antecedents and consequences of transitional pathways to adulthood among university students:...
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Antecedents and Consequences of Transitional Pathwaysto Adulthood Among University Students: 18-Year LongitudinalStudy
Katariina Salmela-Aro • Noona Kiuru •
Jari-Erik Nurmi • Mervi Eerola
Published online: 19 September 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013
Abstract This study combined sociological life-course
modeling on education-, employment-, residency-, and
partnership/parenthood-related transitions with a psycho-
logical life-span approach to achievement and social
strategies by examining the extent to which achievement
and social strategies, and depressive symptoms contribute
to pathways to adulthood among 182 first-year Finnish
university students who were followed for 18 years. The
Life History Calendar was used to collect data on indi-
vidual life histories. The participants followed six path-
ways to adulthood that differed with respect to postponing
(slow starters, singles with slow career) or being on time
(career and family, fast starters, fast partnership, and late
parenthood, career with unsteady partnerships) in various
transitions. Those who followed a postponed pathway
showed more depressive symptoms, less optimism, and
more task-avoidance in both social and achievement situ-
ations at the beginning of their studies than those who
followed a non-postponed pathway. Following a postponed
pathway predicted a higher level of depressive symptoms
later, after controlling for initial depressive symptoms.
Keywords Achievement and social strategies �Depressive symptoms � Life-course � Life-span model
of motivation � Pathways � Longitudinal � Transition
to adulthood � Postponed pathways � On and off time
Introduction
The transition from adolescence to adulthood is character-
ized by frequent changes in status in terms of leaving the
parental home, finishing education and entering working
life, forming a romantic partnership, and becoming a parent
(Elder and Shanahan 2007). In line with the sociological
life-course model, making these five transitions is often
considered to be the standard for reaching adulthood
(Shanahan 2000). However, young people may follow dif-
ferent transitional pathways in different life domains. In the
past years, the transition to adulthood has been increasingly
characterized by heterogeneity and uncertainty (Cohen
et al. 2003; Settersten and Ray 2010). Although some
research has recently been conducted on the transition from
adolescence to adulthood in the context of the life-course
model of development (Howard et al. 2010), less is known
about extent to which individual psychological resources
and characteristics contribute to different transitional
pathways. Possible candidates for such antecedents are
depressive symptomatology (Brown et al. 1992; Salmela-
Aro et al. 2012) and the ways in which people deal with
different challenges, such as the strategies they employ in
their studies and affiliate situations (Nurmi et al. 1995). In
turn, success in dealing with different life transitions, as
evidenced in various transitional pathways, may contribute
to people’s subsequent depressive symptoms (Salmela-Aro
2009; Schulenberg et al. 2004). Our study presents an
application of sociological sequence analysis to the field of
K. Salmela-Aro � N. Kiuru � J.-E. Nurmi
Department of Psychology, University of Jyvaskyla,
Box 35, Jyvaskyla, Finland
K. Salmela-Aro (&)
Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, University
of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
e-mail: [email protected]
M. Eerola
Department of Mathematics and Statistics, University of Turku,
Turku, Finland
123
J Adult Dev (2014) 21:48–58
DOI 10.1007/s10804-013-9178-2
developmental psychology, linking two types of longitudi-
nal data: the sequences of young people’s life transitions
and longitudinal data on psychological resources. The
present study investigated the extent to which university
students’ depressive symptoms, and the strategies they
deploy in achievement and social situations at the beginning
of university studies would predict their transitional path-
ways, and the extent to which different pathways contribute
to depressive symptoms later in adulthood.
It might be assumed that an important antecedent of
developmental pathways to adulthood is individuals’
depressive symptoms. Depressive symptomatology is
likely to decrease people’s active efforts and persistence in
dealing with various age-graded tasks and related chal-
lenges and demands (Salmela-Aro et al. 2012). Previous
research has shown, for example, that depression during the
transition to adulthood curtails the attainment of occupa-
tional and interpersonal developmental tasks appropriate
for full adult status (Reinherz et al. 1999; Schulenberg et al.
2004). However, depressive symptoms contribute to peo-
ple’s ways of dealing with transitions, but also that their
transitional pathways may impact on their depressive
symptoms. For example, adolescents’ progress in the
attainment of their developmental tasks on time is posi-
tively related to later depressive symptoms (Brunstein et al.
1999; Salmela-Aro et al. 2011).
Mastering various role transitions in young adulthood
requires efficient ways to deal successfully with achieve-
ment and affiliate situations (Nurmi 2004). In line with the
life-span model of motivation, successful dealing with
different kinds of challenges and problems is influenced by
the cognitive and behavioral strategies people employ
(Dietrich et al. 2012; Cantor and Langston 1989; Maatta
et al. 2007). Such strategies consist of two substages
(Nurmi et al. 1996). First, previous experiences provide a
basis for anticipations of what will happen later on, and
their optimism and pessimism. Second, expectations and
optimism play a role in constructing means of dealing with
various challenges in terms of planning, monitoring, and
investing effort in the task at hand (Nurmi et al. 1996). For
example, some individuals expect to fail in challenging and
demanding achievement situations and therefore avoid
them rather than making an active effort (Lay et al. 1992).
One strategic reason for adopting this kind of task-avoid-
ance is described as self-handicapping (Berglas and Jones
1978). Other individuals may apply active, task-focused
strategies when they are faced with a challenging situation,
such as ‘‘illusory glow’’ optimism (Cantor 1990) and active
coping (Aspinwall and Taylor 1992). Social optimism can
be assumed to provide a basis for successful coping in
interpersonal contexts, because it is characterized as posi-
tive expectations concerning social situations and active
seeking for social support and advice in challenging
situations. In turn, social pessimism is an avoidance strat-
egy, which is manifested by failure expectations in social
situations and withdrawal from social relationships (Cantor
and Langston 1989). Although achievement and social
strategies have been found to contribute to people’s success
in different situations, no previous research has been con-
ducted on the extent to which they contribute to the tran-
sitional pathways to adulthood.
Achievement and social strategies can also be influenced
by depressive symptoms. Depressive symptoms are likely
to increase pessimistic and avoidant strategies in both
achievement and affiliate situations (Abramson et al. 1978;
Sweeney et al. 1986). Previous research has shown that
individuals deploying optimistic and task-focused strate-
gies in achievement contexts report less depressive symp-
toms and higher self-esteem than those who use pessimistic
and avoidant strategies (Norem and Cantor 1986; Showers
and Ruben 1990).
The present longitudinal study combined the life-course
and life-span models of motivation with the aim of
examining the following research questions:
1. Do depressive symptoms predict university students’
achievement and social strategies at the start of their
studies? We assumed (H1) that depressive symptoms
are positively related to avoidance and negatively
related to success expectations in both the achievement
and social contexts (Maatta et al. 2007).
2. Do achievement and social strategies predict students’
pathways to adulthood, after controlling for level of
depression? We expected (H2) that a high level of
avoidance and a low level of success expectations in
both the achievement and social contexts would
predict postponed pathways (Maatta et al. 2007).
3. Do transitional pathways to adulthood predict stu-
dents’ subsequent depressive symptoms in adulthood,
after controlling for depressive symptoms at the start
of their studies? We assumed (H3) that postponed
pathways would predict later depressive symptoms
(Schulenberg et al. 2004).
Methods
Participants and Procedure
This study is part of the ongoing Helsinki Longitudinal
Student Study (HELS study; Authors). The participants were
182 (40 men and 142 women) undergraduates who started
their studies at the University of Helsinki in 1991 when the
data collection began. They were born in or around 1970,
with mean age at beginning of follow-up of’ 20.76 years,
SD = 1.49 (range 18–25). The majors they studied were
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood 49
123
(1.7 % no answer) Psychology (12.8 %), History (5.6 %),
Finnish (12.8 %), French (5.0 %), English (10.6 %), Geog-
raphy (11.7 %), Biology (20.6 %), Sociology (10.0 %), and
Economics (10.6 %). Time to graduation in these majors is
about 7 years. Students begin their major studies immedi-
ately on university entry, which is partially based on success
in the entrance examination for that specific major.
Originally, a total of 304 university undergraduates were
investigated during the autumn term of their first study year
(1991). All the students who were taking the introductory
courses in Biology, Geography, Economics, English, Finnish,
French, History, Psychology, and Sociology, and were present
when the data collection began were furnished with pre-
liminary information about the study and asked whether they
would consent to participate. None of them refused. They were
then asked to give some background information (e.g., gender,
parents’ education), self-evaluation of their achievement and
social strategies, and amount of depressive symptoms. Eigh-
teen years later (2008, mean age 38), the participants in the
original sample were contacted and asked to complete the Life
History Calendar (LHC) (Caspi et al. 1996) and depressive
symptoms scale. Those who did not respond were contacted by
telephone. Of the original participants, 207 returned the
questionnaire (retention rate 68 %). Attrition analyses
revealed no statistically significant differences between drop-
outs and non-dropouts in terms of age, gender, parental edu-
cation, or depressive symptoms at the beginning of the study.
The sample of the present study comprises subjects from
the original sample who were under the age of 25 at the
first measurement point (excluded were 25 persons). Con-
sequently, the sample for the present study comprises 182
participants (40 men and 142 women).
Measures
The LHC (Caspi et al. 1996) was completed in 2008, ret-
rospectively reporting on key life events during the years
1991–2008 (residence, partnership, parenthood, and career).
Events (horizontal rows in LHC) such as family events (i.e.,
getting married, divorcing, and having children) were
charted (columns in LHC). For each event, the participants
indicated the year it commenced its continuation (if rele-
vant) and the year it finished. Thus, through the LHC, the
occurrence, timing, and duration of each life event were
recorded annually between 1991 and 2008 and coded as
follows: (1) partnership (single S, partnership P, out-of-
partnership D), (2) parenthood (no children NC, children C),
and (3) career (studying FS, working W, other E).
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood
In a previous paper (Salmela-Aro et al. 2011), we studied
the attainment of specific developmental tasks on the
pathway to adulthood in several life domains simulta-
neously. Life histories are traditionally analyzed in terms
of events marking transitions from one status to another.
However, the event-history methodology is not suitable for
multidimensional data when the number of states, and
hence the number of transitions, becomes very large.
Consequently, we used sequence analysis, a data-mining
method that was initially developed in bioinformatics to
analyze molecular sequences as texts (Durbin et al. 1998).
Sequence analysis, an optimal matching procedure which
empirically identifies typical developmental sequences in
the data, is an ideal tool for studying young people’s
pathways (McVicar and Anyadike-Danes 2002). It has
been used to examine the role of socioeconomic predictors,
such as gender, age, education, and family-related vari-
ables, in career transitions (e.g., Biemann et al. 2012;
McVicar and Anyadike-Danes 2002; Stovel et al. 1996).
Psychologists have only recently started to recognize the
potential of analyzing sequences (e.g., Huang et al. 2007);
therefore, research focusing on transition patterns through
the education system and to working life has been limited
to socioeconomic predictors (McVicar and Anyadike-
Danes 2002). Little is known about how psychological
factors, such as achievement and social strategies, con-
tribute to individuals’ transition patterns. Applied to life-
course analysis, sequence analysis means aligning two life
sequences by inserting, deleting, or substituting a life status
to transform one life sequence into another (Abbott and
Forrest 1986). Categorical life history data could therefore
be interpreted as short narratives of life experiences.
Through pair-wise alignment of sequences by inserting,
deleting, or substituting an element in the sequence, the
aim is to find typologies of sequences without making
assumptions about the underlying probability models that
have generated the data. Optimal matching was used to
obtain pair-wise distances of the participants’ life sequen-
ces. A distance matrix, with Ward’s clustering algorithm,
was further used to cluster similar life sequences to obtain a
typology of life patterns. The calculations were carried out
by using the TraMiner program in R (mining sequence data
in R, version 1.6-2; Gabadinho et al. 2010).
Six pathways were identified: ‘‘fast starters’’ (15 %)
entered into a steady partnership soon after embarking on
their university career and made the transition to parent-
hood during their studies. They moved into full-time
employment earlier than on average and were unlikely to
begin working life as singles and without children. Indi-
viduals on the ‘‘fast partnership and late parenthood’’
(15 %) pathway started a partnership early during their
university studies and made the transition to working life in
average time but moved into parenthood relatively late.
Those on the ‘‘career and family’’ (24 %) pathway moved
into working life after graduation, and then into a
50 K. Salmela-Aro et al.
123
partnership, which was unlikely to break up. In other
words, their life transitions were typically anchored in
graduation from university. Those characterized by ‘‘career
and unsteady partnerships’’ (15 %) entered into a partner-
ship early, while still studying. Although living in a part-
nership for most of the time, they experienced repeated
break ups during the follow-up. Individuals in this transi-
tional pathway moved into full-time employment early and
were unlikely to have children. ‘‘Slow starters’’ (19 %)
prolonged their university studies, formed a partnership
late, and typically had children late, if at all. This pathway
was characterized by late, if any, experience of the key life
transitions. ‘‘Singles with slow career’’ (12 %) remained
single and their transition to working life occurred late. The
final solution explained 45 % (pseudo R2) of the total
variability of the multidimensional life sequences. This
means that considerable individual variation remained
within each typology that in a larger data set could have
been identified by a more fine-graded classification of the
participants’ life statuses in relation to their partnership,
parenthood and educational and employment histories.
The Strategy Questionnaire
Achievement and social strategies were assessed at the first
measurement (in 1991) using the Strategy and Attribution
Questionnaire (SAQ) (Nurmi et al. 1995) rated on a 4-point
rating scale (1 = ‘‘strongly agree,’’ 4 = ‘‘strongly dis-
agree’’). The optimism in achievement situations scale
measures the extent to which people expect to succeed in a
task and are not overly apprehensive of failure (6 items,
e.g., ‘‘When I get ready to start a task, I am usually certain
that I will succeed in it.’’). The task-avoidance in
achievement situations scale measures the extent to which
people tend to behave in ways that prevent them from,
rather than help them in, carrying out a task (5 items, e.g.,
‘‘What often happens is that I find something else to do
when I have a difficult task in front of me.’’). The social
optimism scale measures the extent to which people are
optimistic in social situations (4 items, e.g., ‘‘I think that I
usually get along well with people.’’). The social with-
drawal scale measures the extent to which people have a
tendency to avoid social situations and feel anxious in them
(6 items, e.g., ‘‘I avoid group situations and spend my time
alone or with one other person.’’). The factor score scale
reliabilities and Cronbach’s a reliabilities were as follows:
optimism in achievement situations (.80, .76), task-avoid-
ance (.80, .74), social optimism (.84 and .83), and social
withdrawal (.82 and .82).
Depressive symptoms were assessed using a revised
version of Beck’s Depression Inventory (Beck et al. 1979;
see also Salmela-Aro and Nurmi 1996). The subjects were
asked to rate 13 items (e.g., ‘‘I often feel sad’’) on a 5-point
scale ranging from (1) not at all true of me to (5) very true
of me. The Cronbach’s a reliability was .86 in 1991 and .90
in 2008.
Analysis Strategy
A schematic model summarizing the aims of this study is
shown in Fig. 1. To investigate our research questions, we
specified a structural equation model for each strategy
which combines the models for achievement and social
strategies, and depressive symptoms at the start of the
follow-up, transitional pathways, and finally depressive
symptoms at the end of the follow-up.
Model for Strategies Accounting for Depressive
Symptoms
Factor models for social and achievement strategies were
built after controlling for the level of depressive symptoms
at the start of the follow-up by defining each of the four
Depressive
Symptoms
(year 1991)
Strategy
(year 1991)
Transitional
pathways
to
Adulthood
(from year
1991 to
year 2008)
Depressive
Symptoms
(year 2008)
ItemItemItem Item Item Item
Fig. 1 Schematic model for
each strategy summarizing the
aims of the study
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood 51
123
strategy component models (social optimism or social
withdrawal and achievement optimism or task-irrelevant
behavior) as
yijs ¼ kigsj þ eijs
gsj ¼ g0s þ csxdep91j þ #sj
where yijs is the ith item measuring a particular strategy s,
and gsj is the factor corresponding to that strategy for
individual j, ki is the factor loading of item i, and eijs is the
unique factor of item i for strategy s. The hierarchical
structure of the factor model assumes that depressive
symptoms at the start of the follow-up may affect the
strategies, and this is accomplished in the model by
allowing each strategy factor to depend on the individual’s
depression score. In the hierarchical factor model, the
parameter g0s is the mean level of the factor s, and cs is the
regression coefficient of depressive symptoms score xdep91j
at the start of studies, and #sj refers to the individual-spe-
cific deviation from the mean factor level gos.
Model for Transitional Pathways Accounting
for Strategies
The predictive value of social and achievement strategies
for the probability of following a particular pathway was
studied by binary or multinomial logistic regression models
with the membership indicator of a particular transitional
pathway as the dependent variable. As achievement and
social strategies were inter-correlated (Table 1), they were
included as separate predictors.
Since the most frequent distinguishing factor between
the six pathways was the absence of some life event, or the
exceptionally late timing of an event, we also specified a
joint model for the pathways that we called ‘‘postponed’’
(singles with slow career and slow starters). These were
combined to form a postponed group (n = 56). The
remaining four pathways (fast starters, fast partnership and
late parenthood, career and family, and career and
unsteady partnerships) were combined to form a ‘‘non-
postponed’’ group (n = 126).
As an example of the pathway models (described in
Fig. 2; Table 3), the model for the log-odds of belonging to
the postponed versus non-postponed pathway, which
accounts for strategy (social optimism, social withdrawal,
achievement optimism, or task-irrelevant behavior), is of
the form
;postsj ¼ logit P y
postj ¼ 1jgsj
� �n o¼ as þ bsgsj:
Here, ypostj is the membership indicator of the postponed
pathway, and bs the regression coefficient of factor gsj of
strategy s for individual j.
We applied a hierarchical testing procedure to analyze
the model results (Fig. 2). At the first level of the model
hierarchy, the postponed group was contrasted with the
non-postponed group, whereas at the second level of model
hierarchy, testing was carried out within these larger two
groups. Only a few differences existed at the second level
of the model hierarchy. Therefore, in further analyses, the
pathway models were restricted to the first-level models
only, that is, to the models of following either a postponed
or non-postponed pathway to adulthood.
Model for Depressive Symptoms When Accounting
for Pathways
The model for the expected level of depressive symptoms
in 2008, which accounts for the pathway, and indirectly
also for the initial level of depression and the strategies, is
written as
ldep08j ¼ l0 þ d1e;
post
sj :
The parameter l0 is the mean level of depressive
symptoms, e;post
sj the individual- and strategy-specific odds
of following the postponed pathway, and d1 the direct
effect of pathway, also containing the indirect effects of
initial-level depressive symptoms and strategies. This
Table 1 Correlation matrix for factors of achievement and social strategies and depressive symptoms in year 1991 and 2008 for the whole
sample (n = 182)
Variables 1 2 3 4 5
1. Optimism in achievement situations (1991) 1.00
2. Task-avoidance (1991) -.39*** 1.00
3. Social optimism (1991) .66*** -.16 1.00
4. Social withdrawal (1991) -.68*** .21* -.82*** 1.00
5. Depressive symptoms (1991) -.71*** .40*** -.62*** .66*** 1.00
6. Depressives symptoms (2008) -.38*** .37*** -.39*** .38*** .52***
*** p \ .001; ** p \ .01; * p \ .05
52 K. Salmela-Aro et al.
123
model is compared with the model of the direct effect of
the initial level of depressive symptoms
ldep08j ¼ l0 þ d2x
dep91j
on the level of depression in 2008, where the parameter d2
is the direct effect of the initial level of depression symp-
toms in 1991, without considering the effect of strategies or
pathways.
The analyses were performed using the Mplus statistical
package (Version 5; Muthen and Muthen 1998–2008).
One-tailed significance testing was utilized for hypothe-
sized associations. The missing at random (MAR)
assumption was used in the analysis. The Little’s MCAR
test (Little 1988) indicated that data were missing com-
pletely at random: v2(24) = 19.12, p [ .05. The parame-
ters of the models were estimated by maximum likelihood
(ML). For the dichotomous pathway indicator, a probit
model with a latent continuous outcome was used. To
account for possible non-normality, a range of values for
the standard errors of the parameters was estimated:
ordinary ML estimates assuming normality, robust ML
estimates, and bias-corrected bootstrap standard errors
without any distributional assumptions (Muthen and
Muthen 1998–2008).
Results
Depressive Symptoms and Achievement and Social
Strategies
The correlation matrix (Table 1) shows that the higher the
level of depressive symptoms was, the lower were success
and social optimism, and the higher were task-avoidance
and social withdrawal.
Achievement and Social Strategies and Transitional
Pathways
Table 2 shows that individuals who followed a postponed
pathway to adulthood (slow starters, singles with slow
career) had the lowest scores in success optimism and
social optimism, and the highest scores in task-avoidance
and social withdrawal. Individual variation in the scores of
achievement and social strategies was typically larger
among those following the postponed pathways than the
non-postponed pathways.
Hierarchical testing of the binary and multinomial
logistic regression models including the indirect effect of
depressive symptoms (1991) was carried out to investigate
whether achievement and social strategies would have
predictive value for the pathways. The odds ratios (OR)
with 95 % confidence intervals are presented in Table 3.
The first test was carried out between the postponed and
non-postponed transitional pathways. The results showed
that individuals with low success and social optimism, and
high task-avoidance and social withdrawal at the beginning
of their studies were more likely to end up following a
postponed rather than a non-postponed pathway.
The results comparing the groups within the postponed
group (Table 3) showed that singles with slow career were
less optimistic both in the achievement and social domains
compared to slow starters. When the groups within the
non-postponed group were compared, individuals on the
career and unstable partnerships pathway were found to be
less socially optimistic and more task-avoidant than indi-
viduals on the other non-postponed pathways.
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood and Subsequent
Depressive Symptoms
The results presented in Table 2 showed that individuals
who followed the postponed pathways to adulthood (i.e.,
slow starters, singles with slow career) showed the highest
level of depressive symptoms both at the beginning and
end of the follow-up. In particular, singles with slow career
had a high level of depressive symptoms; however, the
variance, at both the beginning and end of their university
studies, was also the largest.
In the final step, we investigated whether the initial level
of depressive symptoms would continue to indirectly affect
the level of later depressive symptoms when controlling for
Whole sample (n = 182)
Non-postponed( n = 126)
transitional pathways
Postponed( n = 56)
transitional pathways
Singles withslow career
(n = 22)
Level 1 of hierarcy
Level 2 of hierarcySlow
starters(n = 34)
Faststarters(n = 28)
Career and unstable partner-
ships (n = 28)
Career and family
(n = 43)
Fast partnershipand late parent-hood (n = 27)
Fig. 2 Hierarchy of models in binary and multinomial logistic regression analyses
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood 53
123
the intermediate effect of achievement and social strate-
gies, and their effect on the realized transitional pathways.
Table 4 shows the unstandardized ML estimates, standard
errors, and 95 % confidence intervals for direct and indi-
rect effects. Direct effects from initial depressive symp-
toms to achievement and social strategies, and from
strategies to postponed pathways, are similar to those
reported earlier. Moreover, the results for direct effects
indicated that following a postponed pathway also pre-
dicted a higher level of depressive symptoms at the end of
the follow-up.
Further, an indirect effect was found from depressive
symptoms via achievement and social strategies to a
postponed pathway. Depressive symptoms reduced indi-
viduals’ success and social optimism, and lowered opti-
mism, which then increased the likelihood of ending up on
a postponed pathway. In turn, depressive symptoms
increased social withdrawal, which then further increased
the likelihood of ending up on a postponed pathway. A
similar but weaker indirect effect was also found for task-
avoidance. Moreover, depressive symptoms decreased
success optimism, which then increased the likelihood of
Table 2 Descriptive statistics of achievement and social strategies and depressive symptoms separately for individuals subsequently following
different pathways
Variables
Success
optimismaTask
avoidanceaSocial
optimismaSocial
withdrawalaDepressive
symptoms
(beginning
of follow-
up)
Depressive
symptoms
(end of
follow-up)
M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD
Transitional pathway
Fast starters (15 %, n = 28) 0.16 0.62 -0.21 0.94 0.03 0.95 0.02 0.84 1.98 0.66 1.96 0.76
Fast partnership and late parenthood (15 %, n = 27) 0.12 0.80 -0.28 0.94 0.11 0.78 -0.01 0.72 1.92 0.67 1.83 0.57
Career and family (24 %, n = 43) 0.22 0.91 0.09 0.84 0.25 0.68 -0.25 0.78 1.92 0.58 1.84 0.58
Career and unstable partnerships (15 %, n = 28) -0.01 0.82 0.26 0.86 -0.03 0.98 0.03 0.92 2.12 0.70 1.96 0.78
Slow starters (19 %, n = 34) -0.16 0.80 0.11 0.87 -0.13 0.89 0.11 1.03 2.06 0.64 1.83 0.55
Singles with slow career (12 %, n = 22) -0.79 1.02 0.39 0.89 -0.67 1.25 0.48 1.07 2.57 0.70 2.62 0.84
a Factor scores
Table 3 Hierarchical likelihood ratio (LR) tests and odds ratios with 95 % confidence intervals for binary and multinomial pathway models
separately for achievement and social strategies adjusted for depressive symptoms in 1991
Comparison Success optimism
OR [95 % CI]
Task-avoidance
OR [95 % CI]
Social optimism
OR [95 % CI]
Social withdrawal
OR [95 % CI]
Level 1 of model hierarchy
Postponed versus non-postponed pathways 0.15*** [0.04, 0.53] 1.62* [0.94, 2.80] 0.35*** [0.17, 0.72] 1.50** [1.05, 2.14]
Level 2 of model hierarchy
Postponed pathways
Singles with slow career versus slow starters 0.13* [0.03, 0.66] 1.99 [0.71, 5.57] 0.33? [0.10, 1.09] 2.32 [0.84, 6.40]
Non-postponed pathways
Fast starters versus career and family 0.92 [0.22, 3.79] 0.58 [0.25, 1.34] 0.53 [0.17, 1.70] 2.15 [0.75, 6.14]
Fast partnership and late parenthood versus career
and family
0.77 [0.17, 3.59] 0.49 [0.21, 1.14] 0.68 [0.22, 205] 1.99 [0.66, 6.00]
Career and unstable partnerships versus career and
family
0.29 [0.07, 1.31] 1.47 [0.67, 3.21] 0.38? [0.12, 1.16] 2.55 [0.81, 7.99]
Fast starters versus fast partnership and late
parenthood
1.19 [0.26, 5.47] 1.18 [0.47, 2.95] 0.79 [0.22, 280] 1.08 [0.35, 3.29]
Career and unstable partnerships versus fast
partnership and late parenthood
0.38 [0.07, 2.08] 2.98* [1.17, 7.55] 0.56 [0.16, 1.90] 1.28 [0.42, 3.93]
Career and unstable partnerships versus fast starters 0.32 [0.07, 1.50] 2.52* [1.08, 6.30] 0.71 [0.20, 2.51] 1.19 [0.36, 3.97]
*** p \ .001; ** p \ .01; * p \ .05; ? p \ .10 (one-tailed test for hypothesized associations)
54 K. Salmela-Aro et al.
123
following a postponed pathway, in turn increasing later
depressive symptoms. Also, initial depressive symptoms
had an indirect effect via low social optimism and with-
drawal, and via a postponed pathway, to later depressive
symptoms. Similarly, there was an indirect effect from
achievement and social strategies (except task-avoidance),
via a postponed pathway, to depressive symptoms.
Discussion
In line with the life-span model of motivation (Dietrich
et al. 2012; Cantor and Langston 1989), the present study
examined, in a sample of individuals who were university
students at baseline, the extent to which depressive
symptoms and ways of dealing with different challenges
Table 4 Unstandardized estimates (Est.), standard errors (SE), and confidence intervals (95 % CI) for direct and indirect effects to predict
pathways and subsequent depressive symptoms with maximum likelihood (ML) and bias-corrected bootstrap (BC-bootstrap)
Est. ML SE Bias-corrected
bootstrap SE
Bias-corrected
bootstrap 95 %CI
Success optimism
Direct effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? success opt. 1991 -0.414*** 0.055 0.057 [- 0.545, -0.309]
Success opt. 1991 ? postponed path -0.376*** 0.100 0.117 [- 0.631, -0.188]
Postponed path ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.260** 0.114 0.123 [0.015, 0.511]
Indirect effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? postponed path 0.156*** 0.040 0.042 [0.079, 0.244]
Success opt. 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 -0.098* 0.050 0.063 [- 0.263, -0.005]
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? …. ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.041** 0.021 0.026 [0.003, 0.110]
Task-avoidance
Direct effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? task-avoid. 1991 0.415*** 0.073 0.071 [0.297, 0.573]
Task-avoid. 1991 ? postponed path. 0.154* 0.083 0.094 [- 0.016, 0.349]
Postponed path. ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.260** 0.114 0.123 [0.015, 0.511]
Indirect effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? postponed path 0.064* 0.035 0.039 [- 0.004, 0.150]
Task-avoid. 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.040 0.028 0.041 [- 0.001, 0.148]
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.017 0.012 0.017 [0.000, 0.062]
Social optimism
Direct effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? social opt. 1991 -0.488*** 0.056 0.069 [- 0.620, -0.344]
Social opt. 1991 ? postponed path. -0.225*** 0.071 0.073 [- 0.375, -0.090]
Postponed path. ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.260** 0.114 0.123 [0.015, 0.511]
Indirect effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? postponed path 0.110*** 0.036 0.038 [0.042, 0.186]
Social opt. 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 -0.059* 0.032 0.040 [- 0.162, -0.004]
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.029* 0.016 0.021 [0.003, 0.095]
Social withdrawal
Direct effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? social withdr. 1991 0.550*** 0.076 0.084 [0.395, 0.710]
Social withdr. 1991 ? postponed path 0.166** 0.067 0.074 [0.014, 0.298]
Postponed path. ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.260** 0.114 0.123 [0.015, 0.511]
Indirect effects
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? postponed path. 0.091** 0.037 0.042 [0.012, 0.176]
Social withdr. 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.043* 0.026 0.034 [0.000, 0.136]
Depr. symptoms 1991 ? … ? depr. symptoms 2008 0.024* 0.014 0.020 [0.001, 0.084]
ML estimates of standard estimates were smallest and BC-bootstrap standard errors largest, whereas robust ML estimates of standard errors (not
shown in table) were between these two
*** p \ .001; ** p \ .01; * p \ .05(one-tailed test for hypothesized indirect effects)
Transitional Pathways to Adulthood 55
123
and problems in achievement and interpersonal situations
function as the antecedents of pathways to adulthood, and
the extent to which, in turn, ending up on particular path-
ways has consequences for individuals’ subsequent
depressive symptoms. The results of the 18-year follow-up
showed that having depressive symptoms at the beginning
of studies was with mean age at beginning of follow-up
that was associated with pessimistic and avoidant strategies
in both achievement and social situations, which further
predicted postponed pathways later on. Moreover, the
pathways followed in the transition to adulthood contrib-
uted to subsequent changes in depressive symptoms.
Our results showed, first, that students deploying strat-
egies that were characterized by pessimism, avoidance, and
withdrawal in both achievement and social situations were
likely to enter on a postponed pathway (slow starters,
singles with slow career) during early adulthood. In turn,
when they evidenced strategies that were typified by opti-
mism and task-focused behavior, they were likely to enter a
non-postponed pathway (fast starters, fast partnership and
late parenthood, career and family, and career and
unsteady partnerships), thereby supporting H2. This result
is in accordance with the notion that the ways in which
individuals tackle the major challenges they face in their
lives have consequences for their subsequent life-span
development (Nurmi et al. 1996). Our results showed fur-
ther that strategies in both the achievement and social life
domains predicted developmental pathways: the use of
maladaptive strategies leads to difficulties in the achieve-
ment of key developmental tasks and transitions later on
(Nurmi et al. 1996). As in the present study, we examined
developmental pathways simultaneously in different life
domains, and our results are also in line with the idea of
developmental cascades, presented by Masten et al. (2005),
suggesting that functioning in one domain cascades into
other life domains. However, this was true in our study
only for some young adults, as others showed more
domain-specific trajectories.
The more detailed analysis of the antecedents of dif-
ferent pathways to adulthood showed that singles with slow
career showed less optimism in both achievement and
social life at the start of their studies than slow starters.
This result suggests that support from a partner plays an
important role in dealing with various role transitions and
demands (Salmela-Aro et al. 2010). In the non-postponed
group, the only subgroup that differed in their transition
pathway comprised those on the career and unstable
partnership pathway: these individuals showed less social
optimism and more task-avoidance at the beginning of their
studies than individuals from the other non-postponed
pathways. This result suggests that pessimism and the
inability to use adaptive strategies in social situations lead
to problems in transitions in interpersonal domains (Nurmi
et al. 1996).
Also, individuals’ lack of well-being was found to have
consequences for the trajectories they embarked on during
adulthood. The results showed that individuals reporting
depressive symptoms in the beginning of their studies
followed postponed pathways later on, thereby supporting
H3. This result suggests that depression during the transi-
tion to adulthood curtails the attainment of the occupational
and interpersonal developmental tasks appropriate for full
adult status (Reinherz et al. 1999). For example, Schulen-
berg et al. (2004) showed that the successful tackling of
developmental tasks was closely tied to high levels of well-
being.
The results showed further that depressive symptoms not
only contributed to particular pathways but that these
pathways also predicted increases in later depressive
symptomatology, even after controlling for the initial level
of depression. This result is in line with the literature on
success in dealing with developmental role transitions
(Havighurst 1948; Salmela-Aro 2009): achieving age-gra-
ded developmental tasks on time is adaptive and contributes
to happiness and success with later tasks and satisfaction
with life, while failure leads to unhappiness and depressive
symptoms (Havighurst 1948; Salmela-Aro et al. 2012). This
supports the notion that developmental progression and the
mastery of age-specific role transitions are linked to
increased levels of subjective well-being and low symp-
tomatology (Schulenberg et al. 2004). The more success
and less stalling in the domains of work and romantic
involvement, the greater the likelihood of maintaining high
levels of well-being across the transitions (Schulenberg
et al. 2004). Moreover, it might be that the initially
depressed who were not later successful may have already
been having difficulties in the beginning of their studies,
perhaps related to their competence or other problems.
Overall, our results revealed a pattern of cumulative
impacts over young adulthood (Masten et al. 2005).
Depressive symptoms reduced individuals’ success and
social optimism, and increased their social withdrawal,
which then increased the likelihood of ending up on a
postponed pathway. Moreover, initial depressive symptoms
had an indirect effect via low social optimism and high
social withdrawal, and via postponed pathways to later
depressive symptoms. Similarly, the lower the success and
social optimism and the higher the social withdrawal, the
more likely individuals were to follow postponed path-
ways, which then exacerbated their later depressive
symptoms. These results suggest that low well-being,
subsequent dysfunctional strategies, and postponed devel-
opmental pathways form complex cumulative patterns that
may become self-realizing traps in the longer run.
56 K. Salmela-Aro et al.
123
Our study has some limitations that need to be consid-
ered when attempting to interpret the results. First, the
sample is not a random sample, as it was heavily weighted
toward women and students in the humanities and social
sciences. This may have influenced the findings, and the
results might have been different for males and students in
other fields such as medical schools and engineering.
Second, the sample consisted of Finnish university stu-
dents. Several features of Finnish universities, such as a
higher age at university entry, tuition-free studies, and the
difficulty in gaining admission, may mean that some of the
results would have been different in countries with a dif-
ferent system. Third, depressive symptoms and achieve-
ment and social strategies were measured at the same time
at the beginning of the study, which does not permit one to
be certain about direction of the effects between the two
variables. However, because depressive symptoms were
our main outcome, we considered it important to account
for initial depressive symptoms in the analyses. Finally, the
present sample was also relatively small, which may mean
that some of the analyses have limited power.
The results suggest that experiencing depressive symp-
toms during young adulthood, when individuals face many
life transitions simultaneously, increases the use of pessi-
mistic and avoidant strategies in both achievement and social
situations, which then leads these individuals to postpone
dealing with key life transitions. Such postponed pathways in
turn contribute to an increase in depressive symptoms.
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