austrian school of economics; paulson
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The current financial crisis represents an important
victory for an oft-overlooked school of thought: The
Austrian school of economics
By George Bragues So much for all those predictions that the
markets would begin to recover once members of the U.S. House of
Representatives summoned the courage to resist the populist outcry
and vote for Hank Paulsons $700-billion rescue plan. Whatever the
excitement it generated, and the disappointment its original rejection
by Congress caused, the market appears to have arrived at a more
considered view of the U.S. Treasury Secretarys scheme. Sadly, the
markets negative verdict is on the mark. To understand this, we have
to unravel the contradiction infecting much of the commentary andanalysis regarding the current financial crisis. While there isnt
perfect unanimity on this, it is widely acknowledged that a significant
part, if not the root, of our difficulties originated with the low-
interest-rate policy implemented by the Alan Greenspan-led Fed in
2001-2005. This generated a housing boom, which was further stoked
by the financial engineering of Wall Street in securitizing mortgages,
by obliging bond rating agencies in evaluating these securities and by
portfolio managers eagerly willing to buy them, hungry for extrareturns in a low interest rate environment.To the extent that this
assessment has been made, it represents an important victory for a
school of thought that has long hung on the margins of the economics
discipline: the Austrian school of economics, whose most illustrious
figures include the Nobel prize winning Friedrich von Hayek and
Ludwig von Mises. Austrian economists hold that downturns are the
inevitable aftermath of loose monetary policy, thus opposing
explanations typically heard prior to the current crisis that attributed
recessions to price shocks, underconsumption or central bank
tightening of monetary policy.But if, to rephrase a well-known Nixon
quote, we are all Austrians now, it illogically only extends to the
diagnosis of the crisis and not to the schools market-based cure. For
it is just not consistent to simultaneously assign blame to Greenspans
easy money and then support government intervention to fix the
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damage, as so many of the business op-ed writers and talking heads
on CNBC have. As the Austrian tradition points out, the dilemma with
easy money is that the central bank sets rates below that which the
market would naturally set. The natural rate reflects peoples
willingness to trade present for future satisfactions. When the actualrate is established under this, entrepreneurs and firms are issued a
false signal that people are willing to defer more consumption into
the future than they really are. As a result, excess investments in
capital goods industries, such as housing, are made on the
expectation that these will pay off in the long-run. The boom ends
when monetary conditions are tightened back to natural levels or the
passage of time makes clear that the demand was never really there to
sustain the investments made. At this point, a crisis takes place inwhich capital investments get liquidated and resources are shifted
such that the economys productive capacity more appropriately
reflects peoples time preferences. As we are witnessing now, this
stage is not pretty, since the banks and creditors who financed the
boom activities see the value of their loan assets impaired, forcing
them to restrict credit to even credit-worthy customers. Financial
institutions that became heavily exposed to the boom activities either
go bust, like Lehman Brothers, or they become prey, as Merrill Lynch
did to Bank of America, and to those who wisely minimized theirparticipation in the bad investments. Depositors start to doubt the
security of their funds and bank runs become a threat. This is, to be
sure, less of a problem now thanks to government deposit insurance,
though this security blanket comes at the price of giving banks
incentives to take undue risk with the customers deposits. In todays
globally integrated financial system, this dynamic plays itself
worldwide. American mortgage securities were marketed around the
world and the exposure of institutions became linked throughcomplex derivative transactions. Still, the Austrians argue that the
liquidation process must be allowed to proceed, since any
government intervention to mitigate the necessary adjustments will
end up sustaining the very pattern of production that caused the crisis
in the first place. This was the error that Greenspan committed in
dramatically lowering interest rates in 2001, which allowed excess
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investment in future goods to persist, as resources merely shifted
from one capital goods industry to another, from the technology and
Internet sectors to housing. No such switch is in the offing now, so
any further government intervention is apt to prolong the economic
slowdown. How exactly Paulsons plan is supposed to work remainsmurky, but the basic idea is that the government will buy distressed
mortgages from financial institutions, hold on to them until the
markets and housing stabilize and then sell those that havent yet
matured. With less risky balance sheets, the hope is that banks will be
better able to attract capital, and thereby gain the confidence to
provide credit to worthy customers at more normal interest rate
spreads to government debt. This stratagem would represent an
authentic liquidation if the banks were to sell their mortgage debt atits real present value and the government, in turn, had no
compunction in pursuing foreclosures on non-performing loans, no
matter what the impact on house prices. But, as hinted by CIBCs
recent deal with Cerberus to reduce its exposure on US$1.05-billion
in problem mortgages, there is a sea of cash sitting in private equity,
hedge and vulture funds waiting to buy distressed securities if the
price is right. That they havent bought much yet suggests the banks
are resisting lowering their price. There being pressure to expedite
the transfer of securities and assist the banks, the government is verylikely to acquiesce to this resistance, pay above market and effectively
institute a price support mechanism for mortgage assets. Besides the
public relations mess of having a throng of failed borrowers
compelled to give up their homes by a government agency, the fear of
contributing further to the decline in the real estate market means
foreclosures will probably be kept to a minimum. In this way, the
Paulson scheme will also turn into a price support regime for housing.
Most commentators resist following the Austrian logic through to theend out of the fear of repeating the policy mistakes that led to the
Great Depression. This reflects the orthodox interpretation of that
period, according to which the economy fell apart in the early 1930s
while U.S. president Herbert Hoover took a laissez-faire approach to
the downturn and the Fed ran an overly tight monetary policy. The
truth is that the Fed at the time did try to add liquidity, lowering its
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rediscount rate until late 1931 and continuously increasing reserves
under its control. Money supply nevertheless fell, but that was
because people lost faith in the financial system and hoarded
currency. Meanwhile, Hoover met the downturn with interventionist
gusto. He passed the Smoot-Hawley tariff to help domestic industriesand obtained the co-operation of business leaders to support wages
and investment. We havent gone down this protectionist and
corporatist road yet but Hoovers attacks on short selling and his
creation of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which among
other things loaned money to banks, bear an eerie resemblance to the
current policy response. We might have done nothing, Hoover said,
[but] we determined that we would not follow the advice of the
bitter-end liquidationists. Thus has the Bush administration decidedas well, having successfully cajoled a recalcitrant Congress to follow
Hoovers example.
Financial PostGeorge Bragues is Program Head of Businessat the University of Guelph-Humber in Toronto.Photo:Friedrich Van Hayek.