an investigation into the effect of religious norms as a

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)Vol 2, No.10, 2012

An Investigation into the

Conservation Measure: A Case Study from Ghana

1. Department of General Art Studies, Faculty of Art, UPO Box 50, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana

2. Department of Rural

* E-mail of the corresponding author: Abstract This paper discusses the effect of social taboos stemming froresource management. The analysis is based on an unstructured interviewing of indigenous residents and local officials within three regions in Ghana. The analysis reveals how as a result of a belief system that recogniseoften engage in cultural practices that have significant beneficial impacts for the environment. More specifically, the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultutaboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although with religious origins, have important ecological functionindividuals in African communities relate to the environment is important for a number of reasons. For instance, due to lack of resources for more formal institutions such as legal rules and regulations, taboos based aroundregulations. Moreover, a more inenvironment can be used to design more effective policies that cater to respondents with diverse motivational profiles. Unfortunately, the analysis revealed that increasing pressures for development, coupled with increasing popularity of other religions, now mean that various restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment, while still importalonger have the same hold on people.Keywords: cultural taboos, environmental spirituality, conservation, Ghana Introduction At a general level the general public can be characterised as nature friendly. That is, individuals whether they are from “traditional” societies or otherwise, largely acknowledge the intrinsic value of nature and its subsequent right to exist irrespective of its functions for mankind (Vos and Meekes, 1999; De Groot and van den Born, 2003). Despite these positive attitudes tnature, human interference is increasingly having a negative impact on biodiversity (Kquofi, 2011; Styers et al, 2010; McGranahan, 2010; Ode et al., 2009). Specifically in relation to Ghana, land degradation, coastal erosion, water pollution, deforconstitute major environmental problems (Roosbroeck and Amlalo 2006). This has been the result of an increasing focus on economic growth and development with the often unintended consequence of destruction of important ecos Social taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms rather than laws determine behaviour (Colding and Folke, 2001). Especially in traditional societies, taboos frequently guide human conduct towards thtraditional communities in Ghana, for instance, taboos guided by religious norms often act to help conserve biological diversity. Members of traditional communities strongly believe that spiritual beings decide on what happens into be domiciled throughout the surrounding environment in everything from trees, rocks, animals and rivers.

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences 2863 (Online)

77

An Investigation into the Effect of Religious Norms as a


Steve Kquofi1* Peter Howley2 Department of General Art Studies, Faculty of Art, UPO Box 50,

Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, GhanaDepartment of Rural Economy Development Programme

Teagasc, Athenry, Galway, Ireland mail of the corresponding author: [email protected] /[email protected]

This paper discusses the effect of social taboos stemming from religious principles on natural resource management. The analysis is based on an unstructured interviewing of indigenous residents and local officials within three regions in Ghana. The analysis reveals how as a result of a belief system that recognises the power and spirituality of nature, traditional communities often engage in cultural practices that have significant beneficial impacts for the environment.

the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultutaboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although with religious origins, have important ecological functions. Understanding more about how individuals in African communities relate to the environment is important for a number of reasons. For instance, due to lack of resources for more formal institutions such as legal rules and

taboos based around social norms may in certain areas provide the only effective regulations. Moreover, a more in-depth understanding of how individuals relate to the environment can be used to design more effective policies that cater to respondents with diverse

l profiles. Unfortunately, the analysis revealed that increasing pressures for increasing popularity of other religions, now mean that various

restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment, while still importalonger have the same hold on people.

cultural taboos, environmental spirituality, conservation, Ghana

At a general level the general public can be characterised as nature friendly. That is, individuals “traditional” societies or otherwise, largely acknowledge the intrinsic

value of nature and its subsequent right to exist irrespective of its functions for mankind (Vos and Meekes, 1999; De Groot and van den Born, 2003). Despite these positive attitudes tnature, human interference is increasingly having a negative impact on biodiversity (Kquofi, 2011; Styers et al, 2010; McGranahan, 2010; Ode et al., 2009). Specifically in relation to Ghana, land degradation, coastal erosion, water pollution, deforestation and desertification now constitute major environmental problems (Roosbroeck and Amlalo 2006). This has been the result of an increasing focus on economic growth and development with the often unintended consequence of destruction of important ecosystems.

Social taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms rather than laws determine behaviour (Colding and Folke, 2001). Especially in traditional societies, taboos frequently guide human conduct towards the environment. Among the traditional communities in Ghana, for instance, taboos guided by religious norms often act to help conserve biological diversity. Members of traditional communities strongly believe that spiritual beings decide on what happens in the physical realm. These spiritual beings are, in turn, believed to be domiciled throughout the surrounding environment in everything from trees, rocks, animals

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Effect of Religious Norms as a


Department of General Art Studies, Faculty of Art, UPO Box 50, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana

Economy Development Programme

/[email protected]

m religious principles on natural resource management. The analysis is based on an unstructured interviewing of indigenous residents and local officials within three regions in Ghana. The analysis reveals how as a result

s the power and spirituality of nature, traditional communities often engage in cultural practices that have significant beneficial impacts for the environment.

the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural taboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although

s. Understanding more about how individuals in African communities relate to the environment is important for a number of reasons. For instance, due to lack of resources for more formal institutions such as legal rules and

social norms may in certain areas provide the only effective depth understanding of how individuals relate to the

environment can be used to design more effective policies that cater to respondents with diverse l profiles. Unfortunately, the analysis revealed that increasing pressures for

increasing popularity of other religions, now mean that various restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment, while still important, no

cultural taboos, environmental spirituality, conservation, Ghana

At a general level the general public can be characterised as nature friendly. That is, individuals “traditional” societies or otherwise, largely acknowledge the intrinsic

value of nature and its subsequent right to exist irrespective of its functions for mankind (Vos and Meekes, 1999; De Groot and van den Born, 2003). Despite these positive attitudes towards nature, human interference is increasingly having a negative impact on biodiversity (Kquofi, 2011; Styers et al, 2010; McGranahan, 2010; Ode et al., 2009). Specifically in relation to Ghana,

estation and desertification now constitute major environmental problems (Roosbroeck and Amlalo 2006). This has been the result of an increasing focus on economic growth and development with the often unintended

Social taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms rather than laws determine behaviour (Colding and Folke, 2001). Especially in traditional

e environment. Among the traditional communities in Ghana, for instance, taboos guided by religious norms often act to help conserve biological diversity. Members of traditional communities strongly believe that spiritual

the physical realm. These spiritual beings are, in turn, believed to be domiciled throughout the surrounding environment in everything from trees, rocks, animals


In the early 1900s, concern over rapid population growth in Ghana and other Aled colonial administrators to introduce protected areas (nature preserves) based on western knowledge and values (Ntiamoanational parks have scenic, cultural, and historic valvital roles in purifying the air and a host of other ecological services. For example, the Kakum National park, Aburi botanical gardens, Paga crocodile pond, Agumatsa waterfalls, KNUST botanic garden, etc. enhance the aesthetic appeal of the environment. It is interesting to note that unlike sacred groves that have survived because of strong traditional beliefs and the spiritual, religious and cultural attachments to the groves, these introduced protected areas aindiscriminately encroached upon. In the former, the major virtue of this strong culturepractice is that it encourages community participation in natural resource conservation and promotes linkages between man and nature. Exploring the relationship between sociodrawing largely on anthropology, Silka (2001) outlines the positive effect of created ecoor rituals produced in a context of activist ecological spiritualities on the surTwo such examples of how activists use rituals effectively to motivate environmental consciousness are: the “ecology monks” of Thailand with their famous strategy of treeand the “earthkeeping churches” of Zimbabwe in South(buat ton mai) are performed by many participants in the Buddhist ecology movement in order to raise the awareness of the rate of environmental destruction in Thailand and to build a spiritual commitment among local people to conserving forests and water resources (Darlington, 1998). The “earthkeeping churches”, on the other hand, engage in a ceremony which is more ecumenical in nature with the aim of planting a greater variety of trees for commercial, religious, aestand ecological purposes. Silka (2001) also notes some more diffuse but widespread phenomena in India, where various environmentalist movements draw on various mythological motifs and motivations to protect and restore local landscapes. For spiritualponds, saved tracts of trees, and even lobbied the government to pass legislation to protect several sacred hills in Braj, India (Gold 2012). Using Ghana as a case study, this study was designed to gain greater insights intosocial taboos based around religious principles on goals related to environmental protection within “traditional” African communities. More specifically, this paper demonstrates how sociocultural practices based around religious and spiritulandscape from destruction and resource depletion. These socioenshrined in the culture of African communities, as a result of strong beliefs in numerous spirits that are perceived to inhabit environmental goods which are often sought to offer them protection, security and peace (Monserud, 2002; Hettinger, 2005; Kuo, 2011). This study highlights that alongside other conservation initiatives such as the development of protected conservation areas, socioimportant role in protecting environmental resources. explored the role of taboos based around religious norms and ideologies in the relbetween traditional communities and conservation principles. It is important to better understand the role of social taboos in these areas as they may offer several advantages over more conventional measures of conservation. For instance, in manresources means that many conservation laws are not strictly enforced (Jones et al. 2007; de Merode and Cowlishaw 2006) and as these taboos are selfmonitoring and low enforcement costs. Moreover, whconservation rules is limited, taboos based around social norms may provide the only effective regulations (Jones et al., 2007). Furthermore, a deeper understanding of how individuals relate to the environment can be used tindividuals’ preferences.


78

In the early 1900s, concern over rapid population growth in Ghana and other Aled colonial administrators to introduce protected areas (nature preserves) based on western knowledge and values (Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995). In Ghana, it is evident that nature reserves and national parks have scenic, cultural, and historic values that deserve to be protected aside their vital roles in purifying the air and a host of other ecological services. For example, the Kakum National park, Aburi botanical gardens, Paga crocodile pond, Agumatsa waterfalls, KNUST

ce the aesthetic appeal of the environment. It is interesting to note that unlike sacred groves that have survived because of strong traditional beliefs and the spiritual, religious and cultural attachments to the groves, these introduced protected areas aindiscriminately encroached upon. In the former, the major virtue of this strong culturepractice is that it encourages community participation in natural resource conservation and promotes linkages between man and nature.

ationship between socio-cultural practices and environmental conservation drawing largely on anthropology, Silka (2001) outlines the positive effect of created ecoor rituals produced in a context of activist ecological spiritualities on the surTwo such examples of how activists use rituals effectively to motivate environmental consciousness are: the “ecology monks” of Thailand with their famous strategy of treeand the “earthkeeping churches” of Zimbabwe in Southern Africa. Tree ordination ceremonies

are performed by many participants in the Buddhist ecology movement in order to raise the awareness of the rate of environmental destruction in Thailand and to build a spiritual

people to conserving forests and water resources (Darlington, 1998). The “earthkeeping churches”, on the other hand, engage in a ceremony which is more ecumenical

with the aim of planting a greater variety of trees for commercial, religious, aestSilka (2001) also notes some more diffuse but widespread phenomena

in India, where various environmentalist movements draw on various mythological motifs and motivations to protect and restore local landscapes. For spiritual reasons, individuals restored ponds, saved tracts of trees, and even lobbied the government to pass legislation to protect several sacred hills in Braj, India (Gold 2012).

Using Ghana as a case study, this study was designed to gain greater insights intosocial taboos based around religious principles on goals related to environmental protection within “traditional” African communities. More specifically, this paper demonstrates how sociocultural practices based around religious and spiritual attitudes have the effect of protecting the landscape from destruction and resource depletion. These socio-cultural activities are often enshrined in the culture of African communities, as a result of strong beliefs in numerous spirits

d to inhabit environmental goods which are often sought to offer them protection, security and peace (Monserud, 2002; Hettinger, 2005; Kuo, 2011).

This study highlights that alongside other conservation initiatives such as the development of servation areas, socio-cultural practices of indigenous communities play an

important role in protecting environmental resources. Nevertheless, few studies have specifically explored the role of taboos based around religious norms and ideologies in the relbetween traditional communities and conservation principles. It is important to better understand the role of social taboos in these areas as they may offer several advantages over more conventional measures of conservation. For instance, in many of these regions lack of resources means that many conservation laws are not strictly enforced (Jones et al. 2007; de Merode and Cowlishaw 2006) and as these taboos are self-enforced they provide for low monitoring and low enforcement costs. Moreover, where capacity to enforce external conservation rules is limited, taboos based around social norms may provide the only effective regulations (Jones et al., 2007). Furthermore, a deeper understanding of how individuals relate to the environment can be used to formulate land use policies that are more in keeping with

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In the early 1900s, concern over rapid population growth in Ghana and other African countries led colonial administrators to introduce protected areas (nature preserves) based on western

Badu, 1995). In Ghana, it is evident that nature reserves and ues that deserve to be protected aside their

vital roles in purifying the air and a host of other ecological services. For example, the Kakum National park, Aburi botanical gardens, Paga crocodile pond, Agumatsa waterfalls, KNUST

ce the aesthetic appeal of the environment. It is interesting to note that unlike sacred groves that have survived because of strong traditional beliefs and the spiritual, religious and cultural attachments to the groves, these introduced protected areas are often indiscriminately encroached upon. In the former, the major virtue of this strong culture-based practice is that it encourages community participation in natural resource conservation and

cultural practices and environmental conservation – drawing largely on anthropology, Silka (2001) outlines the positive effect of created eco-rituals, or rituals produced in a context of activist ecological spiritualities on the surrounding landscape. Two such examples of how activists use rituals effectively to motivate environmental consciousness are: the “ecology monks” of Thailand with their famous strategy of tree-ordination;

ern Africa. Tree ordination ceremonies are performed by many participants in the Buddhist ecology movement in order to

raise the awareness of the rate of environmental destruction in Thailand and to build a spiritual people to conserving forests and water resources (Darlington, 1998).

The “earthkeeping churches”, on the other hand, engage in a ceremony which is more ecumenical with the aim of planting a greater variety of trees for commercial, religious, aesthetic,

Silka (2001) also notes some more diffuse but widespread phenomena in India, where various environmentalist movements draw on various mythological motifs and

reasons, individuals restored ponds, saved tracts of trees, and even lobbied the government to pass legislation to protect several

Using Ghana as a case study, this study was designed to gain greater insights into the effect of social taboos based around religious principles on goals related to environmental protection within “traditional” African communities. More specifically, this paper demonstrates how socio-

al attitudes have the effect of protecting the cultural activities are often

enshrined in the culture of African communities, as a result of strong beliefs in numerous spirits d to inhabit environmental goods which are often sought to offer them protection,

This study highlights that alongside other conservation initiatives such as the development of cultural practices of indigenous communities play an

Nevertheless, few studies have specifically explored the role of taboos based around religious norms and ideologies in the relationship between traditional communities and conservation principles. It is important to better understand the role of social taboos in these areas as they may offer several advantages over

y of these regions lack of resources means that many conservation laws are not strictly enforced (Jones et al. 2007; de

enforced they provide for low ere capacity to enforce external

conservation rules is limited, taboos based around social norms may provide the only effective regulations (Jones et al., 2007). Furthermore, a deeper understanding of how individuals relate

o formulate land use policies that are more in keeping with


Methodology Located in West Africa and on the Gulf of Guinea, only a few degrees north of the Equator, Ghana is a country which encompasses flat plains, low hills and inselected for examination were: the Greater Accra region which is a low sandy shore along the coast and intersected by several rivers and streams south central Ghana, which is made upuplands and the Kwahu Plateau found along the country's eastern border communities in 3 regions (Greater Accra, Eastern and Ashanti) out of the 10 regions of Ghana was selected for examination. These 3 regions were selected because of their wide range of vegetation types, ranging from the coastal savannah areas (comprising to natural forests and plantations.savannah area characteristic of both dry land and water bodies as well as nonemergent plants. The Eastern and Ashanti regions represenregions consist of semi-deciduous forests and Guinea savannah woodland belts, having a vast tropical rainforest, dominated by impressive buttress rooted forest giants alongside large cocoa farms.

Map 1. Map of Ghana showing the study regionsData for this study was based on qualitative research methods, principally interviewing and direct observation in the specific study areas. The purposive sampling technique was adopted for the selection of the study areas. Purposive sampling, which is certain categories of respondents relevant to the aims of the study rathesample of the general public (Leedy & Ormrod, 2005). This form of sampling was adopted for this research because the study was concerned with asking about the central tendency in a larger group (e.g., “What do most people in this pop Data was gathered through formal interviewing of 12 officials from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in Accra and Kumasi, 3 officials of Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies (a nongovernmental organization or advocacy group with the aim of protecting water bodies); and an unstructured interviewing of 82 inhabitants from the 3 regions. Table 1 shows communities in the


79

Located in West Africa and on the Gulf of Guinea, only a few degrees north of the Equator, Ghana is a country which encompasses flat plains, low hills and intersecting rivers. The regions selected for examination were: the Greater Accra region which is a low sandy shore along the coast and intersected by several rivers and streams (i.e. Greater Accra region)south central Ghana, which is made up of a forested plateau region consisting of the Ashanti uplands and the Kwahu Plateau (i.e. Ashanti region); and finally the hilly Akuapimfound along the country's eastern border (i.e. Eastern region) (Map 1). A sample of 16

egions (Greater Accra, Eastern and Ashanti) out of the 10 regions of Ghana was selected for examination. These 3 regions were selected because of their wide range of vegetation types, ranging from the coastal savannah areas (comprising shrublands and grassto natural forests and plantations. Specifically, the Greater Accra region lies in the coastal savannah area characteristic of both dry land and water bodies as well as nonemergent plants. The Eastern and Ashanti regions represent the forest belt of the country. Both

deciduous forests and Guinea savannah woodland belts, having a vast tropical rainforest, dominated by impressive buttress rooted forest giants alongside large cocoa

Map 1. Map of Ghana showing the study regions Data for this study was based on qualitative research methods, principally interviewing and direct observation in the specific study areas. The purposive sampling technique was adopted for the

the study areas. Purposive sampling, which is non-probabilitycertain categories of respondents relevant to the aims of the study rather than taking a random sample of the general public (Leedy & Ormrod, 2005). This form of sampling was adopted for this research because the study was concerned with asking about the central tendency in a larger group (e.g., “What do most people in this population think about a particular issue”).

Data was gathered through formal interviewing of 12 officials from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in Accra and Kumasi, 3 officials of Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies (a non

or advocacy group with the aim of protecting water bodies); and an unstructured interviewing of 82 inhabitants from the 3 regions. Table 1 shows communities in the

ASHANTIREGION

EASTERNREGION

GREATER ACCRAREGION

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Located in West Africa and on the Gulf of Guinea, only a few degrees north of the Equator, tersecting rivers. The regions

selected for examination were: the Greater Accra region which is a low sandy shore along the (i.e. Greater Accra region); southwest and

of a forested plateau region consisting of the Ashanti ; and finally the hilly Akuapim-Togo ranges

(Map 1). A sample of 16 egions (Greater Accra, Eastern and Ashanti) out of the 10 regions of Ghana

was selected for examination. These 3 regions were selected because of their wide range of shrublands and grasslands)

Specifically, the Greater Accra region lies in the coastal savannah area characteristic of both dry land and water bodies as well as non-woody (herbaceous)

t the forest belt of the country. Both deciduous forests and Guinea savannah woodland belts, having a vast

tropical rainforest, dominated by impressive buttress rooted forest giants alongside large cocoa

Data for this study was based on qualitative research methods, principally interviewing and direct observation in the specific study areas. The purposive sampling technique was adopted for the

probability, focuses on selecting r than taking a random

sample of the general public (Leedy & Ormrod, 2005). This form of sampling was adopted for this research because the study was concerned with asking about the central tendency in a larger

ulation think about a particular issue”).

Data was gathered through formal interviewing of 12 officials from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in Accra and Kumasi, 3 officials of Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies (a non-

or advocacy group with the aim of protecting water bodies); and an unstructured interviewing of 82 inhabitants from the 3 regions. Table 1 shows communities in the


Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the field work. These interviews were designed to investigate the relationship between respondents’ spirituality and attitudes towards the environment. These open unstructured interviews gave us a general understanding of the role of religious norms in natural resource mand travel arrangements were made personally by one of the authors. The selection of the study areas was based on travel logistics Table 1: Communities in the Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the field work Region Community

Greater Accra Accra Metropolitan Area Tema KweimanAda

Ashanti Kumasi

Ejisu BekwaiMampongObuasiAkrokerriKonongoBosomtwe

Eastern Aburi

KoforiduaNkawkaw/AbetifiAsiakwa

The field survey was conductedsurvey administration, all interviews were conducted personally by one of the authors. This author was also a native of Ghana and as such this limited the chance of misinterpreting interviewees’ responses. While the official language of Ghana is English, and almost all the interviews were conducted in English, occasionally the indigenous local languages (were used when necessary. The interviews were recorded and transcribed in the form analysis. The objective of the interviews was to identify socioreligious principles and social taboos in those localities that help protect the environment and to determine to what extent, if any, individuals valuelandscape. The 16 communities in which the interviews were undertaken included Accra Metropolitan Area, Tema, Kweiman and Ada (all in Greater Accra region); Kumasi, Ejisu, Bekwai, Mampong, Obuasi, Akrokerri, Konongo and Bosomtwe (all in Ashanti region); Aburi, Koforidua, Nkawkaw/Abetifi and Asiakwa (all in the Eastern region). The interviews were characterized by open-ended questions to allow the respondents express, in their own words, their thoughts and knowledge about their socioenvironment. One of the strengths of this research method is that it allows concentrated amounts of data to be produced on a precise topic of interest and allows greater insi


80

Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the field work.

These interviews were designed to investigate the relationship between respondents’ spirituality and attitudes towards the environment. These open unstructured interviews gave us a general understanding of the role of religious norms in natural resource management. The initial contact and travel arrangements were made personally by one of the authors. The selection of the study areas was based on travel logistics - geographical and operational - and interviewee availability.

reater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the

Community Dominant ethnic group

No. of interviewees

Accra Metropolitan Area

Kweiman

Ga Ga Ga Adangme

7686

Kumasi

Bekwai Mampong Obuasi Akrokerri Konongo Bosomtwe

Asante Asante Asante Asante Asante Asante Asante Asante

97654673

Koforidua Nkawkaw/Abetifi Asiakwa

Akwapem Akwapem Kwawu Akwapem

7556

The field survey was conducted between May and August 2006. To maximise consistency in survey administration, all interviews were conducted personally by one of the authors. This author was also a native of Ghana and as such this limited the chance of misinterpreting

ponses. While the official language of Ghana is English, and almost all the interviews were conducted in English, occasionally the indigenous local languages (were used when necessary. The interviews were recorded and transcribed in the form analysis. The objective of the interviews was to identify socio-cultural practices related to religious principles and social taboos in those localities that help protect the environment and to determine to what extent, if any, individuals valued the aesthetic nature of the surrounding

The 16 communities in which the interviews were undertaken included Accra Metropolitan Area, Tema, Kweiman and Ada (all in Greater Accra region); Kumasi, Ejisu, Bekwai, Mampong,

go and Bosomtwe (all in Ashanti region); Aburi, Koforidua, Nkawkaw/Abetifi and Asiakwa (all in the Eastern region). The interviews were characterized by

ended questions to allow the respondents express, in their own words, their thoughts and e about their socio-cultural practices and the effect of these on the surrounding

environment. One of the strengths of this research method is that it allows concentrated amounts of data to be produced on a precise topic of interest and allows greater insi

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Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the field work.

These interviews were designed to investigate the relationship between respondents’ spirituality and attitudes towards the environment. These open unstructured interviews gave us a general

anagement. The initial contact and travel arrangements were made personally by one of the authors. The selection of the study

and interviewee availability.

reater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the

No. of interviewees 7 6 8 6 9 7 6 5 4 6 7 3

7 5 5 6

between May and August 2006. To maximise consistency in survey administration, all interviews were conducted personally by one of the authors. This author was also a native of Ghana and as such this limited the chance of misinterpreting

ponses. While the official language of Ghana is English, and almost all the interviews were conducted in English, occasionally the indigenous local languages (Twi and Ga) were used when necessary. The interviews were recorded and transcribed in the form of content

cultural practices related to religious principles and social taboos in those localities that help protect the environment and to

d the aesthetic nature of the surrounding

The 16 communities in which the interviews were undertaken included Accra Metropolitan Area, Tema, Kweiman and Ada (all in Greater Accra region); Kumasi, Ejisu, Bekwai, Mampong,

go and Bosomtwe (all in Ashanti region); Aburi, Koforidua, Nkawkaw/Abetifi and Asiakwa (all in the Eastern region). The interviews were characterized by

ended questions to allow the respondents express, in their own words, their thoughts and cultural practices and the effect of these on the surrounding

environment. One of the strengths of this research method is that it allows concentrated amounts of data to be produced on a precise topic of interest and allows greater insights into certain


opinions and beliefs held by respondents (Asbury 1995; Morgan, 1997; Kamberelis and Dimitriadis, 2005; McIntyre et al., 2008). This insight can be difficult to achieve with other quantitative research methods. Results The relationship between traditional religious practices and the environmentIt was evident from the interview data that members of traditional communities believe that the spiritual world manifests itself in the surrounding landscape such as in rocks, trees and animals. Furthermore, they attribute what most people in Western societies regard as natural events such as rainfall, and bush and land fires to the spiritual machinations of their gods and ancestors (Fontein (2006, 15). This means that wild animal and plant life awhich indirectly culminates in their protection and conservation. Specifically, the interviewees reported that indigenous Ghanaians believe in a host of spirits existing in the universe (and everywhere in the environment), and the advantage of man or to his detriment. One interviewee, an indigenous local resident, described how “We perform sacrifices before tilling the land”, commentated how they “celebrate various festivals to pay homage to the gods that protect the environment in order to give us food”. communities in Ghana shows how religion permeates every aspect of their life. Respondents generally regard the natural environment not just as a resource to be exploited, but as something with an autonomous and worthy existence in itself. Individuals from a young age are often taught that their existence depends largely on the environmthat their god pours a universal lifereligious conviction, in turn, compels them to treat the environment with reverence to ensure its protection. One of the local reforests, the gods will be angry and leave, and the environment will no longer be appealing to us”. Another indigenous local respondent described how: forests are homes for our gods and spirits of our cherished ancestors. We need to protect and worship them so that the spirits will not be angry with us”. connection with nature, various shrines have been built to The yeve cult, a secret society among the “bush school” in the forest and the devotees appear in public fully adorned in apparels made of leaves signifying the people’s spiritual connection with nature. Sarpong (1974) reports that spirits, created by God, are perceived to have as their earthly abode, anything from rivers to creepers, and from beasts to rocks. In other words, they are domiciled in natural places and objects such as rivers, forests, rocks, mountains and the sea. Respondents outlined how there are many shrines that are created in their communities for some specific spirits (especially, spirits of the dead), and these “residential areas” are used to ireverence. They demand worship and obedience from the inhabitants of the natural environment, in default of which they inflict punishment (Ntiamoaseveral taboos are instituted and observance of thto conserve biological diversity. As stated by most of the officials:farm during certain days and seasons so that the gods can protect the land and give them more food” and another indigenous local respondent commentated how:on fishing in the lagoons for several months so that the river gods can have enough time to rest”.These taboos and restrictions often have spiritual underpinnings compelling indiviobey certain rules in order not to incur the wrath of the gods. These cultural practices such as restrictions preventing people from tilling the land or fishing in some water bodies for a period of time allow these natural resources time Sacred natural sites as a conservation measureOne of the most important practices by the indigenous people of Ghana to ensure the protection


81

opinions and beliefs held by respondents (Asbury 1995; Morgan, 1997; Kamberelis and Dimitriadis, 2005; McIntyre et al., 2008). This insight can be difficult to achieve with other quantitative research methods.

between traditional religious practices and the environmentIt was evident from the interview data that members of traditional communities believe that the spiritual world manifests itself in the surrounding landscape such as in rocks, trees and animals. Furthermore, they attribute what most people in Western societies regard as natural events such as rainfall, and bush and land fires to the spiritual machinations of their gods and ancestors (Fontein (2006, 15). This means that wild animal and plant life are both revered and feared, which indirectly culminates in their protection and conservation. Specifically, the interviewees reported that indigenous Ghanaians believe in a host of spirits existing in the universe (and everywhere in the environment), and these spirits possess significant powers that may be used to the advantage of man or to his detriment. One interviewee, an indigenous local resident,

“We perform sacrifices before tilling the land”, and an additional respondent “celebrate various festivals to pay homage to the gods that protect the

environment in order to give us food”. This pointer of spirituality of members in traditional communities in Ghana shows how religion permeates every aspect of their life.

pondents generally regard the natural environment not just as a resource to be exploited, but as something with an autonomous and worthy existence in itself. Individuals from a young age are often taught that their existence depends largely on the environment stemming from a belief that their god pours a universal life-force in all created things, both animate and inanimate. This religious conviction, in turn, compels them to treat the environment with reverence to ensure its protection. One of the local residents interviewed described: “If I start farming in those ‘virgin’ forests, the gods will be angry and leave, and the environment will no longer be appealing to us”. Another indigenous local respondent described how: “Those trees, water bodies, mountainsforests are homes for our gods and spirits of our cherished ancestors. We need to protect and worship them so that the spirits will not be angry with us”. As a result of this strong spiritual connection with nature, various shrines have been built to protect forest groves and water bodies.

cult, a secret society among the Ewe of the Volta region of Ghana, builds their sacred “bush school” in the forest and the devotees appear in public fully adorned in apparels made of

ople’s spiritual connection with nature.

Sarpong (1974) reports that spirits, created by God, are perceived to have as their earthly abode, anything from rivers to creepers, and from beasts to rocks. In other words, they are domiciled in

nd objects such as rivers, forests, rocks, mountains and the sea. Respondents outlined how there are many shrines that are created in their communities for some specific spirits (especially, spirits of the dead), and these “residential areas” are used to ireverence. They demand worship and obedience from the inhabitants of the natural environment, in default of which they inflict punishment (Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995; Milton, 1996). In view of this, several taboos are instituted and observance of these taboos often has the consequence of helping to conserve biological diversity. As stated by most of the officials: “The people don’t go to the farm during certain days and seasons so that the gods can protect the land and give them more

r indigenous local respondent commentated how: “Our community places a ban on fishing in the lagoons for several months so that the river gods can have enough time to rest”.These taboos and restrictions often have spiritual underpinnings compelling indiviobey certain rules in order not to incur the wrath of the gods. These cultural practices such as restrictions preventing people from tilling the land or fishing in some water bodies for a period of time allow these natural resources time to replenish.

Sacred natural sites as a conservation measure One of the most important practices by the indigenous people of Ghana to ensure the protection

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opinions and beliefs held by respondents (Asbury 1995; Morgan, 1997; Kamberelis and Dimitriadis, 2005; McIntyre et al., 2008). This insight can be difficult to achieve with other

between traditional religious practices and the environment It was evident from the interview data that members of traditional communities believe that the spiritual world manifests itself in the surrounding landscape such as in rocks, trees and animals. Furthermore, they attribute what most people in Western societies regard as natural events such as rainfall, and bush and land fires to the spiritual machinations of their gods and ancestors

re both revered and feared, which indirectly culminates in their protection and conservation. Specifically, the interviewees reported that indigenous Ghanaians believe in a host of spirits existing in the universe (and

these spirits possess significant powers that may be used to the advantage of man or to his detriment. One interviewee, an indigenous local resident,

and an additional respondent “celebrate various festivals to pay homage to the gods that protect the

This pointer of spirituality of members in traditional communities in Ghana shows how religion permeates every aspect of their life.

pondents generally regard the natural environment not just as a resource to be exploited, but as something with an autonomous and worthy existence in itself. Individuals from a young age

ent stemming from a belief force in all created things, both animate and inanimate. This

religious conviction, in turn, compels them to treat the environment with reverence to ensure its “If I start farming in those ‘virgin’

forests, the gods will be angry and leave, and the environment will no longer be appealing to us”. “Those trees, water bodies, mountains and

forests are homes for our gods and spirits of our cherished ancestors. We need to protect and As a result of this strong spiritual

protect forest groves and water bodies. of the Volta region of Ghana, builds their sacred

“bush school” in the forest and the devotees appear in public fully adorned in apparels made of

Sarpong (1974) reports that spirits, created by God, are perceived to have as their earthly abode, anything from rivers to creepers, and from beasts to rocks. In other words, they are domiciled in

nd objects such as rivers, forests, rocks, mountains and the sea. Respondents outlined how there are many shrines that are created in their communities for some specific spirits (especially, spirits of the dead), and these “residential areas” are used to induce fear and reverence. They demand worship and obedience from the inhabitants of the natural environment,

Badu, 1995; Milton, 1996). In view of this, ese taboos often has the consequence of helping

“The people don’t go to the farm during certain days and seasons so that the gods can protect the land and give them more

“Our community places a ban on fishing in the lagoons for several months so that the river gods can have enough time to rest”. These taboos and restrictions often have spiritual underpinnings compelling individuals to strictly obey certain rules in order not to incur the wrath of the gods. These cultural practices such as restrictions preventing people from tilling the land or fishing in some water bodies for a period of

One of the most important practices by the indigenous people of Ghana to ensure the protection


of the environment is through the development of sacred natural siteshave a long tradition of keeping sacred groves and protecting forests due to their strong religious significance. The development of these sacred natural sites is based on the belief that forests, rivers, mountains, etc., serve as abodes of several spiritual fosafety and continuity of life. Among the Asante, the largest ethnic group occupying the central part of Ghana, for example, it is believed that trees and plants are ‘homes’ to certain spirits. It is believed that these spirits residing in these plants or trees need to be appeased on special occasions (Hageneder, 2005; Heaven, 2008) through various religious rituals and sacrifices, such as pouring of libation and sprinkling of food at the foot of sacred groves and trees. Sinbelief of indigenous Ghanaians that the natural environment is in the care of these spirits, their permission is sought before the trees, plants, river bodies and animals are touched. However, this tradition has an ecological context, as thesescarce water resources. Sacred natural sites are thought to protect the spiritual connections between people and their environment (Gold, 2002; Ntiamoacommunities throughout the country have given a special status to natural sites such as mountains, rivers, lakes, caves, forest groves, coastal waters and ponds. Respondents reported that the spiritual connections compel people to revere and protectrespondent, an indigenous local resident, stated:forefathers received their protection from the gods”. status, represent the homes of their gods, and are therefore protected and conserved. Indigenous communities also hold water bodies as sacred and as such strict taboos are often instituted to protect water resources from pollution. For instance, it is a taboo to defecate near wis also a taboo to use poisonous chemicals to fish in some rivers as fish are often regarded as children of the river deity (Eshun, 2011). Certain animal species are also held to be sacred by certain clans and as such are protected from hinspiration. The aesthetic appeal of the natureWhile members of traditional communities engage in these practices for religious purposes they appeared to strongly value the aesthetic benefits that such behrespondents indicated that they “love” the physical appearance of trees, flowers blossoming, calmness and coolness of rivers, serenity of the forests and groves as well as the creatures that inhabit them. The degree to whicby development was frequently reported as an important facet of its value. As one local official stated: “Those forests that we do ‘touch’ are rich and beautiful”.official: “Ooh, having sight-seeing along the bank of waterbefore darkness falls in the evening is beautiful”Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies) even reported that the natural envits “virgin” state, can help to alleviate stress. For instance, one of these respondents commentated how: “We admire the thick foliage of the trees under which we rest. This gives us the opportunity to think deeply about life”, and one of the local residents stated: to enjoy the sight of the natural environment to enable us shed some stress” Future Challenges Despite the presence of strong socioenvironment, interviewees reported that in recent times a range of development pressures such as mining, road construction and stone quarrying have had a negative impact on many cultural sites and nature reserves in Ghana. Respondents outlined that previforest groves were considered by indigenous people of Ghana as sacred and therefore, all human activities in those areas were prohibited. Certain streams, for instance, are considered sacred and even though sand, which people can mine, is found near them, by traditional beliefs of Ghanaians, it used to be a taboo to mine from those streams. However, due to an increase in developmental


82

of the environment is through the development of sacred natural sites. The villages of Ghana a long tradition of keeping sacred groves and protecting forests due to their strong religious

significance. The development of these sacred natural sites is based on the belief that forests, rivers, mountains, etc., serve as abodes of several spiritual forces that are harnessed for their safety and continuity of life. Among the Asante, the largest ethnic group occupying the central part of Ghana, for example, it is believed that trees and plants are ‘homes’ to certain spirits. It is

rits residing in these plants or trees need to be appeased on special occasions (Hageneder, 2005; Heaven, 2008) through various religious rituals and sacrifices, such as pouring of libation and sprinkling of food at the foot of sacred groves and trees. Sinbelief of indigenous Ghanaians that the natural environment is in the care of these spirits, their permission is sought before the trees, plants, river bodies and animals are touched. However, this tradition has an ecological context, as these groves are sanctuaries for wildlife and help to protect

Sacred natural sites are thought to protect the spiritual connections between people and their environment (Gold, 2002; Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995). As a result of spiritual beliefs,communities throughout the country have given a special status to natural sites such as mountains, rivers, lakes, caves, forest groves, coastal waters and ponds. Respondents reported that the spiritual connections compel people to revere and protect the natural environment. As one survey respondent, an indigenous local resident, stated: “those thick forests were places where our forefathers received their protection from the gods”. Those natural sites, which are given spiritual

homes of their gods, and are therefore protected and conserved. Indigenous communities also hold water bodies as sacred and as such strict taboos are often instituted to protect water resources from pollution. For instance, it is a taboo to defecate near wis also a taboo to use poisonous chemicals to fish in some rivers as fish are often regarded as children of the river deity (Eshun, 2011). Certain animal species are also held to be sacred by certain clans and as such are protected from hunting as it is believed they provide spiritual

The aesthetic appeal of the nature While members of traditional communities engage in these practices for religious purposes they appeared to strongly value the aesthetic benefits that such behaviour provides. Specifically, respondents indicated that they “love” the physical appearance of trees, flowers blossoming, calmness and coolness of rivers, serenity of the forests and groves as well as the creatures that inhabit them. The degree to which some parts of the surrounding landscape have been unaltered by development was frequently reported as an important facet of its value. As one local official

“Those forests that we do ‘touch’ are rich and beautiful”. As stated by another EPA seeing along the bank of water-bodies early in the morning and

before darkness falls in the evening is beautiful”. Respondents (i.e. officials from the EPA and Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies) even reported that the natural environment, if experienced in its “virgin” state, can help to alleviate stress. For instance, one of these respondents commentated

“We admire the thick foliage of the trees under which we rest. This gives us the opportunity and one of the local residents stated: “I love going to the countryside

to enjoy the sight of the natural environment to enable us shed some stress”

Despite the presence of strong socio-cultural practices aimed at protecting the naturaenvironment, interviewees reported that in recent times a range of development pressures such as mining, road construction and stone quarrying have had a negative impact on many cultural sites and nature reserves in Ghana. Respondents outlined that previously most sacred natural sites and forest groves were considered by indigenous people of Ghana as sacred and therefore, all human activities in those areas were prohibited. Certain streams, for instance, are considered sacred and

eople can mine, is found near them, by traditional beliefs of Ghanaians, it used to be a taboo to mine from those streams. However, due to an increase in developmental

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The villages of Ghana a long tradition of keeping sacred groves and protecting forests due to their strong religious

significance. The development of these sacred natural sites is based on the belief that forests, rces that are harnessed for their

safety and continuity of life. Among the Asante, the largest ethnic group occupying the central part of Ghana, for example, it is believed that trees and plants are ‘homes’ to certain spirits. It is

rits residing in these plants or trees need to be appeased on special occasions (Hageneder, 2005; Heaven, 2008) through various religious rituals and sacrifices, such as pouring of libation and sprinkling of food at the foot of sacred groves and trees. Since it is the belief of indigenous Ghanaians that the natural environment is in the care of these spirits, their permission is sought before the trees, plants, river bodies and animals are touched. However, this

groves are sanctuaries for wildlife and help to protect

Sacred natural sites are thought to protect the spiritual connections between people and their Badu, 1995). As a result of spiritual beliefs, many

communities throughout the country have given a special status to natural sites such as mountains, rivers, lakes, caves, forest groves, coastal waters and ponds. Respondents reported that the

the natural environment. As one survey “those thick forests were places where our Those natural sites, which are given spiritual

homes of their gods, and are therefore protected and conserved. Indigenous communities also hold water bodies as sacred and as such strict taboos are often instituted to protect water resources from pollution. For instance, it is a taboo to defecate near water bodies. It is also a taboo to use poisonous chemicals to fish in some rivers as fish are often regarded as children of the river deity (Eshun, 2011). Certain animal species are also held to be sacred by

unting as it is believed they provide spiritual

While members of traditional communities engage in these practices for religious purposes they aviour provides. Specifically,

respondents indicated that they “love” the physical appearance of trees, flowers blossoming, calmness and coolness of rivers, serenity of the forests and groves as well as the creatures that

h some parts of the surrounding landscape have been unaltered by development was frequently reported as an important facet of its value. As one local official

As stated by another EPA bodies early in the morning and

. Respondents (i.e. officials from the EPA and ironment, if experienced in

its “virgin” state, can help to alleviate stress. For instance, one of these respondents commentated “We admire the thick foliage of the trees under which we rest. This gives us the opportunity

“I love going to the countryside to enjoy the sight of the natural environment to enable us shed some stress”.

cultural practices aimed at protecting the natural environment, interviewees reported that in recent times a range of development pressures such as mining, road construction and stone quarrying have had a negative impact on many cultural sites

ously most sacred natural sites and forest groves were considered by indigenous people of Ghana as sacred and therefore, all human activities in those areas were prohibited. Certain streams, for instance, are considered sacred and

eople can mine, is found near them, by traditional beliefs of Ghanaians, it used to be a taboo to mine from those streams. However, due to an increase in developmental


pressures, coupled with a decline in the reverence to traditional religious practices, rreport that many previous uncultivated or sacred lands are coming under increasing threat. In effect the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity has eroded the effect of these cultural taboos. Discussion Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger of being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in biological diversity except where policies are in place. Religion has the potential to shape peoples’ attitudes towards nature, particularly in ‘traditional’ communities and therefore should be given greater consideration as a factor in environmental policy. As described by JefAfricans, land is more than a source of wealth; it is sacred. It gives people life and so people believe they have been entrusted with land and must in return treasure it.” This study explored the relationship betweon biological conservation. To date, there has norms and associated taboos play in governing interactions between traditional communities and natural resource management. Table 2 below shows some cultural practices that have positive effects on the environment. Nature plays, however, an important role in indigenous African religions and a better understanding of this relationship should aid the desiconservation policy. Conservation strategies are more likely to be successful if they are in keeping with the values and attitudes of the local population. Furthermore, informal institutions based on spiritual perspectives should recein certain areas, they may provide the only effective regulations aimed, albeit indirectly, at conservation. This study demonstrated how the spirituality of elements of nature such as particular locations, plants and animals has been an integral part of life in traditional communities in Ghana. A belief system which stipulates spiritual connections between humans and nature have helped to protect the biological richness of Ghana. As a result of beliefpower and spirituality of nature, traditional communities have a sense of spiritual and practical respect for all the environmental components of their landscape. Fear of divine sanctions from failing to observe various cultural taboo Table 2: Some cultural practices that have positive effect on the environment

Regions Types of cultural practicesGreater Accra Ban on drumming and dancing as well as

all forms of excessive noisedays to precede the festival celebrated by the Ga people to literally “hoot at hunger”

Eastern & Ashanti

Women in their menstrual forbidden to wash in the ponds and streams in the community. Also, it is a taboo for all persons to urinate and defecate in those water bodies

Ashanti, Greater Accra & Eastern

Farmers should not go to their farms or till the land during certain seasons when some ritual festivals are celebrated to venerate the gods and ancestors


83

pressures, coupled with a decline in the reverence to traditional religious practices, rreport that many previous uncultivated or sacred lands are coming under increasing threat. In effect the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity has eroded the effect of

nctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger of being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in biological diversity except where policies are in place. Religion has the potential to shape peoples’ attitudes towards nature, particularly in ‘traditional’ communities and therefore should be given greater consideration as a factor in environmental policy. As described by Jefferson and skinner (1974, 27) “for most Africans, land is more than a source of wealth; it is sacred. It gives people life and so people believe they have been entrusted with land and must in return treasure it.”

This study explored the relationship between institutional norms shaped by religious perspectives on biological conservation. To date, there has been limited attention given to the role of religious norms and associated taboos play in governing interactions between traditional communities and

ral resource management. Table 2 below shows some cultural practices that have positive effects on the environment. Nature plays, however, an important role in indigenous African religions and a better understanding of this relationship should aid the desiconservation policy. Conservation strategies are more likely to be successful if they are in keeping with the values and attitudes of the local population. Furthermore, informal institutions based on spiritual perspectives should receive greater attention from conservation biologists, as in certain areas, they may provide the only effective regulations aimed, albeit indirectly, at

This study demonstrated how the spirituality of elements of nature such as ons, plants and animals has been an integral part of life in traditional communities

in Ghana. A belief system which stipulates spiritual connections between humans and nature have helped to protect the biological richness of Ghana. As a result of beliefpower and spirituality of nature, traditional communities have a sense of spiritual and practical respect for all the environmental components of their landscape. Fear of divine sanctions from failing to observe various cultural taboos have helped to prevent abuse of the environment.

Table 2: Some cultural practices that have positive effect on the environment Types of cultural practices Effect on the environmentBan on drumming and dancing as well as

s of excessive noise-making for 30 days to precede the Homowo festival (a festival celebrated by the Ga people to literally “hoot at hunger”

Reduction of noise pollution, protecting birds and wildlife to relax

Women in their menstrual cycles are forbidden to wash in the ponds and streams in the community. Also, it is a taboo for all persons to urinate and defecate in those water bodies

Prevention of pollution of water bodies as well as the protecting of biodiversity

Farmers should not go to their farms or till the land during certain seasons when some ritual festivals are celebrated to venerate the gods and ancestors

The land goes through a fallow process for conservation and rejuvenation

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pressures, coupled with a decline in the reverence to traditional religious practices, respondents report that many previous uncultivated or sacred lands are coming under increasing threat. In effect the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity has eroded the effect of

nctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger of being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in biological diversity except where appropriate policies are in place. Religion has the potential to shape peoples’ attitudes towards nature, particularly in ‘traditional’ communities and therefore should be given greater consideration as a

ferson and skinner (1974, 27) “for most Africans, land is more than a source of wealth; it is sacred. It gives people life and so people

en institutional norms shaped by religious perspectives been limited attention given to the role of religious

norms and associated taboos play in governing interactions between traditional communities and ral resource management. Table 2 below shows some cultural practices that have positive

effects on the environment. Nature plays, however, an important role in indigenous African religions and a better understanding of this relationship should aid the design of more effective conservation policy. Conservation strategies are more likely to be successful if they are in keeping with the values and attitudes of the local population. Furthermore, informal institutions

ive greater attention from conservation biologists, as in certain areas, they may provide the only effective regulations aimed, albeit indirectly, at

This study demonstrated how the spirituality of elements of nature such as ons, plants and animals has been an integral part of life in traditional communities

in Ghana. A belief system which stipulates spiritual connections between humans and nature have helped to protect the biological richness of Ghana. As a result of beliefs that recognise the power and spirituality of nature, traditional communities have a sense of spiritual and practical respect for all the environmental components of their landscape. Fear of divine sanctions from

s have helped to prevent abuse of the environment.

Effect on the environment Reduction of noise pollution, protecting birds and wildlife to relax

Prevention of pollution of water bodies as well as the protecting of biodiversity

The land goes through a fallow process for conservation and rejuvenation


Greater Accra & Eastern

All persons are prohibited from cutting trees and killing animals in sacred natural forests in the communities

Ashanti, Greater Accra & Eastern

Most of lineages (clans) have certain types of animals, birds and plants, which are an abomination for the people to kill, harvest or eat any of them

Institutional norms shaped by religious principles, such as a belief that spirits of ancestors are domiciled in everyday environmental goods, play an important conservation role in shaping peoples’ interaction with natural resources and their attitudes towards wildlife. More spethe results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural taboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming durinorigins, have important ecological functions. attention so that potential synergies with conservation policy can be realized. As Kellert et al. (1996) notes, a deeper understanding of cultural attitudes and beliefs is important in shaping the design of conservation strategies. Previous anthropological research and writing on environmental issues in the field of religion and ecology (Milton, 1996; Sarpong, 1974; Ntthe view that socio-cultural practices can be effective in protecting the environment from degradation. Indeed these informal institutions can not only be more cost effective than more formal intuitions that depend on thirdthey can in certain circumstances be more effective. We can see in Ghana, for instance, that formal conservation areas are frequently encroached upon and often of far more relevacertain areas are the socio-cultural practices and cultural taboos of traditional communities. Traditional communities have a deepcommunities observe certain strict behaviours as a result of restrongly value the aesthetic benefits arising from these cultural practices. Many respondents, for instance, commentated that they strongly value the aesthetic appeal of the landscape in its unaltered state. Finally, it is important to note that with the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity among traditional communities in Africa, the various restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment no longer have the same hold on peoplIf traditional beliefs are eroded then this can have a negative effect on habitats protected by taboos (Anoliefo et al., 2003). It remains to be seen, therefore, whether the perceived spiritual connection between man and nature will continue to have an Conclusion Results presented here suggest that socioenvironmental protection. Environmental and sociocountries like Ghana differ from that of the developed countries.explore the socio-cultural practices and nature conservation to highlight the aesthetic benefits of natural landscapes. Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscof being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in the landscape except where appropriate policies are in place. As such it is i


84

All persons are prohibited from cutting trees and killing animals in sacred natural forests in the communities

Offers total protection to the “virgin” biodiversity and maintains their aesthetic qualities

ost of lineages (clans) have certain types of animals, birds and plants, which are an abomination for the people to kill, harvest or eat any of them

Protects biodiversity from overexploitation or possible “extermination”

ed by religious principles, such as a belief that spirits of ancestors are domiciled in everyday environmental goods, play an important conservation role in shaping peoples’ interaction with natural resources and their attitudes towards wildlife. More spethe results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural taboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although with religious origins, have important ecological functions. These institutional norms should receive greater attention so that potential synergies with conservation policy can be realized. As Kellert et al.

per understanding of cultural attitudes and beliefs is important in shaping the design of conservation strategies.

Previous anthropological research and writing on environmental issues in the field of religion and ecology (Milton, 1996; Sarpong, 1974; Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995; Oviedo et al, 2000) also supports

cultural practices can be effective in protecting the environment from degradation. Indeed these informal institutions can not only be more cost effective than more

hat depend on third-party agencies for their development and enforcement, but they can in certain circumstances be more effective. We can see in Ghana, for instance, that formal conservation areas are frequently encroached upon and often of far more releva

cultural practices and cultural taboos of traditional communities. Traditional communities have a deep-seated respect for the environment. While traditional communities observe certain strict behaviours as a result of religious beliefs, they also appear to strongly value the aesthetic benefits arising from these cultural practices. Many respondents, for instance, commentated that they strongly value the aesthetic appeal of the landscape in its

t is important to note that with the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity among traditional communities in Africa, the various restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment no longer have the same hold on peoplIf traditional beliefs are eroded then this can have a negative effect on habitats protected by taboos (Anoliefo et al., 2003). It remains to be seen, therefore, whether the perceived spiritual connection between man and nature will continue to have an effect on behaviour in the future.

Results presented here suggest that socio-cultural practices can be harnessed for goals related to environmental protection. Environmental and socio-cultural conditions of the developing

a differ from that of the developed countries. The aim of this paper was to cultural practices and nature conservation to highlight the aesthetic benefits of

natural landscapes. Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscof being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in the landscape except where appropriate policies are in place. As such it is important to uncover new ways in which we can

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Offers total protection to the “virgin” biodiversity and maintains their aesthetic

Protects biodiversity from over-exploitation or possible “extermination”

ed by religious principles, such as a belief that spirits of ancestors are domiciled in everyday environmental goods, play an important conservation role in shaping peoples’ interaction with natural resources and their attitudes towards wildlife. More specifically, the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural taboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and

g certain seasons, although with religious These institutional norms should receive greater

attention so that potential synergies with conservation policy can be realized. As Kellert et al. per understanding of cultural attitudes and beliefs is important in shaping the

Previous anthropological research and writing on environmental issues in the field of religion and Badu, 1995; Oviedo et al, 2000) also supports

cultural practices can be effective in protecting the environment from degradation. Indeed these informal institutions can not only be more cost effective than more

party agencies for their development and enforcement, but they can in certain circumstances be more effective. We can see in Ghana, for instance, that formal conservation areas are frequently encroached upon and often of far more relevance in

cultural practices and cultural taboos of traditional communities. seated respect for the environment. While traditional

ligious beliefs, they also appear to strongly value the aesthetic benefits arising from these cultural practices. Many respondents, for instance, commentated that they strongly value the aesthetic appeal of the landscape in its

t is important to note that with the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity among traditional communities in Africa, the various restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment no longer have the same hold on people. If traditional beliefs are eroded then this can have a negative effect on habitats protected by taboos (Anoliefo et al., 2003). It remains to be seen, therefore, whether the perceived spiritual

effect on behaviour in the future.

cultural practices can be harnessed for goals related to cultural conditions of the developing

The aim of this paper was to cultural practices and nature conservation to highlight the aesthetic benefits of

natural landscapes. Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger of being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in the landscape except where

mportant to uncover new ways in which we can


protect certain landscapes and habitats. The aesthetic value of the natural environment is a very important phenomenon for environmental protection in every part of the globe (Hettinger, 2005; Styers et al, 2010). Even in Ghana, issues related to the aesthetic benefits of the natural environment, which are embedded in the religious practices of the people, are a major concern to the nation. Results presented here suggest that sociorelated to environmental protection. The results presented here demonstrate how positive sociotaboos that prohibit people from destroying some parts of the environment, moral laws instituted by the local people to prevent the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons (Ntiamoathat save the natural landscape from destruction. These restrictions are imporeligious or spiritual beliefs but have the positive side effect of allowing natural resources the time to rejuvenate and replenish. In addition to providing aesthetic benefits in terms of maintaining the visual quality of the countrysidin that they help to prevent the irreversible depletion of the stock of certain natural resources (e.g. fish stocks). Attitudes towards the landscape are place specific and therefore policymakers need to bcognisant of local stakeholders attitudes and preferences. What is appropriate in terms of land use policy for one area may not be for another. Specifically, policy prescription in developing countries may have to be very different to that employeOne such example is in the case of nature reserves. We can see in Ghana that these are encroached upon and of far more relevance are the sociothese indigenous communities. linkages between values of individuals and the environment. The findings further suggest that since sociodynamic, issues relating to the envicontinuous monitoring, an increasing capacity for farsighted and integrated understanding and commitment to sustainable development. Moreover, as the Ghanaian population grows, the tradeoffs between environmental protection and economic developments are likely to become more apparent. Although what happens to the environment may be an important issue, it is rarely the most urgent one. Issues of national security, availability of employment opportunities and lincomes remain at the top of policy agendas. In contrast, clear environmental threats that compel action are rare, making the challenge of effective and timely response all the greater. Also, the study identifies that developing beautiful landscatopography of the natural environment purposely to serve aesthetic functions, and also involving the social and cultural constructs of that particular society in the project to showcase a sense of cultural identity and belongingness could facilitate the appreciation and protection of the aesthetic aspects of the natural environment. In view of this, it is important to consider thoroughly polices that promote visual quality of the environment as a whole to promote the integration of landscaping, wildflowers, scenic strips and overlooks, scenic highways, parks and historic places, rest areas which may accommodate sculpture, outdoor advertising and other original art forms to enhance the aesthetic value of the environment.link between socio-cultural practices and nature conservation may be an objective grounding of appreciating the aesthetic aspects of the natural landscape to address environmental issues for sustainable development. References Anoliefo, G.O., Isikhumen, O.S. and Ochije, N.R. (2002). Environmental implications of the erosion of cultural taboo practices in Awka


85

protect certain landscapes and habitats. The aesthetic value of the natural environment is a very important phenomenon for environmental protection in every part of the globe (Hettinger, 2005;

). Even in Ghana, issues related to the aesthetic benefits of the natural environment, which are embedded in the religious practices of the people, are a major concern to the nation. Results presented here suggest that socio-cultural practices can be harnrelated to environmental protection.

The results presented here demonstrate how positive socio-cultural practices such as cultural taboos that prohibit people from destroying some parts of the environment, moral laws instituted

l people to prevent the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons (Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995; Gold, 2002) are practical steps that save the natural landscape from destruction. These restrictions are imporeligious or spiritual beliefs but have the positive side effect of allowing natural resources the time to rejuvenate and replenish. In addition to providing aesthetic benefits in terms of maintaining the visual quality of the countryside, these practices also provide economic benefits in that they help to prevent the irreversible depletion of the stock of certain natural resources (e.g.

Attitudes towards the landscape are place specific and therefore policymakers need to bcognisant of local stakeholders attitudes and preferences. What is appropriate in terms of land use policy for one area may not be for another. Specifically, policy prescription in developing countries may have to be very different to that employed in Western countries to be successful. One such example is in the case of nature reserves. We can see in Ghana that these are encroached upon and of far more relevance are the socio-cultural practices and cultural taboos of these indigenous communities. Efforts should be focused therefore on maintaining the strong linkages between values of individuals and the environment.

The findings further suggest that since socio-cultural practices of Ghanaians are not static but dynamic, issues relating to the environment keep changing. This phenomenon requires continuous monitoring, an increasing capacity for farsighted and integrated understanding and commitment to sustainable development. Moreover, as the Ghanaian population grows, the trade

ental protection and economic developments are likely to become more apparent. Although what happens to the environment may be an important issue, it is rarely the most urgent one. Issues of national security, availability of employment opportunities and lincomes remain at the top of policy agendas. In contrast, clear environmental threats that compel action are rare, making the challenge of effective and timely response all the greater.

Also, the study identifies that developing beautiful landscape architecture to suit a particular topography of the natural environment purposely to serve aesthetic functions, and also involving the social and cultural constructs of that particular society in the project to showcase a sense of

belongingness could facilitate the appreciation and protection of the aesthetic aspects of the natural environment. In view of this, it is important to consider thoroughly polices that promote visual quality of the environment as a whole to promote the

egration of landscaping, wildflowers, scenic strips and overlooks, scenic highways, parks and historic places, rest areas which may accommodate sculpture, outdoor advertising and other original art forms to enhance the aesthetic value of the environment. Finally, developing a strong

cultural practices and nature conservation may be an objective grounding of appreciating the aesthetic aspects of the natural landscape to address environmental issues for

Anoliefo, G.O., Isikhumen, O.S. and Ochije, N.R. (2002). Environmental implications of the erosion of cultural taboo practices in Awka-South local government area of Anambra State,

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protect certain landscapes and habitats. The aesthetic value of the natural environment is a very important phenomenon for environmental protection in every part of the globe (Hettinger, 2005;

). Even in Ghana, issues related to the aesthetic benefits of the natural environment, which are embedded in the religious practices of the people, are a major concern to

cultural practices can be harnessed for goals

cultural practices such as cultural taboos that prohibit people from destroying some parts of the environment, moral laws instituted

l people to prevent the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on Badu, 1995; Gold, 2002) are practical steps

that save the natural landscape from destruction. These restrictions are imposed as a result of religious or spiritual beliefs but have the positive side effect of allowing natural resources the time to rejuvenate and replenish. In addition to providing aesthetic benefits in terms of

e, these practices also provide economic benefits in that they help to prevent the irreversible depletion of the stock of certain natural resources (e.g.

Attitudes towards the landscape are place specific and therefore policymakers need to be more cognisant of local stakeholders attitudes and preferences. What is appropriate in terms of land use policy for one area may not be for another. Specifically, policy prescription in developing

d in Western countries to be successful. One such example is in the case of nature reserves. We can see in Ghana that these are

cultural practices and cultural taboos of Efforts should be focused therefore on maintaining the strong

cultural practices of Ghanaians are not static but ronment keep changing. This phenomenon requires

continuous monitoring, an increasing capacity for farsighted and integrated understanding and commitment to sustainable development. Moreover, as the Ghanaian population grows, the trade-

ental protection and economic developments are likely to become more apparent. Although what happens to the environment may be an important issue, it is rarely the most urgent one. Issues of national security, availability of employment opportunities and level of incomes remain at the top of policy agendas. In contrast, clear environmental threats that compel action are rare, making the challenge of effective and timely response all the greater.

pe architecture to suit a particular topography of the natural environment purposely to serve aesthetic functions, and also involving the social and cultural constructs of that particular society in the project to showcase a sense of

belongingness could facilitate the appreciation and protection of the aesthetic aspects of the natural environment. In view of this, it is important to consider thoroughly polices that promote visual quality of the environment as a whole to promote the

egration of landscaping, wildflowers, scenic strips and overlooks, scenic highways, parks and historic places, rest areas which may accommodate sculpture, outdoor advertising and other

inally, developing a strong cultural practices and nature conservation may be an objective grounding of

appreciating the aesthetic aspects of the natural landscape to address environmental issues for

Anoliefo, G.O., Isikhumen, O.S. and Ochije, N.R. (2002). Environmental implications of the South local government area of Anambra State,


Nigeria: 1. Forests, trees, and water resource preservation. Journal of AEnvironmental Ethics, 16: 281 Asbury, J.E. (1995). Overview of focus group research.420. Colding, J., and Folke, C. (2001) Social taboos: “invisible” systems of local resource management and biological conservation. (Darlington, 1998) De Groot R. S., Alkemade R., Braa L., Hein L.,Willemen, L. (2002). Challenges in integrating the concept of ecosystem services and values in landscape planning, management and making.Ecological Complexity deMerode, E., and Cowlishaw, G. (2006) Species protection, the changing informal economy, and the politics of access to the bushmeat trade in the Democratic Republic of CongBiology, 20, 1262-1271. Fontein, Joost.2006. The Silence of Great Zimbabwe: Contested Landscapes and the Power of Heritage. Harare: Weaver Press. Gold, A. G., (2002). Environment/Ritual/Research Ethics: Crisscrossing Issues in Anthropoloand Religious Studies. www.researchethics.org/uploads/word/Gold_Ritual_Ethics13/08/2006. Hageneder, F., (2005).The Meaning of Trees: Botany, History, Healing, LoreISBN0-8118-4823-X.http://books.google.com/books Heaven, R. (2008). Plant Spirit Hettinger, N., (2005). “Objectivity in Environmental Aesthetics and Environmental Protection”.Charleston, USA. www.environmentalphilosophy.org/Hettinger Jefferson, M and Skinner, E.P. 1974 “Roots of time: A portrait of African life and Culture.” Garden City, New Jersey: Double Day and Company. Jones, J.P.G., Andriamarovolona, M.M. and Hockley, N. (2007) The importance of taboos andsocial norms to conservation in Madagascar. Kamberelis, G. and Dimitriadis, G., (2005). Focus groups: politics, and inquiry. In Denzin, N.K. & Lincoln, Y.S. (3rd Ed.), QualitativeOaks, CA: Sage. Kellert, S.R., Black, C.R. Rush and Bath, A.J. (1996) Human culture and large carnivore conservation in North America. Kuo, M. (2011). Reshaping Gateway Landscape Towards a Better UrbGateway Project IFLA APR CongressThailand Eshun, E. K. (2011) Religion and nature in Akan culture: A case study of Okyeman Environment Foundation. McGranahan, D. A. (2010) 'Identifying e


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Kuo, M. (2011). Reshaping Gateway Landscape Towards a Better UrbIFLA APR Congress - Hospitality: The Interaction with Land

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an investigation into the effect of religious norms as a

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cultural taboos

spirituality of nature

social norms

effect of social taboos

effect of religious

ecossocial taboos

nature reserves

intrinsicvalue of nature