Appendix

The documentary material is included for two main reasons. Firstly, it reveals the outline of Ulrich von Hassell's personality, his political ideas and his work. Secondly, however, the documents selected reveal Hassell as a typical representative of a certain political tendency or group, whether as a conservative in the early Weimar Republic, as an advocate of a revisionist foreign policy by peaceful means, or as a member of the German opposition to Hitler.

Document I, a newspaper article, is reprinted for the first time here. It contains the famous 'appeal' of the 'young conservative' on 24 November 1918. The document shows Hassell's view of this important period of upheaval in German history and was not without influence on the DNVP during its formative months. In addition, this early work contains some of the basic political insights and principles to which Hassell remained loyal over decades. In many respects, the conservative of 1938-45 consciously adopted the demands of 1918-19.

Document II is a declaration issued by Hassell to the Yugoslav newspaper Pravda in 1932, when he was envoy in Belgrade. It has a claim to interest on two grounds. Firstly, Hassell appears here as a convinced representative of the new line of German foreign policy in the Bruning era, after the death of Stresemann. It is therefore not surprising that he concentrated on demands for equal rights in the armaments sector and for the ending of reparations. Secondly, the interview contains one of Hassell's few significant comments on National Socialism. Here he interprets Hitler's growing following primarily as an 'expression of the enthusiastic demand that Ger­many be given complete equality at last'. These remarks make it clear that Hassell gravely misjudged or underestimated the real objectives of Hitler, and saw him mainly as a revisionist politician of Weimar stamp. To this extent, the Nazi seizure of power on 30 January 1933 was not, at first, a major turning-point for Hassell.

The final document (III) offers a summary of the foreign policy ideas of Ulrich von Hassell. Written at the beginning of 1944, it now appears in print for the first time as the manuscript 'Germany between West and East'. The document reveals with great clarity that the diplomat, despite all the political changes and upheavals

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he had lived through, remained committed to a number of ideas. In particular, he had two fundamental convictions: first, he recognized that the political fate of Germany as a great power was dependent, to a considerable degree, on its exposed geographical position; and secondly, for that very reason, he was certain that Europe could not function without a 'healthy and strong heart'. Even in 1944, Hassell remained a convinced advocate of 'Bismarckian statecraft' or- in the words of the manuscript -of the 'Bismarckian basic instinct', i.e. the ability to assess 'at any moment and in any situation' the 'factors in the west and the east'.

The documents are printed in chronological order. Obvious mis­takes, such as the reversal of letters, have been translated as if they were correct. The punctuation, particularly the sentence structure, has been changed where necessary to make it understandable to English-speaking readers, though an attempt has been made to retain the flavour of Hassell's style of writing. Passages underlined in the original are written in cursive. Notes supplied with square brackets are by the author.

DOCUMENT I

Ulrich von Hassell, 'We Young Conservatives. An Appeal.' Source: Der Tag, 24 November 1918.

The generation which woke to political life between 1895 and 1905 has been badly hit by the blows of autumn 1918- the generation which was then in the top forms of seconday school, in the lecture halls and fencing halls of German universities, and then employed as young civil servants and officers, doctors, teachers, theologians, farmers and industrialists. Our fathers are the men of 1870, the smiths of the new Reich, whose deeds made the years of German powerlessness into a fading legend. They enabled us to grow up as proud sons of a great, united Germany with a great future; they planted in us, from the seeds of the unforgettable emperor, the powerful stock of monarchist feeling which became entwined with our national awareness. The Bismarckian work became our legacy. Many of us had stood with quickened pulses before the old man in Friedrichsruh; others had joined tens of thousands in the dim light of the torches in front of the Red House on the Konigsplatz

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on Moltke's ninetieth birthday, to pay tribute to our modest hero by singing the Wacht am Rhein. We looked up to our fathers because they had achieved the German ideal of the centuries as their great, proud life's work.

Then came the new time, our time, and we greeted its first volley with hopeful enthusiasm. We suspected that a new day had dawned, and came to realise that we were not to travel further along the road that Bismarck had shown us. New tasks and new ideas rose on the horizon before us. We began to steel ourselves to face them with ardour, courage and strength. Though the grandson of Wilhelm I did not fill us with the same reverent love shown to the old first emperor, still our hearts beat faster to hear his imperial words directing us outward to the sea. What had so astonished the aged Bismarck in the harbour at Hamburg became our life's element. Not that we had become 'imperialists' in the sense of plans for world supremacy. Of course there are always visionaries when such movements seize hold of a people. They were perhaps the loudest among us, and our enemies as well as the philistines at home did (and still do) much to blame us for every foolishness and exaggeration of those overflowing hearts, and to present it as typical of the whole. Consciously or unconsciously, what filled us was the certainty that Germany must achieve world significance if it was not to atrophy spiritually and materially between the great world powers; the knowledge that we must make the attempt to establish and maintain the independence of our economy and culture in the world alongside the polyp-like Anglo-Saxon culture. In our midst are deplorable, negative philistines who oppose every attempt to rise to the heights and find their greatest triumph in saying 'I told you so'; but they will not dupe us into believing that this feeling was wrong. Anyone who has looked at the world with open eyes and been able to witness developments overseas knows that the dramatic advance of Germany's trade and industry was the natural result of the vital energy of our people and, equally naturally, became the cause of English enmity: 'Germaniam esse delendam'.

Not a few among us observed with dread the course of events before the war: the aimlessness and disunity of our policy; the noisy fanfares and incorrect understanding; above all the misjudgement of the English mentality. Yet for these, as for us all, the outcome of the war is a shocking collapse of our hopes! We had believed in our people, in its strength, and had underestimated its lack of political talent.

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We were not all conservatives in the party sense. On the contrary, many had been under the spell of socialist ideas for longer or shorter periods; others came from circles which kept alive the ideas of the old national liberal party; the third - Catholic - element filled the ranks of younger Centre supporters with national spirit and joy in the Reich. But we were all conservatives in the sense that we wanted to build on the established foundations of our Reich and our federal states, on the work of Bismarck and on the strong monarchy, one element pressing fiercely forward and the other more prudent. The great majority of us have also had high hopes of the Christian, national workers' movement, and have laboured to see the German workforce merging once again into the great stream of German national consciousness.

Among those who were conservatives in the narrower sense, many watched with anxiety the internal political leadership of the party, which often clung to lost causes and neglected to take timely control of movements which then shattered dykes and burst banks in their path. The years before the war, and the war itself, are rich in examples of this trend. It remains true that during the war the conservative party was the only one to have sustained a foreign policy approach which could lead our people through misery and danger to a happy conclusion. Nevertheless, its many omissions in the domestic arena are partly to blame for the terrible night of smashed crockery [Polterabend] which democracy has now held with the entire contents of the Frederician and Bismarckian household.

The Germans are standing on an expanse of ruins. Should we collect the debris indiscriminately and attempt to restore the old buildings in their entirety? Quite certainly not. After such a night of storms one does not simply begin where one has left off the previous night. The political earthquake has transformed the ground too much for reconstruction according to the old plans to be possible. But nor do we want the emergency structures set up on the ruined land to be the beginning and model for the new structures of state. We do not want class rule, even if this class is the masses, and we do not want a house that may bear the proud name of people's state but is not one. The new state should be built firmly and methodically as the state of the future. We do not want any sham structure of past doctrines in modern wrapping. We want the people' state whose members, agriculture, industry and intellectual work, workers and employers, have a say in pol­itical destiny. We do not want a state in which a number of the

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people's tribunes, masters of the rolling cliche and depending on the rabble-rousing exploitation of mass instincts, have the decisive influence. The underpinning of the people's state, that is the fact which cannot be reversed, and on its ground we must take our stand. We are resolved to make sacrifices, even sacrifices of con­viction! But we will take care to save what is of value and must remain from the destruction which has overtaken the old state structure.

Here is the great task for all conservatives in the broadest sense; there are perhaps more now than there have ever been, and the need of the hour is to gather them together! The call goes out to all of them. We do not want to be excluded, we want to collaborate with equal rights when the legislative assembly is summoned to found the new forms of the state. For this purpose we require the immediate gathering of our forces. Many old party boundaries have become meaningless, many party ties must be resolutely smashed. Everything is at stake! Do we want to meet our future passively? Do we want to look on impotently, with hands tied, when the fate of Germany is directed onto new paths for the next century? We are too young to be without hope, too old to believe that there is nothing that can be done against the forces of disorder and cliche. We do not want simply to see things patched up, with a few concessions, we want the new wine - wine from old vines, but still new wine- and poured from new skins. We need to organise anew for collaboration on the new ground of the people's state, to conserve what is valuable and save it from the engulfing maelstrom, to build the Reich and the state for the development of the German future.

The day of peace is coming in Germany after the long night of war, but it will not be a sunny day or a day of celebration. At this hour, all roads back to the summit appear blocked: German world significance a dream which is finally over! Wage slavery at home and abroad, falling back to the status of Holland - these prospects are before our eyes. Must we accept these prospects as unalterable destiny? Today it requires powerful resources of inner confidence and faith in the mission of our people to answer no. And yet there can be no other answer. A difficult task lies ahead of us, a slow rebellious struggle against external resistance and internal lack of understanding.

Unite, all those who believe in our German future on these foun­dations! To work!

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DOCUMENT II

Press declaration of envoy Ulrich von Hassell to the Yugoslav newspaper Pravda on the causes of tensions in Germany, and the questions of reparations and disarmament. Source: Deutsches Volksblatt. Tageszeitung der Deutschen ]ugoslawiens, 23 February 1932.

The True Face of Germany On 22 February the Belgrade newspaper Pravda devoted much space to a long declaration on the situation and mood in Germany by the German envoy Herr von Hassell, which he provided at the request of the newspaper after his return from Berlin a few days before. These highly significant remarks by the envoy are as follows:

The Tension in Germany You ask me about the impressions I gained from my short trip to Germany. Of course these impressions are very diverse, but all spring from the same source, which is the situation of great tension affecting the German people. This tension is explained partly by the severe economic crisis which is burdening the whole world and especially Germany; but it is also due to the feeling of severe dis­appointment that after thirteen years a situation of true peace still has not been achieved, i.e. a position of true equality for the German people. It must be remembered that, in the firm and unanimous conviction of the German people, the extent of the economic crisis is directly related to the reparations question: firstly, the heavy burdens prevent Germany from breathing and developing freely; and secondly, the international political payments have upset the entire mechanism of the world economy. Thus the Germans today naturally trace everything that is fundamentally evil back to one and the same cause, namely the lack of wisdom and foresight at the end of the world war.

People abroad must realise that the feeling I have outlined has increased like an avalanche, like a natural occurrence. The avalanche began because the power of the facts convinced people in Germany that every effort to prove German goodwill and to eliminate every obstacle to an equal position in the consultation between nations, in short the entire policy characterised by the name Locarno, has been in vain.

The Demand for Equal Rights This explains the powerful growth of the National Socialist movement, and also explains something which must make any reasonable

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non-German stop and think - the fact that the only doubt today is whether Hindenburg or Hitler will be elected president of the German Reich. [At the last election] many people abroad inter­preted Hindenburg's candidacy as a threat of war; today people everywhere are aware that this view was absurd: today people know what the name Hindenburg has meant for Germany and the world over the last seven years and would also mean for the future. Perhaps people will also recognise one day that the name of Hitler, for the world and for the millions of Germans who follow him, does not mean revenge or anything of that kind, but is simply an expression of the passionate demand and absolute need to give Germany full equal rights at last. I do not know a single German of reason who thinks of revenge or anything resembling it, but equally I do not know a single German who regards the current position of Germany in the world as tolerable any longer.

In the first instance I am referring to the question of reparations and the question of disarmament. These are the two items which chiefly occupy the thoughts of all Germans today. The fate of the world, i.e. the question whether Germany, Europe and the whole world will enter calmer waters, succeed in establishing healthy and productive relations, is dependent on whether the reparations issue can be resolved and German inequality in armaments removed.

The Burdens of Reparations As far as reparations are concerned, the German people is convinced that its achievements are on a scale unprecedented in the history of humanity, and in the worst of circumstances. According to neutral estimates, its achievements already exceed the obligations imposed upon Germany at the treaty of Versailles. Nobody who has vis­ited Germany recently can, as an honourable person, escape two impressions: first the impression that the German people, particularly in recent times, has done everything in its power to fulfil these obligations; second the impression that a continuation of the reparations burden is psychologically impossible. If people look inside German life, refusing to be deceived by outward appearances of the kind to be found in every big city, they will be aware of the need which afflicts the overwhelming majority of the German people today. Nothing today makes the Germans so bitter as the superficial reproach that a few big cities or corporations have used liquid reserves, based on foreign money tempted into Germany by high interest rates, to set up some remarkable public institution which does not alter the position of the German people; [they are also embittered by]

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calculations that our entire obligation has been eliminated by the inflation. Surely the simplest understanding must inform them that the whole people, and each individual member, had become poorer to the same degree and that the destruction of national wealth by the inflation is not related to the relief offered to the Reich and the states by the cessation of internal liabilities - not to mention the fact that every obligation and every tax burdens a people to a much greater extent when its national wealth has been largely destroyed.

Furthermore, the principles of the experts in the Dawes plan have not been adhered to. The unanimous conviction of these experts was that Germany could pay reparations only from export surpluses. These export surpluses, it is known, did not exist at all until recently. Yet we have paid billions year after year, which was only possible by taking out large foreign loans. Thus the German people today is constantly paying double, firstly in actual reparations and then in the debts contracted to pay the reparations, plus interest.

Inequality of Armaments and Security I am convinced that psychologically almost more oppressive and inflammatory than reparations, for a great people with a proud history such as the Germans, is inequality of armaments, which contradicts the spirit of the treaty and the very nature of things. When security is seen as the precondition for disarmament, the German people believes it has the right to obtain this security for itself, to the greatest extent. Recent events on the German eastern border have provided manifest evidence of this. Fairy tales about clan­destine rearmament and armament opportunities in Germany can only provoke bitterness among the Germans, who are aware of their own powerlessness. The Germans know they are virtually unarmed and surrounded by other nations armed to the teeth. They do not believe that treaty stipulations, however ingenious, can provide the necessary security; most recent history suggests that this scepticism is justified. People in Germany believe that if human forces can provide security at all, the most suitable means is genuine disarmament, the elimination of the threatening superiority of individual highly armed states, i.e. the establish­ment of a genuine balance on the lowest conceivable basis of armaments.

These are roughly the thoughts which are occupying the Germans today. Their dream is not revenge, rearmament or economic imperi­alism, but true freedom and equal rights for Germany which would

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provide the basis for a return to harmony and balance in Europe and the world.

DOCUMENT III

Ulrich von Hassell, Germany between West and East. Un­published manuscript with handwritten interpolations and cor­rections. As note 2 reveals, the essay was intended for publication in the journal Auswiirtige Politik and was probably written at the beginning of 1944. At the head of the manuscript is a handwritten note by lise von Hassell: 'not published'. Source: In posession of the Hassell family (Ebenhausen).

It seems easier - cum grano salis - to recognise the unchanging main outlines or 'constants' of an alien foreign policy than those of one's own country. In English or French, in Russian or Japanese policy we think we can perceive such lines clearly and trace them far back in time. We bring these constants into our calculations, follow their operation and shake our heads whenever these countries pursue a policy which seems to contradict such principles. Much more difficult is the task of defining the corresponding elements in German foreign policy.

There is one mitigating factor to explain our uncertain judgement: Germany's situation is most strongly characterised, defined and burdened by the fact that we are a country of the centre. This fact creates such a multiplicity of possibilities and dangers, of interests and viewpoints, that it is enormously difficult to extract the crucial elements from them. The middle position has been decisive for our policy, and explains many of the misfortunes and mistakes in our history; specifically, it throws light on the tendency of particularist interests to predominate over the German common good. The East Prussians or Silesians must have had quite different goals or needs than the Bavarians or Rhinelanders, just as the outlook of Berlin was different from that of Vienna; the one was forced to deal with threatening or promising situations which scarcely affected the other. It would certainly be instructive to trace these ideas through German history. But our task is to turn to the present, supplemented or explained by reference to the recent past.

In recent times, let us say roughly since the Thirty Years War,

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some of the facets which Germany revealed to Europe have receded into the background whilst others become more significant. Those which have become less important as objects of German foreign policy are the northern and southern fronts. That is not to say that they were no longer significant for Germany in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Our meaning is best demonstrated by a glance into the past. There was a time, not too long ago, when Sweden was still in possession of German territory in the shape of the duchy of Bremen, i.e. the land around the Hanseatic city and parts of Pomerania. In the seventeenth century the great Swedish king came close to changing the German destiny. His plans to collect the German Protestants into a confederation under his leadership and take the imperial German throne; his idea of the Baltic as the 'empire of Scandinavia' and his desire for an alliance with Brandenburg, whose Great Elector was to marry his daughter Christina and unite the two empires - neither of these schemes were realised in the end. But their echoes were heard for many years: in the battles waged by the Great Elector to drive Swedish troops from his lands and achieve full sovereignty over Prussia; and, later, in the events which led Frederick William I into the field against Charles XII and brought part of the remaining Swedish territory in Pomerania under Prussian control. Today all these matters lie in the past. There are no issues of foreign policy which could reasonably be expected to pro­duce serious hostility between Germany and the nordic countries. If Swedish participation in the Seven Years War against Germany was already a kind of anachronism, the German-Danish war of 1864 boiled down to the settlement of a German question despite some outside efforts to give it an artificial international character. Since Germany has no political goals concerning the Nordic countries, a nordic solidarity directed against Germany would make no sense. From the point of view of Realpolitik there are no elements of interest on Germany's northern front.

In the south, Germany borders on Switzerland and Italy. For centuries there has been no Swiss-German foreign policy in the sense of either country making political demands on the other. The last small-scale controversy, over the affiliation of the canton of Neuenburg to the Prussian crown, was amicably settled almost 100 years ago. As far as Italy is concerned, our historical memories date back to the time when the German emperors travelled across the Alps in order to keep the emperorship of Rome as a German legacy - a fading legend which has had no true reality for more

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than 500 years. Of course, the Roman Empire of the German nation has not been without influence on the modem age. The holders of the Imperial crown, in the last centuries members of the House of Habsburg, continued to hold territories in Italy in their capacity as rulers of Austria, where there had long been no question of a Roman-imperial policy. The war of Spanish succession also made Italy into an object of dispute and a battleground. Even in the nineteenth century, parts of Italy remained in Austrian hands; one could say that the clash between the Habsburg monarchy and the kingdom of Italy was the epilogue to this conflict between national­Italian and Austrian interests. This chapter is also closed, quite apart from the fact that it disturbed the German-Italian relationship only 'peripherally', as a consequence of the confederal movement. Finally there is the South Tyrol: within the framework of Grand Policy objectives and conflicts this is only a single issue which cannot decisively affect the relationship of the two powers involved, even though we do not underestimate its significance.

It is no accident that the geographical facts are fully in harmony with the political character of the northern and southern fronts. In the north Germany borders on the sea, except for a small stretch of land north of Flensburg. In the south the Alps form a natural wall. But the situation in the west, in the east and south-east looks very different. Here the German lands reveal those open flanks over which political events have flowed for centuries. To describe the struggles and the common ground in these areas is to tell the story of German history itself. For the present we must stress one factor, which is absolutely crucial to an understanding of the basic elements of German foreign policy in our time. That is the twofold legacy which today's Germany has derived from the past. Firstly, if the focus of the old Reich lay in Vienna, that of the Bismarck Reich lay in Berlin. Prussia-Germany acquired its shape in foreign policy from its middle position between east and west, though this was considerably heightened in comparison with earlier periods. On the other hand, the policy of the Habsburg empire was defined more by its position in the Danube region. Of course, there were times when the 'old Reich' also faced a serious east-west problem, and one which was linked with its tendency to look south from the Danube. For instance, the Habsburg monarchy faced the danger of hostility on two fronts, from the France of Francis I and later Louis XIV, and from a Turkey which was still a great power. But as Vienna became less the protagonist of a genuine Reich policy and

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more the champion of a pronounced Austria policy, the east-west issue became less significant for it.

In the Bismarck Reich the situation was different. The basic constellation did not change even when the Reich outgrew its task between east and west in a specifically Prussian sense, and when the western front, originally only 'French', began to extend to England, beyond the North Sea and the Netherlands. The only change was that both the possibilities and dangers facing Germany increased considerably. Conversely, the decline and eventual fall of the old empire only temporarily or superficially robbed the south­eastern direction of Viennese policy of its German significance. As part of the Danube monarchy, imperial Austria, though separated from the Reich, had still undertaken what was in effect a German task, consciously, unconsciously or even unwillingly. As soon as the Dual Monarchy disintegrated, the German Reich rather than rump Austria became the legatee of the tasks and dangers in the south-east- a legacy which became fully apparent after the return of the Ostmark to the German union.

In one respect, though from different starting-points, Prussia­Germany and Austria came together from the outset in their foreign policy - namely with respect to their proximity to the east. For Vienna, unlike Berlin, the situation was burdened by the large proportion of Slavs in the Danube empire and by the necessary emphasis on the south-eastern direction of its policy. On the other hand, the western thinking which had been decisive for the German Reich after 1870 and for Prussia before it, played little part in Austrian policy. For Austria the relationship with Italy, though less significant overall, remained rich in interest and danger alike. As we noted in another context, the fall of the Danube monarchy eliminated this contrast in foreign policy, or at least robbed it of its former significance.

As the legacy firstly of the Bismarck Reich and secondly of imperial Austria, Germany today must master the great political events between the west, east and south-east; that is, its task is to ensure the security of Germany and protect its vital necessities over its open western and eastern flanks. Yet German foreign policy is confronted by a number of very different factors. In the west there are two great powers, one of which is France and the other, beyond Holland, Belgium and the North Sea, is Great Britain, though the United States of America lies beyond the far ocean. In the east there is a world power, Russia, from which Germany has been separated

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by a medium-ranking power, Poland, since 1918. By contrast, there is no great power in the south-east, only a series of middle-ranking states; consequently, in this region there is no element which would be able to pursue an aggressive policy or any policy in the grand style.

If we. look away from the south-east for a moment, we can see that the great issue has frequently been whether Germany would be forced to make a choice between east and west. Furthermore, if the choice had to be made, the issue then would be whether dependence on the east or on the west was more likely to satisfy German interests. The greatest German statesman of the nineteenth century, Bismarck, grappled with this problem day and night. But it presented itself to him in a different way, almost in disguise. For Bismarck the issue was not really the choice between 'east' and 'west'. Instead the question was whether he must choose to make common cause with either Austria or Russia, or whether it would be possible in the long term to live in close friendship with both at once. In reality, however, this political dilemma only concealed the east-west question in the most threatening form it can take (and has often taken) for us - the danger of a combination of the east and the west against us. Bismarck regarded such a calamity as the 'cauchemar des coalitions' and rightly felt that his most important task was to avert it. To this extent even he, with his doubt about whether to go with Austria or with Russia, was confronted by the east-west problem. After the war of 1870 he had struggled to restore good relations with France with every means at his disposal, but was forced to recognise that it was not yet possible to eliminate the idea of revanche in its political sense, i.e. the readiness of France to form a coalition with any conceivable enemy of Germany. As far as the other western great power was concerned, antagonism to England did not yet exist, or at least lay dormant. On the other hand, security through England could not be achieved because of that country's notorious unwillingness to take on obligations of that kind. Under such circumstances, Bismarck's task was to create security on the Russian side without sacrificing Austria-Hungary. Here is not the place to describe the remarkable degree to which he achieved it. In his illuminating book on Holstein's secret policy,(l] Krausnick rightly calls the awareness of Germany's 'middle' position the basic instinct of Bismarckian foreign policy; this refers not only to the famous 'cauchemar', but also to his ability to make the situation into an asset. He regarded

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political' desinteressement' in questions which did not affect Germany directly as 'the way to establish good relations with as many powers as possible, but at the same time to maintain the freedom to be able to pursue an anti-English, anti-Russian and even anti-Austrian policy eventually'. Bismarck scrupulously avoided a policy of the 'mailed fist' time after time. Yet one should not fall into the trap of thinking that he ever considered it feasible to move between the great powers 'without commitment', without security to one side. In fact his dominant endeavour was to create firm support on one side and- which was possible in the circumstances- to safeguard against being drawn into foreign conflicts not in [the German] interest. By contast, a fundamental mistake of post-Bismarckian policy lay in the overestimation of [Germany's] own strength and balancing possibilities, which led us to seek equally good relations with west and east without ensuring the support on one side which would have been the precondition for an 'effective' policy. It is not necessary to emphasise that Bismarck's strategic and tactical methods have no more eternal validity than any other. In the years after 1890 new developments affected the east-west question, though without altering its absolute and unalterable necessity.

On the other hand, it is clear that the difficulties facing German policy had increased dramatically. These include the growing signs of disintegration in the Danube monarchy and, parallel to it, the increasingly apparent Russian attempt to take control of the 'key to its own house' in the Bosphorus, setting itself up as the protector of all the Christian Balkan states, and forcing the 'liberation' of the Slavs of the Danube monarchy under Russian auspices. Austria was faced with the question of its very existence, and the choice between Vienna and St. Petersburg- contemplated with anxiety by Bismarck - appeared increasingly inevitable. Almost more significant was the creation of a new front, of German overseas interests, which became largely though not totally identified with the 'western front' against England and helped to change its nature. Some attempts have been made to describe the development as though it was not new but was the result of a freely willed policy, i.e. that it could have equally well been omitted, and would actually have been better omitted. At most this may apply to the politically decisive acquisition of colonies, though even this is doubtful. However, it does not apply to other overseas interests, to German trade and economic activity beyond the seas, which developed much more naturally and must therefore be regarded as a basic foundation of policy. For this reason,

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the task of securing Germany between east and west became even more urgent, particularly during the so-called risk period of German naval expansion when the new German overseas position was in greatest danger. The need to reach an understanding either in the east with Russia or in the west with England became overwhelming. To our great cost, the problem was not solved in either way.

How did the basic elements of German foreign policy look after 1918?

On the northern front the Versailles diktat handed north Schleswig and its partially German population to Denmark. But it could not be said that the relationship of Germany with the north had changed in any fundamental way. There were some efforts in Danish nationalist circles to give the north Schleswig question a pan-Nordic character by claiming that the border of Scandinavia itself was at Flensburg and that the task of guarding it should belong to the community of Nordic nations, at least in moral terms. However, these utopian dreams never went beyond polite speeches at table or celebratory articles. The neutral position between southern and northern nations bordering the North Sea remained intact. In one respect, however, the situation in the Baltic had changed greatly. As yet we have not mentioned that, before the First World War, the northern front was basically part of the eastern front, in that Russia had control of the entire coast between Haparanda and Memel. This had now changed: only east of the Narva as far as Leningrad did Soviet Russia now border on the Baltic. A situation was created which at first strengthened the nature of this sea as a zone of political calm. However, it also contained elements of disintegration because the Russian drive to the Baltic was not extinguished. For Germany, however, this did not give cause to regard the northern front as reactivated.

As we have indicated, in the south the factors tendencing towards political pacification on the borders had been strengthened. The community of interest between Germany and Italy was more appar­ent than ever. The two countries were alienated from each other in 1934 over the Austrian question, but this was a mere episode whose underlying causes were removed in 1938. We have dealt with south-eastern issues in detail in the essay Vom Fuss der Berge zum Mittelmeer.2 Here it is only necessary to record the outcome: on Germany's southern border after 1918 there were no permanent or significant factors which could have given it the character of a 'front in movement'.

Appendix 143

On the western front a policy of full understanding appeared possible, because the German threat to England's world economic position had been eliminated and the French desire for revenge had become irrelevant. The German side dealt with the Alsace-Lorraine question in a way which left no doubt that Germany had no desire to unleash a war of revenge. Even the regaining of German colonies was not elevated into a goal to be achieved by force if necessary. Above all, Germany was politically excluded from the great competition of the world powers overseas; this situation meant the revival of the Bismarckian policy of disinterest in the increasing antagonisms between Russia and the British Empire, between the United States and Japan. It also became possible that the weight of a gradually recovering Germany could be felt again on one side or the other.

On the other hand, German policy was weighed down by two major burdens after 1919. The first was the result of the absurd peace treaties signed in the Paris suburbs. Here is not the place to give details of the diktat, which initially made the military and economic prospects of Germany seem even more hopeless and intolerable. However, the cumulative effect of Versailles must be investigated as a lasting political factor; it took light and air away from Germany and tore Germandom apart, at the same time carrying within itself numerous seeds of conflict and disintegration. The second burden on German foreign policy was a situation in which the east-west problem was developed to its extreme. The victorious Entente powers, England and France, began to treat eastern and, above all, south-eastern questions as their own affair to a much greater extent than before. The gap created in the German eastern and south-eastern front by the elimination of the 'second German great power' became clear. The western powers created a conglomerate of middle-ranking states between the Baltic and the Black Sea and the Adriatic, and used them as their exponents in the east. There were two results: firstly, eastern and western interests and views became dangerously intermingled, so that the south-eastern states acquired political weight greatly in excess of their real power and significance. We will return to this context shortly.

At first we must turn to a consideration of the eastern front, where the whole picture was changed. Bismarck's nightmare, and the difficult problem of a choice between Russia and Austria-Hungary, had become irrelevant: the Dual Monarchy had ceased to exist. On the other hand, a new factor had entered the picture in the form of

144 Appendix

newly-created Poland. Germany now confronted not one but two powers in the east, though these were in conflict with each other as a result of the territorial arrangements made in 1919. Direct Russo-German friction had disappeared because of the insertion of Poland between them; but German-Polish conflict was emerging as a result of the fact that Poland had been awarded a number of German lands, above all the so-called Corridor. As far as the German west-east problem is concerned, the result was a relaxation of tension with Russia, i.e. the possibility of gaining support in Russia for German policy in Europe, particularly when this made territorial claims against Poland. But it was more difficult to exploit this situation because of the ideological differences and dangers. Furthermore, Soviet Russia gradually revived the traditional claims of the Tsar for predominance in south-east Europe and added to it the threat of bolshevist expansion. A further handicap for Germany had been created in the east-west question through its relations with Poland, since this state was used by London and Paris as a piece in their game against Berlin.

The encroachment of the west towards the east is one of the most important elements in political developments after the First World War. The same can be said of the south-eastern policy of the western powers. The Danube region virtually became the perfect example of a policy pursued against the nature of things, which was therefore catastrophic. Taking account solely of the fundamental features, we must immediately pit appearances against real conditions, the appearances which the western powers wanted to regard as real and on which they based their policy. These appearances can be described as the hope that the mosaic of states created in the Danube region would form a multiplicity (or perhaps a unity) separable (and separated) from the German economic area. Under the protection and with the assistance of the western powers, the region could then be used as a wall against an ostensible German drive to the south-east. This appeared all the more possible now that rump Austria had been inserted as a barrier between Germany and the remaining Danube countries, and Czechoslovakia had been created as an unnatural construction designed to act as a thorn in the side of Germany - and appeared suitable for that purpose. The natural facts behind all these constructs were very different. Looked at initially from its standpoint, the entire Danube region must - on the basis of geographical conditions and economic relationships -see its indispensable complement in the German economic area;

Appendix 145

to separate it from this is tantamount to severing its vital nerve. Our major concern here, the main lines of German policy, point in precisely the same direction. The economic factors need not be described in detail. Politically, support for the free development and independence of the peoples of the Danube region is indispensable if they are to withstand the Russian 'drive to the west', bolshevism itself, and the imperialism of the Anglo-Saxons with its economic garnish. On the other hand, I am convinced that a promising German position in Europe between west and east is incompatible with the supremacy of foreign - western or eastern - influences in the Danube region.

Even after 1919, Germany's position between east and west was the central problem of German policy.(3] We have already seen that there are assets as well as dangers and difficulties associated with Germany's middle position. One such vital asset lies in its European significance, i.e. the fact that in the long term a healthy Europe never has and never will exist without Germany as its healthy and strong heart. It is the tragedy not only of Germany, but of the continent, that the idea has so seldom been understood and realised. This European necessity, it may be, has emerged more clearly than ever since the First World War. It should not be beyond the wit of man to get this recognition accepted and acted upon - if reason ruled in the world, which we all know is unfortunately not the case. The 'European' aspect of the German middle position is a whole chapter in itself, requiring separate treatment.

We will now give a brief summary of developments in the German middle position since 1919. In one respect it was made easier, namely by the global political differences between the Anglo­Saxon powers, Russia and Japan, which now lay outside the direct interests of Germany. These differences intensified from day to day, despite some appearances to the contrary. On the other hand, the German position was burdened by two circumstances: the emer­gence of Poland with its unnaturally extended western border; and the south-eastern problem, which became increasingly complicated with the elimination of the Danube monarchy. The region was used by the western powers to support their anti-German objectives, and by Soviet Russia in the service of imperialist and bolshevist goals. It is clear that, even after 1919, the Bismarckian 'basic instinct' for the German middle position is an indispensable requirement of German statecraft. At the beginning of this essay we enquired into the constants of German foreign policy. Our answer is that the

146 Appendix

most important constant consists of the unchanging need to assess, at every moment and in all circumstances, the factors in the east and the west with the help of this 'basic instinct', to use them correctly as pieces in the political chess game and between them to secure the vital necessities of German life.

Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', in Schweizer Monatshefte 44 (1964/65), pp. 314 ff.

2. See Hans Rothfels, Die deutsche Opposition gegen Hitler. Eine Wurdigung (1949, extended edition Frankfurt-Main, 1969). The study remains indispensable to an understanding of the German resistance movement, particularly the conservative 'opposition'. Quotations are taken from the last edition (Frankfurt-Main, 1986); Gerhard Ritter, Carl Goerdeler und die deutsche Widerstandsbewegung (Stuttgart, 1954) - quotations from the paperback edition (Munich, 1964); Peter Hoffmann, The History of the German Resistance 1933-1945 (London, 1977); finally, Gregor Schollgen, 'Ulrich von Hassell', in Rudolf LillI Heinrich Oberreuter (eds), 20. Juli. Portraits des Widerstands (Dusseldorf/Vienna, 1984), pp. 135 ff.

3. See especially Jens Petersen, Hitler - Mussolini. Die Entstehung der Achse Berlin- Rom 1933-1936 (Tiibingen, 1973).

4. See Gregor Schol!gen, '_yYurzeln konservativer Opposition. Ulrich von Hassell und der Ubergang vom Kaiserreich zur Weimarer Republik', in Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 38 (1987), pp. 478 ff.

5. Die Hassell-Tagebucher 1938-1944. Ulrich von Hassell, Aufzeichnungen vom Anderen Deutschland, revised and extended edition, ed. F. Frhr. Hiller von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1988).

6. Rothfels, Die deutsche Opposition, p. 110. 7. See Das Urteil im Wilhelmstrassen-Prozess [ ... 1 (Schwabisch Gmiind,

1950), pp. 25 ff. 8. The 'prison memoirs' were written by Hassell in the four weeks

before his execution. In April 1945, shortly before the Red Army entered Berlin, they were handed over to his eldest son by the disintegrating Gestapo. Hassell wrote his memoirs on any material he could find in his cell - for example, on the back of telegrams of congratulation for his sixtieth birthday, which the Gestapo had found in his desk upon his arrest.

CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND, EDUCATION AND EARLY DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCES

1. See on this subject Gregor Schollgen, Das Zeitalter des Imperialismus (Munich, 2 1991).

147

148 Notes to pp. 8-14

2. Otto Hintze, Die Hohenzollern und ihe Werk. Funfhundert Jahre vaterliindischer Geschichte (Berlin, 1915), p. 679.

3. See on this problem Gregor Schollgen, 'Die Grossmacht als Weltmacht. Idee, Wirklichkeit und Perzeption deutscher Weltpolitik im Zeitalter des Imperialismus', in HZ 248 (1989), pp. 79 ff.

4. Ulrich von Hassell [Senior], Erinnerungen aus meinem Leben 1848-1918 (Stuttgart, 1919), p. 218.

5. Ulrich von Hassell [Senior], Tirpitz. Sein Leben und Wirken mit Berucksichtigung seiner Beziehungen zu Albrecht von Stosch (Stuttgart, 1920).

6. See here, and for the following, the books by the elder Hassell cited inn. 4 and 5; article 'Hassell, v., Christ., A., Ulrich', in Reichshandbuch der Deutschen Gesellschaft. Das Handbuch der Persiinlichkeiten in Wort und Bild, Vol. 1 (Berlin, 1930), also personal files on Ulrich von Hassell in: PA/ AA (for details see the bibliography of this study).

7. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Chinas Erwachen urn die Jahrhundertwende. Bilder aud dem Fernen Osten', in Gelbe Hefte 16 (1939/40), pp. 193 ff.

8. Christian Augustin, 'Zur Frage der Gewinnbeteiligung der Angestellten', in Monatsschrift Jar Stadt und Land 62 (1905), pp. 240 ff, quotation pp. 243 and 241; Ulrich von Hassell, 'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln', in: Monatsschrift fur Stadt und Land 61 (1904), pp. 1182 ff. In this period several shorter reviews by Hassell also appeared in the journal.

9. Ulrich von Hassell, Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik. Von der franztisischen Revolution bis zum Weltkrieg. Bildnisskizzen (Munich, 4 1943), pp. 232 and 220.

10. Hassell, Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik, p. 220 and p. 9. 11. Lord D' Abernon, An Ambassador of Peace. Diary, Vol. 3: The Years of

Recovery (London, 1930), p. 176. 12. See for example the letter to his mother of 17 July 1926, in Die

Weizsiicker-Papiere 1900-1932, ed. L.E. Hill (Berlin/Frankfurt-Main, 1982), p. 376.

13. 'Das diplomatische Revirement', in Berliner Tageblatt, 29 July 1926. 14. Welczeck to Wolff, 18 August 1926, copy in PA/ AA, Botschaft

Madrid: Akten betr. das Generalkonsulat in Barcelona, vol. 7. 15. See for example Vossische Zeitung, 13 December 1928 (heading:

'Tirpitz's son-in-law'); Berliner Tageblatt, 14 December 1928; Kreuzzeitung, 14 December 1928.

16. Hassell to Biilow, 16 December 1931, copy in PA/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr. Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 3.

CHAPTER 2: IN THE PRUSSIAN ADMINISTRATION

1. See here Klaus von der Groeben and Hans-Jiirgen von der Heide, Geschichte des deutschen Landkreistages (Cologne/Berlin, 1981), pp. 30-55.

Notes to pp. 14-21 149

2. See Hans Luther, Politiker ohne Partei. Erinnerungen (Stuttgart, 1960), p. 62.

3. See von der Groeben and von der Heide, Geschichte des deutschen Landkreistages, pp. 33, 46 and 145. In addition, Hassell also occasion­ally used his Corps connections.

4. Quoted from von der Groeben and von der Heide, Geschichte des deutschen Landkreistages, p. 48.

5. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Volkswirtschaft in der Weltwirtschaft', in Der Tag, 1 April1917.

6. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Revolution, Verwaltung und Selbstverwaltung', in Der Tag, 8 February 1919.

7. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Preussens Erste Kammer', in Der Tag, 7 Septem­ber 1918.

8. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Die Selbstverwaltung in der Wahlreform', in Der Tag, 5 January 1918.

9. Oswald Spengler, Preussentum und Sozialismus (Munich, 1919). 10. Heinrich Bruning, Memoiren 1918-1934 (Stuttgart, 1970), p. 17. 11. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Wir jungen Konservativen, Ein Aufruf', in Der

Tag, 24 November 1918. The article is reproduced in the appendix of this book (document I).

12. See Gerhard Schulz, 'Der 'Nationale Klub von 1919' zu Berlin. Zum politischen Zerfall einer Gesellschaft', in Schulz, Aufsiitze zur politischen Sozialgeschichte der Neuzeit (Munich, 1969), pp. 299 ff.; Heidrun Holzbach, Das 'System Hugenberg'. Die Organisation burgerlicher Sammlungspolitik vor dem Aufstieg der NSDAP (Stuttgart, 1981), pp. 138 ff.

13. See Joachim v. Winterfeldt-Menkin, Jahreszeiten des Lebens. Das Buch meiner Erinnerungen (Berlin, 1942), p. 252.

14. See Johannes Erger, Der Kapp-Luttwitz-Putsch. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Innenpolitik 1919/20 (Dusseldorf, 1967), pp. 86 and 95. This finding is also confirmed by Hassell's 'prison memoirs'.

15. See Jan Striesow, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei und die Volkisch­Radikalen 1918-1922 (Frankfurt-Main, 1981), p. 79.

16. See Werner Liebe, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei 1918-1924 (Dusseldorf, 1956), p. 20.

17. Liebe, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p. 20; Striesow, Die Deutschnational Volkspartei, p. 544/n. 79.

18. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Lebensnotwendigkeiten der Deutschnationalen Volkspartei', in Eiserne Blatter, Year 1 (1919), p. 212.

19. Quoted from Liebe, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p. 115. 20. Quoted from Striesow, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p. 153. 21. Quoted from Striesow, Die Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p. 155. 22. Hassell, 'Lebensnotwendigkeiten', p. 210. 23. Eberhard Kolb, Die Weimarer Republik (Munich, 2 1988), p. 12. 24. See n. 18. 25. Hassell, 'Lebensnotwendigkeiten', p. 212. 26. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Eine Anregung zum Betriebsarategesetz', in Die

Post, 6 October 1919. 27. This and the following quotations from Hassell, 'Wir jungen

150 Notes to pp. 21-30

Konservativen'. 28. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Alte und neue Mehrheiten', in Der Tag, 29 March

1919. 29. Hassell, 'Wir jungen Konservativen'. 30. Hassell, 'Alte und neue Mehrheiten'. 31. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Revolution und Verwaltungsreform', in Deutsche

Politik 4 (1919), pp. 372 ff., quotation from p. 372. 32. Hassell, 'Revolution und Verwaltungsreform', p. 375. 33. Hassell, 'Revolution und Verwaltungsreform', pp. 373-4. 34. Hassell, 'Revolution und Verwaltungsreform', p. 374. 35. The wording is taken from the programme of conservative opposition

figures which was probably written in February 1940. Hassell had at least a considerable role in producing it. Precise phrases such as the one quoted make this obvious. Quoted from Tagebi.i.cher, p. 453.

36. Hassell, 'Revolution und Verwaltungsreform', p. 373. 37. Max Weber, 'Der Reichsprasident', in Gesammelte politische Schriften,

ed. J. Winckelmann (Tiibingen, 3 1971), p. 500. See also Gregor SchOllgen, Max Webers Anliegen. Rationalisierung als Forderung und Hypothek (Darmstadt, 1985), pp. 89 ff.

38. Schulz, 'Der 'Nationale Klub von 1919", p. 300. 39. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 318. 40. See n. 13. 41. See for example Gregor Schollgen, Imperialismus und Gleichgewicht.

Deutschland, England und die orientalische Frage (Munich, 1984), pp. 417 ff.

42. Quoted from the introduction by Wolf Ulrich von Hassell to the first edition of his father's Tagebi.i.cher (Zurich/Freiburg i.B., 1946), p. 10. In fact, Hassell and the DNVP drifted further and further apart in the following years.

43. Memorandum of vice consul Sonnenhol on the 'Verhandlung vor dem Volksgerichtshof am 7.9.1944 Fall Hassell', in ADAP, E VIII, Nr. 228: 'H. maintained', it states there, 'that he did this out of his national sense of duty. He had not been in agreement with the Weimar System ... '

CHAPTER 3: PREPARING A CAREER

1. See Walter Gorlitz, Hindenburg. Ein Lebensbild (Bonn, 1953), p. 263; Otto Schmidt, Umdenken oder Anarchie. Manner- Schicksale- Lehren (Gottingen, 1959), p. 195.

2. See for example his letter to the Foreign Ministry of 3D April 1925, copy in PA/ AA, Botschaft Madrid: Akten betr. das Generalkonsulat in Barcelona, Vol. 7.

3. Der deutsche Volkswirt, Year 6, No. 52, 23. September 1932, p. 1691. 4. Lord D' Abernon, An Ambassador of Peace, Vol. 3, p. 176. 5. See Fritz Klein, 'Zur Vorbereitung der faschistischen Diktatur

durch die deutsche Grossbourgeoisie (1929-1932)', in Zeitschrift fi.i.r

Notes to pp. 30-34 151

Geschichtswissenschaft 1 (1953), pp. 872 ff., esp. p. 897; see also the daily report of the president of the Reichsbank Luther of 12 June 1931, in Politik und Wirtschaft in der Krise 1930-1932. Quellen zur Ara Bruning, ed. I. Maurer and U. Wengst (Dusseldorf, 1980), esp. pp. 657-8.

6. See Hermann Punder, Politik in der Reichskanzlei. Aufzeichnungen aus den Jahren 1929-1932, ed. T. Vogelsang (Stuttgart, 1961), p. 127 (29 May 1932).

7. See for example the reports from correspondents in the Danish news­papers Kobenhavn, Politiken, Berlingske Tidende and Nationaltidende on 5 November 1926.

8. See the references in PA/ AA, Botschaft Rom (Quirinal): Akten betr. privaten Briefwechsel des Botschafters von Hassell, Vols. 4 and 6.

9. Ludwig Curtius, Deutsche und antike Welt. Lebenserinnerungen (special edn., Stuttgart, 1950), p. 349.

10. See the letter of the 'Reich Lecturers' Leader' to the Foreign Ministry, 28 January 1942, in PA/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr. Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 4.

11. See n. 7 and Hassell's report to the Foreign Ministry of 4 June 1930, in PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehung Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3.

12. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 29 June 1920, ADAP, A III, No. 170. 13. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 7 June 1920, ADAP, A III, No. 159. 14. Enclosure to a letter of Berenberg-Gossler of 4 January 1921, copy

in: PA/ AA, Sonderreferat W.: Akten betr. Italien: Wirtschaft ltalien, Vol. 1.

15. See for example Hassell's letter to the German Industry and Trade Conference, 12 January 1923, copy in PA/ AA, Botschaft Madrid: Akten betr. Handelskammer in Barcelona, Vol. 1, also the following exchange of letters between Hassell, the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Economics.

16. On Hassell's economic and cultural-political activities in Spain see Georg Schreiber, 'Ulrich von Hassell, Generalkonsul in Barce­lona. Spanisch-deutsche Wirtschaftsbeziehungen nach dem ersten Weltkrieg', in: Gesammelte Aufsiitze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, Vol. 11, ed. J. Vincke (Munster, 1955), pp. 235 ff.

17. Quotations from the comprehensive 'Report of Consul General v. Hassell on his Journey through the Asturias, Galicia and Andalusia' of 3 March 1924, copy in PA/ AA, Botschaft Madrid: Akten betr. das Generalkonsulat in Barcelona, Vol. 7. Further reports there and for example in PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Wirtschaft 1/Spanien: Akten betr. allgemeine wirtschaftliche Lage Spaniens.

18. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 10 November 1922, copy in P A/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 25/Spanien: Akten betr. das Deutschtum in Spanien, Bd.l.

19. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 23 January 1923, copy in PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Spanien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Spaniens zu Deutschland.

20. See his journey report of 3 March 1924, as n. 17.

152 Notes to pp. 34-38

21. See for example Ulrich von Hassell, 'Der hispanische Gedanke in der Welt', in Siiddeutsche Monatshefte 20 (1922/23), pp. 244 ff.; Ulrich von Hassell, 'Deutschland auf dem Erdball', in Siiddeutsche Monatshefte 21 (1923/24), pp. 218 ff.

22. Hassell, 'Deutschland auf dem Erdball', p. 219. 23. Hassell, 'Deutschland auf dem Erdball', p. 220. 24. Hassell, 'Deutschland auf dem Erdball', p. 222. In the inter-war

years, the term 'race' was not yet discredited. Instead, it was a popular element in anthropological, historical or political world images and explanations. Partly because of this, it could be seized on and perverted by Hitler. It is also noteworthy how little Hassell's scepticism towards the Anglo-American world, and particularly its political culture, was to diminish as time passed.

CHAPTER 4: ENVOY OF THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC

1. See the letter to his mother of 25 July 1926, in Die Weizsiicker-Papiere 1930-32, p. 376: 'Hassell is admittedly an ambitious man and of my age; that does not make the situation easier.'

2. Ernst von Weizsacker, Erinnerungen (Munich/Leipzig/Freiburg i.B., 1950), p. 72.

3. Die Weizsiicker-Papiere, p. 33. 3a. Letter to Neurath, 9 March 1937, in PA/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr.

Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 4. 4. Nordschleswigsche Zeitung, 1 May 1930. 5. Thus on the occasion of his first visit to the Yugoslavian foreign

minister. See Hassell to the Foreign Ministry, 28 May 1930, in PAl AA, Abtlg. II; Politik 11/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3.

6. Weizsacker to his mother, 24 March 1929, in Die Weizsiicker-Papiere 1900-32, p. 389.

7. PA/ AA, Abtlg. IV. Nd, Politik 2: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Deutschland-Danemark, Vol. 7.

8. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 20 January 1928, as n. 7. 9. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 13 February 1928, as n. 7.

10. ADAP, B V, No. 205. 11. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 13 August 1927, as n. 7. 12. Hassell to Stresemann, 13 October 1927, as n. 7. Handwritten

addition: 'My wife and I would of course be particularly glad at your visit and ask that you stay with us.'

13. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 4 January 1927, and the telegram of Schubert printed there as n. 7, ADAP, B IV, No. 5.

14. Letter of 30 November, copy in PA/ AA, Gesandschaft Kopenhagen: Akten betr. das Ostseeproblem.

15. Memorandum of 30 November 1928, copy, as n. 14 (emphases by the author G.S.). The memorandum is unsigned, but the letter cited in n. 14 shows Hassell to have been its author.

Notes to pp. 38-44 153

16. Memorandum of 7 August 1929, copy, as n. 14. 17. Memorandum of 5 November 1930, appendix to a letter to BUlow

of 6 November 1930, in PA/ AA, Geheimakten 1920-1936, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Bd. 1.

18. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 28 May 1930, in P A/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3.

19. Memorandum of 5 November 1930, as n. 17. 20. As n. 18. 21. Memorandum of 5 November 1930, as n. 17. 22. PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische

Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3. 23. Memorandum of Hassell of 17 April 1931, in ADAP, B XVII,

No. 90. 24. As n. 23. 25. Memorandum of 18 August 1931, appendix of a letter to Bulow of 25

August 1931, copy in PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3.

26. Memorandum of 17 April1931, ADAP, B XVIII, No. 90. 27. Memorandum of 18 August 1931, as n. 25. Similarly for example in

his memorandum of 17 April 1941, as n. 26. 28. Hassell to BUlow, 30 August 1932, in PA/ AA, Geheimakten

1920-1936, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Bezie­hungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 1.

29. German version of the interview in Deutsches Volksblatt, 23 February 1932.

30. Report of Hassell on his 'conversation with King Alexander of Yugoslavia on 21 January 1932', undated, in PA/ AA, Geheimakten 1920-1936, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 1.

31. As n. 30. 32. Political Report of 19 December 1930, as n. 22. 33. See Kopke to Hassell, 24 January 1931, in ADAP, B XVI, No. 185;

Schoen to Kopke, 5 February 1931, in PA/ AA, Abtlg. II, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 3.

34. ADAP, B XVI, No. 185. 35. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 10 June 1931, in ADAP, B XVIII,

No. 176. 36. Copy in PA/ AA: Botschaft Rom (Quirinal): Akten, Vol. 196.

CHAPTER 5: AMBASSADOR OF THE THIRD REICH

1. Hassell to Neurath, 25 October 1933, DGFP, C II, No. 28. Even in November 1941, Hassell described Mussolini's image as 'that of the most interesting man ... with whom he had had to deal outside'

154 Notes to pp. 44-48

(Die Mitwochsgesellschaft. Protokolle aus dem geistigen Deutschland 1932 bis 1944, eel. K. Scholder [Berlin, 1982], p. 278).

2. See Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 18 June 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 381. 3. Der deutsche Volkswirt, 6 Year, No. 52, 23 September 1932. 4. Report on his conversation with King Alexander of Yugoslavia

on 21 January 1932, in PA/ AA, Geheinrnakten 1920-1936, Politik 2/Jugoslawien: Akten betr. Politische Beziehungen Jugoslawiens zu Deutschland, Vol. 1.

5. German version in Deutsches Volksblatt, 23 February 1932 (emphases in original). The full text of the press declaration is published as document II in the appendix.

6. Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, p. 117. 7. Hassell to Neurath, 8 March 1933, copy in PA/ AA, Botschaft Rom

(Quirinal): Akten, Vol. 196. 8. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', pp. 326 and 319. 9. Memorandum of vice consul Sonnenhol on the 'Verhandlungen vor

dern Volksgerichtshof am 7.9. 1944 Fall Hassell', ADAP, E VIII, No. 228.

10. The diplomat apparently joined the NSKK to avoid taking an SS rank. See on this issue also Hiller von Gaertringen's introduction to Hassell's Tagebii.cher, pp. 38 f./n. 16, and Hans-Jiirgen Dr6scher, Das Auswiirtige Amt im Dritten Reich. Diplomatie im Schatten der 'Endlosung' (Berlin, 1987), esp. p. 70.

11. On Hassell's efforts on behalf of Jewish writers and journalists see Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, p. 118/n. 78.

12. Hans Bernd Gisevius, Bis zum bitteren Ende, Vol. 2 (Zurich, 1946), p. 194.

13. Hugh Redwald Trevor-Roper, 'Hitlers Kriegsziele', in W. Michalka (ed.), Nationalsozialistische Aussenpolitik (Darmstadt, 1978), pp. 31 ff., esp. pp. 38-9.

14. Galeazzo Ciano, Ciano's Diary 1937-1939 (London, 1949), p. 59. 15. See his letter to these individuals of 13 May 1935, copy in PA/ AA,

Botschaft Rom (Quirinal): Akten betr. privaten Briefwechsel des Botschafters von Hassell, Vol. 6, in which he announces his trip to Berlin and proposes further discussions.

16. See for example Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, p. 143; Rolf ltaliaander, Besiegeltes Leben. Begegnungen auf vollendeten Wegen (Goslar, undated), p. 62; Friedrich Glum, Zwischen Wissenschaft, Wirtschaft und Politik. Erlebtes und Erdachtes in vier Reichen (Bonn, 1964), p. 304; further evidence in Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, p. 117 /n. 77.

17. Hans-Adolf Jacobsen, Nationalsozialistische Aussenpolitik 1933-1938 (Frankfurt-Main/Berlin, 1968), pp. 348 and 368.

18. Erich Kordt, Nicht aus den Akten . . . (Stuttgart, 1950), p. 72. 19. Evidence in Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, p. 117 /n. 78, and in Ritter,

Goerdeler, p. 499/n. 249. 20. Unsigned memorandum of Hassell of 11 April1934, copy in PA/ AA,

Botschaft Rom (Quirinal): Akten, Vol. 14. See also the protocol of Chancellor Reisinger on the official apology by Wirth to Hassell on 14 April1934, ibid.

Notes to pp. 48-53 155

21. Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, p. 143. 22. Das politische Tagebuch Alfred Rosenbergs aus den Jahren 1934/35 und

1939/40, ed. M.-G. Seraphim (Gottingen/Berlin/Frankfurt-Main, 1956), p. 17.

23. The reports for the period from January to June 1934 are in BA, NS 43/50.

24. Engelbert to Thost, 19 March 1934, in BA, NS 43/50. 25. Engelbert to Thost, 27 March 1934, in BA, NS 43/50. 26. Engelbert to Thost, 9 February 1934, in BA, NS 43/50. 27. Engelbert to Thost, 9 February 1934, in BA NS 43/50. Joseph

Goebbels expressed very similar opinions in his diaries. Even on 4 June 1934, he claimed that Hassell was an 'uninspired bourgeois', 'quite incapable' and must therefore 'be got rid of. See Die Tagebucher von Joseph Goebbels. Siimtliche Fragmente, ed. E. Frohlich, 4 Vols. (Munich et al., 1987), quotation from Vol. 2, pp. 425-6. On 15 January 1938 he noted that, among other things, a new man 'would have to be found to fill' the position of ambassador in Rome: 'At any rate a proper Nazi must [be sent) to Rome.' Die Tagebucher von Joseph Goebbels, Vol. 3, p. 403.

28. Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, p. 144. 29. PA/ AA, Botschaft Rom (Quirinal): Akten, Vol. 196. 30. ADAP, B XXI, No. 251 (Hassell's report); see on this issue also

No. 270; also DGFP, C I, No. 173. 31. See for example his Political Report of 20 April 1933, ADAP, Cl/1,

No. 173. 32. DGFP, C I, No. 109. On the history of the negotiations see Petersen,

Hitler-Mussolini, pp. 137 ff. The text of the treaty stressed the desire to reach an understanding on all questions which concerned the four powers, as well as, within the framework of the League of Nations, to apply a policy of effective co-operation between all powers to maintain the peace. See the text in ADAP, C 1/2, No. 292.

33. DGFP, C I, No. 448. Points 6-12, some of which have already been mentioned, are concerned with the German-Italian relationship, mainly in south east Europe.

34. DGFP, C II, No. 28. Neurath regarded Hassell's warning as a 'needless sermon'.

35. Memorandum of Hassell dated 24 September 1933, DGFP, C I, No. 448.

36. DGFP, C II, No. 152. 37. See for example Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 15 February 1934, DGFP,

C II, No. 257. 38. See his Political Report of 17 March 1934 together with enclosures,

DGFP, CII, No. 332. 39. PA/ AA, Botschaft Rom(Quirinal): Akten, Vol. 12. 40. See Hassell to Kopke, 28 March 1934, DGFP, C II, No. 363. Hassell

received this information from a 'fellow official'. 41. See Bulow to the German delegation on the world economic confer­

ence in London, 13 June 1933, DGFP, C I, No. 308. 42. See Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 21 June 1934, DGFP, C III, No. 26.

156 Notes to pp. 53-59

43. Hassell to Neurath, 23 July 1934, copy in the possession of the Hassell family (Ebenhausen).

44. Curtius, Deutsche und antike Welt, p. 349. 45. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 8 August 1934, DGFP, C III, No. 152. 46. On Italian reactions see Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, pp. 395 ff. 47. Hassell to Neurath, 1 April 1935, DGFP, C IV, No. 5. 48. DGFP, C IV, No. 61. 49. DGFP, C IV, No. 120. 50. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 31 May 1935, DGFP, C IV, No. 121. 51. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 5 July 1935, DGFP, C IV, No. 194. See

also his comments of 9 July, enclosure to a letter to Kopke of 10 July 1935: DGFP, C N, No. 202.

52. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 21 June 1935, DGFP, C IV, No. 164. This report also triggered a debate.

53. DGFP, C IV, No. 360. For the rest, Mussolini also regarded Stresa as a 'worn out affair' (Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 16 November 1935: DGFP, C IV, No. 414).

54. See above all Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini, pp. 430 ff.; Manfred Funke, Sanktionen und Kanonen. Hitler, Mussolini und der internationale Abessinienkonflikt 1934-36 (Dusseldorf, 2 1971).

55. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 7 January 1936, DGFP, C IV, No. 485. 56. Memorandum of Altenburg dated 9 January 1936, DGFP, C IV,

No. 487. See Hassell's position on this and other objections in his Political Report of 6 February 1936, DGFP, C IV, No. 545.

57. See Friedrich Rossbach, Zwischen Wehrrr111cht und Hitler 1934-1938 (Gottingen, 2 1965), pp. 83-4.

58. Published in Esmonde Robertson, 'Zur Wiederbesetzung des Rheinlandes 1936', in VfZG 10 (1962), pp. 178 ff., document No. 8, pp. 202 ff.

59. See his memorandum of 20 February 1936, DGFP, C IV, No. 575. According to Hassell's private memorandum, the foreign minister thereby abandoned the serious reservations he had expressed to Hassell previously.

60. Thus Hassell in a private memorandum, quoted from Robertson, 'Zur Wiederbesetzung des Rheinlandes'.

61. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 22 February 1936, DGFP, C IV, No. 579. See also the Italian version of this passage in Hassell's telegram to the Foreign Ministry, 3 March 1936, DGFP, C IV, No. 603.

62. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 7 March 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 18. See also Hassell to Neurath, 9 March 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 45.

63. Published in Robertson, 'Zur Wiederbesetzung des Rheinlandes', pp. 204-5.

64. Tagebacher, p. 366 (9 June 1944). 65. Ulrich von Hassell, Cavour und Bisrr111rck (Leipzig, 2 1937), quotations

p. 15 and pp. 18-19. 66. On 4 April1936, for example, Hassell could telegraph Berlin (DGFP,

C V, No. 255) that Italy would not participate in the General Staff discussions which had been agreed on 19 March in London by the Locarno powers (except Germany).

Notes to pp. 59-64 157

67. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 5 October 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 572. 68. On Hassell's attitude on this question see Margret Boveri, Der Verrat

im 20. Jahrhundert ([1956-60], joint edn. Reinbek, 1976), p. 148. 69. Quoted from Dokumente der Deutschen Politik und Geschichte von

1848 bis zur Gegenwart, ed. J. Hohlfeld (Berlin, undated), Vol. IV (1933-1938), No. 117.

70. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 11 July 1936, DGFP, D I, No. 155. 71. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 17 July 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 457. 72. Neurath to Hassell, 31 August 1936, DGFP, C V, No. 523. 73. DGFP, C VI, No. 86. 74. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 18 December 1936, DGFP, D III,

No. 157. 75. Hassell to Foreign Ministry, 18 December 1936, DGFP, D III, No. 157.

The following quotations are also from this source. 76. Ulrich von Hassell, Deutschlands und Italiens europiiische Sendung

(Cologne, 1937), p. 19. 77. Memorandum of 18 December 1936 (as n. 74). 78. Memorandum of Hassell dated 16 January 1937, DGFP, D I,

No. 199. 79. Memorandum of Hassell dated 17 March 1937, DGFP, C VI,

No. 281. 80. Memorandum of Hassell dated 24 March 1937, DGFP, C VI,

No. 292. 81. DGFP, C VI, No. 312. 82. Enclosure to a letter from Hassell to Neurath, 15 July 1937, DGFP,

C VI, No. 469. 83. Enclosure to a letter from Neurath to Weizsacker of 25 July 1937,

DGFP, C VI, No. 494. The view in Berlin was that 'too obvious an allusion to the idea of the four power pact [would bring] Poland and Russia into the arena' (Weizsacker to Hassell, 27 July 1937, DGFP, C VI, No. 496).

84. Neurath to Weizsacker, 31 July 1937, DGFP, C VI, No. 502. 85. See in detail Wolfgang Michalka, Ribbentrop und die deutsche

Weltpolitik 1933-40. Aussenpolitische Konzeptionen und Entscheidungs­prozesse im Dritten Reich (Munich, 1980), esp. pp. 247 ff.

86. Quoted from the introduction by Wolf Ulrich von Hassell to the first edition of his father's Tagebucher (1946), p. 13.

87. Ciano, Diary 1937-1939, p. 59. 88. As n. 86. 89. Ciano, Diary 1937-1939, p. 38 f. 90. Possession of the Hassell family (Ebenhausen). 91. Possession of the Hassell family (Ebenhausen). 92. Marion Thielenhaus, Zwischen Anpassung und Widerstand: Deutsche

Diplomaten 1938-1941. Die politischen Aktivitiiten der Beamtengruppe um Ernst von Weizsiicker im Auswiirtigen Amt (Paderborn, 1984), p. 28.

93. Neurath to Hassell, 18 January 1938, in PA/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr. Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 4.

94. Ciano, Diary 1937-1939, p. 83. On these events see also Erich Kordt,

158 Notes to pp. 59-69

Wahn und Wirklichkeit. Die Aussenpolitik des Dritten Reiches. Versuch einer Darstellung (Stuttgart, 1948), p. 241/n. 1.

95. See for example Gottfried Nostiz, 'Abschied von den Freunden', manuscript, Sils Maria (Engadin), August 1945, IfZ, ZS 1273; Werner Otto von Hentig, Aufzeichnungen 1945-1968, Vol. 3, manuscript, IfZ, ED 113; Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, pp. 143-4 and 343; Ciano, Diary 1937-1939, p. 26; Rudolf Nadolny, Mein Beitrag. Erinnerungen eines Botschafters des Deutschen Reiches, ed. G. Wollstein (Cologne, 1985), pp. 309 and 312; Henderson to the British Foreign Ministry, 10 February 1938, copy in: Henderson Papers, PRO/FO, 800/269. Here it states, among other things, that Hassell had never been 'a great partisan of extremist Nazi views, axes and ideologies'.

CHAPTER 6: ACTIVITIES AND OCCUPATIONS

1. Doscher, Das Auswiirtige Amt im Dritten Reich, p. 252. 2. Tagebiicher, p. 55 (1 October 1938). 3. Tagebiicher, p. 53 (29 September 1938). 4. Tagebiicher, p. 85 (22 March 1939). 5. Tagebiicher, p. 85 (22 March 1939). 6. Tagebii.cher, p. 88 (5 April1939). 7. For example, the entry of 10 August 1939 refers to supply shortages

'even before the war has begun' (Tagebii.cher, p. 106). 8. It was thus 'clear' to him 'that the bolsheviks ... have made the

pact with us ... in order to encourage us and to set all nations of Europe against one another' (Tagebiicher, p. 106).

9. Tagebiicher, p. 108 (17 /18 August 1939). 10. Tagebiicher, p. 108 (17 /18 August 1939). Nevertheless, at the same

time he also described the period of waiting as a 'terrible risk'. 11. Tagebiicher, p. 119 (31 August 1939). 12. Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, p. 259. 13. See already the memorandum of Kopke of 1 June 1931 (ADAP, B

XVIII, No. 158), in which he speaks of the 'particularly friendly and trusting relations' between the two diplomats. That this lasted until the period directly before the war is revealed by Hassell's diaries from the years 1938-9, and also for example by many letters from Henderson. See therefore Henderson to Halifax, 15 September 1938, DBFP, 3rd Series, Vol. II, No. 886; Henderson to Halifax, 17 August 1939, 3rd Series, Vol. VII, No. 46.

14. See the telegrams and letters from Henderson to Halifax of 31 August 1939, DBFP, 3rd Series, Vol. VII, No. 579, 581 and 628.

15. On the whole affair see Tagebii.cher, pp. 119 ff. (31 August 1939). 16. Tagebii.cher, p. 123. 17. Tagebii.cher, p. 72 (20 December 1938). 18. Tagebiicher, pp. 109-10 (17 /18 August 1939). 19. Beck und Goerdeler. Gemeinschaftsdokumente Jar den Frieden 1941-1944,

ed. W. Ritter von Schramm (Munich, 1965), p. 30.

Notes to pp. 69-74 159

20. See for example Klaus Hildebrand, Das Dritte Reich (Munich, 31987), p. 97.

21. Gisevius, Bis zum bitteren Ende, Vol. 2, p. 212. 22. Tagebiicher, p. 62 (25 November 1938). 23. All quotations from Tagebiicher, pp. 125-6 (11 October 1939). The last

refers to' the surrendering of eastern Poland to the Soviet Union. 24. Tagebiicher, p. 126. 25. Tagebiicher, p. 306. 26. Tagebiicher, p. 307. 27. Gisevius, Bis zum bitteren Ende, Vol. 2, p. 213. 28. All quotations from Tagebiicher, pp. 288 ff. (21 December 1941 and

on). 29. See here Ger van Roon, Neuordnung im Widerstand. Der Kreisauer

Kreis innerhalb der deutschen Widerstandsbewegung (Munich, 1967), pp. 270-1; Hoffmann, Resistance, pp. 360-1.

30. See the letter from Moltke to his wife of 9 January 1943, in Helmuth James von Moltke, Briefe an Freya 1939-1945, ed. B. Ruhm von Oppen (Munich, 1988), pp. 450-1.

31. Tagebiicher, p. 347 (22 January 1943). 32. See his letter to Wolf Ulrich von Hassell of 25 June 1946, partly

quoted in the first edition of the Tagebiicher, pp. 370-1. The quotation is taken from Eugen Gerstenmaier, Streit und Friede hat seine Zeit. Ein Lebensbericht (Frankfurt-Main/Berlin/Vienna, 1981), p. 168. Much the same report is made by Gottfried von Nostiz, 'Abschied von den Freunden ... ', IfZ, ZS 1273.

33. See Die Mittwochsgesellschaft. Protokolle, p. 354. 34. See Die Mittwdchsgesellschaft. Protokolle, pp. 278 ff., 305-6 and 337-8.

As Hassell's own house was in Ebenhausen, these talks were given at the home of Popitz.

35. Die Mittwochsgesellschaft. Protokolle, editor's introduction, p. 30. See also Kaltenbrunner to Bormann, 23 August 1944, in 'Spiegelbild einer Verschworung'. Die Opposition gegen Hitler und der Staatsstreich vom 20. Juli 1944 in der SD-Berichterstattung. Geheime Dokumente aus dem ehemaligen Reichssicherheitshauptamt, ed. H.-A. Jacobsen, 2 Vols. (Stuttgart, 1984), Vol. 1, esp. pp. 289-90.

36. Gisevius, Bis zum bitteren Ende, Vol. 2, p. 194. 37. Tagebiicher, p. 49 (17 September 1938). 38. Boveri, Verrat, p. 166. 39. See here Bernd Martin, Friedensinitiativen und Machtpolitik im Zweiten

Weltkrieg 1939-1942 (Dusseldorf, 1974), p. 177; Klaus Wittmann, Schwedens Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zum Dritten Reich 1933-1945 (Munich/Vienna, 1978), pp. 150 ff.

40. DGFP, D VII, No. 402. 41. DGFP, D VIII, No. 42. See also his telegrams from Copenhagen and

Stockholm of 2 and 3 September 1939, DGFP, D VII, Nos. 552 and 568, as well as the short report in his Tagebiicher, pp. 124-5.

42. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Deutschland und die Neutralen', in Der Norden 11 (1939), pp. 385 ff.

43. Hjalmar Schacht, Account Settled (London, 1949), p. 113. However, there is no further evidence of this activity on the part of Hassell.

160 Notes to pp. 75-79

44. See the bibliography in the appendix of this book. 45. See for example the correspondence between Hassell, the German

Foreign Office and the 'Party Examining Board' of the NSDAP of October 1938. This led for example to the fact that an essay on the theme of 'The Rome-Berlin Axis', already at the stage of galley proofs, was not published on the suggestion of Weizsacker (P A/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr. Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 4).

46. Tagebucher, p. 295. 47. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Lebensraum oder Imperialismus?', in Europa.

Handbuch der politischen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Entwicklung des neuen Europa, ed. Deutsches Institut fur Aussenpolitische Forschung (Leipzig, 1943), pp. 27 ff., quotation p. 33.

48. See Friedbert Gluck, 'Der mitteleuropaische Wirtschaftstag. Beispiel organischer Entwicklungsarbeit', in T. Zotschew (ed.), Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Sudosteuropa-Forschung. Grundlagen - und Erkenntnisse (Munich, 1963), pp. 109 ff. Griff nach Sudosteuropa. Neue Dokumente uber die Politik des deutschen Imperialismus und Militarism us gegenuber Sadosteuropa im Zweiten Weltkrieg, ed. W. Schumann (East Berlin, 1973).

4.9. Tagebucher, p. 68 (20 December 1938). 50. See here Manfred Asendorf, 'Ulrich von Hassells Europakonzeption

und der Mitteleuropaische Wirtschaftstag', in fahrbuch des Instituts fur Deutsche Geschichte 7 (1978), pp. 387 ff., here pp. 403-4.

51. Tagebucher, p. 339 (20 December 1942). 52. Hassell to Wilmowsky, 20 February 1943, copy in P A/ AA, Inland Ilg,

13: Akten betr. Personalien H-N. See also Wilmowsky to Weizsacker, 25 February 1943, copy in same source.

53. See Rolf Krengel, Das Deutsche Institut fur Wirtschaftsforschung (lnstitut Jar Konjunkturforschung) 1925 bis 1979 (Berlin, 1985), p. 76.

54. Tagebacher, p. 353. 55. The memorandum is published in Anatomie der Aggression. Neue

Dokumente zu den Kriegszielen des faschistischen deutschen Imperialism us im Zweiten Weltkrieg, ed. G. Hass and W. Schumann (East Berlin, 1972), quotation pp. 137 ff. and p. 148.

56. Tagebucher, p. 207.

CHAPTER 7: FOREIGN CONTACTS AND PEACE-FEELERS

1. On this theme see most recently Michael Balfour, Withstanding Hitler in Germany 1933-45 (London/New York, 1988), pp. 111 ff.

2. Gerhard Schulz, 'Nationalpatriotismus im Widerstand. Ein Problem der europaischen Krise und des Zweiten Weltkriegs - nach vier Jahrzehnten Widerstandsgeschichte', in VfZG 32 (1984), pp. 332 ff., quotation p. 348.

3. On the Vatican talks see Peter Ludlow, 'Papst Pius XII., die britische Regierung und die deutsche Opposition im Winter 1939 I 40', in VfZG 22 (1974), pp. 299 ff.; on Goerdeler's initiative see Ritter, Goerdeler, pp. 331 ff.

Notes to pp. 79-82 161

4. Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 271. 5. J. Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory (Secret Communications, Halifax­

Hassell) (London et al., 1951), p. 22. 6. English translation of the letter of 8 October 1940 in PRO/FO,

371/26542. See also the reference to this 'anthropological treatise' in Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, p. 26.

7. Copy of the letter in Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326; a short extract also in Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, p. 168.

8. See the 'Minutes' to the event 'Peace Moves: Mr. Lonsdale Bryans' of January /February 1941, in PRO/FO, 371/26542.

9. See Brocket to Halifax, 4 January 1940; Halifax to Brocket, 6 January 1940 (copy), Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326. On the role of Brocket see Richard Lamb, The Ghosts of Peace 1935-1945 (The Chantry et al., 1987), pp. 130 ff.

10. Memorandum of 8 January 1940 (copy), Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326.

11. Memorandum of 9 January 1940, Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326.

12. Foreign Office to Lorraine, 13 January 1940, Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326.

13. The appropriate documents have been removed from the Halifax Papers and barred to researchers until the year 2016.

14. Copy of the letter of 10 February 1940, in Haiifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/398; extract in Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, pp. 168 ff.

15. Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, p. 63. 16. Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 273. 17. See Tagebacher, pp. 168 ff. At any rate Hassell thought it 'possible that

he is an agent of Halifax ... He seems to be a mixture of politician, man of letters and globetrotter.'

18. Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, p. 70. The 'statement' of Hassell is published in his Tagebucher, p. 172. The original and the accompa­nying letter are in the Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/398. The lines run: 'Dear Mr. Bryans, according to your wishes I beg to include a note on principles considered to be essential for the restablishment of permanent peace. With kind regards yours very sincerely Ulrich v. Hassell.'

19. See here Hermann Graml, 'Die aussenpolitischen Vorstellungen des deutschen Widerstandes', in W. Schmitthenner and H. Buchheim (eds), Der deutsche Widerstand gegen Hitler. Vier historisch-kritische Studien (Cologne/Berlin, 1966), pp. 15 ff.; Klaus Hildebrand, 'Die ostpolitischen Vorstellungen im deutschen Widerstand', in Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 29 (1978), pp. 213 ff.

20. See for example most recently Bernd-Jiirgen Wendt, 'Konservative Honoratioren - Eine Alternative zu Hitler? Englandkontakte des deutschen Widerstandes im Jahre 1938', in D. Stegmann et al. (eds), Deutscher Konservatismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Festschrift far Fritz Fischer (Bonn, 1983), pp. 347 ff., esp. p. 351.

21. Memorandum on the 'Conversation with Herr Hitler - 19th November 1937', enclosure in a letter from Neurath to Henderson,

162

22. 23.

24. 25.

26.

27. 28. 29.

30.

31.

32. 33.

34.

35. 36. 37.

38. 39. 40.

Notes to pp. 83-86

20 November 1937, in: DGFP, DI, No. 31. On this question see also Gregor Schollgen, 'Der lrrweg einer Tradition. Grundlagen der britischen Deutschlandpolitik 1937 /38', in: HZ, Beiheft 8 (Beitrage zur britischen Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert), ed. T. Schieder, 1983, pp. 117 ff. The Times, 1 April1939. The text of the peace plan has been published in Ritter, Goerdeler, appendix V, p. 551. Tagebiicher, p. 246. See Brocket to Halifax, 25 February 1940, Halifax Papers, PRO/FO, 800/326 and the following documents there. See also Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, pp. 73 ff. The theory that there were dif­ferences of opinion within the Foreign Office on this issue cannot be substantiated by the - admittedly incomplete - documents, particularly in the Halifax Papers. On this theory see for example Michael Harrison, Lord of London - A Biography of the 2nd Duke of Westminister (London, 1966), p. 226. Like Lonsdale Bryans, Harrison sees Cadogan as the real opponent of these contacts, whilst Halifax hoped something would come of them. The Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan 1938-1945, ed. D. Dilks (London, 1971), p. 263. Diaries of Sir Alexander Cadogan, pp. 256-7. Tagebiicher, p. 189 (15 April 1940). Peter Hoffmann thinks it improbable 'that a formula could have been found to satisfy the perceived requirements of both sides' ('Peace Through Coup d'Etat: The Foreign Office Contacts of the German Resistance 1933-44', in: Central European History 19 [1986], pp. 3 ff., quotation p. 42). Published in Das 'Andere Deutschland' im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Emigration und Widerstand in internationaler Perspektive, ed. Lothar Kettenacker (Stuttgart, 1977), pp. 164 ff. See the 'Minutes' on the 'Peace Moves: Mr. Lonsdale Bryans', PRO/FO, 371/26542. Lonsdale Bryans, Blind Victory, p. 139. Thielenhaus, Zwischen Anpassung und Widerstand, p. 181, even suspects 'that he was playing a double game with the former ambassador'. The following positions are taken from the 'Germany' Files, above all: PRO/FO, 371/24387 (C 2339) and 371/24389 (C 3439). See here Ritter, Goerdeler, pp. 337-8. See the matter in the files: PRO/FO, 371/26543. The plan has been published in Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 551. See also the letter from Cadogan to the Archbishop of York of 20 September 1941 (copy), PRO/FO, 371/26543. Copy in PRO/FO, 371/26543. Eden agreed. Tagebiicher, p. 341. See here Burckhardt's communication with Harold C. Deutsch from 1938: Harold C. Deutsch, The Conspiracy Against Hitler in the Twilight War (Minneapolis/Oxford, 1968), p. 307 I n. 161.

Notes to pp. 86-87 163

41. See the Foreign Office telegram to the American government, 18 November 1941, PRO/FO, 371/26543. In the British press, rumours had emerged that Burckhardt wanted to discuss a German peace overture. See Manchester Guardian, 13 November 1941.

42. Tagebacher, pp. 297-8. On Burckhardt's ambivalent attitude towards Hassell, particularly in the years 1938-9, see Schulz, 'Nationalpatriotismus im Widerstand', p. 345/n. 42.

43. See Deutsch, Conspiracy, p. 296. Kirk was one of the most important contacts of the German opposition. This is proved not merely by the diary entries of Hassell, but also for example by some letters of Count Moltke and the memoirs of George F. Kennan, who worked with Kirk in the American embassy in Berlin for a time: George F. Kennan, Memoirs 1925-1950 (London, 1967), esp. p. 119; Moltke, Briefe an Freya, for example his letter of 10 October 1940 (pp. 206-7), stating that the recall and thus the 'absence' of Kirk 'signifies a very great hole'.

44. See the 'Report by the Under Secretary of State (Welles) on His Spe­cial Mission to Europe', FRUS 1940/1, pp. 21 ff., quotation p. 57.

45. Tagebacher, p. 175 (11 March 1940). 46. The affair can be found in the files 'Pers6nlicher Stab Reichsfiihrer

SS', BA, NS 19/3897. See on these contacts Carolsue Holland, 'The foreign contacts made by the German opposition to Hitler', Ph.D., Pennsylvania, 1967, pp. 167 ff.

47. Tagebacher, p. 249 (5 May 1941). The American had been brought to him 'by the G[oring] family' (Tagebacher, p. 340 [20 December 1942]). Stallforth himself claimed they had met in Germany at the beginning of May. The businessman had already been in Berlin in the summer of 1940 and had also met Goring then, though the Reichsmarschall refused another meeting a year later. Stallforth made these state­ments to representatives of the American secret service. See here the following note. Officialdom was also informed about his first trip. See the 'Memorandum of Conversation' between 'Mr. Frederick (or Frederico) Stallforth' and Joseph Flack of the Department of State, 19 August 1940, NA, Record Group 59, 740. 0011: European War 1939/6061. Characteristically, this memorandum includes the comment: 'Although his conversation covered considerable ground he had nothing in particular to say.' At about the same time the British embassy in Washington also received a memorandum about the activities of the businessman and amateur diplomat in Germany. See Hoyer Millar (British embassy in Washington) to J. Balfour (FO), PRO/FO, 371/24384, with enclosure. From this document it emerges that Stallforth had met Hitler and Himmler as well as Goring. According to the British judgement, Stallforth was a 'magnificent gatecrasher'. When the American began his trip to Europe in May 1941, which was to take him to Germany and elsewhere and bring him into contact with Hassell, the attitude of the Foreign Office was unambiguous: 'I am in any case inclined to refuse him a visa for the United Kingdom if he seeks to come here' (Foreign Office to Halifax, 19 May 1941, PRO/FO, 371/26520).

164 Notes to pp. 87-91

48. See -and for the following- the enclosures to an undated letter from Donovan to Roosevelt (probably the beginning of October 1941), in FDRL, Roosevelt Papers, PSF, Box 4: Safe Germany. No answer or commentary from the president could be traced.

49. See Donovan to Roosevelt, 13 October 1941: FDRL, Roosevelt Papers, PSF, Box 4: COl 1941. The quintessence of his comments was: 'My personal belief is that the fate of the world is in the hands of the Christian President of the United States ... '!

50. In agreement: the report of the secretary (BA, NS 19/3897) and Hassell, Tagebucher, p. 276 (4 October 1941). It is no surprise that the memoranda of the American secret service make no reference to the 'very good' reception of Hassell's suggestions nor to Stallforth's proposed meeting in Lisbon.

51. Written communication of Hassell to the secretary Boensel, BA, NS 19/3897.

52. Tagebucher, pp. 276-7 (4 October 1941). 53. Tagebucher, p. 272 (20 September 1941). 54. Alexander B. Maley, 'The Epic of the German Underground', in

Human Events, Vol. 3, No.9, 27 February 1946. 55. Tagebucher, p. 272 (20 September 1941); Gerhart Hass (Von Munchen

bis Pearl Harbor. Geschichte der deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen 1938-1941 [East Berlin, 1965], pp. 226 ff.) came to the conclusion, on the basis of the archive material at his disposal, that Stallforth had been an 'agent of the Gestapo' or had at least been playing a 'double game'. Seen. 46.

56. See also Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 449. 57. See extracts in the Tagebucher, pp. 309 ff. 58. See the report on the meeting, enclosure in a letter from the Security

Police to the German Foreign Office of 22 May 1942, P A/ AA, Inland Ilg, 13: Akten betr. Personalien H-N. Also there the whole matter. On the further consequences see also Tagebucher, p. 358.

59. Communication from the under secretary of state in the German Foreign Office, Luther, 'for party comrade Picot', 1 June 1942, PAl AA, Inland Ilg, 13: Akten betr. Personalien H-N.

60. The new chief reserved his 'personal decismn'. Provisional notifica­tion for the office of the Reich Foreign Minister, 30 June 1942, PA/ AA, Inland Ilg, 13: Akten betr. Personalien H-N.

61. Communication of Luther for Picot, 6 October 1942, PA/ AA, Inland Ilg: Akten betr. Personalien H-N.

62. Tagebucher, pp. 318--9 (1 August 1942). 63. See Tagebucher, pp. 316-7; Weizsacker, Erinnerungen, p. 343. At the

end of the year the situation appeared to ease again. Hassell noted that the talk had 'quite a different tone to a few weeks ago'. He added: 'two months ago I could certainly not have received the visa, now he did not see so clearly. Despite intense surveillance he had not heard any more against me. At that time it had been Heydrich who had persecuted me ... ' (Tagebucher, p. 340, 30 December 1942).

64. Kaltenbrunner to Bormann, 21 November 1944, in 'Spiegelbild einer Verschworung', pp. 492 ff.

Notes to pp. 91-99 165

65. Tagebucher, p. 382. 66. Karl Dietrich Bracher, Die deutsche Diktatur. Entstehung, Struktur,

Folgen des Nationalsozialismus (Cologne,s1976), pp. 474-5. 67. Bracher, Die deutsche Diktatur, p. 476. 68. This fact did not escape the members of the opposition. Thus Hassell

noted in his Tagebacher (p. 164) in February 1940 that 'the process of identification [was proceeding] even further'. This attitude then played a significant role in the reaction of the allies to the failed coup. See in summary: Walther Hofer, 'Das Attentat der Offiziere und das Ausland', in Lill/Oberreuter (eds), 20. Juli, pp. 47 ff.

69. See Ian Colvin, Vansittart in Office [ ... 1 (London, 1965). 70. Published in British Documents on the Origins of the War 1898-1914,

ed. G. P. Gooch and H. Temperley (London, 1926 ff.), Vol. 3, Appendix A.

71. PRO/FO, 371/24389. The fact that Vansittart's attitude was fixed in its essentials by 1938 is revealed by Wendt, 'Konservative Honoratioren', esp. pp. 364 ff.

72. PRO/FO, 371/24407.

CHAPTER 8: THE STATE OF THE FUTURE: VISIONS IN WARTIME

1. Ulrich von Hassell, Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik; Hassell, Das Drama des Mittelmeeres (Berlin, 1940); Hassell, Europiiische Lebensfragen im Lichte der Gegenwart (Berlin, undated [1943]); Hassell, Pyrrhus (Munich, 1947).

2. This is true, for example, of his essays on Pyrrhus, Cavour and Tirpitz. See Bibliography.

3. Hassell, 'Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik', foreword, p. 7. 4. Hassell, 'Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik', foreword, p. 7. 5. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', in Europiiische Lebensfragen,

p. 23. 6. As n. 1. The five pieces were first published in the journal Auswiirtige

Politik. 7. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', pp. 15-16. 8. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', pp. 11, 15. 9. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 11.

10. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 17. 11. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', pp. 11-12. 12. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 33. 13. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 20. 14. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 21. 15. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 20. 16. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 28. As examples Hassell

cited the 'systematic undermining of the political relations of these countries', the 'blackmailing' manner in which Rumania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Soviet policy towards Bulgaria and Yugosla­via in the years 1940-1.

17. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 26.

166 Notes to pp. 99-103

18. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 24. 19. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 10. 20. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 12. 21. Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 10; see also Ulrich von

Hassell, 'Gedanken iiber die Niederlande und das Reich', in AP 11 (1944), pp. 129 ff., esp. pp. 134 and 138.

22. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Ein neues Mittelmeer?', in AP 9 (1942), pp. 1010 ff., quotation p. 1023.

23. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Ein neues europaisches Gleichgewicht?', in AP 10 (1943), pp. 697 ff., quotation p. 702. An interesting contemporary attempt to define hegemony was made in a work first published in 1938: Heinrich Triepel, Die Hegemonie. Ein Buch von fiihrenden Staaten (Stuttgart, 2 1943). Triepel also assumed that hegemony was not unconditionally identical with permanent supremacy.

24. See in general: Ludwig Dehio, Gleichgewicht oder Hegemonic. Betrachtungen uber ein Grundproblem der neueren Staatengeschichte (Krefeld, undated [1948]).

25. See Sch6llgen, Das Zeitalter des Imperialismus, pp. 75 ff. and 161 ff. 26. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Dominium maris baltici', in Hassell, Europiiische

Lebensfragen, pp. 67 ff., quotation pp. 98-9. 27. Hassell, 'Dominium maris baltici', pp. 99-100. 28. Hassell, Das Drama des Mittelmeeres, pp. 162-4. 29. See for example Hassell, 'Yom 'Fuss der Berge' zum Mittelmeer'

(1942) in: Europiiische Lebensfragen, pp. 104 ff. 30. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Europaische Verkehrsprobleme, mittel­

europaisch und donaueuropaisch gesehen', in Donaueuropa 2 (1942), pp. 243 ff., quotation p. 251.

31. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', in Europiiische Lebensfragen, pp. 35 ff., quotation p. 66.

32. Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 66. 33. Ulrich von Hassell, 'lberoeuropa', in AP 10 (1943), pp. 162 ff.,

quotations pp. 163 and 176. On the position of Spain after the civil war see the report referring back to his experiences in Barcelona, '1m neuen Spanien', in Deutsche Zukunft, 4 June 1939.

34. Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 65. 35. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Die Neuordnung im Ostseeraum', in Berliner

Monatshefte 19 (1941), pp. 601 ff., quotation p. 611. 36. Hassell, 'Europaische Verkehrsprobleme', p. 243. 37. Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 56. 38. Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 57. 39. Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 56. On the related issue of the elimination

of the 'natural differences' between Italy and France see Ulrich von Hassell, 'Zwei Schwestern', also published in AP 10 (1943), pp. 565 ff.

40. Hassell, 'Europaische Verkehrsprobleme', p. 250. 41. Hassell, 'Die Knochen des pommerschen Musketiers?', in Europiiische

Lebensfragen, pp. 136 ff., quotation pp. 165 and 167. 42. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Prinz Eugens europaische Sendung', in AP 10

(1943), pp. 369 ff., quotation pp. 375-6.

Notes to pp. 103-106 167

43. Hassell, 'Die Knochen des pommerschen Musketiers?', pp. 167-8. 44. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Deutschlands wirtschaftliche Interessen und

Aufgaben in Siidosteuropa', in Zeitschrift fiir Politik 31 (1941), pp. 481 ff.; Ulrich von Hassell, 'Deutschland und der Siidosten im Rahmen der zukiinftigen europaischen Wirtschaft', in Vierjahresplan 5 (1941), pp. 322 ff. The two articles are identical in certain passages. The first of them is a transcript of his lecture.

45. Hassell, 'Deutschland und der Siidosten', p. 324. 46. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Sondergutachten: Siidosteuropa. Bemerkungen

zum Ausgleich der deutschen und italienischen Wirtschafts­interessen', copy in: Bibliothek des Instituts fiir Weltwirtschaft Kiel, C 42167, p. 4. According to a handwritten note on this copy, the 56-page document was an 'extract from a report of ambassador v. Hassell on the study of transport problems 1941'. The document also, not surprisingly, envisaged 'a victorious outcome to the war' (p. 1).

47. Hassell, 'Die Knochen des pommerschen Musketiers?', p. 168. 48. See for example Hassell, 'Untergang des Abendlandes?', p. 34;

Hassell, 'Grosseuropa', p. 64; Hassell, 'Dominium maris baltici', p. 102; Hassell, 'Gedanken iiber die Niederlande und das Reich', p. 138 and many more.

49. Hassell, 'Deutschlands und ltaliens europaische Sendung', p. 5. 50. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Lebensraum oder Imperialismus?', p. 33. See

Hassell's diary entry of 24 January 1942 (Tagebucher, p. 295): 'After the meal I gave my talk on 'Lebensraum and Imperialism', I did not have the feeling that the majority really understood it.'

51. Hassell, 'Lebensraum oder lmperialismus?', p. 32. 52. Hassell, 'Lebensraum oder Imperialismus?', p. 33. 53. Hassell, 'Europaische Verkehrsprobleme', p. 243. His view of the

war as a 'catastrophe' and 'European self-laceration' ('Europaische Verkehrsprobleme', pp. 245 and 251) certainly did not reflect the official view at the turn of 1941-2.

54. See for example Europa-Foderationsplline der Widerstandsbewegungen 1940-1945. Eine Dokumentation, ed. W. Lipgens (Munich, 1968).

55. See for example the works of Graml, 'Die aussenpolitischen Vorstellungen des deutschen Widerstandes', and Hildebrand, 'Die ostpolitischen Vorstellungen im deutschen Widerstand'.

56. Hassell, 'Europaische Verkehrsprobleme', p. 243. 57. Hassell, 'Die Knochen des pommerschen Musketiers?', pp. 166-7.

See also Hassell, Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik, p. 193. On German Middle East policy before 1914 see SchOllgen, Imperialismus und Gleichgewicht.

58. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Bismarck und der Reichsgedanke', in Die neue Rundschau 52 (1941), pp. 65 ff., quotations pp. 65 and 71.

59. Hassell, 'Bismarck und der Reichsgedanke', p. 70 (emphasis by G.S.).

60. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Diplomatie als Spiel', in Die neue Rundschau 51 (1940), pp. 90 ff., quotation p. 92.

61. Tagebucher, p. 436 (10 July 1944).

168

62. 63.

64. 65.

66. 67. 68. 69.

70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75.

76. 77. 78. 79.

80. 81.

82.

83.

Notes to pp. 106-111

See the appendix of this book, document no. III. 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 314 ff., quotation p. 315. On the history of the manuscript see the foreword by Fritz Rieter, p. 313. Hildebrand, Das Dritte Reich, p. 98. Ulrich von Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke des Freiherm vom Stein', in Weisse Bltitter 1939, pp. 249 ff., quotation, pp. 251-2. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke', p. 252. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke', pp. 253 and 256. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 319. Hans Mommsen, 'Die Geschichte des deutschen Widerstands­bewegung im Lichte der neueren Forschung', in Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 50/1986, pp. 3 ff., quotation p. 12. Tagebilcher, pp. 128-9 (11 October 1939). See chapter 2. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 320. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', 1?· 321. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', ?\ 322. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p: 323. Moreover, for Hassell the diplomat it was beyond question that 'the moral credit of the Third Reich' abroad was severely damaged by events like those of November 1938. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 324. The documents are published verbatim in Tagebiicher, pp. 449 ff. Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 330. Ritter, Goerdeler, pp. 306 and 329. Ritter's book still contains the most thorough description and analysis of the oppositional 'plans for the future for Germany' (see particularly the thirteenth chapter, pp. 282 ff.). More recent studies have not yet added to our knowledge significantly. See Tagebucher, pp. 449-50. Wilhelm Ritter von Schramm, 'Das andere Deutschland und der Wirtschaftsraum Europa', in Wehr und Wirtschaft 7 (1964), pp. 294 ff., quotation p. 296. On the text of this and other documents see Beck und Goerdeler. The comments on the theme of 'constitution' here are reminiscent in many respects of Hassell's ideas, not only in the demand for the reconstruction of local, municipal and district administrations 'fully as organic self-administrations' (p. 148). In the 'programme' there are references to the 'constantly hazardous' character of German foreign policy since the beginning of 1938, but also to the resolve 'to continue the war ... with all force until a pace is secured which guarantees the existence, the independence, the control of life and the security of the German Reich and people and re-establishes largely the old Reich border with Poland' (see points 7 and 1 of the programme, Tagebucher, pp. 451-2). Both reflected the view of the conservative opposition, as it was also expressed in Hassell's 'statement' for the British government composed at about the same time. See articles 1.1 -1.3 of the basic law, Tagebilcher, p. 455.

Notes to pp. 111-115 169

84. See articles 13 and 14 of the basic law, Tagebucher, pp. 460-1. 85. Point 9.m) of the programme; see also article 15.6 of the basic law,

Tagebucher, pp. 454 and 461. 86. See points 9.h) and 9.p) of the programme, Tagebucher, pp. 453-4. 87. See chapter 2 of this book. 88. Article 1.11 ofthe basic law, Tagebucher, p. 456. 89. Point 9.1) of the programme, Tagebucher, p. 453. See also point 5,

Tagebucher, p. 451, and article 1.11 of the basic law, Tagebucher, p. 456.

90. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke des Freiherrn vom Stein', p. 252.

91. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 326. 92. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 325. 93. Here too, the issue is the 'foundation', for 'the political life of the

Reich a participation of the people and a control of the life of the state on the basis of local and corporate self-administration' (Point 9.f, programme), Tagebucher, p. 453.

94. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke', p. 255. Hassell drew directly on the work of the Prussian reformer. By November 1918 there were many, including liberal observers such as Max Weber, who were certain that the German people was not yet 'ripe' for the introduction of a full parliamentary system and that they must be 'prepared' for this and other tasks by political education. See for example Schollgen, Max Webers Anliegen, pp. 89-116.

95. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke', p. 256. 96. See article 7 of the basic law, Tagebucher, p. 459. 97. Governors should stand at the heads of the Lander as administrative

officers of the Reich, and supervise the Lander for the state as corporate bodies. In future, all state authority should lie with the Reich, which was the legal successor of the Lii.nder. It remained an open question how and by whom the governors, and even the 'Land chiefs' as the supreme self-administration authorities of the Lander, were to be appointed (see article 2.5 of the basic law, Tagebucher, p. 457).

98. Articles 10.1 and 10.2 of the basic law, Tagebucher, p. 459. 99. Hassell, 'Der organische Staatsgedanke', p. 256. 100. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 326. 101. Mommsen, 'Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsreformplane', p. 589

(emphasis by G.S.). 102. This partial agreement of ideas and concepts was due in part to the

fact that they had their roots in the same event: the end of the war and the German 'revolution' of 1918-19. See for example Klemens von Klemperer, Konservative Bewegungen. Zwischen Kaiserreich und Nationalsozialismus (Munich/Vienna, undated).

103. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', p. 315. 104. Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 331. Ritter had already asked the question

whether the dictatorship of the 'great seducer of the people' was simply to be replaced by a dictatorship of 'senior civil servants' (Ritter, Goerdeler, p. 330).

170 Notes to pp. 115-119

105. Tagebucher, p. 366 (9 June 1943).

CHAPTER 9: FAILURE

1. Tagebucher, p. 249 (5 May 1941). 2. Tagebilcher, p. 257 (16 June 1941). 3. Tagebucher, p. 275 (20 September 1941). 4. Tagebucher, p. 293 (24 January 1942). This is probably the famous

document 'The Goal'. On the dating see Lipgens (ed.), Europa­Foderationsplline, p. 123.

5. Tagebucher, pp. 293 ff. (24 January 1942). 6. Tagebucher, pp. 293 ff. (24 January 1942). 7. Tagebucher, pp. 418 and 421 (7 and 23 February 1944). 8. Tagebucher, p. 353 (6 March 1943). 9. Quoted from Hoffmann, Widerstand, p. 370.

10. See for example his diary entries of 15 June and 1 November 1941 (Tagebilcher, pp. 257 and 280).

11. Tagebucher, p. 62 (25 November 1938). 12. Tagebucher, p. 248 (4 May 1941). 13. Tagebilcher, p. 257 (15 June 1941). These entries indicate how well

informed Hassell was. 14. Tagebucher, p. 280. 15. Tagebilcher, pp. 339-40. 16. Tagebilcher, p. 280. 17. Tagebucher, p. 426 (14 April1944). 18. Tagebucher, p. 342. 19. Schulenburg was the nominee of Stauffenberg. See John W. Wheeler­

Bennett, The Nemesis of Power. The German Army in Politics 1918-1945 (London/New York, 1953), p. 616; Ritter, Goerdeler, pp. 388 and 575 ff.; Hoffmann, Resistance, pp. 360-1. Other names were also suggested from time to time, such as Heinrich Bruning, Julius Curtius, Franz von Papen and Hjalmar Schacht. On Bruning see Ritter, Goerdeler and Hoffmann, Resistance; on Papen and Schacht see Wheeler-Bennett, Nemesis, on Curtius see Gerstenmaier, Streit und Friede hat seine Zeit, p. 168.

20. See esp. Rothfels, Die deutsche Opposition; Ritter, Goerdeler; Hoffmann, Resistance.

21. Boveri, Verrat, p. 165. 22. Quoted from the postscript by lise von Hassell to the first edition of

her husband's Tagebucher, p. 365. 23. See esp. 'Spiegelbild einer Verschworung', passim; PA/ AA, Abtlg.

Inland II g, 59: Akten betr. Sabotage und Attentate. 20 Juli 1944; Memoranda of vice consul Sonnenhol, 7 September 1944, ADAP, E VIII, Nos. 228-9. The latter are taken from the group of files 'Inland II g'.

24. Werner Stephan, Acht ]ahrzehnte erlebtes Deutschland. Ein Liberaler in vier Epochen (Dusseldorf, 1983), p. 275.

Notes to pp. 120-126 171

25. Letter in the possession of the Hassell family (Ebenhausen). 26. Memorandum of Sonnenhol, 7 September 1944, ADAP, E VIII, No.

228. 27. 'Spiegelbild einer Verschworung', p. 542. 28. Quoted from the introduction by Wolf Ulrich von Hassell to the first

edition of his father's Tagebucher, p. 14. 29. Hoffmann, Resistance, p. 526. 30. Memorandum of Sonnenhol (as n. 20). The court also stated, in

sentencing him, that it could not be proven that Hassell 'was still informed in 1944 about further developments' ('Spiegelbild einer Verschworung', p. 543).

31. Wagner to Senior Reich Counsel Lautz, 3 September 1944, with attached memorandum, copies in P A/ AA, Abtlg. Inland II g, 59: Akten betr. Sabotage und Attentate. 20 Juli 1944.

32. PA/ AA, Personalia: Akten betr. Personliche Geldangelegenheiten des Ulrich von Hassell, Vol. 2.

33. 'Spiegelbild einer Verschworung', p. 534.

CONCLUSION

1. Ulrich von Hassell, Pyrrhus (Munich, 1947), quotation p. 76. See also Ulrich von Hassell, 'Pyrrhus. Ein Vorspiel der Mittelmeerpolitik', in Weisse Blatter, May /June, 1940, pp. 81 ff., and in Deutsche Zukunft, 14 and 21 January 1941.

2. Rothfels, Die deutsche Opposition, p. 100. This failure was seen in a very different light by the British historian Alan Bullock ('The Plot that Failed', in Manchester Guardian, 20 July 1954):' ... July 20 was one of those turning-points at which German history failed to turn.'

3. Rothfels, Die deutsche Opposition, pp. 110-11. 4. Nostiz, Abschied von den Freunden, pp. 19-22. 5. Eberhard Zeller, Geist der Freiheit. Der zwangzigste Juli (Munich,

undated [1952)), p. 39. 6. Hermann Mau and Helmut Krausnick, Deutsche Geschichte der

jungsten Vergangenheit 1933-1945 (Bonn, undated [1953)), p. 179. 7. Theodore Draper, 'An Old-Line German Monarchist in Hitler's

Reich', in: New York Times Magazine, 12 October 1947. 8. Berlingske Tidende, 4 October 1929. 9. Karl Otmar von Aretin, 'Der deutsche Widerstand gegen Hitler',

in U. Catarius (ed.), Opposition gegen Hitler (Berlin, 1984), pp. 5 ff., quotation p. 20.

10. Boveri, Verrat, p. 165. 11. See Schollgen, Die Grossmacht als Weltmacht, passim. 12. Schulz, 'Nationalpatriotismus im Widerstand', p. 361. 13. Manfred Messerschmitt, 'Motivationen der nationalkonservativen

Opposition und des militarischen Widerstands seit dem Frankreich­Feldzug', in K.-J. Muller (ed.), Der deutsche Widerstand 1933-1945 (Paderborn et al., 1986), pp. 60 ff., quotation p. 61.

172 Notes to pp. 126-145

14. Boveri, Verrat, pp. 166-7. 15. Letter to A. E. Meyer of 13 September 1944, quoted in Thomas

Mann, Tagebii.cher 1944 -1.4.1946, ed. I. Jens (Frankfurt-Main, 1986), p. 486/n. 5. Mann had known Hassell since 1923. In 1929 the diplomat had given 'a splendid, intelligent and polished speech' in his honour in Copenhagen (Mann, Tagebii.cher, p. 486/n. 5).

16. Hassell, 'Das Ringen urn den Staat der Zukunft', esp. pp. 320 ff.

APPENDIX

1. Helmut Krausnick, Holsteins Geheimpolitik in der Ara Bismarck, 1886-1890. Dargestellt vornehmlich auf Grund unveroffentlichter Akten des Wiener Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchivs (Hamburg, 1942).

2. Number [ ... ) of this journal, volume [ ... ), reprinted in: Europliische Lebensfragen im Lichte der Gegenwart (Limbach Verlag, 1943). [Spaces within square brackets have been left out in the original. The quoted article was published for the first time in volume 9 of the journal Auswlirtige Politik].

3. This sentence is crossed out in the original, but it is not possible to determine who was responsible.

Bibliography

In the following, only those sources (published and unpublished) are mentioned to which specific reference has been made.

WORKS BY ULRICH VON HASSELL

The bibliography makes no claim to be exhaustive. The essays in the two volumes Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik and Europliische Lebensfragen im Lichte der Gegenwart (see II) are not referred to again in III. Works are listed in chronological order according to the date they first appeared. Some articles were published by Hassell under the pseudonym 'Christian Augustin'. On Hassell's diplomatic correspondence see PA/ AA and ADAP.

I. Diaries

Die Hassell-Tagebucher 1938-1944. Ulrich von Hassell. Aufzeichnungen vom Anderen Deutschland. Nach der Handschrift revidierte und erweiterte Ausgabe, in co-operation with P. Reiss, ed. F. Frhr. Hiller von Gaertringen (Berlin, 1988).

II. Independent Works

Die Einrichtungen der preussischen Landkreise auf dem Gebiete der Kriegswirtschaft (Berlin, 1918).

Cavour und Bismarck (Leipzig, 2 1937). Deutschlands und Italiens europliische Sendung (Stuttgart, 1937). Im Wandel der Aussenpolitik. Von der franzosischen Revolution bis zum

Weltkrieg. Bildnisskizzen [1939] (Munich, 4 1943). Das Drama des Mittelmeeres (Berlin, 1940). Europliische Lebensfragen im Lichte der Gegenwart (Berlin, undated [1943]). Pyrrhus [1944] (Munich, 1947).

III. Essays, Articles etc.

'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln', in: Monatsschrift for Stadt und Land 61 (1904), pp. 1182-6.

'Zur Frage der Gewinnbeteiligung der Angestellten', in: Monatsschrift for

174

Bibliography 175

Stadt und Land 62 (1905), pp. 240-4. 'Englische Literatur, [Teil] 2: Zeitschriften und Magazine', in: Konservative

Monatsschrift 66 (1908/09), pp. 641-4. 'Lieferungsvertrage, Stadte und Kreise', in: Der Tag, 27 January 1917. 'Kriegswirtschaft und Organisation', in: Der Tag, 1 March 1917. 'Volkswirtschaft in der Weltwirtschaft', in: Der Tag, 1 April1917. 'Die Selbstverwaltung der Landkreise', in: Der Tag, 4 October 1917. 'Gedanken zur Verwaltungsreform', in: Deutsche Politik 2 (1917),

pp. 1448--54. 'Die Selbstverwaltung in der Wahlreform', in: Der Tag, 5 January 1918. 'Selbstverwaltung und Staatsverwaltung', in: Der Tag, 24 February 1918. 'Krieg und Selbstverwaltung', in: Zeitschrift fur Selbstverwaltung, Year 1,

April1917, pp. 6-8. 'Kreiskommunalverbande, Handel und Genossenschaften', in: Zeitschrift fur

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Index

Alexander I, King of Jugoslavia 39-42,45,73,153-4

Andrassy, Julius Count 96

Beck, Ludwig 1, 69-70, 73, 108, 110-1, 117, 119

Berenberg-Gossler, John von 33 Bethmann Hollweg, Moritz August

von 72 Bethmann Hollweg, Theobald

von 10, 12 Bismarck, Prince Otto von viii, 2,

4, 7-8, 20, 24, 49, 58, 96, 106-8, 113-14, 123-4, 129-31, 138-41, 143, 145

Blomberg, Werner von 47, 53, 63 Bohr, Niels 30 Boveri, Margret 73 Brauchitsch, Walther von 87 Brocket, 2nd Baron 80, 84, 161-2 Bruning, Heinrich 17, 29, 128, 170 Bryans, Lonsdale J. 79-81, 84-5,

88, 92, 94, 162 BUlow, Bernhard Wilhelm von 40,

155 Bullock, Alan 171 Burckhardt, Carl J. 86, 94, 162-3

Cadogan, Sir Alexander 84-5, 162 Canning, George 96 Castlereagh, Robert Stuart 96 Cavour, Camillo Benso Count

di 58,96 Chamberlain, Arthur Neville 80,

82-3 Charles X Gustavus, King of

Sweden 137 Charles XII, King of Sweden 137 Christian X, King of Denmark

37 Christina, Queen of Sweden 137 Churchill, Sir Winston S. 78,

86,90-1

Ciano, Galeazzo Count 44, 47, 59, 61-2, 64

Croce, Benedetto 32 Crowe, Sir Eyre 93 Cuno, Willhelm 29 Curtius, Julius 40, 170 Curtius, Ludwig 30, 53

D' Abernon, Lord Edgar V. 12, 29 Dampierre, Robert Count de 90 Dante Alighieri 30 Dawes, Charles G. 135 Deutsch, Harold C. 162 Diels, Ludwig 72 Dollfuss, Engelbert 53 Donovan, William J. 87, 164

Eden, Sir R. Anthony 86, 162 Einstein, Albert 30 Engelberg, Walter Richard 48 Eugen, Prince 96, 103

Falkenhausen, Alexander Baron von 117

Fechter, Paul 72 Feuchtwanger, Lion 30 Flack, Joseph 163 Franco y Bahamonde,

Francesco 59 Francis I, King of France 138 Preisler, Roland 25, 119-20 Frederick II, (the Great) King of

Prussia 8, 20, 93, 131 Frederick William, (the Great)

Elector of Brandenburg 8, 137 Frederick William I, King in

Prussia 137 Fritsch, Werner Baron von 63 Furtwangler, Wilhelm 30

Gaulle, Charles de 90 Gerstenmaier, Eugen 72 Giolitti, Giovanni 32

185

186 Index

Gisevius, Hans Bernd 46, 73 Gneisenau, August Wilhelm Count

Neithardt von 9, 96 Goebbels, Joseph 155 Goerdeler, Carl 1, 69-72, 79, 83,

86, 108-11, 116-17, 119 Goring, Hermann 47, 60-1, 68, 75,

109, 163 Gortschakov, Alexander Count 96 Gram!, Hermann 167 Guttenberg, Karl Ludwig Baron

von und zu 71

Halder, Franz 79 Halifax, Edward Wood, Earl

of 80, 82, 84, 161-2 Hardenberg, Karl August Prince

von 96 Harrison, Michael 162 Hass, Gerhart 164 Hassell, Carl von 38 Hassell, Christian von 9 Hassell, lise von, nee Tirpitz ix,

11-12, 30, 47, 64, 119, 136 Hassell, Margarete von, ne

Stosch 9 Hassell, Ulrich von, senior viii,

9-11 Hassell, Wolf Ulrich von 81, 147 Heisenberg, Werner 30 Henderson, Sir Nevile IX,

68-9, 158 Herff, Franz von 31 Hess, Rudolf 47 Heydrich, Reinhard 87, 90, 164 Hildebrand, Klaus 167 Himmler, Heinrich 80, 87, 89,

119, 163 Hindenburg, Oskar von Bencken­

dorff und von 30 Hindenburg, Paul von Bencken­

dorff und von 29-30, 45, 134 Hintze, Otto 8, 10 Hitler, Adolf vii, ix-x, 1-4, 20, 29,

41-2, 44-7, 52-3, 56-9, 61, 64, 67-70, 79-80, 83-5, 87, 91-4, 97-8, 105-7, 116-18, 120-1, 122-3, 125-7, 128, 134, 152, 163

Hoffmann, Peter 117, 162

Holstein, Friedrich von 140

Jannings, Emil 30 Jessen, Jens 110

Kaiser, Hermann 117 Kapp, Wolfgang 9, 17 Kardorff, Wilhelm von 18-19 Kehr, Paul Fridolin 30 Keitel, Wilhelm 87 Kennan, George F. 163 Kiderlen-Wachter, Alfred von 8 Kirk, Alexander 87, 163 Kirkpatrick, Sir Ivone 80 Kleist, Heinrich von 9 Klemperer, Otto 30 Kopke, Gerhard 43, 48, 50,

153, 158 Kordt, Erich 47 Krausnick, Helmut 140

Lejeune-Jung, Paul 119 Leuschner, Wilhelm 119 Lipski, J6zef 68 Loebell, Friedrich Wilhelm von 14 Ludendorff, Erich 17 Louis XIV, King of France 138 Ludwig, Emil· 12 Luttwitz, Walther von 17 Luther, Hans 14, 29, 151

Maley, Alexander B. 88 Mann, Thomas 30, 126, 172 Marinkowic, Wojislaw 39-40 Moltesen, Laust 36-7 Moltke, Helmuth Carl Bernhard

Count von 130 Moltke, Helmuth James Count

von ix, 71, 163 Monroe, James 96 Muller, Hermann 25 Muller, Josef 79 Mussolini, Benito 39, 44, 49-55,

57-61,63,72,121,156

Nadolny, Rudolf 46 Napoleon III, Emperor of

France 96 Neurath, Konstantin Baron (cont.)

Index 187

von 45, 48, 50-1, 53, 57, 59, 62-3, 155-7

Nostiz, Gottfried von 122

Oster, Hans 79

Papen, Franz von 45, 48, 170 Pirzio-Biroli, Detalmo 79-80, 85 Planck, Erwin 110 Planck, Max 30 Plessen, Johann Baron von 64 Popitz, Johannes 69, 73, 110, 117 Preuss, Hugo 10 Prittwitz und Gaffron, Friedrich

von 46 Pyrrhus, King of Epirus 95-6,

101,122

Remarque, Erich Maria 36 Ribbentrop, Joachim von vii,

ix, 47, 50, 57, 61-3, 68-9, 76, 80, 87,90

Ritter Gerhard 79, 86, 110, 115, 124, 168

Rohm, Ernst 47-8,53 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 78, 87,

89-91,93 Rosenberg, Alfred 48 Rothfels, Hans 122, 147

Schacht, Hjalmar 47, 74, 87-8, 170 Schiller, Friedrich von ix Schmidt, Helmut 119 Schmitt, Carl 30 Schramm, Wilhelm Ritter von 111 Schubert, Carl von 38 Schulenburg, Friedrich Werner

Count von der 119,170 Schulenburg, Fritz-Dietlof Count

von der 71 Schulz, Gerhard 23 Schwerin von Schwanenfeld, Ulrich

Wilhelm Count 117 Shakespeare, William 30 Siegmund-Schultze, Friedrich

Wilhelm 86 Sombart, Werner 30 Spengler, Oswald 17 Spranger, Eduard 72

Stalin, Josef 83, 91-2, 98, 119 Stallforth, Frederico 87-9,

94,163-4 Stauffenberg, Claus Schenk Count

von 170 Stein, Heinrich Friedrich Karl

Baron von und zum 16, 96, 108-9, 112

Stein, Lorenz von 20 Stosch, Albrecht von 9 Strauss, Richard 30 Stresemann, Gustav 37, 56,

123,128 Stroux, Johannes 72 Suvich, Fulvio 44

Temple, William 86 Thielenhaus, Marion 162 Thost, Dr. 48 Thyssen, Fritz 85 Tirpitz, Alfred von viii, 8-12, 14,

86, 88, 96, 121 Tirpitz, Wolfgang von 80 Toller, Ernst 36 Trevor-Roper, Hugh R. 46 Triepel, Heinrich 166 Trott zu Solz, Adam von 71

Vansittart, Sir Robert 84, 93, 165 Vogel, Henriette 9 Voigt, Wilhelm 10

Wagner, Adolph 10 Walter, Bruno 30 Weber, Alfred 30 Webe~Max 23,169 Weizsacker, Carl Friedrich Baron

von 35 Weizsacker, Ernst Baron von 12,

35-6, 47, 63, 68-9, 88, 90, 152, 157, 160, 164

Welczeck, Johannes Count von 12 Welles, Sumner 87, 93, 163 Wendt, Bernd-Jiirgen 165 Westarp, Kuno Count von 18-19 Whitney, William D. 87 William I, German Emperor 130 William II, German Emperor 8,

13, 46, 78, 81, 91, 130

188

Wille, Gundalena 35 Wilmowsky, Thilo Baron

von 75-6, 160 Wirmer, Joseph 119 Wirth, Major 48, 154 Witzleben, Ernst von 117

Index

Wolff, Theodor 12

Yorck von Wartenburg, Peter Count 71-2

Zimmermann, Alfred 14