archaeologyinka pottery as culinary equipment food, feasting, and gender in imperial state...

8/13/2019 ArchaeologyInka Pottery as Culinary Equipment Food, Feasting, And Gender in Imperial State DesignAuthor(s) Tamara L. Bray

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Inka Pottery as Culinary Equipment: Food, Feasting, and Gender in Imperial State DesignAuthor(s): Tamara L. BrayReviewed work(s):Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 3-28Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/972232 .Accessed: 04/02/2013 12:20

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In this paper, the imperial Inka ceramic assemblage is examined in terms of its functional and culinary significance. Informa-tion culledfrom ethnohistoric sources, archaeological reports, and ethnographic studies is used to draw unctional inferencesabout Inka vesselforms and to outline the eatures of an imperial "haute cuisine." In the Inka empire, the relationship betweenrulers and subjects was largely mediated through he prestation offood and drink. The elaboration of a distinctive state vesselassemblage suggests a conscious strategy aimed at creating material symbols of class difference in the context of state-spon-soredfeasting events. An empire-wide analysis of the distribution of Inka vessels indicates the particular importance of the tall-necked ar form (arEbalo) o state strategies in the provinces. Analyzing Inka pottery as culinary equipment highlights the linksamong ood, politics, and gender in the processes of state formation. Such an approach also illuminates the important role ofwomen in the negotiation and consolidation of Inka state power.

En este artEculo e examina el conjunto distintivo de cera'mica nkaica imperial en te'rminos e su significacion uncional y culi-naria. Se presenta informacion etnohistorica y etnografica sobre la alimentacion andina unto con datos arqueologicos sobre lasformas de vasijas inkaicas, su distribucion, y sus contextos de hallazgo. Las diferentes Ifneas de evidenciai yudan a esbozar losrazgos de una cocina de la e'lite andina, inferir a funcionalidad de las formas inkaicas, y sugerir como la alfarerfa Inkaica y lasactividades de acuerdo al ge'nero de cocinar y servir podrfan haberfigurado en los procesos de formacion estatal. Un ana'lisisdistribucional de las vasijas inkaicas de todas partes del imperio sugiere la importancia del arfbalo inkaico para las estrategiasestatales en las provincias. Dentro del imperio nkaico, las relaciones entre os gobernantes y los sujetos del estado ueron media-das a trave's de la prestacion de la comida y las bebidas (chicha). La elaboracion de un conjunto distintivo de ceramica estatalsugiere una estrategfa consciente con el proposito de crear s fmbolos materiales de clases sociales en el contexto defiestas estatales.Cuando se analiza la ceramica inkaica como equipo culinario, se destaca las conexiones entre la comida, la polftica, y el ge'nero

en los procesos de formacion estatal. De esta manera se ilumina tambie'n l papel importante de las mujeres en la negociacion yla consolidacion del poder estatal Inka.

Tamara L. Bray * Department f Anthropology, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI 48202

The ceramic complex associated with the Inkastate has long been noted for its uniform andrepetitivenature Fernandez 971;Morrisand

Thompson 1985:76;Pardo 1957;Rowe 1944;Ryden1947; Sempe de Gomes Llanes 1986:55). Indeed,Rowe (1944:8) once suggested t was so consistentthat a whole jar could confidently be reconstructedfrom a single sherd, while Kroeber 1952:293-294),somewhat ess generously, described he Inka stateassemblage as "chaste," limited," nd "deficient nimagination and ambitions or objectives other thantechnical nes."This oft-noted dherence o strict or-mal and stylistic canons has been casually nterpretedasevidence of mass production, n some cases (Jones1964:8; Rowe 1944:48), and as exemplary of cor-porate art n others e.g., Moseley 1992). Relatively

little systematic comparative analysis of imperialInka pottery has been undertaken hat would allowus to evaluate these and other commonly heldassumptions bout ts significance though ee Costinand Hagstrum 995; D'Altroy and Bishop 1990;andD'Altroy et al. 1994, for recent exceptions).

In this paper, I look at the classic polychromevessels associated with the imperial Inka state interms of their functional significance and considertheir role in the broader ontext of empire building.I focus on three dimensions of the ceramic assem-blage not normally discussed n studies of Inka pot-tery: culinary significance, material symbolicsignificance, and gendered associations. I suggestthat viewing mperial nka pottery as culinary quip-ment offers a window into the ways in which food,

Latin American Antiquity, 14(1), 2003, pp. 3-28CopyrightC) 003 by the Society for American Archaeology

INKA POTTERY AS CULINARY EQUIPMENT:FOOD, FEASTING, AND GENDER IN IMPERIAL STATE DESIGN

Tamara L. Bray

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4 LATIN AMERICAN NTIQUITY [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003

feasting, and gender figured in the negotiation ofstate power. To better understand how pots func-tioned as political tools in the Inka state, I presentethnohistoric and ethnographic information onAndean oodways, and archaeological ata on Inkavessel types, heir distribution round he empire, andthe contexts n which they are found. These lines ofevidence are used to draw unctional nferences boutInka vessel forms, outline the features of an imper-ial Inka "haute cuisine,''l and consider the role ofwomen in the development of the Inka state.

Feasting in Early States

Food and easting are ncreasingly ecognized s hav-

ing played a prominent ole n the emergence f socialhierarchies and the negotiation of power (Dietler1996; Gero 1992; Goody 1982; Gummerman 997;Hayden 1996;Wiessner and Shieffenhovel 1996).Anumber of recent studies focusing on the commen-sal politics of early states and empires highlight hepotential of such approaches. Dietler (1990, 1997,1998), for instance, lluminates he complexities ofimperial entanglement n the Mediterranean orldthrough nnovative analyses of drinking quipment,wine consumption, nd ocal feasting practices. Pol-lock (2003) offers new insights nto the political eco-nomic transformations occurring within earlyMesopotamian tates by focusing on elite banquetsand he distribution f mass-produced, evel-rimmedbowls. Nelson (2003), in a study of funerary ssem-blages from ancient China, demonstrates how theShang elite endeavored o create and ngratiate nces-tors hrough he medium of food and drink o advancethe political agendas of the living. I^hese and otherrecent works underscore he value of viewing pottery

as culinary quipment nd he ways in which such anapproach an enrich, engender, nd add detail o ourunderstanding f early mperial practices.

In the Andean context, the importance of reci-procity, hospitality, nd feasting as key componentsof Inka statecraft was first discussed by Murra 1980[1955]). The labor services owed the state by localcommunities, which could range from cultivatingfields o massive public worksprojects, were ypicallycouched in terms of the reciprocal obligations ofchiefly generosity. An important spect of reciprocallabor obligations n the Andes was the understandingthat he work party would be fully provisioned y thesponsor n terms of raw materials, ools,and ood anddrink Murra 1980:97, 121-134).

These assumptions have been borne out archae-ologically at Inka state administrative enters likeHuanaco Pampa where mmense quantities f impe-rial Inka ar and plate fragments, uggesting arge-scale chicha (corn beer) consumption and foodserving activities, reportedly have been found instructures ssociated with the central focus of thesite the main plaza (Morris 1982; Morris andThompson 1985:83-91). These structures, whichalso yielded unusually high percentages of wide-mouthed jars associated with chicha production,were identified as the houses of the Inka's "chosenwomen" Morris and Thompson 1985:77-80). Theinvestigators t Huanaco suggest that Inka provin-

cial centers ypically ncorporated arge amounts ofspace as the setting or "what was essentially a formof hospitality raised to the state level" (Morris andThompson 1985:91; see also D'Altroy 1981, 2001on Hatun Xauxa). The present tudy builds on Mor-ris and Murra's mportant bservations egarding herole of hospitality and public feasting n Inka state-craft, offering an analysis of imperial Inka potterythat expands he geographical cope of the argumentand extends t to incorporate oncerns with gender,agency, and the meaning of material ulture.

In developing his study, draw heavily upon thetheoretical nsights of a specific genre of anthropo-logical works hat ocus on food. The study of food-ways has a long history n anthropology Douglas1966, 1975, 1984; Fortes and Fortes 1936; Levi-Strauss 1966, 1968, 1970; Richards 1932, 1939).Food has stood at the center of so many studies pre-cisely because t is so fundamental o the reproduc-tion of society (see Goody 1982). Within his oeuvre,a number of recent works highlight the political

dimensions of food preparation nd distribution ndthe ways in which culinary practices eflect, respondto, and invoke political change (e.g., Adams 1990;Counihan 1999; Dietler 1996; Goody 1982; Hastorf1990, 1993; Mintz 1985; Weismantel 1988). Thesestudies serve to underscore he fact that food is oneof the strongest markers f ethnicity, tatus, nd class.They also suggest that cooking and cuisine consti-tute fertile ground or the material ymbolization fideological and political discourse.

Material SymbolsOne of the principal ontributions f post-processualapproaches o archaeology has been their nsistenceupon he active nature f material ulture n the con-



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Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERY AS CULINARY EQUIPMENT 5

struction of social relations and identities (Hodder1982a,1982b,1987; Shanks andTilley 1987).Ratherthan simply reflecting social circumstances, mater-ial culture s understood s actively involved n thecreation, maintenance, nd transformation f socialcontexts. As various authors have noted (Graves-Brown 2000; Hebdige 1979; McCracken 1988), theambiguity nd nconspicuousness f material ulturegives it certain advantages as a mode of communi-cation. McCracken 1988) suggests that these fea-tures make material culture an unusually cunningdevice for the representation f fundamental ulturalbeliefs, principles, and "truths."

The covert quality of material ulture allows it to

carry meanings and messages that could not be putmore explicitly "without he danger of controversy,protest, or refusal" (McCracken 1988:69). Thismakes material ulture an deal medium or the com-munication f political messages, which can be pro-jected with diminished risk of counterstatement.Hodder (1982c) suggests that material symbols,because of their multivocal, ambiguous, and value-laden nature, are particularly mportant n ideologi-cal and political strategies. As he puts it, "artifactsmean different hings to different people and carrycontradictory eanings, o they can be used to revealsocial distinctions nd o hide them at the same time,to simultaneously epresent ndmisrepresent" Hod-der 1982c:214). These comments offer insight ntohow material ulture can communicate authority nsotto voce, objectify social status and social rela-tions, and subtly "fix" meaning.

Pottery as Culinary Equipment

Pottery rom archaeological ontexts has not often

been analyzed either for its active role in the con-struction f social relations or as culinary quipment(though see Blitz 1993; Johannessen 1993; Pauke-tat and Emerson 1991; Potter 2000, for exceptions).Studies of archaeological ceramics have, instead,tended to focus on aspects of style (or appearance)construed as emblematic of ethnicity across spaceand time (Wright 1991). While a few scholars haveunderlined the importance of pots as tools (e.g.,Braun 1983; Skibo and Schiffer 1995), prehistoricceramics have received elatively ittle attention romeither a functional or technological tandpoint om-pared o, for instance, ithics.

As Wright (1991) has suggested, the dearth ofsuch techno-functional tudies may relate o generic

associations fpottery with women, cooking, and hedomestic sphere of activity. The unspoken assump-tion is that activities controlled by women are notimportant o the study of larger ocial processes seeHastorf 1991; Skibo and Schiffer 1995; Wright1991).Occasionally, hisunderlying remise s statedoutright, s in the following quote: "[Inka] rchitec-ture s directly symbolic of the state and the worldthat t represented while] the distribution f pottery. . . suggests its relationship o the more mundanerealm of state hospitality, eciprocity, nd abor man-agement" Morris 1995:420).

Though he notion of separate ublic and domes-tic spheres may seem entirely natural o us, this par-

ticular form of social organization has not beenproven universal across either time or space (seeBrumEiel 991; Wright 1991). As a firmly embed-ded element of Western deology, however, t demon-strably pervades our thinking about all othersocieties, past and present. Consigning ulinary on-cerns to the realm of the domestic, which is com-monly understood s outside he realm of the activeand the political, obscures he significance of cook-ing and food prestation n Inka statecraft. his greatoversight has begun o be rectified n recent years nworks focusing, for instance, on the significance ofplant emains ndpaleoethnobotanical ata or track-ing sociopolitical hange n theAndes Hastorf 1990,1991,1993; Hastorf and Johannessen 993) and thecentrality f the kitchen n modern Andean contexts(Vokral 1991; Weismantel 1988).

The present study continues this trend byapproaching nka cooking and cuisine as a key cul-tural domain for understanding the Cuzquenoapproach o statecraft. By placing cooking, cuisine,

and culinary artifacts at the center of the presentstudy, I hope to illuminate and engender anotherdimension of Inka statecraft. Contrary o Morris's(1995:422) assertion hat nka ceramics arried "rel-atively minor and simple meanings [vis-a-vis] theoverall tyle repertory f the ruling group and ts sys-tem of power," believe that the imperial assem-blage was an integral component of imperial statestrategies f legitimization ndcontrol. n analyzingInka pottery sculinary quipment ndmaterial ym-bols of the state, I highlight the intimate linksbetween ood, politics, and gender. develop he deathat the Inka elaborated specific elite, or "haute,"cuisine and a distinctive, nddistinguishing, nsem-ble of ceramic cooking, service, and storage vessels



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as a conscious strategy aimed at creating visible dif-ferences between social classes. I also contend hatthe selection of culinary equipment s a medium orthe material xpression f class difference was deeplyentwined with the way gender was used by the stateto model social hierarchy see Silverblatt 1987). Inthe next section, outline he parameters f sixteenth-century Andean cuisine and cooking practices inorder o establish a culinary and functional contextfor the imperial nka assemblage.

Andean Foodways and Inka Haute Cuisine

The importance nd ubiquity of ceramic containersin the Andes is attested both by the archaeological

record and scattered eferences hroughout he writ-ings of early Spanish commentators. Cobo (1964[1653]:Bk.11, Ch.6:20), or instance, wrote hat heaverage Indian's household furnishings consistedprimarily f "pots, arge ars, pitchers, and cups." Anearlier passage referring pecifically o the northernhighlands describes a typical household as follows:"In he second room of the house they [the Indians]have their storeroom ull of large and small pots,some on top of the ground, others buried n the earthas vats for straining and preparing heir wines"2(Atienza 1931[1575?]:52-53).

Despite such useful observations, eferences ospecific vessel forms and associated functions aredecidedly rare n ethnohistoric ources. It is likelythat the very commonplace nature of these objects,as well as the gender of the chroniclers, renderedthem all but nvisible. Fortunately, owever, he culi-nary habits and subsistence practices f Andean peo-ples were apparently f more interest. The patternsof food preparation, onsumption, and storage hat

can be reconstructed rom the documentary ecordsoffer considerable insight into ceramic vesselrequirements nd use in the precolumbian Andes.

One of the principal ources have used for nfor-mation on native Andean culinary practices s theJesuit cholar Bernabe Cobo (1964 [1653]), who leftone of the most detailed accounts of daily life in theAndes. Cobo arrived n Peru in 1599, moving toCuzco n 1609 and traveling xtensively n the high-lands for the next several decades. He is consideredby many to be among the most reliable chroniclersof Inka culture (Rowe 1946:194; Urton 1999:31).Other sources I rely upon include Fray Martin deMurua (1946 [1590]), who provides useful infor-mation on Inka customs, Pedro de Cieza de Leon

(1962 [1553]), one of the earliest and most obser-vant of all the Spanish chroniclers, nd Felipe Gua-man Poma de Ayala (1936 [1613]), an indigenousauthor whose letter o the King of Spain s filled withillustrations f daily ife that offer many nsights ntoAndean culture. The ethnohistoric data are supple-mented with modern ethnographic nd ethnobotan-ical observations where hese offer useful nsights orclarifications (i.e., Antunez 1985; Estrella 1988;Towle 1961; Vokral 1991; Weismantel 1988).

Below I review he ethnohistoric eferences elat-ing to Andean culinary practices and habits. Theinformation s arranged ccording o the major oodcategories omprising he ndigenous diet. Each ood

category s considered with respect to methods ofpreparation, modes of serving and eating, and stor-age practices. The focus throughout s on habits andtechniques hat would have affected vessel usage.

The Native Andean Diet

The basic Andean diet is summed up in the follow-ing passage writtenby an anonymous ource n 1573"Their usual sustenance s wine made of maize ....and some herbs which they call yuyo and potatoes,and beans, and cooked maize; heir daily bread s anyof these cooked with a little salt, and what they con-sider as a good seasoning o put n their tewed oods,is red pepper" Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226).

Maize. Corn was by far he most highly esteemedcrop n the Andes. Virtually very account of nativesubsistence ists maize as one of the main items inthe precolumbian diet (Acosta 1954 [1590]:109;Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226; Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.11, Ch. 6:21, Bk. 4, Ch. 3:159; Garcilaso 1945[1609]:Bk. 2:48; Rodriguez Docampo 1965

[1650]:75). After it was dried, maize could be pre-pared n a number of different ways, two of the mostcommon methods being boiling and toasting. Cobo(1964 [1653]:Bk.14, Ch.5:244) notes that corn ker-nels were toasted in "perforated lay casseroles."Toasted maize, or cancha, was often ground intoflour that was then used in a variety of ways (Gar-cilaso 1945 [1609]:Bk.2:177). Cobo (1964[1653]:Bk.14,Ch.3: 160)mentions, or nstance, hatmaize flour was used to make tortillas, which were"toasted r cooked n clay casseroles set in the fire.''

One of the most important ses of maize in theAndes was for the production f chicha (corn beer;in Quechua, aka).3 The elaboration of chicha wasseen as one of the fundamental ulinary tasks of



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Tamara L. Bray] INKAPOTTERY S CULINARY QUIPMENT 7

Andean women and universally associated with thefemale domain (Gomez Huaman 1966:35; Sachun2001; Silverblatt 987:39;Vokral 991 202).Besidesbeing the daily beverage of the local population,chicha was an important lement of social and cer-emonial gatherings where ritual drunkenness wasoften obligatory (Morris 1979; Rowe 1946:292;Salomon 1986:75-79).

Native peoples reportedly had more accou-trements or making and storing chicha than or anyother purpose. According o Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk.14,Ch.4:242), they used "clay ars, the argest beingfour and six arrobas,4 as well as other smaller ones. . . a large quantity f large and small ugs, and hree

or four types of cups and glasses" n the process. Inhis Aymara dictionary, Bertonio (1879 [1612]) dif-ferentiates between vessels used to hold the masti-cated pulp used in making chicha, which hedescribed s a small, wide-mouthed lla, and he arsin which the finished product as well as water) werestored. Tschopik 1950:202) reports hat among themodern peasants of the Chucuito egion, wo ars arestill employed for producing chicha, one for fer-mentation nd one for storage. The latter has a nar-rower mouth and longer, more restricted neck,features hat acilitate closure and reduce he rate ofevaporation. oday n the central Peruvian ighlands,three ceramic vessels are nvolved n the productionprocess: the hatun manca, which holds some 45liters, heazuana, n which the mash s decocted, andthe manca, n which water o be added o the decoc-tion is heated Antunez 1985:94-95). Once reducedand cooled, the liquid, known as upi, is decanted ntonarrow-mouthed ars where it ferments or severalweeks (ibid).

Potatoes and Other Root Crops. Cieza (1959[1553]:44) states hat "of the native oodstuffs, hereare two which, aside from maize, are the main sta-ples of the Indian's diet: the potato . . and anothervery good food they call quinoa." Potatoes and othertubers, ncluding oca, ulluco?mashua (or anu), andmaca, together with quinoa, are the only cultigensnative to the high altitudes of the Andes. Withoutthese ubers,human occupation f these zones wouldprobably have been impossible (Murra 1975:46).

Potatoes could be eaten green, roasted, cooked,or in stews (Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk. 4, Ch. 13:168).Those not eaten soon after harvest were preservedthrough a process of alternate xposure o sun andfrost. The tubers dehydrated n this fashion were

known as chuno and could be stored or many years.Chuno was used for thickening oups among otherthings CiezadeLeon 1959 [1553]:164).Cobo (1964[1653]:Bk.4, Ch.13:168) also mentions that a veryfine flour could be made from rehydrated huno bytoasting and then grinding he bleached potatoes.

Quinoa. The other most important igh-altitudecrop, quinoa, provided he basic grain or the high-land populations. According o Cieza de Leon (1959[1553]:44, 271; also Rodriguez Docampo 1965[1650]:75), quinoa "produces iny seeds . . . of whichthey make drinks and which they also eat boiled, aswe do rice." Quinoa was often cooked with herbsand aji or red pepper o make a stew known aspisqui

(Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.14, Ch.5:244), and was alsoused to make chicha Bk.4, Ch.4: 162).Otherimpor-tanthigh-altitude rains oftheAndes include kaniwaand kiwicha, both of which added high-quality ro-tein to the native diet in similar fashion to quinoa(National Research Council 1989:129-147).

Beans. Beans (purutus) of various types wereanother mportant lement n the precolumbian iet.They could be soaked and eaten raw, dried or stor-age, stewed or boiled (Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch.27:174). They could also be toasted and ground ntoa flour and used medicinally n drinks or poultices.Tarwi also known as chochos or altramuces) wascultivated n a small scale for its seeds. Tarwi eedsare very similar o beans but quite bitter and had tobe soaked in water for several days prior to beingeaten (Yacovleff and Herrera 1934-35:305).

Red Pepper. Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk.4, Ch.25, p.172) states that after maize, red pepper, or ajf, wasthe most widespread and highly esteemed cultigenin the Andean region. "Ajf, prepared s a delicious

salsa, s so pleasing o the indians hat t makes any-thing edible, even wild and bitter herbs; hey eat notonly the fruit of this plant, but also the leaves, whichthey add to their stews like parsley or yerbabuena;they eat the ajf raw and also preserve t in severalways: t can be pickled . ., dried, or ground" Cobo1964 [1653]:Bk. 4, Ch. 25, p. 173).

Salt. Salt was a universal nd ndispensable om-ponent of the native diet. Atienza (1931[1575?]:6748) comments hat "no matter how draband humble he rest of their meal may be, they enjoyit as much as any luxury, as long as they can seasonit with aji, their principal pice, and salt to cool theirbody heat, and a little chicha o drink." According oCobo (1964 [1653]:Bk.3, Ch.4:112), he Indians ec-



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LATIN AMERICAN NTIQUITY [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003

ognized three different ypes of salt: sea salt, min-eral salt, and salt collected from springs by boilingthe water n pots.

Meat. Meat was apparently onsumed on a lim-ited basis. Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244)states that t was eaten only rarely by the commonpeople, implying that the elite had greater access(see also Estrella 1988:313, 319; Guaman Poma1936 [1613]:55; Gummerman 991; Paz Ponce deLeon 1965 [1582]:237; Vokral 1991:76). Modernethnographic vidence from the southern highlandsindicates hat camelid meat constitutes 10percent ofthe campesino diet (Antunez 1985:63); archaeolog-ical evidence from the central sierra also indicates

that commoners had some access to meat, thoughthey apparently onsumed poorer cuts than he elite(Sandefur 001). While game animals such as deer,rabbit, partridge, and water fowl were reportedlyabundant Anonimo 1965 [1573]:220; Cobo 1964[1653]:Bk.9; GuamanPoma 936[1613]:204 207),sources suggest that hunting, and thus game con-sumption, was strictly regulated by the Inka (Cieza1962 [1553]:400; Rowe 1946:217). Domesticatedanimals ncluded dog, Muscovy duck, camelids, andguinea pig (cuy). Camelids and guinea pigs, whichwere by far the most common, constituted regularcomponent of most Indian households, but the meatof these animals was usually reserved or meals thatmarked pecial occasions. Fresh and dried ish werealso a common element of the native diet amongthose who lived near the sea, lakes, or rivers (e.g.,Estrella 1988:332-338). Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk.14,Ch.5:244) notes that dried ish was frequently usedas "meat" o make locro.

According to Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 3, Ch.

4:113, Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244; also Acosta 1954[1590]:136; Salazar Villasante 1965 [1565?]:132)the number of ways meat was prepared was fairlylimited. Generally speaking, it was either stewed(typically in locro with aji and other vegetables),dried (as charqui), or barbecued. Roasting in anearthen pit oven (pachamanca) was also a commonmethod of preparation.

Inka Haute Cuisine

Various hroniclers f Andean culture offer hints asto what may have constituted nka "haute uisine,"though none address the matter directly. GuamanPoma (1936 [1613]:332), for instance, ells us that,

the [sapa] Inca . . . ate selected maize that iscapya atco sara, and papas manay early pota-toes], . . . and llama called white cuyro, andchiche tiny fish], white cuy, and much fruit andducks, and very smooth chicha which took amonth to mature and was called yamor aca.And he ate other things which the Indians werenot to touch upon pain of death.

Murra (1960) notes that maize was generallyaccorded a much higher status by the Inka and theirsubjects han potatoes and other ubers, which actu-ally formed he staples of the Andean diet.A descrip-tion of the first nka queen, Mama Ocllo's daily repastgivenby Murua 1962:29) provides urther videnceof the elite connotations f maize in the Inka diet,

Her daily food was usually maize taken eitheras locros anca [seagull/hawk(?) stew] or mote[boiled maize kernels], mixed in diverse man-ners with other foods, cooked or otherwise pre-pared. For us these are coarse and uncouthfoods, but for them they were as excellent andsavory as the softest and most delicate dishesput on the tables of the monarchs of Europe.Her drink was a very delicate chicha, whichamong them was as highly esteemed as the Elnevintage wines of Spain.

In general, the ethnohistoric ources convey thesense that maize was special, desirable, and evenviewed as holiday ood by the highland populations(Murra 1960:397).

Reports of royal gifts involving ood offer furtherinsight nto hesymbolic weighting f Andean dietaryelements. The Inka ruler Atahualpa, or instance, ssaid to have sent llamas, cooked llama meat, driedducks, maize bread, and vessels of chicha o Pizarroupon his landing at Tumbez Coe 1994:214). Else-where t was reported hat heroyal ood (tupa cocau)

given by the Inka "to he people that he sent abroad,"consisted of a small bag of maize believed o be par-ticularly nutritious because it came from the Inkahimself (Gonzalez Holguin 1952 [1608]:369). It isapparent rom vanous sources that maize and meatwere considered he food of the gods, and by exten-sion, of the Inka. Ethnohistoric ources clearly statethat he nobility ate more meat and maize than heirsubjects who dined primanly on tubers and greens(Guaman Poma 1936 [1613]:55; Garcilaso 1945[1609]:Bk. 2:124; Paz Ponce de Leon 1965[1582]:237). Though maize was apparently con-sumed across the social spectrum, t does not seemto have been an item of everyday are for the com-



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Table 1. Vessels Explicitly Mentioned n Ethnohistoric Sources.

Vessel Type (Spanish) Vessel Type (English) Culinary ActivityOlla Pot Stewing; BoilingCazuela(Quechua, chua) Casserole ToastingCazuelas de barro agujereadas Casseroles, perforated ToastingTinajas Jars (large and small) ChichaproductionCantaros; Cantarillos Jugs (large and small) Chicha productionVasos y Tazas; Cantaricos Glasses and cups (various sizes) Chicha consumptionPlatos (Quechua, puco) Plates Serving


moners Coe 1994:220; Murra 1960), while accessto meat seems to have been limited and fairly ightlycontrolled Rowe 1946, 1982; Sandefur 1988). Thedividebetween heregular onsumption f meat ver-sus vegetables has been theorized as a fundamentalmarker f the divisionbetween ocial classesby somescholars (i.e., Goody 1982) and between men andwomen by others i.e., Adams 1990).

In addition othe ypes of foodsconsumed, notheraspect f Andean haute uisine eems o haverevolvedaround the concept of "variety." According toGonzalez Holguin (1952 [1608]:238-239), the abil-ity to prepare nd serve either a variety of differentdishes n a single meal or toprepare singlemeal usinga variety f ingredients was key to the notion of "din-

ing splendidly." here are also hints that he amountof time invested n the preparation f foods, as in thecase of the yamor aca mentioned above, the com-plexity of the dishes served, and the costliness of theingredients ll figured nto the equation f what con-stituted nelite repast. n sum, Inka haute uisinedoesnot appear o have differed radically rom the base-lineAndean iet n terms ofbasic components.Rather,it seems to have been defined on the basis of quality,quantity, nd diversity of foodstuffs, and differencesin modes of preparation, onsumption, nd disposal.

Andean Culinary Practices

In the review of sixteenth- and seventeenth-centurysources presented above, boiling clearly stands outas the most common method of preparing ood.Boiled foods were usually eaten n the form of stewsor soups. Comments eferring o guisados, or stews,far outnumber any other references to prepareddishes. In Bertonio's Aymara dictionary (1879[1612]), one vessel type, chamillku, s specifically

defined as an "olla used for cooking stews."Roasting was another fairly common cooking

technique, and the comments indicate that foodswere typically roasted directly n the coals. Parch-

ing or toasting was also an important ulinary ech-nique. Another vessel type listed in Bertonio's dic-tionary s defined as an "olla or toasting omething"(cited in Tschopik 1950:203). A wide-mouthed,short-walled vessel made specifically for toastingwas still being manufactured y the modernAymarapopulation n the Chucuito egion as recently as themid-twentieth entury Tschopik 1950:20S207), aswell as in the Mantaro egionof the central highlands(Hagstrum 1989). Some foods were simply toastedand eaten, but n other cases, parching onstituted nintermediate tep in the preparation f specific sta-ples, most notably maize flour.

Food preparation ikely was a very time consum-ing activity. Many products equired everal stages

of processing. Depending on the food, these stepsmight ncludedrying, oaking, insing, mixing,parch-ing or boiling, and reheating. Each could conceivablyhave required ifferent ypes and sizes of vessels.

Food Preparation

Vessels explicitly named n the ethnohistoric ourcesin connection with cooking and food preparation relisted n Table 1.Ollas are specifically ssociatedwithstewing and boiling, casseroles are named n refer-ence to toasting, and ugs, jars, and glasses in con-nection with chicha production nd consumption. snoted earlier, he nativepeoples had more vessels andequipment or producing chicha; i.e., chicha pro-duction was the most elaborated culinary task inAndean cuisine.

In addition to those vessels specifically men-tioned, it is possible to infer the presence or addi-tional functions of several others from the dataavailable on dietary habits and practices. Severalfoodstuffs, or instance, equired oaking and wash-ing. We may infer from this the need for both arg-e-and medium-sized, unrestricted ontainers uch asbowls or basins. We also could posit an additionalshort-term torage function for the wide-mouthed



9/27


cooking ollas. Similarly, he production f salt mayhave required pecial basins or ollas to facilitate vap-oration.

ServingWith respect to the types of vessels that comprisedthe native Andean table service, we have this valu-able description:

There are only two or three types of pieces thatthey use for this purpose: unglazed clay pots(ollas) on which they used to carve various Elg-ures, the same as they did on jars and other ves-sels; plates made from dry calabashes, that werethe size of small china plates, from clay, andfrom wood-those of wood are called meca, andthose of clay they call pucu; and medium-sizedceramic casseroles that they call chuas. Thetable service of the noblemen and chiefs weremade of silver and gold in former times [Cobo1964 (1653):Bk. 14, Ch. 4:243].

Occasional remarks about he customary modesof presenting nd eating oods provide urther nsightinto vessel requirements. obo [1964 (1653) :Bk.14,Ch.5:245] reports hat he Indians ypically ate twicea.day, once in the morning and once in the late after-noon. Husbands and wives would sit back to backon the ground, with the wife facing he food and serv-ing her husband upon request. Atienza(1931[1575?]:4143) notes that "the men never eatfrom one plate with their women, and ndeed wouldconsider t a disgrace, and ake t as such, f they wereforced to do so." At social gatherings and publicfeasts, Cobo reported hat each family brought tsown food and drink, hough sharing was apparentlyan institutionalized ractice. It was customary, orinstance, when drinking chicha either ritually or

socially to offer a toast to your companion or guest.This practice nvolved aking wo tumblers nd offer-ing one to the person with whom you wished to sharea drink see Betanzos 1968 [1551]:55).

Storage

Besides their importance n food preparation ndserving, pots and ars were also used as storage con-tainers n Andean households. Regarding he stor-age of food staples, Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch.4:242) notes that basic foods such as maize, chuno,and quinoa were usually stored n large ceramic arseither nside the house or in a separate rea designedfor storage ust outside.

The need for other short- and long-term torage

vessels is implied by reference o certain culinarytechniques mentioned above. Soaking beans, forinstance, would have required he use of a vessel fora period of up to several days. Products made intopreserves, such as ajf and camote, presumablyrequired onger term storage containers. The fer-menting and aging of chicha required he use of stor-age jars from one to several weeks. Standard oodpreparation asks used large quantities of water,implying he presence of water torage ontainers nthe house compound.

The above review of ethnohistoric eferences oAndean oodways and culinary echniques uggeststhe many ways in which pottery was likely used in

the precolumbian Andes. The diversity of tasks inwhich ceramic vessels were employed mplies a cor-responding diversity n the range of vessel shapes.The following passage offers valuable nsights ntothe native classification of the domestic potteryinventory:

Nor did they make the same distinctions inearthenware hat we use, but speak only of pots(ollas) and jugs (cantaros), which they differen-tiate in terms of size (larger and smaller) anddecoration (some have been sculpted with fig-

ures and designs); small, plain plates (platillos);and small shallow plates (patenas). The rest oftheir vessels correspond to the types that theSpaniards usually make from clay, which they[the Indians] made from silver, gold, wood, anddried calabashes; not even in their ancient sep-ulchers, in which they buried their dead with allforms of food and drink, does one find vesselsother than the types referred o here [Cobo 1964(1653):Bk. 3, Ch. 6:114-115].This passage suggests that beyond gross mor-

phological distinctions, he ethno-classification f

pottery evolved primarily round essel size and hepresence or absence of decoration. This observationon the emic organization f pottery orresponds withthe definitions of vessel types provided by Bertonio(1879 [1612]) in his Aymara dictionary. His defini-tions also rely primarily on the criteria of size anddecoration n describing nd differentiating etweenvessels. In addition, Bertonio defines a. ew vesselswith respect o the foods with which they were gen-erally associated. Modern ethnographic tudies ofpottery production and consumption n the centralAndes yield similar indings with regard o indige-nous taxonomies of ceramic containers e.g., Costinand Hagstrum 1995:631-2; Hagstrum 1989).

These observations offer useful guidelines for



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Tamara L. Bray] INKA POTTERY AS CULINARY EQUIPMENT

interpreting he significance of ceramic variabilityin the archaeological ecord and working toward aculturally meaningful taxonomy of precolumbianpottery. Cobo's statement also argues for the con-servatism f Andean ulinary quipment nd hepat-terns described above. In a sense his observationsoffer ajustification or using the ethnohistoric ecordto interpret he archaeological ne.

Functional Analysis of Imperial Inka Pottery

With the ethnohistoric ackdrop of Andean cuisinein place, I turn to the culinary significance of theimperial Inka ceramic ensemble, offering a func-tional analysis of the different vessel forms com-

prising he state pottery assemblage hat draws uponboth he ethnohistoric ata and general tudies of themechanical performance haracteristics f pottery(e.g., Braun 1983; Hally 1986; Smith 1985). EachInka vessel type is analyzed n terms of its morpho-logical attributes, hysical properties, and patternsof use wear. The physical features, n conjunctionwith the culinary nformation ound in the ethno-historic sources, are used to suggest possible func-tional roles for the different vessel forms. Based onthe information presented above, it is likely thatceramic vessels were utilized n the following culi-nary activities: cooking, processing, fermentation,serving, eating, wet and dry storage, ransportationof liquids, and washing.This ask ist serves as a base-line n discussing probable unctions f imperial nkavessel forms.

One of the basic assumptions s that the form ofa ceramic container is strongly influenced by itsintended unction. The functional nature of potterycan be analyzed along several dimensions. These

include shape, physical properties determined byattributes uch as wall thickness and paste composi-tion, patterns of use wear, and patterns of associa-tion orcontext. n Braun's 1983) discussion of "potsas tools," i.e., containers, he suggests that themechanical performance haracteristics f a pot, aswith any ool, are determined o a considerable xtentby its morphological and physical properties. The"performance haracteristics" f a vessel, in turn,help to determine how well suited t is for a partic-ular use (Hally 1986). Specific dimensions of ves-sel performance dentified by Hally (1986) includevessel stability, olumetric apacity, verall ize, easeof access to vessel contents, ease of removal of con-tents, endency o spill, eff1ciency f heat absorption,

11

heat retention, rate of evaporation, bility to closethe orifice, and thermal hock resistance.

In my discussion of the imperial state ceramicassemblage, adopt he Inka vessel shape categoriesdefined by Albert Meyers (1975). In contrast toRowe's (1944) typological and taxonomic classifi-cation of Inka pottery, which accorded primacy osurface reatment nd decorative tyle in the fashionofthe day (see Colton and Hargrave 937),Meyers'sclassification cheme focuses principally on vesselform. Like Rowe, Meyers utilized he ceramic ssem-blage from the ceremonial-fortress complex ofSaqsaywaman oconstruct isclassificatory cheme.In this, he relies primarily n the published reports

of archaeological materials xcavated t the site fromthe mid-1930s through he early 1970s (Valcarcel1934,1935;Valencia 1970,1975;YabarandRamos1970). These reports describe the archaeologicalmaterials ecovered n detail and are well illustrated.

The collection rom Saqsaywaman asthe advan-tage of being from the imperial capital; t also con-tains he full range of Inka vessel forms, comes froma well-documented rchaeological ontext, and hasa secure chronological position. While it is possiblethat undecorated r utilitarian ottery may have beenunder-collected nd/or under-reported y the origi-nal investigators, t is worth noting hat at least threeof the vessel categories in Meyers's classificationscheme (Forms 9,10, and 12) are described as cook-ing vessels lacking in decoration and frequentlyexhibiting arbon on the exterior urfaces. Together,these three vessel types comprise 18 percent of thetotal assemblage Meyers 1975:23).

In Meyers's ystem, heInka ceramic assemblageis divided nto seven formal classes: (a) aribalos; b)

narrow-necked essels; (c) wide-mouthed vessels;(d) wide-mouthed pots (ollas); (e) vessels with orwithout feet; (f) plates and bowls; and (g) glasses.Each category contains one to several orms to eachof which Meyers assigned a specific number. ntotal,14distinct morphological ypes are recognized Fig-ure 1). I use Meyers's numerical designationsthroughout he remainder f this discussion. Figure2 correlates Meyers's erminology with other namesfor these Inka vessel types in the literature.

Meyers's Form 1 is regularly referred o as theInka aribalo, a name first used by nineteenth cen-tury scholars and later made semi-official by Bing-ham 1915) withhis publication fthe Machu Picchumaterials. While the term may not be entirely appro-



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12/27

9 (f X ; (3 4 5 % 6 C 7 2

Meyers Inca jar Long-necked vase Face neck jar Long-neeki Short-necked Two-iMled One-handli

(19763 bottle bottle vessel vesselBingham Type 1 ---- Type 131z, d Type 13h Type 13a Type 6 ---(19153 Aryballus 3ug Jug Jug Pelike jug

Fernandez Makas Florere --- l:3eposlto Deposit Jarron ---(1971)

Pardo Matas Florero Puina Atsana Aisana Puchuela 1JCi hjchi(1957) Tticachuranas Puchuela

Rowe Shape A Shape fiI --- Shape D --- Shape B Shape C(1944)

= . . .. ...... -

NIeyers C()nical-based Roundbased One-footed olla Two-handled Tnv}-handled Shallow plate/boutl Cup(l976) olla olla bowl plate

Bingham Wide-mouffi ppes 7-l0 Type 2 Type 4 Type 4d Types ll & 12 Type lSb(l915) aryballus Bea er olla l:)eep dish l)rinking ladle

Fernandez hqui Ollas cyliSricos Olla caliz Qocha --- C:hua ppucu Q'em(1971)

Pardo Ulpu Manca Chullanchaqui Manca --- lucu Q8ere(1957) manca

Rowe Shape 13 --- Shape J Shape F --- Shape G Shape I(19X) lucu

.. . .


Figure 2. Cross-correlation of terms used to describe Inka vessel folms.

priate with respect to its historical and descriptiveconIlotations, t is nonetheless widely used and rec-ognized. The arlbalon with its tall flaring neck, highpronounced houlders, and conical base is the bestknown and most characteristic f the Inka vesselforms.

Most investigators ssume that it was used as acontainer orchicha, he ubiquitous nd ocially ndis-pensable corn beer of the Andes. This interpretationis supported y various morphological eatures f thevessel. The elongated hape ndicates concern withthe efficient utilization f space characteristic f stor-age vessels. The tall, flared neck and restricted es-sel orifice emphasize ontainment f vessel contentsat he expenseof accessibility. he lared im and con-ical base would facilitate he pouring of liquids. Thecharacteristic ide handles and ug also suggest a car-ryiIlg unction. Direct evidence n the form of repre-sentational rton pottery ndmodern usage ndicates

how these features unctioned or the transport iq-uids (e.g.,Kauffmann oig 1983:726).The proposedfunction of the arlEalo as a storage container s fur-ther supported y contextual nformation rom sev-

eral highland ites(D' Altroy and Hastorf 1984;Mor-ris 1967).

The four vessel types included n Meyers's sec-ond category B), the narrow-necked ar forms, arenot nearly as common in the overall Inka assem-blage as the arlbalo and several other forms. Themorphological eatures f these vessels suggest hatthey probably erved as containers or liquids. Theirlow centers of gravity and flat bases may indicatetheir use in more heavily rafficked reas andlor heirregular placement on prepared i.e., hard, lat) sur-faces (Lischka 1978:227; Smith 1985:267, 277).Given the relative carcity of the tall-necked esselsin this class (the short-necked, lat-bottomed ar[Form 5] being considerably more common han heother hree ypes), t can be assumed hat heir unc-tion was restricted nd their use perhaps imited tomore uncommon vents.

The third class of vessels, the wide-necked arswith flat bases and one or two strap handles, are alsorelatively are, hough Form 6 is more common hanForm 7.Bingham 1979: 162)recovered fairly argenumber of (n = 78) two-handled pitchers Form 6)



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14/27

Tamara L. Bray] INKAPOTTERY S CULINARY QUIPMENT 15

modern Quechua dictionary, denotes a large earth-enware vessel used for the fermenting of chicha(Guardia 1980). The form is essentially that of alarge, conical-based olla. In many ways it recalls atruncated, wide-mouthed version of the arlEalo, asit frequently arries he same types of polychromedecoration and likewise comes equipped with twoside handles and a stylized lug.

Most authors ttribute food processing unctionto this vessel, acknowledging ts probable ole as acontainer or upi, or unfermented hicha, during heprocess of chichaproduction Fernandez 971;Mey-ers 1975; Pardo 1939). The morphological raits ofthis orm, which nclude he arge rim diameter, igh,

slightly converging vessel walls, and side handles,do not contradict his interpretation, ut could alsosuggest use for transporting ry foodstuffs such asmaize or tubers. The transport f liquids also is pos-sible because the everted angle of the rim hints atsome provision or closing or covering he vessel.

Meyers's Form 9 vessels are likely to have beenInka utilitarian wares. These round-bottomed llaslack both decorative reatment nd standardizationof form, uncommon characteristics or the imperialstate pottery assemblage. This vessel type s also fre-quently found with remnant arbon on its exteriorsurface. While this vessel category s recorded byboth Bingham and Valcarcel at Machu Picchu andSaqsaywaman, espectively, t is not likely that thesherds of these vessels would be readily recogniz-able as Inka pottery outside of the Cuzco area (seeCostin 1986 for detailed discussion of local utilitar-ian wares rom the Inka period at Wanka ites in thecentral highlands). The various reports of miscella-neous or unidentified ooking wares rom provincial

Inka sites could refer to either this Inka utilitariantype or local varieties of cooking vessels. The mor-phological eatures of this type of pot reflect a con-cern with containment slightly restricted eck) andthe suitability of the pot for suspension above a firefor cooking purposes (rounded base, presence ofhandles) Linton 1944; Smith 1985).

In contrast o the nondescript haracter f thesepots, the pedestal-base lla (Form 10), which s alsoconsidered cooking vessel, is a common and highlydiagnostic nka orm. This vessel is known n the lit-erature by a variety of names including "chalice"(Pardo 1939) and "beaker-shaped lla" (Bingham1915). Diagnostic eatures nclude a flared pedestalbase, a large strap handle obliquely attached o the

vessel shoulder, nda simple applique esign ocatedon the shoulder opposite the handle that typicallyconsists of a serpent igure or a pair of small protu-berances. The pedestal-base olla is often equippedwith a lid and frequently xhibits carbon residue onits exterior urface. These vessels are reported n rel-atively high frequencies at nearly every site with anInka omponent. These percentages ould be skewedby the fact this form may be more readily dentifi-able in a fragmented tate than others, though thesame caveat would apply to several other-Inka es-sel types as well. The footed ollas are ound n gravelots as well as residential ectors, hough hose fromburials ometimes ack evidence of use wear (Bray

1991:361-392). Morphologically, the slightlyrestricted orm suggests a concern with containment.The relative flatness of the bottom portion of thebowl makes the form suitable for long periods ofheating n the fire (Linton 1944).The strongly vertedrim and hecommonly associated potlids could ndi-cate a concern with spillage or the use of these ves-sels as short-term torage containers or perishables(Smith 1985).

The contrasts between this vessel and the pre-ceding one suggest that these two types of cookingpots were either used for preparing different kindsof foods or in different methods of food preparation.Mean differences n the volumetric apacity of thesetwo vessel forms s also significant nd ikely relatesto who the intended onsumers were, .e., a group oran individual Bray 2003). Given that cooking ves-sels probably are among the most conservative le-ments of any ceramic complex (Linton 1944), theubiquity and uniqueness f the footed olla are highlysignificant. tsdistribution s suggestive of the mpor-

tance attached o a particular ood category andlorfood preparation echnique vis-a-vis Inka or eliteidentity, and the extent to which the state had suc-ceeded in exporting or imposing its culinary prac-tices.

The fact that the footed olla is the only cookingvessel elaborated n a distinctive tate style suggeststhat he viand prepared n it would have been highlyesteemed. Given he importance he Inka attached omaize, it is possible that this vessel was associatedwith the preparation f a maize-based dish. Its typ-ically small-to-medium ize, together with certaindiagnostic eatures, such as the large oblique straphandle and associated id, suggest ndividually izedportions and a concern with portability. he sum of



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16LATIN AMERICAN NTIQUITY [Vol. 14, No. 1, 2003

its features suggest that the pedestal-base lla mayhave figured n state obligations o provide corveelaborers with a fitting cooked (reheated?) epast.

The two-handled deep dish or cazuela (Form 11)is another common component of the Inka assem-blage. This form usually carries polychrome paint-ing, though a few undecorated xamples were foundat Saqsaywaman. This was the third most commonvessel form recovered at Machu Picchu and half ofthose found were associated with burials. Bingham(1979:156) suggests that they were likely used asserving containers or soups and porridges. Fernan-dez(1971: 18) believes these vessels were manufac-tured or ceremonial drinking purposes. He notesthatmodern Quechua herdsmen n the Cuzco areabuy

authentic eproductions f these forms and usethem t certain estivals for chicha consumption.As an unrestricted orm, the morphological ea-

tures f the two-handled deep dish reflect concernswith ccess,visibility of contents, ortability, ndsta-bility. hese characteristics mply a high frequencyofaccess, the manipulation of the contents withhands r utensils, requent movement r transferenceof he vessel, and use in heavily trafficked areasand/or ocations with prepared surfaces (Smith1985). he form suggests that the vessel may havebeensed as a serving container, r possibly n food-processingasks, hough hepresence of polychromedecoration akes he atter uggestion ess likely. hedirectnessf the rim seems to indicate a lack of con-cern ith pouring properties r vessel closure.Meyers's ixth class of vessel types ncludes both

shallowowls and plates. The flat-bottomed platewithhort everted walls and two horizontal straphandlesForm 12) is a relatively uncommon ormknownrimarily rom he mperial heartland, hough

examplesrom the Titicaca region and southernEcuadoravebeen documented. hisvessel categorytypicallyacks decoration and probably belongs totheocal domestic nka assemblage. The unrestrictedformnd low walls suggest a toasting or parchingfunction,r possibly heating or evaporation Smith1985:276).In contrast, he other unrestricted essel in thisclass,he shallow plate (Form 13), is one ofthe mostfrequentlyccurring omponents f the Inka ceramicassemblage.hese plates probably xhibit he

great-estreedom f stylistic expression een on any Inkavesselorm. Decorative esignsemploy both paintedandlastic techniques. Meyers (1975:15) divides

this form into five subcategories based on the typeof handle. The most common variety has a stylizedzoomorphic head (typically a bird) as a handle witha pair of protuberances ocated on the rim opposite.

Almost as common are plates hathave simpleoppos-ing sets of double nubbins on the rim. Vertical andhorizontal oop handles are also found, though thisvariety s not as common.

The largest sample of these plates comes fromMachu Picchu where they were the second mostcommon vessel form recovered (Bingham1979:132). Bingham reports hat 60 percent of theapproximately 00 specimens ame from burial on-texts n which heywere frequently ound n matchedpairs.He refers o these vessels as "drinking adles"and uggests they were probably used for consum-ing oups and stews. The morphological eatures ofthis orm emphasize ase of access and handling, ndreflect lack of concern with spilling or spoilage.Additionally, he height of the vessel, which aver-ages .6 cm (Bray 2003), and the low angle of thewallsndicate a lack of suitability or containing iq-uids. he morphology nddecorative reatment ug-gest hat they may represent individual servingplattersor solid or semi-solid oods, possibly meats.

The last vessel form in Meyers's classificationschemes the tall cup with flaring walls commonlyknown y the Quechua name kero.This shape isreminiscentf earlier Tiwanaku orms and may rep-resenthe conscious use of anachronism y the Inkaelite. he form was not limited to the ceramicmedium nd was probably more commonly pro-ducedn wood and metal. While it appears o us anaturalorm for drinking, its relative rarity andrestrictiono specific contexts suggest that it mayhavead a more specialized or limited function.Based on morphological onsiderations, hepres-encer absence of decoration, nd the evidence foruseear (i.e., carbon and food residues), differentfunctionsavebeen posited or the different nkaves-selorms discussed above. These functional nter-pretationsre summarized n Table 2. Briefly, InkaForms, 10, and possibly 12 are belie.ved o repre-sentooking vessels. Form 8 fits the criteria or ves-selssed in food-processing tasks, specificallyfermentation,ndmay have also been used for trans-portingry goods. Forms 1A, 6, and 7 all exhibitcharacteristicsypical of containers esigned oholdliquids.orm 1 exhibits features hat are also welladaptedor the transport f liquids, as well as either



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Table 2. Functional Interpretation f the Inka Vessel Assemblage.

Vessel Cooking Serving/Eating Storage TransportForm Boiling Toasting Process Ferment Solids Liquid Wet Dry (Liquid)1 X X X

2 X3 X4 XS X

6 X7 X8 X X X9 X

10 X

11 X X

12 X13 X

14 X


dry or wet storage. Forms 6, 7, and 11 (dependingon size) may represent erving vessels. Forms 13,14, and possibly Forms S and 11, are likely to havebeen used as individual eating or drinking vessels.While the imperial nka assemblage does appear ocontain several vessel types related o cooking andfood-processing ctivities, t is clear that he bulk ofthe distinctive tate repertoire was dedicated o ves-sels intended o be used in serving and consumptioncontexts. This emphasis highlights he significanceof commensal events n the eyes of the state and thecontribution f the vessels themselves to the mate-rialization of the idea of an Inka haute cuisine.

Distribution of Imperial Inka Vessel Forms

The patterned distribution f specific forms in theimperial ore (the Cuzco region and Urubamba Val-ley) versus the provincial sectors provides added

insight nto the role of Inka pottery n imperial xpan-sion. For his component of the study, utilized pub-lished reports ontaining quantitative r quantifiabledata on Inka pottery as well as information derivedfrom the firsthand tudy of several archaeologicalcollections. The data set, while neither omplete norfully random, ncompasses nformation n imperialInka pottery from the length and breadth of theempire. The sites included are listed in Table 3together with the associated references; heir loca-tions are indicated n Figure 3. The assembled dataare adequate o ascertain whether differences couldbe discerned n the distribution f imperial vesselforms at the gross geopolitical evel of Inka heart-land versus provinces.

The publications xamined pan many years andvary greatly with respect o the types and amount ofinformation imparted. They reflect changes inacceptable tandards f archaeological esearch, if-ferent disciplinary mphases, and the diverse back-grounds of the various nvestigators. All the reports,however, ontained ufficient detail n either he text,illustrations, r appendices o assign the Inka pot-tery to one of the 14 formal categories discussedabove. Generally peaking, only complete or nearlycomplete vessels were included n this study.

Table 4 presents available nformation n the fre-quencies of different state vessel forms recoveredfrom Inka ites around he empire. All systematicallyexcavated sites with adequately reported ceramicdata were included. The counts may be taken asapproximate epresentations f the total assemblageat each site. As it was impossible to extract quanti-

tative data rom he published eports or many sites,a presence/absence hart of vessel forms was alsoconstructed o check suggested patterns Table 5).Figure 4 shows the distribution f the different ves-sel types comprising the composite, empire-wideassemblage. The graph indicates that the aribalo(Form 1)accounts or nearly half of the total vesselsin the sample. The shallow plate, the single footedolla, and the two-handled asserole, Forms 10, 13,and 11, respectively, re he next most common ves-sel types. Overall, hese four vessel forms accountfor 92 percent of the tabulated ots.

Significant differences are noted in the relativeproportions of vessel types among the most com-mon forms n the imperial ore versus he provinces



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Table 3. List of Sites and Published References Used in Distributional Analysis.

- - -

18


SectorHeartland

Cuntisuyu

Collasuyu

Site NameSaqsaywamanCuzco (general)OllantaytamboChincheroMachu PicchuChoquepukioMaucallactaMt. AmpatoChinchaIcaLa CentinelaInkawasiPachacamacHatunqolla

TiticacaPallimarcaPunoTiquischullpa, o. Titicaca regionMt. LlullaillacoNW Argentina NOA)

ReferencesFranco and Llanos 1940; Valcarcel 1934-35; Valencia 1970Pardo 1939, 1959 (gravelot); Sawyer 1966 (1 gravelot); Schmidt 1929Llanos 1936Rivera 1976Bingham 1915, 1979; Eaton 1916McEwan Collection, Museo Inka, CuzcoBauer 1990PereaChavez2001;Ampato Collection,Museo Santuarios ndinos, UCSMMenzel 1966, 1971; Sandweiss 1992; Uhle 1924bMenzel 1971, 1976; Uhle 1924aMenzel 1966Hyslop 1985Uhle 1903; Uhle Collection, UMPAAHyslop 1976, 1979; Julien 1983

Bandelier Collection, AMNHRyden 1947Tschopik 1946Parssinen and Siiriainen 1997Reinhard and Ceruti 2000Bennett et al. 1948; Bregante 1926; Calderari and Williams 1991;

Debenedetti 1917; Fock 1961; Outes 1907; von Rosen 1924Boman 1908

Fock 1961

Ambrosetti 1902, 1907-08; Boman 1908; Bennett et al. 1948Figueroa 1958; Medina 1958Mostny 1955Stehberg 1976Morris 1967; Morris and Thompson 1985D'Altroy 1981, 2001Dorsey 1901; McEwan and Silva 1989Jijon y Caamano and Larrea 1918; Jijon y Caamano 1914; Meyers 1976;

Stubel and Reiss 1889Jijon y Caamano 1914; Meyers 1976Almeida and Jara 1984; Almeida 1999Bamps 1879; Bray 1996; Idrovo 2000; Meyers 1976Meyers 1976

Pucara de Lerme,Prov. de Tucuman

Chicoana, Valle de Lerme,Prov. de Tucuman

La Paya, Valle Calchaqui, NOAE1 PlomoLa ReinaPucara Chena

Chinchaysuyu Huanaco PampaHatun XauxaLa PlataQuito

E1QuincheRumicuchoTomebambaIngapirca

(Figure 5). The arEbalo, or instance, comprises 52percent of the total number of identifiable nka ves-sels in the provincial districts and only 29 percentin the core region. The only vessels besides thearfbalo that occur with any frequency in theprovinces are the shallow plate (Form 13) and thepedestal-base cooking pot (Form 10). These threeforms appear o constitute he minimal assemblagefor any Inka-affiliated roup or individual residingin the hinterlands.

The overall ratio of the four most common ves-sel types (arlEalos, hallow plates, pedestal pots, andthe two-handled casserole) in the provinces isroughly 100:33:48:7. n the core area of the empire,

the ratios between these four vessel types is gener-ally more balanced 100:81 46:61). The biggest dif-ference between the two regions is in the relativeproportion f arlEalos o other vessels and the sig-nificantly igher requencies f shallow plates Form13) and two-handled deep dishes (Form 11) in theheartland.

The fact that the arlEalo s found in higher pro-portions n the outlying sectors of the empire sug-gests that it was of particular mportance o someaspect of the imperial expansion process. As men-tioned earlier, his vessel form is generally associ-ated with storage and the transport of chicha, aproduct laborated y women. The Inka, ollowing



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Table 4. Frequency of Inka Vessel Forms at Different Sites.

2010

4503

483

Note: Vessel counts obtained rom following sources: Heartland: Saqsaywaman Meyers 1975:23)- Ollantaytambo Llanos1936); Machu Picchu (Bingham 1979:117-179); Choquepukio photo-documentation y T. Bray of G. McEwan Collection,Museo Inka, Cuzco, 2000); Cuntisuyu: Maucallacta Bauer 1990); Mt. Ampato (Perea Chavez 2001; photo-documentation yT. Bray of Ampato Collection, Museo Santuarios Andinos, UCSM, Arequipa, 2002); La Centinela (Menzel 1966)- Old Ica(Menzel 1971, 1976; Uhle 1924a); Pachacamac Uhle 1903:94; photo-documentation y T. Bray of Uhle Collection, UPMAA,Philadelphia, 2001); Collasuyu: Hatunqolla Julien 1983); Mt. Llullaillaco (Reinhard and Ceruti 2001); Pallimarca Ryden1947); Chicoana (Fock 1961); El Plomo (Figueroa 1958; Medina 1958); La Reina (Mostny 1955); Chinchasuyu: HuanacoPampa Morris 1967, App. 3); Hatfin Xauxa (D'Altroy 1981:454); La Plata (Dorsey 1901); El Quinche (Jijon y Caamano1914); Rumicucho (Almeida and Jara 1984; Almeida 1999).

_ _ _ _ _ 7 _ _ _ _


Sector Site NameCentral Saqsaywaman

OllantaytamboMachu PicchuChoquepukio

Heartland Sub-Total

2 3 4 5 63 1 6 4 3

- 2 73 5 78

3 3 79 9 81

7 8 9 10 115 4 7 15 22- - 1 5 1

- 9 30 204 2711 1 1 - 26 14 39 224 296

12 136 59

- 297 3001 6

14 394

14 Total10 165

1 4712 1,4417 22

30 1,674

Cuntisuyu Maucallacta 3(west/SW) Mt.Ampato 8

La Centinela 8Old Ica 7Pachacamac 24

Collasuyu Hatunqolla 50(south) Pallimarca 60

Llullaillaco 3

Chicoana, Lerma Valley SE1 Plomo 3La Reina 30

Chinchasuyu Huanaco Pampa 376(north) HatunXauxa 237

La Plata 2E1 Quinche SRumicucho 577

- 1

- 1

1 6 - -2 1 2 11 - 3 3

1

- 2

3

1 - 1 -

- 2

41 -

- 2

- s -

- 7 -- 1 1

4 3- 8 15

5 3- 1 10

- 2 2

- 7 -- 2 -

5

- 17 -55

- 2 -- 1 1

557 69

- 8- 18- 6- 13- 341 40- 25- 10

- 42- 3- 50

- 26- 111

- 6- 2- 67

19

3427

1 3590

3 107- 96

19

1 558

- 88419

17 420- 10

- 12- 1,270

22 2,709

4

Provincial Sub-TotalTotal

1,398 51,882 8

S 8 13 4 5 4 - 679 104 1 4618 87 21 85 1 1 18 39 903 400 1S 855 52 4,383

ancient Andean norms, assumed the responsibilityof providing ood and drink or corvee aborers e.g.,Mowis 1982; Murra 1975,1980; Rowe 1982). Thedisproportionate umber of arlobalos ound in the

provinces might indicate that state prestations ofchicha was of greater mportance n the outlyingregions han n the core of the empire see also Bray2000). Given that he production f chicha was oneof the principal asks ofAndean women, t links hemto imperial trategies of organization nd control na fundamental way.

The two-handled casserole (Form 11), while acommon element n the collections rom Cuzco andits vicinity, s relatively are n the provincial ssem-blages. OutsideoftheInkahearfand, xamples fthisform have been reported tHatunqolla, Hatun Xauxa,Pachacamac, Old Ica, La Centinela, Pallimarca, E1Quinche, nd Rumicucho Figure ). All of these siteswere administrative nd/or religious in nature and

liely housed ndividuals f somerank within heInkapoliticalhierarchy. t Machu Picchu, he wo-handleddeep dish was equally common n both burial avesand residential middens, nd was often ound n asso-

ciation with the pedestal-based lla (Form 10) in theformer context (Bingham 1979:156). This fact,together with the range of sizes in which this vesselwas made and its fairly imited distribution, uggestthat t may have constituted n element of a higher-status ndividual's ersonal dinner ervice.

The above nformation uggests that hree vesseltypes n particular omprised hecore of the Inka pot-tery assemblage. These are Forms 1, 10, and 13, thearlobalo, hepedestal-base ot, and he shallow plate.These three vessel forms are minimally present at allLate Horizon ites with evidence of Inka occupation.Functionally, hisbasic set ikely represents heactiv-ities of chicha storage and transport, ooking (boil-ing), and eating solid foods). The ensemble uggests



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Sector Site Name 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Central Saqsaywaman X X X X X X X X X X X X X XCuzco X X X X X X X X X X X X

Ollantaytambo X X X X X XChoquepukio X X X X X X X XChinchero X X X X X X X X X X X X X XMachu Picchu X X X X X X X X X X X X

Cuntisuyu Maucallacta X X X X XMt. Ampato X X X XChincha Valley X X X X XIca Valley X X X X X X X X X XLaCentinela X X X X X X XPachacamac X X X X X X X XInkawasi X X X

Collasuyu Hatunqolla X X X X X X X X X

Titicaca X X X X X X X X(Islas del Sol, Luna)

Tiquischullpa X XPallimarca X X X X XPuno X X X XMt. Llullaillaco X X X X XNW Argentina XLaReina X X X XPucaraChena X X X X

Chinchasuyu Huanaco Pampa X X XHatunXauxa X X X X XLa Plata X X XQuito X X X X X X XEl Quinche X X X X X X XRumicucho X X X XIngapirca X X

20

Tomebamba X X X X X X X X X X X X X X


Table 5. Presence/Absence Chart of Inka Vessel Forms at Different Sites.

that wo, and possibly hree, different ood categorieswere involved as components of an elite repast. Wealso note that his basic Inka ceramic suite containsboth communal nd ndividual ervice elements. Thearchaeological vidence, thus, appears o correlate

well with he ethnohistoric nformation n Inka hautecuisine insofar as the core suite of Inka vessels maybe interpreted s functionally adapted o the distrib-ution of chicha Form 1), the consumption of meat(Form 13), and the cooking or reheating of maizekernels or a maize-based tew (Form 10).

Discussion

The intent of this paper has been to offer a betterunderstanding of Inka pottery and its role in thedynamic processes of imperial tate design. To thisend, the Inka ceramic assemblage was examined nterms of its functional and culinary significance.Information culled primarily from ethnohistoricsources and ethnographic eports was used to draw

functional nferences about nka vessel forms and tooutline the features of an imperial haute cuisine.Meat and maize were, by all accounts, the mosthighly esteemed oodstuffs n the Inka diet and ikelycomprised he basic elements of Andean haute cui-

sine in the fifteenth century. The sum of the evi-dence, however, ndicates hat elite cuisine did notradically differ from the baseline Andean diet interms of basic elements. Rather, t seems to havebeen defined on the basis of quality, quantity, anddiversity of foodstuffs, and differences n modes ofpreparation, erving, consumption, nd disposal.

Food and feasting n the Andes has been consid-ered critical o the consolidation f power see CostinandEarle 1989;Gero 1990,1992; Moore 1989;Mor-ris 1982; Murra 960; Rostworowski 977:24>244).During the Late Horizon, he relationship etweenfood and politics was manifest n the Inka elabora-tion of a distinctive nsemble of ceramic ervice, tor-age, and, to a lesser extent, cooking vessels. While



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50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

o

-

| - T - -

F1

-

Q

F14

Figure 4. Distribution of Inka vessel forms comprising a composite, empire-wide assemblage (n = 4383). Note: Vessel cate-gories representing ess than one percent of the entire assemblage are omittedfrom graph (these include Forms 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and12).

stylistically distinct, Inka pottery conformed unc-tionally o widespread Andean culinary and subsis-tence patterns. The production nd distribution f ahighly recognizable tate pottery nsemble suggestsa conscious strategy imed at creating material ym-bols of social hierarchy nd class difference.

The decision to encode such difference n culi-nary equipment s probably not accidental. The rela-tionship between the rulers and the people whoserved them was to an important xtent both medi-ated and materialized hrough he prestation f food

and drink within he context of ritual commensality.In traditional Andean society, cooking and the pro-duction of chicha,both for everyday consumptionand for offerings to the huacas and ancestors, wasthe primary esponsibility f women.

In a groundbreaking ork on gender systems inthe Andes, Silverblatt (1987) argued that womenwere integral o the construction f empire and thecreation of social classes in the Inka state. As anAndean people, the Inka well understood he prin-ciples of sexual complementarity nd gender paral-lelism that structured raditional ocial organization.Inherstudy, Silverblatt(1987:4s108)demonstrateshow the Inka, through he shrewd manipulation fAndean orthodoxy, transformed ancestral under-

standings f complementary ifference nto new sys-tems of social hierarchy hrough he idiom of gen-der. Costin (1996) builds on these insights nto therelation etween nka tate policies and gender n heranalysis of the gendered division of labor n the lateprecolumbian Andes. Focusing on the organizationof textile production, he also demonstrates ow spe-cific state practices reinforced a developing genderideology based on hierarchy rather han comple-mentarity.

By dividing the universe nto separate gendered

spheres, the Cuzquenos remained aithful to tradi-tional Andean concepts while simultaneously ncor-porating he new reality of power (as opposed toprestige) differences and social classes. The genderparallelism of Inka deology constructed he queen(coya) as the royal daughter f the Moon and placedher at the head of the empire's emale subjects, mir-roring he role of the sapa Inka, who as the Sun'sson, reigned over the male citizenry see PachacutiYamqui's diagram of Inka cosmology, 1968[1613]:158). Given the ideology of sexual comple-mentarity, he Inka queen was as essential as the kingin the social and political configuration f Tawan-tinsuyu. According to historic sources, the queenparalleled er husband he sapa Inka n nearly every

_ - - T

F4 F6 F9 F10 F11 F13

Inca Forms



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Viewing he mperial nkaceramic assemblage asan instrument or the propagation f state ideologyalso takes us beyond he standard ichotomy of pub-

lic versus domestic spheres of activities and heir rel-ative ranking. n the use of state pottery or culinaryqua politicalpurposes, he ords and adies of the Inkanobility appear o have been drawing upon Andeanideologies of gendered activities, materially refer-encing the complementarity nd power of both menand women n the construction f empire. The fem-inine activities of cooking and serving hat our soci-ety consigns o the realm of the domestic was clearlya central and essential component of the Inka polit-ical economy. The household and the state wereintrinsically nd ndivisibly inked, while the powerof the state was both expressed and obscured hroughthe dynamics of gender.

As Conkey and Gero (1991) note, there s poten-tially much to be gained rom nquiring nto the cul-tural and ideological meanings embedded ingendered ctivities uch as cooking. Considering hepolitical significance of cuisine brings he activitiesof food collection, preparation, rocessing, distrib-ution, and consumption nto the broader arenas ofpublic and political life. As the Inka case suggests,the domestic and political realms are not necessar-ily everywhere and always divided, distinguished,and differentially alued. It may actually be that heprinciples, ehaviors, nd deologies associated withthe domestic sphere were ntegrally nd nextricablylinked with the public and political realms of soci-ety throughout much of human history.

Acknowledgments. am indebted o Constanza Ceruti, AntonioChavez, Gordon McEwan, and Johan Reinhard for grantingme permission to study firsthand he Inka pottery recoveredfrom their archaeological nvestigations n Peru and Argentina.For facilitating access to the other museum collectionsincluded in the present study, I gratefully acknowledge thehelp of Antonia Ayerbe and Roxana Abril of the Museo Inka nCuzco; Ruddy Perea Chavez and Key Palacios of the MuseoSantuarios Andinos in Arequipa; Ernesto Salazar of the Museode Jijon y Caamano at the Catholic University in Quito; ChipStanish, then of the Field Museum in Chicago; and BillWierzbowski of the University Museum of Pennsylvania. Iwould also like to thank he many anonymous reviewers whosegeneral expertise and critical insights have shaped the finalform of this paper, though all errors and omissions of courseremain my own, and Latin American Antiquity coeditorSuzanne Fish for seeing this work through o publication.

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* , .

Anommo

1965 [1573] La cibdad de Sant Francisco del Quito. In Rela-ciones geograficas de indias, edited by Marcos Jimenez dela Espada, pp. 205-232. Ediciones Atlas, Madrid.

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