asns tibetan spiritscapes3.docx

8/10/2019 ASNS Tibetan Spiritscapes3.docx

1/28

Page 1

Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:

A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special

reference to the Yubeng Valley

John Studley

Abstract

For hundreds of years numinous spiritscapes, presided over by place gods or gzhi bdag, have

been a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature

conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursively

recalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by

modernity, tourism and formal education.

Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival

of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit1was

conducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-

cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,

and was informed by the authors research in the region.

Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdagspiritscape spread

over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.

Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of

retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name unique

flora and fauna.

Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in sacred sites than in pilot plots and

these findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi

bdagspiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greaterbiodiversity prior to 1950.

The preservation of gzhi bdagspiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous culture

and its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdagspiritscapes are posed by

the formal education and tourism.

Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land

mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequently

they are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.

This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides some

recommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of the

Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.

Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain

1The author is indebted for all the help and support provided for this research byChina Exploration and Research Society
http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/


2/28

Page 2

Introduction

The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview

predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes2. This paradigm is characterized by strong

psycho-spiritual values3, eco-spiritual auditing

4, topocosmic reciprocity

5and explicit nature

conservation within the domains of numina6. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more

vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths7.

1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes

The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in

territorial cults8and cadastral spirits

9. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by Tibetan

Buddhism (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by holy mountains10

and the

mandalization of landscape11

. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a

discrete phenomenon in their own right.

Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring of

mundane numina (known collectively as yul lha12

and locally as gzhi bdag13

) under the aegis of

what are commonly described as mountain cults14

, territorial cults or the cult of height15

.

Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by agzhi bdag16

associated with

specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic and shamanistic tradition

concerned with the immediate world, involving various ceremonies and rituals that take place in

2Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water

(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numinaSee Byrne 19993Studley 2005

4Hollan 1996, Reichel 1992

5Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004

6Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 2010

7Wild et al 2008

8Huber 2004, 20069Mus 1975

10gnas r i

11McKay 1998

12Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,

depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of jig rten pai lha, or

mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: kl u(nagaspirits dwelling in the water), gnyan(kind of

spirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan(kind on spirit), sa bdagand gzhi bdag(protective spirits of the ground),

gdon(kind of demon), dre(kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srung ma(protectors) and dgra lha(war gods) SeePunzi 201313

Often yul lhaand gzhi bdagare used together i.e. yul l ha gzhi bdagin a general sense for any places gods, including

gods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)14

Blondeau & Steinkellner 199815Karmay 199816

Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13


3/28

Page 3

the home and mountain locales. The gzhi bdag17

and other 'gods of the past', theoretically 'tamed'

by Buddhism18

are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and in sensed

presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the worship of

ancient gods. They are not only conscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdag when they go

hunting, but engage in rituals and place demands on them for protection and health, and success,

in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.

Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is

expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing

process of folk practice recovery19

and a contemporary means of expressing Tibetanness20

.

1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation

Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the

domain of the gzhi bdagwhich is encompassed by the territory they preside over21

.

1.3 Monocultural myopia

The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity

hotspots appear to have been discursively excluded22

from official narratives. Elite interests have

attempted to:- assimilate spiritual ecologies, bureaucratise them23

, decertify/diminish them24

or

ignore them as a result of secondary ethnocentrism or monocultural myopia25

. Even the IUCN

literature on the Asian Philosophy of Protected Areas appears to conflate mainstream beliefs and

17aplace god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity thatpresides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature

18When they theoretically became Dharma protectors (or srung ma)

19Huber 2002

20Kolas 2004

21Studley 2010

22Weinblum and Iglesias 2013

23Karlsson 2003 Laungaramsri 2003

24Guha 199725

Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3


4/28

Page 4

animism and to state disparagingly using a thin description26

that SNS are supposedto contain

numina!27

Within the last ten years there has been a discursive recalibration28of the cultural and spiritual

values of biodiversity29

and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature

and culture30

. This was spearheaded by NGOs, regarded as panaceas in solvingthe conservation

crisis predicated on community-based conservation31

. They are led and discursively directed32

by

an elite cartel of conservation NGOsunder the aegis of the New World Order33

. The resulting

conservation hegemony34

, however, has often excluded the spiritual ecologies of animism35

the

most common belief system of the worlds indigenous people36

or attempted to integrate,

regulate37

, commodify38

or resourcify39

elements of their topocosmon the basis of western

bureaucratic discourses and most recently under the aegis of national accounting

40

.

Concurrently, however, there is a counter-discourse41

which recognises the web of inter-

dependence42

between indigenous peoples and their SNS and is redefining western terminology43

on the basis of indigenous meaning (semantic and contextual).44

It is impossible for the web of interdependence and the indigenous belief system that

encompasses SNS to be protected if it is de-contextualised45

, de-souled or elements of it isolated in

archives (or databases), frozen in time and space, in knowledge centres privileged on scientism46

and

26Anagnost 1994

27Hamzah et al 2013

28Ferrera 2007, Page 13

29Posey 1999

30Wild et al 2008

31Basurto 2008, Novellino and Dressler 2010 (Page 166), Nygren 2000 (Page 818)

32Luke 2003

33Abraham and Sanders 1994 Earle 2002 Holmes 2011

34Holmes 201135

Sponsel 201236

Harvey 200837

Frank 200738

Sinclair 200339

Luke 200340

as defined in the Aichi Biodiversity Targetshttp://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/41

Karlsson 200342

Maffi and Woodley 2012 Page 443

Cheyfitz 2014 personal communication44

"indigenous governance" (Horsley 2011), "natural laws of independence" (Cajete 2000), "native science" (Cajete

2000) Earth "jurisprudence" (Berry 2003) "indigenous politics" (Hoskins 2010), Gaia Theory (Lovelock 1973), "natural

democracy" (Cajete 2000), endogenous "co-governance"(Reichel-Dolmatoff 2014 personal communication)45Banuri and Marglin 199346

Sponsel et al 1997
http://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/http://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/http://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/http://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/


5/28

Page 5

bureaucratic procedure and strangled by exogenous control through governance , national

accounting and management47

.

It has been estimated48

that 25%49

of Cultural Tibet is comprised of Sacred Lands dedicated to

and inhabited to gzhi bdag.

The purpose of this study is to redress the monocultural myopia50

of the transnational

conservation elite51

by attempting: -

1) To ground truth the realities and extents of selected SNS, under the aegis of a divinity known as

a gzhi bdagpredicated on a bio-cultural audit.

2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the gzhi bdagphenomenon to local

and global audiences.

3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for 500,000 km2of

Tibetan Spiritscape and the cultures (in toto) that support them

2 The Study Area

The Yubeng Valley

The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha52, lies at the heart of the Khawakarpo mountain range in

Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner kora pilgrim route53

. It encompasses nine

groups of peaks which circumscribe the abodes54

of the gzhi bdag55

, including three forested peaks

which are also sealed56

. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and pilgrimage

centre. Its Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng57

or Lower Yubeng58

and speak a dialect

47Agrawal 1995

48Buckley 2007, Shen et al 2012

49567,000km

2

50Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3

51Holmes 2011

52GIS estimate

53http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/

54Known as palaces or citadels or or pho brangin Tibetan

55Pronounced redain much of Deqin TAPthis should not be confused with rida.

56Known in Tibetan as or ri rgya bsdam

573350m58

3250m
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/


6/28

Page 6

of Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the properties within the Three Parallel Rivers World

Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites59

.

3 Survey Methods

The survey methods were predicated on:-

a literature review of sacred sites in NW Yunnan

contact with sacred site researchers who have studied NW Yunnan

the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Khawakarpo

a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County60

3.1 Site Selection

The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an important

Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdagand several of them are also

sealed61

. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County62

to assess the distribution across

the Prefecture.

59which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex

60Also known as Shangri-la County

61Known in Tibetan as r i r gya bsdam62

Also known as Shangri-la County


7/28

Page 7

Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)


8/28

Page 8

4 Results

4.1 The gzhi bdag survey


9/28

Page 9

6 How many gzhi bdag

1 1 8.33%

2 5 41.67%

3 4 33.33%

5 1 8.33%

9 1 8.33%

Total 12

Mean 3.08Standard Dev. 2.11

Variance 4.45

Response 12 100.00%

5 are there any gzhi bdag here

yes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

8 is there a known liminal boundary

yes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag

domains in the village (mu)?

(how long does it take to walk around)

15 mu = 1 ha

Data Set:

350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,

4500, 9000, 85320 ha

Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350

Maximum 85320

Range: 84970

Count: 11

Sum: 114733 7648.86

Mean: 10430 695.33

Median: 2500

Mode: 4500

Standard

Deviation:

24970

Variance: 623600000


10/28

Page 10

10 can you describe the gzhi bdag rituals

household devotions 10 27.03%

me n/m onks offe r bs an g a t l a bt sa s 8 2 1.6 2%

community and ad hoc 9 24.32%

all offer bsang at bsang thab 10 27.03%

Total 37

Mean 2.51

Standard Dev. 1.17

Variance 1.37

Response 10 83.33%


9 Is the domain sealed (ri rgya)?

Yes 1 8.33%

No 0 0.00%

I have never heard of sea ling 11 91.67%

Total 12

Mean 2.83

Standard Dev. 0.58

Variance 0.33

Response 12 100.00%

11 what activities are sanctioned in gzhi bdag

domain

limited cutting 1 6.25%

collecting herbs 1 6.25%

collect grass 1 6.25%

collect dry firewood 1 6.25%

grazing 5 31.25%

male access 1 6.25%

protect trees 3 18.75%

protect animals 2 12.50%

special access for women 1 6.25%

Total 16

Mean 5.44

Standard Dev. 2.22

Variance 4.93

Response 12 100.00%


11/28

Page 11

13 can you name the types of retribution

for upsetting a gzhi bdag

human illness 4 23.53%

cancer 1 5.88%

human death 2 11.76%

animal illness 2 11.76%

animal death 2 11.76%

hail and storms 1 5.88%

avalanches 1 5.88%

glaciers recede 1 5.88%

madness or craziness 1 5.88%

dreams and nightmares 1 5.88%

bad things happen 1 5.88%

Total 17

Mean 4.94

Standard Dev. 3.60

Variance 12.93

Response 6 50%

14 What are the means of restitution

offer bsang 7 43.75%

chanting 1 6.25%

prayer flags 2 12.50%

pray for all villagers 1 6.25%

white scarf 1 6.25%

plant trees 3 18.75%

release animals 1 6.25%

Total 16

Mean 3.06

Standard Dev. 2.26

Variance 5.13

Response 9 75%Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

12 what activities are not sanctioned in gzhi bdag

domain

no tree cutting 2 10.00%

no litter dropping 1 5.00%

improper dress 2 10.00%

no hunting 4 20.00%

no burning 1 5.00%

no access to snow peaks 1 5.00%

no access for women 3 15.00%

no firewood collection 4 20.00%

no herb collecting 1 5.00%

no urinating or defecating on glaciers 1 5.00%

Total 20

Mean 5.45

Standard Dev. 2.70

Variance 7.31

Response 9 75.00%


12/28

Page 12

15 who assists you when you make

restitution

a lama 3 60.00%

a cangba 1 20.00%

a lha pa 0 0.00%

a sngags pa 0 0.00%

a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%

an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%

nobody 0 0.00%

Total 5

Mean 2.00

Standard Dev. 1.73

Variance 3.00

Response 3 25.00%

16 who is responsible for cultural

reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)

Village elders 2 50.00%

Parents 2 50.00%

Lamas 0 0.00%

Cangba 0 0.00%

Total 4

Mean 1.50

Standard Dev. 0.58

Variance 0.33

Response 2 8.16%

17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag

domain?

Yes 10 83.33%

No 2 16.67%

Total 12

Mean 1.17

Standard Dev. 0.39

Variance 0.15

Response 12 100.00%



13/28

Page 13

18 Can you name any unique

flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain

nabi 1 3.45%

pheasants 4 13.79%

small panda 3 10.34%

wolves 2 6.90%

bears 1 3.45%

leopards 3 10.34%

tigers 2 6.90%

musk deer 2 6.90%

many bamboo species 2 6.90%

rare plants 3 10.34%

rare animals 1 3.45%

monkeys 2 6.90%

108 plant/tree species 2 6.90%

other 1 3.45%

Total 29

Mean 7.00

Standard Dev. 4.00

Variance 16.00

Other Option [Other]

serowResponse 8 66.66%

19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi

bdag sites

Tourism 1 5.56%

Forma l Educa tion (in boa rding s chools ) 1 5 .5 6%

Economic development 1 5.56%

Logging 3 16.67%

Mining 0 0.00%

Globalisation 0 0.00%

External philosophic values 6 33.33%

External cultural values 6 33.33%

Total 18

Mean 6.00

Standard Dev. 2.33

Variance 5.41

Response 6 50%


Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information

4.2The GIS Survey
https://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8ahttps://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8ahttps://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8ahttps://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8ahttps://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8ahttps://www.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?webmap=1e36ece4cb56476aab46401fd7828b8a


14/28

Page 14

5 Discussion

5.1 gzhi bdag Sites

gzhi bdagsites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world63

and may comprise up

to64

25% of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau65

. On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey

(section 4) respondents66

were familiar with gzhi bdag(100%), the number of sites per village

(100%)67

and their approximate size (91.66%)68

.

There are nine gzhi bdaglocales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups,

and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdagmountains comprise in total an area of 5278 ha

or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.

Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley

63Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13

64with gnasor monastery land

65Buckley 2007

66

Q5-767An average of 3.08 sites per village68

An average of 10,430 mu or 700hathis was estimated in several cases from the time it took to walk around the

domain


15/28

Page 15

5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing

The protection of gzhi bdagsites is not merely a cultural or spiritual phenomenon. It is considered

a human right that has been identified and protected by international law69

. On the basis of the

survey 100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary70of the gzhi bdagsites (Q8) and were able

to describe their geospatial extent and behavioural expectations. Only 8.33% of respondents were

familiar with sealing (Q9) which ensures double protection of gzhi bdagsites.

gzhi bdagsite sealing is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite

widespread71

. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdagand to

prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages72

out of fifty, in the

Khawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdaglands from domesticated

settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.

Three forested mountains73

in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving

the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama from Hong PoMonastery, Deqin74

.

5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium

The economies, kinship ties, and well-being of most indigenous societies are perpetuated on the

basis of topocosmic reciprocity75

predicated on epistemologies characterized by ceremony and

ritual76

. Ceremony is both a context for transferring knowledge and a way to maintain and restore

balance, renewal, relationship and creative participation with nature77

. Indigenous epistemologies

69Article 25 of theUN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenouspeoples have the right to

maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and

used lands, territories,waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to futuregenerations in this regard.70

A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)71

See Huber 200472

Lanier 200573

tso da, ben de ruand bon bo ru74

Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdag

mountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, as well

as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to the sun-

dial, and then set up manistone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs, five

kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recite the

Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide line cannot

be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will send for the

Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)75Bird-David 1992, Gaster 196176

LaChapelle 198477

Cajete 2000


16/28

Page 16

are manifest through behavioural expectations, customs, rituals, and values which are articulated

and transmitted in stories, histories and lessons.

Equilibrium is maintained in Deqin by securing the patronage78

of a gzhi bdagand by protecting

their domain (and its flora and fauna), and by honouring and thanking them when necessary and by

making restitution when required

Behavioural Expectations in gzhi bdagdomains

Culturally defined expectations exist in most cultures which determine human behaviour.

Behaviour in a SNS inhabited by a gzhi bdagis not determined by governancebut on annual

ceremonies79

and daily rituals80

that maintain relational harmony with the gzhi bdag.

On the basis of the survey 100% of respondents knew what behaviour was allowed in a gzhi bdag

domain (Q11), namely grazing (31.25%), protecting trees (18.75%), protecting animals (12.50%),

limited cutting (6.25%), collecting herbs (6.25%), collecting grass (6.25%), collecting dry firewood

(6.25%), male access (6.25%), special access for women (6.25%)81

.

75% of respondents knew what behaviour was not allowed (Q12) namely no hunting (20.00%), no

firewood collection (20.00%), no access for women (15.00%), no tree cutting (10.00%), improper

dress (10.00%), no litter dropping (5.00%), no burning (5.00%), no access to snow peaks (5.00%),

no herb collection (5.00%), no urinating or defecating on glaciers (5.00%)

41.66% of respondents volunteered that behaviour (spyod pa) in gzhi bdagdomains is self-

regulated through self-appraisal (rang tshod) and discernment (shes pa) of topocosmic

78success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny

and power for the people and their political and religious leadership79

The gzhi bdag is worshipped in annual mountain-side ceremonies as an ancestral and territorial divinity to ensure

personal protection, the security of territory and abundance of resources. Typically the gzhi bdag

are honoured andappeased through the building of wooden or stone cairns which are annually constructed according to the lunar calendar.

The rituals indude fumigation offerings, the scattering of wind horses, the planting of prayer flags or arrows and prayer tothegzhi bdag.Through invocation, geospatially discrete territory is evoked by the geographically ordered naming of land deitiesand renuminised' (Martins 2002, 99) linking sacred and political territory with physical correlates (Bauer 2009).The aim ofthe ritual is to restore the relationship between the community and thegzhi bdag and consists of both offerings and requests.

The worshippers call on thegzhi bdagfor personal protection, the realisation of ambitions and fortune, the subduing ofenemies, success in hunting and forgiveness for environmental degradation (Gross 1997).They regard the gzhi bdagas aprovider of blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny and power for the people and their political and religiousleadership. During the year the gzhi bdagcircumnavigates the territory defining the community's boundaries and resources.Participation in such a ritual implies total integration into the community, which in turn implies inherited social andpolitical obligations, moral and individual responsibility, and an affirmation of communal solidarity in the face ofexternal aggression.

80Known in Tibetan as (cho ga)

81On specific sites


17/28

Page 17

equilibrium. It is guided by fear of offending (phog thug) the gzhi bdag, fear of retribution (chags

sgo), an obligation to show respect, honour, devotion (dad pa) and gratitude and a means of

securing blessing and protection (rang srung).

Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag

gzhi bdagsites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore and

through a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdagthere

are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts82

.

On the basis of the survey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdagrituals

including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang83

for all at a bsang thab84

(27.03%),

community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain la btsas85

(21.62%).

Retribution

gzhi bdagare capricious and easily offended86

especially if they are not honoured and thanked and

humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered they

will take retribution87

on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.

On the basis of the survey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of retribution

that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human illness (23.53%),

human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer (5.88%), hail and

storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%), nightmares (5.88%),

bad things happening (5.88%).

82known in Tibetan as (bsang yig)

83incense

84incense altar

85mountain altar86

The Tibetan word for this is (orphog thug gtong) to be offended87

The Tibetan word for this is (or las bras)


18/28

Page 18

Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak min tso mo

and forested peak of ben de ru

Making restitution with thegzhi bdag

When a gzhi bdagis offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on topocosmic

equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi bdagand the

transgressor and the community.

On the basis of the survey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures required to make

restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang88

(43.75%), planting

trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the village (6.25%),

offering a white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild89

(6.25%)

88incense

89known as tshe thar gtongin Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,

regaining bla(soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdig pa sel ba). It is a common practice among nomads

and the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)


19/28

Page 19

Mediation or Ritual Enquiry

Some form of mediation or ritual enquiry is often employed to establish which gzhi bdagis

offended, who the transgressor is, and the type of restitution required. Traditionally deity

mediums90

were consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution

transgressors have had to rely on other cultural specialists91

(i.e. blamas, cangba92

, amchi93

, or

mo pa94). In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdagcommunicates verbally, but most other

cultural specialists have to rely on divination95

through astrology or chance.

On the basis of the survey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely blamas

(60%), canga(20%) and mo pa96

(20%).

The gzhi bdagdo sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens97,

theophanies98

and even the abduction of relatives99

. Omens and divination are important for maintaining

harmony with a gzhi bdagand the topocosm100

.

Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdagcult)

In most indigenous societies cultural specialists are knowledgeable about wildlife and play an

important role in environmental storytelling and the transmission of culture and indigenous

knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos.

As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin appears to be limited to

mediation101

, and with the exception of one cultural specialist102

elders and parents appear103

to be

shouldering most of the responsibility for intergenerational enculturation104

.

90Often known as lha pain Tibetan

91Yang Fuquan 2002

92

The author was unable to establish if cangbawere trance mediums or relied on dice divination.93Tibetan Doctor or

94Divination master

95 moin Tibetan

96Divination masters

97 (rten brel)in Tibetan and pronounced tendrel.

98The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)

99Norbu 1997

100Samuel 1993

101On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q15)

102A monk in the chapel next to the padmacave complex in Yubeng

103On the basis of the gzhi bdagsurvey (Q16)

104

Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire valuesand behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture.As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shape

the individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation results in

competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture


20/28

Page 20

5.4 Biodiversity

Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdaglocales, are

typically characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia105

of

biodiversity.

In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the survey revealed that

83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the gzhi bdag

domain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much greater

biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents were able to name unique flora &

fauna (See Q19 for detail).

Biodiversity studies of Yubeng flora106suggest some significant differences based on sanctity.

These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area

(m2/ha). The literature107

suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue

sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf, small

panda, snow leopards, Ja108

,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches, yellow

throated buntings, Goulds sunbird and Lady Amhersts pheasant.

5.5 Threats to gzhi bdaglocales and culture

The preservation of gzhi bdagsites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of

indigenous culture and its intergenerational transmission. Threats to indigenous culture are

addressed elsewhere109

and can only be summarised in this chapter.

The greatest bio-cultural threats, on the basis of the survey (Q19), include: - external philosophic

values (33.33%), external cultural values (33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in boarding

school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and economic development (5.56%)

In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the

expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic

105An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or a community of species to

survive after extinction in surrounding areas.106

Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 2007107

Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013108Ja is believed to be gyain Tibetan or serowin Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Khawakarpo mountains they often

have a white mane.109

Studley 2005


21/28

Page 21

development110

. According to the Khawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded

by outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic111

.

There is already evidence of alienation112

in Tibetan secondary school children in Ganzi TAP113

which may have spread to Tibetan primary school students in NW Yunnan114

. Although the

headmaster still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was closed in 2012 and primary school children

currently attend boarding school in Deqin.

Tourism115

and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the

Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and

culture.

The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity

has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng116

and as a result of tourism117

the protected

areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdagare beginning to break down.

Figure 4 Yubengs defunct primary school (CCTV)

110Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 2003

111Moseley et al 2003

112From place and culture

113Studley 2012

114Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school students

from remote villages.115Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 2005116

Lanier 2005117

Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/2013


22/28

Page 22

In marked contrast to Deqin TAP efforts are being made globally to bring indigenous language and

knowledge into school curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus reaffirming

the status of elders as knowledge holders118

.

Although the Khawakarpo Cultural association and others119

have created a bio-cultural archive of

the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back

into the community.

6. Conclusions

Sacred Natural Sites continue to playa major role in the lives and identity of the Tibetan

population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdagsites are the numinous abodes of

territorial divinities that protect and grant success to lay Tibetans and undergird their identity and

Tibetanness.

Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora120

and

may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three

gzhi bdagsites totalling approximately 700ha with well known and well defined geospatial extents

and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.

The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdagdomain is currently conducted on thebasis of self-regulationin order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual protection is

being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for tourism and

exogenous governance.

There is recognition that as the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the

religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally

to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous

knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.

Cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in some locations

only a few remain today.

118Arenas et al 2010,http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf

119

Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 2012120Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the Era of

Fragmentation (9th

-11th

century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)

following opening and reform (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).
http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdfhttp://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf


23/28

Page 23

Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the

responsibility for intergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if cultural

reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school children

currently being sent to boarding school.

Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas of

bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN121

or ICCA122

. Both of these avenues present problems

the cultures of minority indigenous peoples living in countries that have top-down hierarchical

political systems and are predicated on a very questionable agenda of governance. In the light of

these difficulties the current ICCA registration processes, form of governance, and GIS data

publication protocols are in urgent need of review.

7 Recommendations

Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This

information can also be used as base material for their protection.

Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdagritual activity.

Further research is required into the role of cangbaand mo pain Tibetan society and the viability of

increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.

Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.

There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate the

endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and secure

protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.

Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC123

and IUCN to amend registration, governance

and GIS protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected and the belief

systems that support them (in toto).

121http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature

122http://www.iccaconsortium.org/

123http://www.unep-wcmc.org/
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Naturehttp://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.unep-wcmc.org/http://www.iccaconsortium.org/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature


24/28

Page 24

Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration of SNS to

ensure the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to all the custodians

(human and non-human).

Acknowledgements

The author is indebted to the support provided for this research byChina Exploration and Research

Society

Bibliography

Anderson, D., Salick, J., Moseley, B. & Ou Xiaokun. 2005, 'Conserving the sacred medicine mountains: a

vegetation analysis of Tibetan sacred sites in Northwest Yunnan', Biodiversity and Conservation, vol. 14,

pp. 3065-3091.

Arenas, A., Reyes, I. & Wyman, L. 2010, 'When Indigenous and Modern Education Collide', in Globalisation,

Comparative Education and Policy Research 12 Global Pedagogies: Schooling for the Future, ed. J. Zajda,

pp. 85-110.

Bauer, K. 2013, High Frontiers: Dolpo and the Changing World of Himalayan Pastoralists, Columbia University

Press.

Bayo, P. 2012, Sacred Mountains: Spirituality & Heritage Conservation A Comparative Study of Croagh Patrick

in Ireland and Montsacro in Spain, Masters thesis, University College Dublin.

Bird-David, N. 1992, 'Beyond The Original Affluent Society: a culturalist reformulation', CurrentAnthropology, vol. 33, pp. 25-47.

Blondeau, A-M. & Steinkellner, E. 1998, Tibetan Mountain Deities: Their Cults and Representations: Papers

Presented at a Panel of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies - Graz 1995,

Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien.

Buckley, L. 2007, Tibetan Sacred Lands: A Values-Based Approach to Conservation, Worldwatch Institute.

Byrne, D. 2010, 'The Enchanted Earth: Numinous Sacred Sites', in Sacred Natural Sites: Conserving Nature

and Culture, eds. B. Verschuuren, R. Wild, J. McNeely & G. Oviedo, Earthscan, London, pp. 53-61.

Colding, J. & Folke, C. 2001, 'Social Taboos, "Invisible" systems of local Resource Management and BiologicalConservation ', Ecological Applications, vol. 1, no. 2, pp. 584-600.

Durkheim, E. 1995, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Free Press , New York.

Eckholm, E. 2001, 'A Holy Place in China Fights for Its Life, Body and Soul 10th July 2001', The New York

Times.

Ferrera, M. 2007, The European Welfare State, University of Milan, Milan.

Gerke, B. 2012, Long Lives and Untimely Deaths: Life-Span Concepts and Longevity Practices Among Tibetans

in the Darjeeling Hills, India, Brill.

Gaster, T. 1961, Thespis: Ritual, Myth and Drama in the Ancient Near Eas, Anchor, New York.
http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/http://www.cers.org.hk/index.php/en/


25/28

Page 25

Greer, B.2002 ,A Village Near the Sky, [Online], Available from:

.

Guo Jing. 2000, 'A Mountain of Nature, Also a Mountain of Divinity - Indigenous Knowledge about the Space

of Khabadkarpo', in Links between Cultures and Biodiversity - Proceedings of the Cultures and Biodiversity

Congress 2000, CUBIC, Yunnan, China 20-30 July 2000, pp. 230-239.

Harvey G. 2008, Animism. inThe World's Religions: Continuities and Transformations: Routledge; eds P

Clarke; P Beyer, editors.2008; pp. 15-24.

Hollan, D. 1996, 'Cultural and experiential aspects of spirit beliefs among the Toraja', in Spirits in Culture,

History and Mind, eds. J. Mageo & A. Howard, Routledge, New York, pp. 213-235.

Holmes, J. & Holmes, J. 2011, Northwest Yunnan Province, Part III - Hiking to Yubeng Village, [Online],

Available from: .

Huber, T. 2006, 'The Skor lam and the Long March: Notes on the Transformation of Tibetan Ritual Territory in

Southern Amdo in the Context of Chinese Developments',Journal of the International Association of Tibetan

Studies, vol. 2, pp. 1-42.

Huber, T. 2004, 'Territorial Control by "Sealing" (rgya sdom-pa): A Religio-Political Practice in Tibet', ZAS, vol.

33, pp. 127-152.

Huber, T. 2002, 'Ritual Revival and Innovation at Bird Cemetery Mountain', inAmdo Tibetans in Transition,

Brill, Leiden, pp. 113-146.

Huber, T. 1999a, 'Making Sense of Tibetan Pilgrimages', Asia Quarterly, vol. 5, p. pages 10-11.

Huber, T. 1999b, The Cult of Pure Crystal Mountain: Popular Pilgrimage and Visionary Landscape in

Southeast Tibet, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Hwa Yol Jung. 2002, Comparative Political Culture in the Age of Globalization: An Introductory Anthology,

Lexington Books.

Karmay , S. 1998, The Arrow and the Spindle - Studies in History, Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Tibet, Mandala

Book Point, Kathmandu.

Kolas, A. 2004, 'Tourism and the Making of Place in Shangri-La', Tourism Geographies, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 262-

278.

Lanier, F. 2005 , The Role of Tibetan Buddhism and Culture in Sustainable Development (A Case Study of

Yubeng Village) Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection.Paper 418., [Online], Available from:.

McKay, A. 1998, Pilgrimage in Tibet, Curzon Press.

Moseley, B., Sina Norbu & Guo Jing. 2003, 'Kawabego Snow Mountains: Sacred Natural Sites Case Study', in

Vth World Parks Congress Durban, South Africa 9-17 Sept 2003.

Mus, P. 1975, 'India Seen from the East: Indian and Indigenous Cults in Champa. [L'Inde vue de l'Est: Cultes

indiens et indigenes au Champa 1933]', in Monash paper on Southeast Asia No 3, Centre of Southeast Asian

Studies, eds. I. Mabbet & D. Chandler, Monash University, Australia.

Norbu, N. 1997,Journey Among the Tibetan Nomads - An Account of a Remote Civilization, Library of Tibetan

Works and Archives, Dharamsala.
http://www.billsbrownstone.com/travel/greatertibet.pdfhttp://johnjemi.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/northwest-yunnan-province-part-iii.htmlhttp://johnjemi.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/northwest-yunnan-province-part-iii.htmlhttp://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/418http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/418http://johnjemi.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/northwest-yunnan-province-part-iii.htmlhttp://www.billsbrownstone.com/travel/greatertibet.pdf


26/28

Page 26

Posey, D ed. 1999, Spiritual & Cultural Values of Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Publications and

United Nations Environment Programme - UNEP, London.

Punzi, V. 2013, 'Physical, Cultural and Religious Space in A myes Bar dbon - Written and Oral Traditions of a

gnas ri in Amdo', Revue d'Etudes Tibetaines, vol. 26, pp. 93-114.

Rabgey, T. 2008, 'Citizenship as Agency in a Virtual Tibetan Public', in Tibetan Modernities: Notes from thefield on cultural and social change, eds. R. Barnett & R. Schwartz, Brill, Leiden, pp. 333-352.

Reichel, E. 1992, 'Shamanistic Modes for Environmental Accounting in the Colombian Amazon: Lessons from

Indigenous Etho-ecology for Sustainable Development', in International Symposium on Indigenous

Knowledge and Sustainable Development Sept 20-26 1992, Silang, Cavite, Philippines.

Robertson, E. 2006, Space and Spatial Analysis in Archaeology, UNM Press.

Rosing, I. & Sonam Norboo Spurkhapa. 2006, Shamanic Trance and Amnesia: With the Shamans of the

Changpa Nomads in Ladakhi Changthang, Concept Publishing Company.

Sahlins, M. 2004, Stone Age Economics, Routledge, London.

Salick, J., Amend, A., Anderson, D., Hoffmeister, K., Gunn, B. & Zhendong, F. 2007, 'Tibetan sacred sites

conserve old growth trees and cover in the eastern Himalayas', Biodiversity and Conservation, vol. 16,

pp. 693-706.

Samuel, G. 1993, Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Societies, Smithsonian Institute Press, Washington

DC.

Shen, X., Lu, Z., Li, S. & Chen, N. 2012, 'Tibetan sacred sites: understanding the traditional management

system and its role in modern conservation', Ecology and Society, vol. 17, no. 2, p. 13.

Sponsel, L. 2012, Spiritual Ecology: A Quiet Revolution, ABC-CLIO.

Studley, J. 2012, 'Territorial Cults as a Paradigm of Place in Tibet', in Making Sense of Place - Multidisciplinary

Perspectives, eds. I. Convery, G. Corsane & D. Davis, Boydell Press, Woodbridge UK, pp. 219-234.

Studley, J. 2010, 'Uncovering the Intangible Values of Earth Care: Using Cognition To Reveal the Eco-spiritual

Domains and Sacred Values of the Peoples of Eastern Kham', in Sacred Natural Sites: Conserving Nature and

Culture, eds. B. Verschuuren, R. Wild, J. McNeely & G. Oviedo, Earthscan, London, pp. 107-118.

Studley, J. 2005, Sustainable Knowledge Systems and Resource Stewardship: In search of ethno-forestry

paradigms for the indigenous peoples of Eastern Kham., PhD thesis, Loughborough University.

Teng, M., Johansson, K., Rasoarisela, F., Lundberg, J., Andriamaherilala, J.-A., Andersson, E., Rakotoarisoa,

J.-A. & Elmqvist, T. 2004, Local protection of tropical dry forest: taboos and ecosystem services in southern

Madagascar, Stockholm University, Stockholm.

Teng, M., Johansson, K., Rakotondrasoa, F., Lundberg, J., Andriamaherilala, J.-A., Rakotoarisoa, J.-A. &

Elmqvist, T. 2007, 'Taboos and Forest Governance: Informal Protection of Hot Spot Dry Forest in Southern

Madagascar ',AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment, vol. 36, no. 8, pp. 683-691.

Tucci, G. 1988, The Religions of Tibet, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

Verschuuren, B., Wild, R., McNeely, J. & Oviedo, G. 2010, Sacred Natural Sites- Conserving Nature and

Culture, Earthscan, London.


27/28

Page 27

Walter, M. & Fridman , E. 2004, Shamanism: An Encyclopedia of World Beliefs, Practices, and Culture,

Volume 1, ABC-CLIO.

Weinblum, S. & Iglesias, J. 2013, 'The Discursive Exclusion of Minorities: Narratives of the self in Israel and

Moldova ', Critical Approaches to Discourse Analysis across Disciplines, vol. 7, no. 1, pp. 164-179.

Wild, R. & McLeod, C. 2008, Sacred Natural Sites - Guidelines for Protected Area Managers, IUCN andUNESCO, Gland Switzerland and Paris France.

Xiao Xiangyi. 2012, 'A poacher turned ranger hunts the hunter', China Daily, [Online], Available from

Yang Fuquan. 2002, 'Mentorship of Indigenous Cultural Specialists: A Case Study of Training of Dongba Naxi

Priests', in Landscapes of Diversity: Indigenous Knowledge Sustainable Livelihoods and Resource Governance

in Montane Southeast Asia, ed. Xu Jianchu, ed, Yunnan Science and Technology Press, Kunming, pp. 479-485.

Zevik, E. 2007, First Look: The Qiang People of Sichuan, The Chinese University Press, Shatin.
http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htmhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2012-10/10/content_15805868.htm


28/28

asns tibetan spiritscapes3.docx

Documents