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    t~iipyrighi 2005 by theNaponal An l^ucation Associaiion Studin in An EducaiionA Journal of Usucs and Rn cin- h2005. ^6 3), 197-210

    What? Clotheslines and Popbeads Aren*t TrashyAnymore?: Teaching About KitschKristin G. CongdonIhiiuemty of Central Floritla

    Doug BlandyIhiiversity of Oregon

    In rhis arricle, we explore changing definitions of kitsch and simultaneouslyexamine the relevance of kiisch to contemporary society. Using a number ofexamples, including a focus on kitsch related to Septem ber 11, 20 01 , we explorethe current popularity of kitsch in society. We analyze rhe growth and influenceof kit.sch in everyday life and in che art world. We argue that kirsch makes ourpkiralism visible and that kirsch is a means to resist culturnl and aesthetic hege-mony and power. Implications for art educarion are provided.Kitsch, depending largely on context, can be defined in numerous ways.For example. Art Nouveau is sometimes described as kitsch, often in adegrading manner. It is thought to be decorative, filling a lower levelfunction in the modernist art world. In a recent exhibition, organized by

    the Victoria and Albert Museum, an effort was made to reassess ArtNouveau beyond rhe kitsch associated with its embellishment and orna-mentation (Riding, 2000, p. AR23). While this exhibition attempted toseparate what the curators saw as the art form from rhe kirsch, it alsorepresented a missed opportunity to address the important social implica-tions of kitsch, which will be discussed in this article. However, theVictoria and Albert Museum exhibii is important because, until recently,it was unusual for so-called fine art museums to deal with conceptionsand examples of kitsch.Objects identified as kitsch are usually associ-ated with items integrated into rhe everyday livesof people. Consider, for example, the plastic pinkRamingo, the velvet Elvis painting, or the LasVegas snow globe. Attitudes that people bring totheir appreciation of (or distaste for) kitsch willvary. Kitsch may be revered as a treasuredmemento of a significant event or be appreciatedwith a sense of itony. In relation to the later, the

    ubiquitous plastic flamingo is thought to be sotacky (read as kitsch) that a current trend in Florida is to temporarily

    Correspondencerc^rding this articlemay be sent to KristinG. Congdon ai theCultural HcrilagcAlliaJicc, School of Filmand Digital Media.Univt-ruty of CentralFlorida, Orlando, FL3 2 81 6 . E-mail:kcon gd o ncc.ucg.cdu

    Big Orange .

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    Kristin G. Congdon and Doug Blandy

    Clothesline.Photo by Bud Lee

    also be associated with gender, for example, a "girly" world like the worof Betty Paige pin-ups, frilly lingerie from Frederick's of Hollywood, aspiked high-heeled shoes are associated with fetnininitj' in the extremKitsch in the girly world can be so elaborate that ultra-feminine drqueens are looked to for expertise, moving kitsch, in this case, towardscross-gender kind of experience (Bright, 1997. p. 132). Through its assciation with gender and sexual orientation, kitsch has also been linkwith "camp," partictilarly Sontag's (1961) delineation ot "camp" as anicial, ironic, playful, stylish, exaggerated, and theatrical. For Sontag, maexamples of camp are also kitsch. For Felluga (2004) camp isseconscious kitsch. Welch (2003) elaborates on the relationship betwekitsch and camp by arguing that camp amplifies kitsch by

    focusing on... irony, aestheticism, theatricality and humor. Forexample: A bed is not campy. A bed displayed as art is probablykitschy. But a paint-splattered bed, previously occupied by twomen, hung on the wall, is definitely campy, (p. 1)Kitsch is traditionally associated with bad taste. Kirschenblatt-Gimbl(1998) suggests looking

    no farther than neighborhoods where...certain property values will plummet withappearances of clotheslines, satellite dishes,storage sheds, birdbaths, or recreationalvehicles or the wrong types oflawngrass,mailboxes, awnings, or siding material,(p .265)Kitsch, a concept originating in the 19th centuamong German art dealers to describe bad art,commonly associated with fakes, aesthetic rubbiand that which is cheap. While (good) art is thought to require effort anseriousness, kitsch is linked with pleasure and entertainment. Kuik(1996) conceptual analysis of kitsch as an aes the tic categ ory su pp orthi s view by identi fy ing kitsch as bein g deficient and less valuable all ways than art.

    Because of its association with bad taste, kitsch is devalued aesthecally, economically, and culturally. Greenberg (1939) affirmed tbe devalation of kitsch within a modernist perspective in his now famous ess"Avant-Garde and Kitsch," in which kitsch was linked with the aesthecally undesirable, not suitable for cultivated people and identified as loculture. Greenberg ultimately made "social snobbery look progressiv(Go pnik, 1998, p . 73). K irsche nbla t t -Gim blet t (1998) amplif iGreenberg's attitude towards kitsch by noting, "kitsch is to caste whsuperstit ion is to religion--somebody else's mistake" (p. 276

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    Teaching About Kitsch

    re values associated with a capitalist economy driven by mass productionnd public consumption. Simply put, good taste is associated with thoseho control the most capital and do not need to base consumption onthe afiordability promised by mass production.Kammen (1999), a historian of culture, notes that correlations betweenaste and social class were much discussed from the 1870s until afterorld War IL However, beginning in the 1950s the relationship betweenocial class and cultural choices became more elusive. He attributes thislusiveness to the development of more inclusive definitions of culturend the fact that beginning in the 1960s increasing numbers of academi-ally educated people participated in popular and mass culture.Beginning in the late 20th century with the rise of post-modernism

    nd continuing into the 21st, attitudes towards kitsch have changed.Kundcta (1988) was predictive of this change in attitude when he wrotebenevolently about kitsch in relation to human nature. For the novelistKundera;Kitsch is the translation ofthestupidity of received ideas into theLinguage of beaury and feeling. It moves us to tears of compassionfor ourselves, for the banality of what we think and feel .. .(pp. 163-164)Another reason for the change in attitude towards kitsch may be, as

    Kirschenblatt-Gimblett (1998) suggests, that kitsch is a move towardliberating pluralism, "an affirmation of the possibility of creative expres-sion in all quarters" (p. 281). This observation by Kirschenblatt-Gimblettis in keeping with our previous research associated with the contemporaryand historical human predisposition towards the "fake" (Congdon &Blandy, 2001). In this research we examined the challenges and opportu-nities associated with fakcry within the context of Gomez-Pena's (1996)five worlds of contemporary life and art education. The cityscapes, music,isual images, creative writing, and other examples of fakery that wexamined are considered kitsch within many traditional and/or modernistdefinitions ofthe term. We concluded that youth culture characterized bya voracious and self-conscious aptitude and appetite for sampling andremixing from all the cultural detritus that surrounds us is contributingsignificantly to redefining and newly defining life and material culture inthe 21st century. Postulating a liberating sixth world of critical engage-ment and social reconstruction, we identified art educators as importantpartners in working with children and youth to negotiate the inestimabledistractions and illusions associated with contemporary life. This work byart educators and theit students in rhe sixth world would be informed by

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    Kristin G. Congdon and Doug Blandy

    Tourist withSeashell. Photoby Bud Lcc.

    Our purpose in this article is to build on our conclusions associatwith the fake by focusing on kitsch. A-s a part ot this purpose we re.sdefining kitsch and instead recognize kitsch as having clusters of meaniassociated with aesthetic, socio-cultural, economic, and political points view. Kitsch can appeal to all ofthesenses, and hbeen closely linked with fakery, depravity, senmentality, vulgarity, cra.ssness, and the formulabut it is also about parody, irony, and satirKitsch has been associated with low art, the uneucated, and it is economically cheap, masproduced, and often considered tacky. It did nfit into the realm of modernist tastes. Partbecause it has heen so debased and is noenjoying an elevation in status, the critique kitsch stimulates our interest.Our method of working with kitsch Is like that of the "mash-up" Dwho juxtaposes samples of music pulled from multiple genres to recontetualize and remix cultural expressions for the purpose of communicatinew meanings. We juxtapose and remix kitsch with questions and issulong thoiighr important in our society and art education. In doing so, wpropose a place for kitsch within the context of educating children, youand adults about att and material culture. In this article, our exampl

    will be broad based and include Latin American embellishment, responsto the events of September 11 in New York, our contemporary collectinfrenzy, and the proliferation of tattooing. We look at reasons for teachiour students various aspects ofkitsch. We will focus on (1) analyzing tpopularity of kitsch; (2) viewing kitsch as liberating pluralism in the ar(3) recognizing kitsch as one strategy and aspect of cultural resistance; an(4) suggesting implications for art education.

    The Popularity of KitschKitsch perplexes and unnerves. Kitsch simultaneously repulses anseduces by its apparent superficiality and appeal to baser instincts. Kitsis also perplexing because understanding and appreciating kitsch cannbe reduced to simplistic claims such as it is all about "junk" or all abo"class." However, the perplexity associated with kitsch does not dissuapeople from appreciating and collecting it. It is likely that kitsch's appemay, in pan, be due to its resistance to classification.In the April 30, 2002 issue of The New York Times, Matanowsreported on a trend towards the passionate collecting of knickknack

    bric-a-brac, and shotzkes. The popularity of PBS sAntiquesRoadshoonly one visual aspect of the currentfi'enzy.Malanowski's article sugges

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    these collectors is because it is so hard explain why they collect what theydo.M alanowski writes:Th e fact is that collectors are no t so much nutty as inexplicahle;the man who lives to hunt down rare decks of Canadian railroadplaying cards cannot explain why to someone to whom the cards arejust, you know, cards. Who can explain why Andy Warhol bought200 cookie jars for $2 apiece, let alone why somebody bought 145of them for $198,605 at the Warhol estate sale? (p. AR23)

    It may be, Malanowski continues, that these collectors, when placed onthe Roadshow,are making a claim about having taste and intelligence.You may have missed the dot.com boom, but those Eskimo huntingmasks that an ancestor acquired a century ago and that youVe beenstoring behind the Christmas decorations ... [may be] worth a lotmore than your shares ofD rkoop.com. (Malanowski, 2000, p. AR19)Partly because ofthisnew interest in the everyday and "the great find,"many universities are beginning collections that would have been unheardof just a short time ago. The University of Cincinnati has mote than 300snow globes; Ohio Stare University has accrued over 100 pairs of glassesworn by celebrities; Western M ichigan University collects antique hearingaids; Northeastern University has nearly two dozen physical educationuniforms worn by women in the 1920s to the 1960s; and the Universityof California at Davis has 10,000 shopping bags from all over the world(Yachnin, 200I,p. A8).Exhibitions that include kitsch are increasing as collections expand. In2001, for example, the Museum of Indian Arts and Culture of theMuseum of New Mexico had an exhibition on "Tourist Icons: NativeAmerican Kitsch, Camp and Fine Art Along Route 66." Included were anecklace from the Santo Domingo Pueblo made from bits of batterycasings and red phonographic records instead of the usual precious stones;numerous pairs of salt and pepper shakers; and miniature models ofpueblos and kivas (Brockman, 20 01 , p. AR26). More tecendy, the StudioMuseum in Harlem put on an exhibition titled "Black Romantic." Over15,000 calls to artists went out nationwide resulting in a selection ofworks described as "a kind of a Norman Rockwell-meets-George Hurrellpictorial pridefest" (Plagens 2002, p. 62). Critic Peter Piagens writes,"And there's some good stuffinit" (p. 62).Besides giving collectors a positive identity and museums somethingnew to display and discuss, kitsch may be popular today because of itsnostalgic references. Much of it is inexpensive, and sometimes it comes

    from recycling old items into something new, like using an old toilet orbathtub as yard art. It is the ready-made that is manipulated and made

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    because "it is an already derivative producta Xerox of a Xerox"(Stavans, 2000, p. B5). In other words, there is delight in the reproduc-tion. Mexicans take American pop culture (unoriginal material culture)and they copy it. When questioned why as a youth he enthusiasticallyread the strips ElPayo KalimAn and has Superrnachos Stavans, a Spaniprofessor at Amhert College, explains that as a child "|what] I wantedmost was salvation through escape to become a superheroa las mexi-canapart mariachi and part Spiderman, to ridicule the political elite, totravel to the Chiapas rain forest by horse with a flamboyant maid by myside" (Stavans, 2000, p. B5). Kitsch, therefore, can unite you with amission, a dream, or a needed journey. In this regard kitsch liberates

    KitschasLiberating PluralismThe material cultute of everyday life in a democracy Is associated withthe plurality ofwaysin which people assemble, work, and act together for

    a variety of political, aesthetic, economic, familial, religious, and/oreducational purposes. In coming together to share celebratory experiencesof ever)'day events, people generate creative and symbolic forms such as"custom, belief, technical skill, language, literature, art, architecturemusic, dance, drama, ritual, pageantry, handicraft..." (Bartis & Bowman,2000). Participating in this way equips us with the ability to communi-cate what is important; it grants refuge; it allows us to respond to theproblems and challenges associated with everyday life: it provides amuse-ment and pleasure, and livelihood; and it exemplifies ingenuity. The incli-nation to be creative is so ordinary that it is often overlooked for theextraordinary contribution it makes to such commonplace activities ascooking, fishing, keeping house, gardening, computing, and the multitudeof other endeavors required in daily life (Congdon & Blandy, 2003).Depending upon one s point of view and/or the definitions that one issympathetic to, a great deal of what people are Inclined to make or appre-ciate in the process of living their lives is a broad array of kitsch. Thisinclination to embrace kitsch in this regard is profoundly exemplified inthe kitsch associated with the attack on the World I rade C'enter in NewYork City on September 11, 2001.

    In summer 2002. we visited "Ground Zero" in lowet Manhattan. Mostof the rubble had been removed from the area. What remained of theNew York World Trade Center's twin towers wetc the sunken walls or"bath tub" engineered to keep the nearby East River at bay. Traces stillremained of the personal remembrances that visitors have left at the site,although what we saw was much reduced ftom what was present in theimmediate days and weeks following the attacks. However, in keeping withwhat can usually be found at pilgrimage sites, were numerous street

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    Teaching About Kitschaftermath; twin tower paperweights; commemorative books; all mannerof 9/11 t-shlrts and hats; New York City Police and Fire Departmentmemorabilia; American flags, and generally lots ofred,white, and blue.

    If mass production, vulgarity, gaudiness, emotional manipulation, andcheapness characterize kitsch, then September 11 is clearly kitschified.Some are outraged by this kitschification. A coast guard officer posted toSalon.com thatMany of those I have served with take ptide in quiet resolve,conscientious action, and muted yet sincere support of others. Inshort, we refuse to be victims or buy into the commercialized veneeroiSept. 11 because we have a job to do for the American People,and we know that no kitschy generalization will make that job goaway or make it any easier. (Hoerncmann, 2003)

    The novelist Philip Roth wrote mournfully and nostalgically of visitingthe Twin Towers area shortly after their destruction and thankfully beforethe "kitschification" we saw set in. He expressed his aversion and outrageto this kitschification by saying that the only story he takes from 9/11is the kitsch in all its horrornot the horror of what happened,but the great distortion of what happened. It's almost embarrassing,the kitschification of 3,000 people's deaths. Other cities have experi-enced far worse catastrophes O ne wouldn't dream of slightingthese people, it Is awful, but we need to keep a sense of p roportionabout these things. What we've been witnessing since September 11is an orgy of national narcissism and a gratuitous sense of victimiza-tion that is repellent. (Roth cited in Leigh,2003,p. 1)The disgust expressed by the coast guard officer and Roth about thekitschification of 9/11 is consciously or unconsciously associated with avery condescending and negative view of kitsch. While we need to treadlightly here out of respect for those who see this kitschification of 9/11asaberrant and incongruent with their grief, we must also remember that

    the negative connotations associated with kitsch may have more to dowith sexist, classist. and racist attitudes that contribute to an art/kitschdichotomy that were discussed earlier. Kitsch, in this way of thinking, isabout that which Is distasteful, base, and unthoughtful; it is something toget rid of. However, when material culture, such as that now found atGround Zero, is considered from psychological, historical, sociological,and anthropological perspectives, this dichotomy disintegrates except tothe extent that it illustrates a particular view among a certain group ofpeople at a particular tim e.The kitschification of September 11 also memorializes September 11.Kitsch as memorial is not at all uncommon. What would have been

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    memorialized in emotionally laden posters Vk'ith tattered flags and admonitions to "never forget" (Mieike, 2003). The United States' resultingentry into World War II encouraged myriad forms of kitsch includingsongs such as the "Boogie Woogie Bugle Boy." {Mieike, 2003). As a child[co-author of this article] Blandy discovered in his grandparents' basement a mass-produced poster memorializing the RMS Titanic. If higrandparents had been collectors of such memorabilia they might alsohave had the sheet music associated with such songs as "It Was a Sad DayWhen the Great Ship Went Down," and "Dovi-n With the Oid Canoe"or ceramic models of the ship (Mieike, 2003).

    Government entities in New York City are also moving to respond tothe events of September 11 through memorialization. Architects arepondering how to officially memorialize the loss of life at the WorldTrade Centers. The architect Hugh Pearman (2003) observes that

    No one has yet thought of an appropriate way of memorializingmass killing by terrorist action. Not only did no battle take place,not only were no conventional weapons used, not only was this acivilian affair, but even the enemy wa.s uncertain. So all the usualsupporting elements needed to generate a memorial are missing.(p-3)

    Memoriaiization is at least of two types: Those that are official and thosethat are a spontaneous outpouring ofgrief.It is this latter type that interests us in relation to kitsch. Consider the thousands of plastic wrappedflowers that appeared at Kensington Palace after the death of PrincessDiana. Several years ago we watched as a school yard fence in SptingfieldOregon became a site for placing flowers, photographs, newspaper articles, handwritten notes, stuffed animals, balloons, and other miscellaneous materials placed there to recognize those who were killed owounded in the Thurston High School shooting.

    As the architects were planning, those thousands killed or injured inrhe attack on the World Trade Center were immediately and sponta-neously being memorialized through notes and pictures attached to thesurrounding walls. Shordy after the collapse of the Twin Towers streevendors were selling items like those described earlier. Some people, aone possible response to 9/11, are bringing the events of September 11into their own lives through kitsch. This is not a passive response to theevent, bur an activist and liberating one. People are undoubtedly buyingthese images and objects in order to deal with their stupefaction (Kundera1988) and as a way to personally memorialize rather than waiting for theso-called experts and municipal officials to do it for them.

    Clearly there Js no consensus around what constitutes appropriate grie

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    Teaching About Kitschdesire a consensus about what constitutes an appropriate response toSeptember 11 reached through reason, what is occurring are a plurality ofmultiple, simultaneous, conflicting, and hotly debated responses appro-priate to a pluralistic and democratic society.

    Another example of kitsch's link to pluralism can be seen in Catholicimagery found in church souvenir stands. No longer collected just byCatholics, these items are used in up-scaled storefront windows and areused as decorations in nightclubs. O lalquiaga, (1996) explains:Suddenly, holiness is all over the p lace. For $3.25 one can buy aHoliest Water Fountain in the shape of the Virgin, while plasticfans engraved with the images of your favorite holy people go for$1.95as do Catholic identification tags: 'I'm a Catholic. In caseof accident or illness please call a priest.' Glowing rosary beads canbe found for $125 and, for those in search ofverbal illustrations,a series of'Miniature Stories oftheSaints' is available for only$1.45.. . .Even John Paul II has something to contribute; on histravels the Holy Father leaves behind a trail of images, and one canbuy his smiling face in a variety of Pope gadgets including alarmclocks, pins, picture frames, T-shirts and snowstorm globes, (p. 271)

    Olalquiaga continues to say that this "holy invasion" has now invaded thegalleries.Many Latin American artists clutter their work with everyday objectsthat communicate a brash and bold look. They play on stereotypes,making a statement by being excessive. Sometimes they do this in orderto critique the powerful art establishment that has both disappeared andinvalidated their cultural aesthetic. Pep6n Osorio, for instance, is wellknown for embellishing furniture and household items in an effort toroot his work in the social and political space of the Latin Americanimmigrant in the United States (Congdon & Hallmark. 2002). His arthearkens back to a home country and purposely reflects a cultural biasthat dismisses a particular kind of aesthetic as it flies in the face of mini-

    malism and the Puritanical dislike of decoration (Fusco, 1991). Bymaking visible another kind of aesthetic, artists like Osorio broaden theart world and make its aesthetic more inclusive. He resists die dominantart culture by playing up this aesthetic to an extreme.Kitsch and ResistanceGreenberg's power as a critic established kitsch as a lowly person'sartistic taste. He claimed:

    1 here has always been on che one side the minority of the powerful-and therefore the cultivated and on the other the great mass ofthe exploited and poor and therefore the ignoran t. Forma culture

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    A Greenbergian perspective on the kitschification of September 11would identify this phenomenon as one triore example of the "great mass"of people turning to kitsch to express an uncultivated communicativeresponse. He might also negatively critique the work of Pepon Osorio.We wonder what his response would be in this regard, co this kitschifica-tion process as expressed on tbe body itself in the form of tattoos.

    Anthropologists have informed us that "every culture's ideas about thebody both reflect and sustain ideas about the broader social and culturaluniverse in which those bodies are located." (Benson, 2000, p. 234). It isthrough our bodies that we make visible, to ourselves and others, what weare." (Benson, 2000, p. 235). In this regard, as recognized by Foucault"the body is always 'directly invoived in a political field', its training andits intelligibility always of concern; the politics of the body is always apractical politics, a question of power as well as epistemology." (Foucaultcited in Benson, 2000, p. 235)

    Memorializing September 11 through kitsch imagery and objects isvividly expressed in the plethora of September 11 tattoos and tattoo flashthat is appearing nat ionwide. Frequenting the vendors in lowerManhattan convinces us that the kitschification of September 11 includesbody customization through the appropriation of the images oiSeptember 11 tbat are being mass produced and sold on the streets.

    The history of tattooing in the United States has always included theappropriation of images from folk and popular culture (Govenar. 2000)Tattooist Don Ed Hardy claims, "...tattooing is the greatest art ofpiracy Tattoo artists have always taken images from anjxhing availablethat customers want to have tattooed on them" (Hardy cited in Benson2000, p. 243). The place to see the most tattoos in Portland. Oregon istbe Hawthorne neighborhood. If you walk this street on a hot afternoonyou will see a plethora of tattoos with imagery culled from comic stripcharacters, team mascots, anime and manga characters, movie and rockstars,among others. The history of tattooing in the United States has alsoalways included tattoos as memorials. During the Wotld War I era a verycommon tattoo was the "Rose of No-Man's Uuid." This tattoo wa.s basedon both a World War I popular song and the image of a Red Cross nurse(Govenar, 2000). The quintessential stereotype of a tattoo may be abanner inscribed with "mother" surrounded by roses and/or swallows.

    Tattoos responding to September 11 routinely appear in publicationssuch as International Tattooand Skin and Ink. A recent exhibitophotographs titled "Indelible Memories" at Historic Richmond Town onStaten Island in New York records tattoos wotn in the region thacommemorates September 11. The photographs, taken by Vinnie Amesse

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    Teaching About Kitschor not, imagery, that Roth (Roth cited in Leigh, 2003) would identify askitsch , is being used by some ro affirm their own re lation ship to theevents of September 11 while simultaneously resisting terrorism and offi-cial memorialization. Consider this in relationship to one petson'sdescription of being tattooed asthe puncturing, cutting and piercing of the skin: the flow of bloodand the infliction ofpain;the healing process, a visible and perma-nent mark on yet underneath che skin: 'an inside which comes fromthe outside ... the exteriorization oftheinterior which is simultane-ously the interiorization oftheexterior. (Gell cited in Benson, 2000,p.237)

    September 9/11 tattoos can be seen as a person's way of communi-cating his or her values, attitudes, and beliefs about the event on the onlysurface that can truly be called their own. In chis regard, unlike any offi-cial memorializing that may take place, the memorial is the person. Thetattoo is also the reference point from which a person can see him orherself within a historical event felt to be of importance (Benson, 2000).From this perspective, reality is both shaped and expressed by the ta ttoo .People are remarkable in the ways that they are able to u.se culture as atool to advance a political agenda and resist hegemony. While weroutinely accept that so-called art can be a part of cultural resistance,definitions and conceptions of kitsch usually fail to mention this possi-bility. The 9/11 tattoos remind us of the importance that the body canhave as a site of resistance. We can also study the kitschification ofSeptember 11 in relation to the larger history of resistance, The tattooedbody can be thought ofascontributing to those public spaces chatptomote an issue but also empower: they build self and groupiden tities They offer versions of experience and reality, becom ingpart of the stories people tell each other: to console, galvanize andresist. (Duncom be, 20 02, p. 8)

    The kit.schificaiion of9/11 mostly may have to do with people takingimages and objects manufactured for the general public and using themto generate a cultural response of their own. It is important that you notread our speculations about the kicsch of 9/11 as a valorization of thisparticular kitschification process; rather, it is simply illustrative. To date,there is no consensus around the political implications of9/11. Resistancein response to 9/11 is about wanting to make a statement about safetyand security among some, and, sadly, resistance to democratic valuesassociated with a free society among others.Implications for Art Education

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