an acoustic study of dimasa tones priyankoo sarmah and caroline wiltshire university of florida...
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An acoustic study of Dimasa tones
Priyankoo Sarmah and Caroline WiltshireUniversity of Florida
[email protected]@ufl.edu
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The Dimasa Language
Tibeto-Burman Language of the Bodo-Garo family.
Spoken by 88,543 people in Assam and Nagaland.(1991 Indian census report)
RCILTS, IIT Guwahati (http://www.iitg.ernet.in/rcilts/dimasa.htm )
2 tones: High, Unmarked Level
Singha (2003) 3 tones: High, Low and Unmarked Level
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This study…
How many tones are there in Dimasa?
What are the acoustic properties of Dimasa tones?
How do tones operate in monosyllables and disyllables?
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Methodology: Wordlist and speakers A list of segmentally homophonic words was constructed using data
from a native speaker of Dimasa.
The words were arranged in random order in the list.
10 native speakers of Dimasa (5 male, 5 female) were asked to produce the words in a sentence frame.
ang X thiba
Each word was repeated four times by the speakers.
Only the first three iterations were included in analysis to avoid listing effect.
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Methodology: Recording the data Recorder: Marantz PMD660 solid state
Sampling frequency: 48 Khz
Microphone: Audio-Technica AT4041
Storage: HP compact flash card
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Methodology: Analyzing the data Praat v.4.5.04
Measure 1: Track the pitch on the TBU at every 2% of the length of the TBU
Measure 2: The initiation point of the pitch on TBU
Measure 3: 20ms after initiation of the pitch on TBU
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Methodology: Analyzing the data Measure 1 is taken to track the pitch of the TBU
in detail. Automatic pitch tracking of Praat is not detailed
enough. It also normalizes the length as % values are derived.
Measure 2 and Measure 3 are taken to see if and to what extent the consonant in the onset affects the pitch of the TBU.
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Methodology: Analyzing the data Measure 1: Every 2% of the pitch on TBU = 50 points
TBU0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 0.272542
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Methodology: Analyzing the data Measure 2: Point of initiation of the pitch on the TBU (Pi) Measure 3: 20ms after the point of initiation (Pi+20)
20ms TBU 20ms
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 0.272542
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Methodology
For all the measurements specific scripts were written.
The script were run on 103 underived words of Dimasa.
The 103 words included monosyllabic and polysyllabic words.
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Measure 2 and 3
Pi and Pi+20 are compared statistically
A standard t-test (p<0.05) is conducted on the data.
Grouped by the onset consonant.
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Results: Measure 2 and 3
Vowels b d
0.070238755 5.53732E-14 3.06496E-08
dz g h
0.026574588 0.029406493 3.09369E-08
kh l m
4.03054E-06 2.20243E-05 0.089387967
r s sh
0.000723691 5.13417E-05 1.39625E-12
th w z
1.22493E-10 0.826479848 0.000801464
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Results: Measure 2 and 3
[ph], [kh], [b], [d], [g], [dz], [h], [l], [r], [s], [sh], [z]
Showed significant effect on the following pitch.
[m] and [w] did not show significant effect on the following pitch.
Pi – (Pi+20) showed that [ph], [kh], [b], [d], [dz], [h], [l], [s], [sh], [z] raises the following
pitch.
[r] depresses the following pitch.
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Results: Measure 1
Pitch points were calculated on 50 points across the pitch of each TBU (every 2%)
These 50 points were replotted on a graph to reconstruct the pitch track.
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Results: Measure 1
Initial examination of data set in Singha (2003):
thi ‘speak’ thi ‘to die’ thi ‘blood’
lai ‘page’ lai ‘easy’ lai ‘wish’
maithai‘year’ maithai‘crop’ maithai ‘source’
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Results: Measure 1 Demonstrates tonal distinction in segmentally
homogeneous pairs./thi/
150
170
190
210
230
250
270
1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51
Point no.
Freq
uenc
y (H
z) SPEAK
BLOOD
DIE
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Results: Measure 1/lai/
150
160
170
180
190
200
210
220
230
240
250
1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51
Point no.
Freq
uenc
y (H
z) EASY
WISH
PAGE
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Results: Measure 1
/maithai/ ‘crop’
a ng m ai th ai th ib a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 0.918167
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Results: Measure 1
/maithai/ ‘source’
a ng m ai th ai th i b a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 0.951438
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Results: Measure 1
/maithai/ ‘year’
a ng m ai th ai th ib a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.15398
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Results: Measure 1
Compared to Singha (2003):
/thi/ shows evidence for three distinct tones
/lai/ does not show evidence for three tones
/maithai/ does not show evidence for three tones.
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Results: Measure 1
Another interesting set:
bai ‘to break’ bai ‘to cross’ bai ‘to dance’ bai ‘to order’ bai ‘to ship’ bai ‘to spin’
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Results: Measure 1
/bai/
150
170
190
210
230
250
270
1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51
Point no.
Freq
uenc
y (H
z)
CROSS
ORDER
DANCE
FILTER
BREAK
SPIN
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Results: Measure 1
In most of the cases:/wai/
150
170
190
210
230
250
270
290
1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 49 51
Point no.
Freq
uenc
y (H
z)
FIRE
CHEW
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Results: Measure 1
Tones: Dimasa has three lexical tones:
A high tone (rising) A level mid tone A low tone (falling)
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Bisyllables in Dimasa
No mention in Singha (2003)
Bodo-Garo languages primarily show tone assignment on only one syllable.
(Joseph and Burling, 2001; Sarmah 2003)
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Bisyllables in Dimasa
goron company goron to confuse
miya bamboo shoot miya male person miya yesterday
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Results: Bisyllables
/goron/ ‘company’
a ng h a d i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.11777
a ng h a d i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.13108
ang h a z i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.11525
ang h a z i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.14958
a ng g o r o n th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.54158
a ng g o r o n th i b a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.25083
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Results: Bisyllables
/goron/ ‘confuse’
a ng h a d i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.11777
a ng h a d i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.13108
ang h a z i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.11525
ang h a z i th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.14958
a ng g o r o n th ib a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.54158
a ng g o r o n th i b a0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.25083
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miya ‘male person’
a ng m i j a th i b a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.11527
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miya ‘bamboo shoot’
a ng m i j a th i b a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.09115
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miya ‘yesterday’
a ng m i j a h th i b a
0
500
100
200
300
400
Time (s)0 1.05615
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Results: Bisyllables
Tone assigned only on the second syllable.
Similar phenomenon to Bodo (Sarmah 2003)
The first syllable is assigned a mid level tone.
Similar phenomenon in other 9 sets of bisyllables we examined.
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Summary of results
Significant consonantal effects on pitch
3 tones in Dimasa A high tone (rising) A level mid tone A low tone (falling)
A mono/disyllabic word can have one and only one tone assigned to it.
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Association of glottal stops with high tones.
Trisyllabic words.
A perception test
More data…
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References
Joseph, U. V., and Burling, Robbins. 2001. “Tone correspondences among the Bodo Languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. 24.2: 41-55.
Sarmah, Priyankoo. 2003. Some Aspects of the Tonal Phonology of Bodo. M.Phil. dissertation, CIEFL, Hyderabad, India.
Singha, Dhiren. 2003. The Phonology & Morphology of Dimasa. M.A. dissertation, Assam University, Silchar, Assam
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Acknowledgment
Mr. Uttam Bathari, Asst. Director, ICHR, Guwahati, Assam.
University of Florida, Graduate Research Program.
and…
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Acknowledgment
The Dimasa Students’ Association
Guwahati
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This presentation is available: By email: [email protected]
Online: http://plaza.ufl.edu/priyanku/neils.ppt