinese community which at that time numbered nearly 40,000.
Délia Tétreault responded favorably to the request. This newly found
mission was in line with her vision and missionary zeal particularly that of
reaching out first to those who had never known Christ and of serving the poor.
Five Sisters were assigned for this first mission in the Philippines. The friendship
that developed between the Sisters and the families of the patients initiated their
social work ministry. Home visitations and catechetical instruction brought about
a number of conversions.
The presence of the MIC Sisters in the Sepuyo community is through the
Vicariate Indigenous Peoples Apostolate (VIPA) or Mangyan Mission Apostolate
which was established in 1987. IPA’s prime role was to support the Mangyans in
the diocese, guide them in their growth as persons and believers, and assist them
in improving their livelihood. A team of Mangyan workers (MIC Sisters and lay
persons) are assigned to selected Mangyan communities in the parish and one of
these is Sepuyo.
The MIC Sisters in cooperation with the Holy Cross Parish and the
Provincial Government of Occidental Mindoro proposed a project to uplift the
economic well being of the Alangan Mangyans in Sepuyo by introducing
sustainable farming and livelihood activities. Under this scheme, Mangyan
farmers will be provided with proper farming techniques such as inter-cropping
and crop diversification methods to provide then additional income/livelihood.
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This will make them stay in their lands and avoid the intrusion of lowlanders
(Tagalog) in their territory.
The 21st Century Association
The 21st Century Association is a non-government organization in 1990 at
Tokyo, Japan. It’s a charitable organization that promotes educational self-
sufficiency by providing financial support to children. The organization also
provides agricultural training and other educational programs.
In the province of Mindoro, its mission is to help the Mangyans through
education and human development activities. This association assists the MIC
Sisters in their missionary apostolate activities in Sta. Cruz, Occidental Mindoro
including Sepuyo.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The Sepuyo Alangan Mangyan Community
Mangyans belonging to the Alangan tribe inhabit the settlement site of
Sitio Sepuyo, Pinagturilan, Sta.Cruz, Occidental Mindoro and were said to be
long time residents of the said place. Sta. Cruz is one of the municipalities of
Occidental Mindoro. It has eleven barrages and has an area of 48.41 square
kilometres. The population as of year 2000 is 26,887 and its income class is
Class 3.
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The community came from the interior mountains near Sepuyo and they
settled to Sepuyo. Formerly, they lived in a Mangyan community house (balay
lakoy), a barong-barong type that is made of indigenous materials. There were
more or less 20 families in the big house and they are arranged in a way that they
share an area (3x3 square meters) where they, eat, cook and sleep. One corner is
their cooking area and they call it ‘apuyan’ (fireplace) where there is a burning
wood in times that it is cold. There is a small pathway in the middle where hay
could pass. There is only one stair where they climb. Their house is made up of
local timber and cogon grass. Subsistence farming is the primary occupation of
the community. Bayabasan inhabitants cultivate an estimated 25 hectares of
farmlands. Occasionally, handicraft making is resorted to as a source of
livelihood. In summer, they revert to the traditional gathering of root crops in the
mountains. Their main food consists of rice, sweet potato, cassava, banana, and
wild yam (nami). Their source of drinking water is the nearby Sepuyo River.
The Mangyans in Sepuyo are incapable of providing themselves with
work animals, farm implements and other farming inputs. Sepuyo is not
accessible since road network is not available. The site can only be reached by
foot through a two hours hike from Amnay Bridge during summer. During rainy
season, the place can be reached by hiking through the mountain for four hours.
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In terms of their clothing preferences, the male members of the Alangan
community wear their traditional dress which consists of a loincloth as a lower
garment. The women wear yakis and loin cloth used as wrap-around matched with
an upper garment made of bark of a tree just enough to cover the breasts. Their
Mangyan leaders strongly believe that their forefathers were the rightful owners
of the land and they want it to be awarded to them as rightful heirs. The
minorities, being closely interrelated with each other, prefer communal ownership
of the land to individual ownership.
Overview of the Alangan Mangyans
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Mangyan is a general term that refers to eight ethnolinguistic groups of
proto-malay origin: the Alangan, Bangon, Buhid, Hanunuo, Iraya, Ratagnon,
Tadyawan and Tau-buid, that occupies the mountainous region of Mindoro.
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Figure 2. A typical Mangyan family. Source: ( Silvestre, 2009)
The Mangyans are the original inhabitants of Mindoro. Mindoro, being the
seventh largest Island in the Philippines, with two Provinces, Oriental and
Occidental, has a total population of one million. The Mangyan population is
estimated to be 10% of the total population or 100,000 Mangyans (Mangyan
Heritage Center, 2009). They are the indigenous peoples of Mindoro. Indigenous
Cultural Communities/ Indigenous Peoples (ICCs/IPs) refer to a group of people
or homogenous societies identified by self ascription and ascription by others,
who have continuously lived as organized community on communally bounded
and defined territory, and who have, under claims of ownership since time
immemorial, occupied, possessed, and utilized such territories, sharing common
bonds of language, customs, traditions and other distinctive cultural traits, or who
have, through resistance to political, social, and cultural inroads of colonization,
non-indigenous religions and cultures or the establishment of present state
boundaries, who retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and
political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their traditional
domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral domains. (NCIP
Administrative Order No. 3, Series of 2002). This definition further strengthens
how IP’s was defined in the IPRA law.
Mangyans, with its eight different languages and cultural traditions,
possess a rich and distinctive cultural and literary heritage. The Hanunuo
Mangyans inscribe notes and poems on bamboo trees in the forests or on bamboo
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slats with the use of a pointed knife. These ambahans—written or recited in
poetic language—allegorically express situations or characteristics.
The Hanunuo and Buhid Mangyans make use of their artistic and creative
mind by weaving and embroidering their own traditional attire. The Iraya and
Alangan Mangyans skillfully weave nito and rattan into elaborate baskets. The
other groups also produce baskets, bags, hats, hammocks and other crafts made of
forest vines, and all the eight tribes practice beadwork. These are their main
source of livelihood (Inquirer.net, 2007).
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The Alangans, one of the Mangyan Ethnic groups, live in a wide area
around Mt. Halcon, occupying the northern part of both Occidental and Oriental
Mindoro provinces. Their population is estimated at approximately 47,580
(OSCC, 1987). The name “Alangan” is derived from a name of a river and
mountain slopes in the upper Alangan valley. The people in this group are
medium-built, round face and straight and long hair (for both men and women).
Their complexion is dark and their teeth are blackened because of their practice of
chewing betel nuts. Their economic life is primarily based on the upland
agriculture or kaingin system. They cut open the forest every year or two to make
new swidden sites. The term gado or "together" characterizes the local group.
These can be observe with their tradionally big houses called balay lakoy, each
composed of 3 to 20 nuclear families. It is the smallest socio-economic unit of the
Alangan society ruguoan. Property for the Alangan consists of the clothes,
necklaces, bolo, hatchet, medicine box, betel nut box, pigs, chickens, bananas etc.
The Alangan move every few years and the idea of private ownership of the land
have not emerged yet.
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The women traditionally wear a lingeb. This is a kind of skirt made of
long strips of woven nito, and is wound around the abdomen. This is worn
together with a g-string cloth called abayen. The upper covering is called ulango,
made from the leaf of the wild buri palm. Sometimes, a red handkerchief or
bandana called limbutong is worn over the ulango. On the other hand, men wear
g-strings with fringes in front. Betel nut chewing, as mentioned earlier, is also
noted among the Alangans, like all other Mangyan tribes. This they chew with
great fervour from morning to night, saying that they do not feel hunger as long as
they chew betel nut. Exchange of betel chew ingredients is also a sign of social
acceptance.
Belief Systems and Rituals on the Environment Practiced by the Alangan Mangyans
The Mangyans of Sepuyo believe in Divine Presence/God (“Kantam
Agalapet”) who is the source of all. They believe that rivers, trees and mountains
have their own spirits and have to be cared for and respected. For them, God is the
source of all, the provider of their needs and one who takes care of them. They see
life as something very precious and priceless. God gave them land for their
survival. Land and all its resources are owned by God and they only have the right
to use the land and its resources based on residence and kinship. They do not
understand the idea of private land ownership.
The Alangan Mangyans like other indigenous peoples practice rituals.
They have rituals before planting invoking for a good harvest as well as
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thanksgiving for a good harvest. They have also rituals to know if a certain place
is good to build their house. This means that they will have no misfortune or
sickness.
It is important for the Alangan Mangyans to pray by offering a pig or
chicken so that God will have mercy on them and will help them in any of their
problems and sickness. They make an offering at least once a year and call on
God for a bountiful harvest.
“Land is given to us by God that we may live. Do not quarrel about the
land. Do not be fierce because God will get angry. Work in your land for you to
live. Love your life. Have a big respect for the land. If others will steal from your
land, the land will not be productive. To remedy this, make an offering by
butchering a pig or chicken.”
The Alangan Mangyans are closely connected with their natural
environment. Their rituals are always accompanied by signs coming from the
environment. An example is if they have a poor harvest, they have to make an
offering by butchering a pig or chicken. They will use these as offerings in their
prayers led by their kuyay or elderly.
Environmental Management
Indigenous knowledge is a systematic body of knowledge acquired by
local people through accumulation of experiences, informal experiments and
intimate understanding of environment of a given culture. It includes a system of
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classification and management that governs resource use. It is embedded in
community practices, institutions, relationships and rituals (Macandog, 2009).
People’s view of their relationship with nature is one of the most
important aspects of any strategy for environmental management. The Alangan
Mangyans have a unique way of relating to nature as shown in their beliefs and
practices.
Colby (1989) theorized that all human activity, economic and socio-
cultural take place in the context of certain types of relationships with the
biophysical world. Development necessarily involves a transformation of this
relationship. For instance, agriculture is a form of environmental management,
but the types of agriculture implemented may reflect very different underlying
conceptions of the relationship between nature and humans and what
environmental management means. As societies have evolved or developed so has
this relationship. Sometimes it evolved in ways that might be construed as
mutually beneficial and ecologically sustainable, at other times or places, people
extracted benefits by attempting to manage nature to improve their chances of
survival and quality of life, in ways which have reduced the ecological values and
capacities of local ecosystems to provide them in the future.
It is utmost important for the Alangan Mangyan people to manage their
environment very well. They believe that “land is life” because this is where they
get their raw materials, food, and all that they need for their subsistence. From
their land emanates their distinct and rich culture. These are part of their
indigenous knowledge systems and practices.
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The environmental management strategy that the Alangan Mangyans
adapted has been their traditional agricultural practices. They practice the
“kaingin system” of farming which they have learned from their ancestors and
which they in turn continue to pass on to their young generation. They have a very
close affinity with nature and they understand nature.
Environmental Management Activities: Kaingin Farming, Fishing and Forest Care
The Alangan Mangyans practice the Kaingin system or swidden
farming system. The Alangan Mangyans practise swidden farming, which
consists of eleven stages. Two of which are the firebreak-making (Agait)
and the fallowing (Agpagamas). A firebreak is made so the fire will not go
beyond the swidden site where the vegetation is thoroughly dry and ready
for burning. And two years after clearing, cultivation of the swidden is
normally ceased and the site is allowed to revert back to forest (Quiaoit,
1997 as cited in Mangyan Heritage Center website). If one will compare
this to a typical Kaingin type of farming, a typical Kaingin system is a six-
step process which involves (1) clearing of undergrowth shrubs and
grasses (2) cutting and felling of trees (3) separation and collection of
twigs and other vegetation and spreading it over the entire field to be dried
before burning (4) burning where fire walls are delineated to control the
spreading of fire (5) collection of twigs, wood and other materials not
burned and setting them for another round of burning (6) planting. The
cycle starts in January, burning is done in April and planting starts in May
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or when rainy season begins since most of the crops are rainfed. Weeding
and thinning is done throughout the growth cycle of the crop (Vasquez,
1998).
Crops that they grow in their kaingin include annual crops such as
rice and corn, and perennial crops such as banana, coconuts and citrus.
Root crops and vegetables are planted together with perennial crops. The
cropping pattern starts with planting rice, corn and vegetables. A second
crop corn may be planted in December. Root crops such as cassava, sweet
potato, and ubi are planted after the harvesting of rice and corn.
Harvesting of rice is done sometime in October while corn is done in
August. Root crops maybe harvested anytime of the year, while banana
maybe harvested a year after planting and thereafter. Other vegetable
crops are also planted like squash and pipino.
During summer, when the water in the river is clear, they also
gather shells and fish from the river. Their way of fish harvest is to divert
the water to another river so that there is a part of the river that will dry up.
All the members of the community help in making the dam to divert the
water. They place wood and soil to make the temporary dam. The men
gather and fix the wood and the children and women carry sand or soil.
When the water is at a very low level, they catch the fish using their
baskets or woven containers. They just use their hands to catch the fish if
the water in the river is almost empty. They do not get the small fishes or
the pregnant ones. This is a happy time for them. There is a fiesta
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atmosphere in the river where everyone enjoys a good catch. They do not
advocate the use of electric fishing which kills even the small and
pregnant fishes.
The Mangyans consider the mountains and the rivers as source of
their food. As long as there are mountains, they said, they will always
have food to eat. Each family has its own mountain/s to plant using the
kaingin system. The entire family works in the kaingin farm. They have a
fallow period of five years or more. This allows time for the mountain to
grow shrubs, trees and grasses that will make the soil fertile again and can
be used for planting. Cutting of trees in the forest is limited to their needs.
The Mangyans do not want mining activities in their mountains because
according to their leaders, removing the mines would weaken the
mountain which is like removing the bones of a person which makes a
person weak or unable to stand.
During harvest time (October-November), other relatives from the
inner or more remote mountains come to help them. They stay with them
for some time. This is how they share their harvest to their relatives. Most
of them have many relatives. The rice that they harvested is not enough to
feed them until the next cropping season. When there is no more rice they
eat other crops like banana, gabi, ube, kalabasa, kamote and nami(wild
yam). They continued to plant root crops in their ‘kaingin’ areas that could
not be used for plow farming. These are the hilly parts which were also
planted with upland rice before they were introduced to lowland farming.
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Impacts of Institutional Support: Introducing the Lowland Farming
When lowland plow farming was introduced, there were some changes in
that took place in their practice of the kaingin system that they know. First, they
decreased the areas used for kaingin farming because they have concentrated in
their lowland farming. Their lifestyle also changed because most of their cultural
practices are integrated in their kaingin farming system. Their practices in a
communal house that they carry with them in their kaingin were also changed.
They now also started to build their own houses which are more or less permanent
and they have their own lands to till also. As time passed, the frequency of their
ritual practices also decreased.
Table 1 shows the chronological sequence of events that led to the
introduction of Institutions’ support in the Alangan Mangyan Community with its
corresponding impacts. It was not visualized that in the long run, lowland farming
practice that was handed down as Insitutions’ support by the MIC Sisters together
with the 21st Century Association, will eventually leave an unintended negative
impact in the farming system as well as in the livelihood of the Alangan Mangyan
tribe due to its unsustainable characteristic.
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25
Year Major event(s) Major impacts1989 Five (5) Mangyan families from near by municipalities started to
settle in Sitio Sepuyo Sta. Cruz, Occidental Mindoro. Clearing of land for Kaingin started.
1993
The Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (MIC) started their Mangyan apostolate in Sepuyo as part of the Mangyan Mission areas of their vicariate.
Indigenous People Apostolate was created.
Additional funds were provided by the 21st Century Association, a Japan-based organization, to the MIC in support to their mission.
Integrated agriculture projects were created such as construction of windmill and purchasing of carabind and farm implements.
1994
The church through the Indigenous People Apostolate reached out to the Mangyans in Sitio Sepuyo.
The Mangyans were introduced to lowland farming in the lowland part of their Kaingin areas.
The other members of the community (18 families) joined their families in Sepuyo, comprising an estimated population of 92; the land where they were situated was still fertile and was able to produce even without applying inorganic fertilizer.
Integrated Pest Management (IPM) was introduced. The population of the community increased.
1997
Construction of irrigation canal was enabled, which the natives used to divert water from the Amnay River.
Increases in the number of harvest by the natives were observed. From 100 cavans, to cavans, until it increased into 500 cavans.
After introducing IPM and different non – indigenous farming practices, the MIC Sisters together with their agriculturist left Sitio Sepuyo and just occasionally visited the area.
1999 - 2005 The Mangyans practiced natural farming, equipped with lowland farming practice and technology.
2006
American Baptists regularly visited the Alangan Mangyan’s community.
Influenced by those preachers, a number of members of the community stopped practicing their rituals and become members of the Baptist Church instead.
The Mangyans started to use fertilizers because the land was not fertile anymore because of the continuous utilization of it.
They started to loan fertilizers from the non-mangyans/’tagalogs(damuongs)’ and were asked to pay three cavans for every sack of fertilizer, making life more difficult for them as their harvest was used for paying loans instead of consuming it.
Table 1. Introduction of Institutions’ Support in the Sepuyo Alangan Mangyan Community
This situation was somehow related the Dumagats that live near the Ipo
Watershed land. A study conducted in 2004 on the Ipo Watershed land which revealed
that only 30-40% of the Ipo Watershed land area has remaining forest cover. The original
open area or grassland was estimated to be 15% of the entire watershed while the area
estimated to be damaged by slash-and-burn farming or kaingin is 55%. From 2002 to
2005, the extent of forest destruction is very alarming. It is already 2007. If the
continuous rise in the rate of deforestation does not cease, we could be seeing in the next
five years another barren “Montalban Mountain” with lots of cogon grass and no forested
area. Furthermore, a UP Mountaineers member, Frederick Ochavo, cited in his article that
the indigenous people of Dumagat from the Sierra Madre Mountain Range already
established a Kaingin method of farming that is much better compared to the lowland
farming practice. The Dumagats live in harmony with nature for generations. They take
only what they need. Even though they employ kaingin, it is unlike the kaingin method of
lowlanders which covers a lot of ground. The kaingin sites of the Dumagats are small and
just enough to meet their seasonal needs. After some time, they move to another place
and leave their kaingin site to regenerate on its own. As much as possible, the Dumagats
do not cut trees that are more than 5 inches in diameter. Their method of farming is
already sustainable as the forest is given the chance to grow back. On the other hand, the
farming practices of lowland people do not give the forest a chance to heal itself. Unlike
the nomadic Dumagat families, lowlanders settle on tracts of land and expand their
property by cutting down trees and burning them. For them, farm lots are better than
forests. It can possibly be the same situation as for the Alangan Mangyans of Occidental
Mindoro. Analyzing the events occurred from 1989 to 2006, the productivity of the yields
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of the Alangan Mangyan farmers increased but only for a short period of time. After
sacrificing their own way of living and their culture, different undesirable things
happened and will happen if they can revert back to their culture and further develop it
instead of changing it. Thus, there can be an unintended negative impact occurred long
after the Institutions’ supports given to this tribe were adapted by them.
CONCLUSION
The interrelationship among the Mangyans, MIC Sisters and Japanese NGO could
be described as harmonious. They have worked closely to make the land become more
productive through the use of lowland farming technology. But, contrary to what the
institutions normally think of the kaingin system, their type of kaingin system is far more
sustainable than reaching the point of continuous decline in the soil fertility of the area
and the usage of inorganic fertilizer used for the lowland farming until the point that it
needs to be supported by inorganic fertilizer. Yes, they decreased their kaingin farming
activities which could regenerate the forests, was able to increased their productivity, and
learned new ways of farming techniques but in the end, the gradual disintegration of the
traditional Mangyan culture due to the outside influences caused changes not only in the
economic system of the group, but also their way of conserving their land. Leading to
negative and unintended impacts resulted to a more difficult way of living for our
Alangan Mangyan group.
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Online References:
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http://services.inquirer.net/print/print.php?article_id=56935 (Posted date: March 26, 2007)
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