austrian school of economics; paulson

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    The current financial crisis represents an important

    victory for an oft-overlooked school of thought: The

    Austrian school of economics

    By George Bragues So much for all those predictions that the

    markets would begin to recover once members of the U.S. House of

    Representatives summoned the courage to resist the populist outcry

    and vote for Hank Paulsons $700-billion rescue plan. Whatever the

    excitement it generated, and the disappointment its original rejection

    by Congress caused, the market appears to have arrived at a more

    considered view of the U.S. Treasury Secretarys scheme. Sadly, the

    markets negative verdict is on the mark. To understand this, we have

    to unravel the contradiction infecting much of the commentary andanalysis regarding the current financial crisis. While there isnt

    perfect unanimity on this, it is widely acknowledged that a significant

    part, if not the root, of our difficulties originated with the low-

    interest-rate policy implemented by the Alan Greenspan-led Fed in

    2001-2005. This generated a housing boom, which was further stoked

    by the financial engineering of Wall Street in securitizing mortgages,

    by obliging bond rating agencies in evaluating these securities and by

    portfolio managers eagerly willing to buy them, hungry for extrareturns in a low interest rate environment.To the extent that this

    assessment has been made, it represents an important victory for a

    school of thought that has long hung on the margins of the economics

    discipline: the Austrian school of economics, whose most illustrious

    figures include the Nobel prize winning Friedrich von Hayek and

    Ludwig von Mises. Austrian economists hold that downturns are the

    inevitable aftermath of loose monetary policy, thus opposing

    explanations typically heard prior to the current crisis that attributed

    recessions to price shocks, underconsumption or central bank

    tightening of monetary policy.But if, to rephrase a well-known Nixon

    quote, we are all Austrians now, it illogically only extends to the

    diagnosis of the crisis and not to the schools market-based cure. For

    it is just not consistent to simultaneously assign blame to Greenspans

    easy money and then support government intervention to fix the

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    damage, as so many of the business op-ed writers and talking heads

    on CNBC have. As the Austrian tradition points out, the dilemma with

    easy money is that the central bank sets rates below that which the

    market would naturally set. The natural rate reflects peoples

    willingness to trade present for future satisfactions. When the actualrate is established under this, entrepreneurs and firms are issued a

    false signal that people are willing to defer more consumption into

    the future than they really are. As a result, excess investments in

    capital goods industries, such as housing, are made on the

    expectation that these will pay off in the long-run. The boom ends

    when monetary conditions are tightened back to natural levels or the

    passage of time makes clear that the demand was never really there to

    sustain the investments made. At this point, a crisis takes place inwhich capital investments get liquidated and resources are shifted

    such that the economys productive capacity more appropriately

    reflects peoples time preferences. As we are witnessing now, this

    stage is not pretty, since the banks and creditors who financed the

    boom activities see the value of their loan assets impaired, forcing

    them to restrict credit to even credit-worthy customers. Financial

    institutions that became heavily exposed to the boom activities either

    go bust, like Lehman Brothers, or they become prey, as Merrill Lynch

    did to Bank of America, and to those who wisely minimized theirparticipation in the bad investments. Depositors start to doubt the

    security of their funds and bank runs become a threat. This is, to be

    sure, less of a problem now thanks to government deposit insurance,

    though this security blanket comes at the price of giving banks

    incentives to take undue risk with the customers deposits. In todays

    globally integrated financial system, this dynamic plays itself

    worldwide. American mortgage securities were marketed around the

    world and the exposure of institutions became linked throughcomplex derivative transactions. Still, the Austrians argue that the

    liquidation process must be allowed to proceed, since any

    government intervention to mitigate the necessary adjustments will

    end up sustaining the very pattern of production that caused the crisis

    in the first place. This was the error that Greenspan committed in

    dramatically lowering interest rates in 2001, which allowed excess

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    investment in future goods to persist, as resources merely shifted

    from one capital goods industry to another, from the technology and

    Internet sectors to housing. No such switch is in the offing now, so

    any further government intervention is apt to prolong the economic

    slowdown. How exactly Paulsons plan is supposed to work remainsmurky, but the basic idea is that the government will buy distressed

    mortgages from financial institutions, hold on to them until the

    markets and housing stabilize and then sell those that havent yet

    matured. With less risky balance sheets, the hope is that banks will be

    better able to attract capital, and thereby gain the confidence to

    provide credit to worthy customers at more normal interest rate

    spreads to government debt. This stratagem would represent an

    authentic liquidation if the banks were to sell their mortgage debt atits real present value and the government, in turn, had no

    compunction in pursuing foreclosures on non-performing loans, no

    matter what the impact on house prices. But, as hinted by CIBCs

    recent deal with Cerberus to reduce its exposure on US$1.05-billion

    in problem mortgages, there is a sea of cash sitting in private equity,

    hedge and vulture funds waiting to buy distressed securities if the

    price is right. That they havent bought much yet suggests the banks

    are resisting lowering their price. There being pressure to expedite

    the transfer of securities and assist the banks, the government is verylikely to acquiesce to this resistance, pay above market and effectively

    institute a price support mechanism for mortgage assets. Besides the

    public relations mess of having a throng of failed borrowers

    compelled to give up their homes by a government agency, the fear of

    contributing further to the decline in the real estate market means

    foreclosures will probably be kept to a minimum. In this way, the

    Paulson scheme will also turn into a price support regime for housing.

    Most commentators resist following the Austrian logic through to theend out of the fear of repeating the policy mistakes that led to the

    Great Depression. This reflects the orthodox interpretation of that

    period, according to which the economy fell apart in the early 1930s

    while U.S. president Herbert Hoover took a laissez-faire approach to

    the downturn and the Fed ran an overly tight monetary policy. The

    truth is that the Fed at the time did try to add liquidity, lowering its

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    rediscount rate until late 1931 and continuously increasing reserves

    under its control. Money supply nevertheless fell, but that was

    because people lost faith in the financial system and hoarded

    currency. Meanwhile, Hoover met the downturn with interventionist

    gusto. He passed the Smoot-Hawley tariff to help domestic industriesand obtained the co-operation of business leaders to support wages

    and investment. We havent gone down this protectionist and

    corporatist road yet but Hoovers attacks on short selling and his

    creation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which among

    other things loaned money to banks, bear an eerie resemblance to the

    current policy response. We might have done nothing, Hoover said,

    [but] we determined that we would not follow the advice of the

    bitter-end liquidationists. Thus has the Bush administration decidedas well, having successfully cajoled a recalcitrant Congress to follow

    Hoovers example.

    Financial PostGeorge Bragues is Program Head of Businessat the University of Guelph-Humber in Toronto.Photo:Friedrich Van Hayek.