Alienation

Alienation

uncritical mind. It promises to usher in modernity and affluence, but actually promotes social obscurantism and cultural backwardness.

An agenda for cultural action - I By K. N. Panikkar

Cultural action is an intervention in daily life, directed to the transformation of social consciousness... Its main agenda is to bring the individual, who is increasingly being alienated, into the social fold. INDIAN SOCIAL reality is fast changing; changing for the worse. The hopes of a social transformation, not bridled by external constraints, which the national liberation movement had raised, seem to be dwindling everyday. As Antonio Negri and Michael Hart, authors of a widely discussed work on globalisation, have recently observed, imperialism is dead, but the empire is forming before our eyes. The name of the `empire' is globalisation, which seeks to subjugate the world for the interest of transnational capital. The `virtues' of the new `empire' and the paradigm of development they proffer form the hegemonic public discourse in India today. The message of the `empire' is the market transmitted through the cultural network, of which the implicit purpose is the creation of a modern, read capitalist, taste and the making of an uncritical mind. It promises to usher in modernity and affluence, but actually promotes social obscurantism and cultural backwardness. No other phenomenon is a stronger statement of obscurantism and backwardness than communalism, reinforced in recent times by the cultural crisis that the `empire' has generated. Communalism (mvc`vwqKZv) and globalisation have thus become mutually complementary with commonly shared interests. The recent developments in the wake of the Afghan war have established beyond doubt the uncritical acceptance of the dictates of the `empire' by the Indian ruling classes. Any attempt at social engineering is, therefore, a multi-pronged effort - cultural, ideological and political - which should aim initially to change the nature of the hegemonic public discourse. Cultural action is at the centre of this effort. To begin with, the nature and meaning of cultural action needs some elaboration and clarification, as definitions and interpretations of culture are unmanageably large. Culture, being embedded in all human engagements, is a domain in which social power is both exercised and contested. It is also the means for the articulation of dominance and resistance. Given the materiality of culture, as emphasised by Raymond Williams, culture is not an epiphenomenon, but has an all-embracing character. The scope of cultural action therefore extends to the entire social experience.

Cultural action is an intervention in daily life, directed to the transformation of social consciousness. It is not a cultural performance or spectacle based on various art forms, though they are not ruled out as a means of communication. Instead, it is conceived as a continuous social activity capable of activating the `cultural' in everyday life. It is a form of intervention directed towards the radicalisation of civil society. The purpose of cultural action, therefore, is to foreground the human agency for what Antonio Gramsci has described as `unsettling the existing equilibrium' in order to create conditions of life free from domination.

Such a notion of cultural action is not entirely alien to the experience of social movements in India, even if most organisations work through different art forms to reach out to their audience. While the People's Science Movement and the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad have tried to create cultural consciousness through intervention in quotidian life practices, the Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT) and Manaveeyam have preferred the power of performance to confront and change the existing social consciousness. The positive contribution of such organisations notwithstanding, a rearticulation of cultural action, both in form and content, is called for, to effectively interrogate the existing social conditions. Such a rearticulation should bring culture to the centre stage as an instrument of social change through an intense and continuous intervention in daily life practices.

However, the contemporary social and ideological conditions are beset with several factors, which impede such a cultural action. Three of them, which are of particular importance, deserve some elaboration; (1) the changing relationship of the individual with the outside world, (2) the influence of the market and the related culture of consumerism and (3) the rise of religiosity and communalism. All the three contribute towards a myopic vision insensitive to the social reality.

The social problems are increasingly becoming alien to the concern of the individual - society is no more in the mind of the individual, possibly because of the competitive spirit fostered by capitalism. The personal has replaced the public and as a consequence the problem of the self has become the most serious concern. The individual is more and more involved in seeking solutions to his own crisis that he has become insensitive to the social good. This is in contrast to the past when during the Renaissance and Nationalism movements, the individual surrendered the self for common public interest. The presence of socially sensitive individuals who could promote cultural action in the public sphere is therefore becoming scarce.

The crisis of the individual has been further deepened by the changes in the material life during the last few years. The character of the market has changed dramatically and globalistion has opened up the possibility of unprecedented access to consumer goods. The transnational capital has created a new market and along with that a new culture which the individual imbibes not by his choice; it is forced upon him. As in advanced capitalist societies, the market is becoming so irresistibly powerful that consumerism tends to be the ideology and culture of the masses, creating material aspirations not commensurate with their real situation. The anxieties generated by this contradiction form the ground in which religiosity and communalism thrive. That many see a solution to their personal crises in spirituality is also part of this syndrome.

The main agenda of cultural action is to bring the individual, who is increasingly being alienated, into the social fold through two possible areas of activity. The first, the creative realm and, second, the constructive realm. Using art forms for social and political campaigns has been a long tried method, going back to the period of the anti-colonial struggle. In contemporary India, several organisations have innovatively employed several art forms in their public campaigns. SAHMAT, for instance, has conducted its campaign against communalism very effectively during the last several years by using painting, music, street plays and so on as means of communication. Considerable work by several organisations though uncoordinated, is taking place in this field, which over the years has made some impact on social consciousness. A drawback of these efforts is that they are sporadic in nature and do not constantly engage the attention of the masses. In contrast, the constructive realm has the potential to provide for continuous activity and thus make cultural action an integral part of everyday life. Gandhiji had set an admirable and effective example through spinning, Khadi and the organisation of life in the ashrams and turning them into symbols of mass mobilisation. The main feature of cultural action through the constructive realm is the creation of cultural communities. Two types of communities are possible: imagined communities and local communities. The imagined communities internalise certain common values and interests and their members relate themselves to a common source of origin. The educational intervention of Ekalavya in Madhya Pradesh is a good example, as through an educational experiment it has created a cultural community sharing certain common ideas, even if the members do not act together or communicate with each other in a formal manner. Ekalavya has brought into being an abiding but invisible cultural community drawn from the influence of an organisation working in a selected field.

An agenda for cultural action - IIBy K. N. Panikkar

What is required is the creation of a counter culture through constructive undertakings, which would alter the existing public discourse generated by globalisation and communalism. THE LOCAL communities function at an entirely different level. Not because they address local issues, but because of the manner in which they function. What they do is to localise for action those issues which are universally valid. Environmental issues which underline man-nature relationship, for instance. Environmental degradation is a problem that has already assumed alarming dimensions and is likely to worsen in countries like India in the conditions of globalisation. Both at the level of social sensitisation and for evolving alternative strategies local communities can be constructed around environmental issues. The local is likely to generate greater interest to people rather than something distant. Yet, environmentalism being a common problem present in almost every part of the country, the local becomes part of a larger whole. The local community, however, is not an organisation, but a collectivity, of which the participation is not through membership but through activity, which is limited to the intervention at the local level. Innumerable such areas can be identified according to the specificities of each locality. The local communities, however, are not isolated communities, but are to be located within the larger cultural, social and political ambience. The significance of local communities is the possibilities they offer for continuous engagement, a necessary condition for the creation of social consciousness. The agit-prop methods that are generally adopted by the political parties and their front organisations are limited to sporadic or spontaneous action, which does not have an abiding impact. Moreover, their reach is generally limited to their own followers and in most cases they do not even generate sympathy among others. Although demonstrative actions are necessary part of democratic struggles it is time to reconsider their effectiveness in the prevailing social situation. In contrast, the work of the local communities is silent and unobtrusive, providing a platform for people to forge bonds of solidarity around chosen issues. The main purpose of cultural action is to radicalise civil society. Towards that end, the preliminary step is to de-ideologise civil society from the influence of globalisation and the logic of communalism. A powerful and influential public discourse in favour of both is current in Indian society.

The former is generated by institutions sponsored by global forces and the latter by the social and cultural organisations set up by the Sangh Parivar. Both are directly supported by the Indian state. The impact of globalisation on the Indian economy has been debilitating, yet it has created an artificial sense of affluence through a market which does not reflect the needs of a majority of the population. The abundance of motor vehicles to the stock of Australian apples testifies to the irrelevance of the market to the common man. However, supported and welcomed by the middle class the global forces are engaged in manufacturing at the grassroots level a new cultural taste, lending support to the spread of consumerist ethos. In a country like India with a fairly large section of society deprived even of basic necessities of life, consumerism forced upon it is self-contradictory. For, it arouses expectations, aspirations and possibilities which many realise are beyond their reach, thus deepening their sense of frustration and deprivation that they already live out. Consumerism impacts on the members of the middle class in an entirely different manner. The material modernity they have embraced through consumerism creates a cultural crisis, which they fail to resolve within the ambit of a borrowed lifestyle. They are, therefore, forced to seek their roots, which they seem to locate in a cultural past defined in religious terms. The politicisation of this cultural crisis has led to their uncritical support to communalism and what has come to be termed cultural nationalism, which seeks to privilege a cultural identity different from the western. Therefore, there is an inherent contradiction between the interests of globalisation and the ideology of cultural nationalism. Although the ruling classes and their ideologues have tried to mask this contradiction by inventing a human face for globalisation and raising the slogan of swadeshi, the contradiction is becoming sharper with the increasing intrusion of the market. This contradiction enables the local communities to identify the necessary space for initiating counter cultural action. So far, the response to both globalisation and communalism has not gone much beyond political opposition. Led by the Left forces the political opposition has been well articulated through demonstrations, strikes, hartals and so on. The social resistance, however, has not developed in a manner to confront and counter these forces. There have been some attempts at physical confrontation with the market outlets of multinationals in areas like Karnataka, which have proved to be unsustainable due to the intervention of the state and counter-productive, as such acts of denial do not elicit the sympathy of the public. An alternative suggested by many is the boycott of multinationals and their products which given the penetration and the hold of the market as well as the tacit support of the state is an unrealisable utopian dream. The resistance against communalism also suffers from a similar impasse, although considerable ideological work has gone into the construction of anti-communal consciousness. Hindu communalism has managed to come to power, not because of political mobilisation alone, but more due to sustained work in the social and cultural fields, which has considerably contributed to a heightened sense of religiosity all over the country. The communalisation of civil society draws upon the groundswell provided by organised religiosity. The public exhibition of religiosity in an organised and spectacular manner has considerably increased during the last few years. As a consequence, the distinction between religious and communal discourse is steadily disappearing from society. The purpose of cultural action is, therefore, to influence and change the character of the public discourse in civil society. It cannot be achieved through rejection, resistance and opposition alone. All the three are necessary, but not sufficient. What is required is the creation of a counter culture through constructive undertakings, which would alter the existing public discourse generated by globalisation and communalism. This can be achieved only through the revitalisation of indigenous cultural resources, remoulding them to face the contemporary challenges, at the same time without being obscurantist and revivalist. The formation of local communities with the ability to intimately intervene in the cultural life of the people is the necessary beginning for the creation of a counter culture. Implicit in the counter culture is the inevitable conflict with the dominant social and political power. Such a conflict has both local and national dimensions. Locally, the engagement of the communities will be in a variety of cultural issues, ranging from access to water and firewood to claims over shared history and tradition. The local also extends to the national as it impinges upon the way the national is constructed. The culture the local communities invoke draws upon the plural tradition variously articulated in different localities. Such emphasis on the local, without being localised, is likely to be a major challenge to the emerging tendencies of homogenisation which both communalism and globalisation, though in entirely different ways, seek to realise. Cultural action with such a perspective transgresses the cultural to comprehend the social and the political. But then the cultural is political. (Concluded)