azim premji university 2019-2020 · 2020. 5. 14. · azim premji university 2019-2020 gg 2. 3 st...

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Stories of Change: Case Study Challenge

Stories of Change:Case Study Challenge

Azim Premji University2019-2020

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Stories of Change:Case Study Challenge Azim Premji University

Modern India has a history of a vibrant and active social sector. Many local development organisations, community organizations, social movements and non-governmental organisations populate the space of social action. Such organisations imagine a different future and plan and implement social interventions at different scales, many of which have lasting impact on the lives of people and society. However, their efforts and, more importantly, the learning from these initiatives remains largely unknown not only in the public sphere but also in the worlds of ‘development practice’ and ‘development education’. This shortfall impedes the process of learning and growth across interventions, organizations and time.

While most social sector organizations acknowledge this deficiency in documentation and knowledge creation, they find themselves strapped for time and motivation to embark on such efforts. Writing with a sense of reflection and self-analysis which goes beyond mere documentation and creates a platform for learning requires time and space. As a result, their writing is usually limited to documentation captured in grant proposals or project updates or ‘good practices’ literature with inadequate focus on capturing the nuances, boundaries and limitations of action.

Recognizing this need, the Azim Premji University launched ‘Stories of Change: Case Study Challenge’ with the objective of encouraging social sector organisations to invest in developing a grounded knowledge base for the sector. We are delighted to report that in the inaugural year of this challenge (2018 – 19) we received 95 cases, covering interventions from education, sustainability, livelihoods, preservation of culture and community health. The target groups

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included adivasis, small farmers, children, women, youth and differently abled persons, among others. Through a two–stage evaluation process, the university selected 3 winners and 3 special mentions for the 2018-19 Stories of Change Challenge. In addition, we have selected 4 additional submissions, which together with the cited winners, is appearing in this jointly published compendium.

We hope that educators and practitioners alike find these stories valuable in their multiple engagements: influencing policy, building capacity of practitioners, documenting good practices for future learners, providing space to practitioners in teaching, collaborative research and even incubating new ideas for social change.

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Setting the context

5. Case studies oninterventions in Livelihoods

Traditional livelihoods such as agriculture, pastoralism, forest-based livelihoods, and handicrafts have been in a flux for many years. People in these occupations are compelled to look for additional or alternative means of livelihood and are engaged in a constant struggle to be gainfully employed while their traditional livelihoods are threatened.

In order to improve the livelihoods of the poor, the marginalised and the vulnerable, state and non-state organisations have implemented multiple programmes and interventions. These interventions have been in the form of enabling access to resources such as inputs, financial services and technology, capacity building, promoting livelihoods diversification and others, either as standalone or integrated, combining atleast two of these interventions. These interventions are aimed at improving incomes, and reducing the uncertainty of cash flows, promoting resilience among poor households and ultimately reducing poverty.

Many interventions have usually been conceived and implemented as a ‘one size fits all’ approach with little or no attention being paid to the knowledge and needs of the intended beneficiaries. As such, the outcomes and benefits of such interventions across beneficiary groups have not been uniform and, in many cases, the desired impact has not been achieved. The realisation that decentralisation and local participation may work better where centralised efforts could not succeed, spurred a growth of various participatory and collaborative approaches during the last few decades.

Participatory development approaches and interventions involve local communities, social sector organisations, research organisations, government and other stakeholders. They include interventions in production, service delivery, governance of commons, conservation of

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local resources, capacity building, giving a voice to the grievances and concerns of local communities to name a few. However, participatory approaches have been criticised for reducing the communities’ involvement to perfunctory ways rather than attempting to change the existing power relations in favour of the communities they work with and enabling the communities to take charge of their own lives, rights and livelihoods.

The two case studies ‘Collective unity triumphs’ and ‘Collaborative learning unleashing sustainable transformative development’ explore and depict multiple facets of participation and decentralization – people’s agency, importance of community involvement and active participation at all stages of an intervention and collaboration between various stakeholders: government, social sector organisations, research organisations and communities.

The case study ‘Collective unity triumphs’ is about the Maldharis who are the pastoralists of Banni in the Kutch region of Gujarat. It describes the adverse impact of partition, industrialisation and shortsighted interventions on pastoral livelihoods and how the Maldharis overcame the political, ecological, and

economic constraints through collective action and community led initiatives. The elders of Maldhari community realised the precarious situation their livelihoods were in and through collective action made concerted efforts to conserve the Banni buffalo breed, reclaim their rights to the grasslands of Banni and restore pride among the people of the community in their traditional way of living. The Maldhari community has been supported in its efforts by Sahjeevan, a social sector organisation working with marginalised communities in Gujarat. A key outcome of these efforts was the registration of a collective Banni Breeders Association (BBA), with a membership of more than 1000 Maldharis. BBA further paved the way for consultations with government for recognition of the community’s rights over common property resources and formation of forest rights committees in each village. BBA collaborated academic and research institutions and government departments to get the Banni breed of buffalo registered (leading to a doubling of the prices of buffaloes) and set up a research station for studying and documenting various aspects of Banni ecosystem and communities.

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The case study ‘Collaborative learning unleashing sustainable transformative development’ is about PRADAN’s experiences of working in Churinsoro, a remote forest village in West Bengal. As in the first case study, this case too highlights the importance of collaborative development efforts between various stakeholders, with the local community playing a meaningful and substantial role. In particular, it dispels the notion that research is the exclusive domain of academics and development practitioners and makes a strong argument for involving the people, particularly women, whose life and actions are being studied. Through deep engagement of small holder farmers at every stage of framing the research questions and objectives, the role of ‘community as researcher’ was firmly established from the very beginning. Another unique aspect of this project is the involvement of women farmers organised under SHGs in management of research, decisions related to levels of participation in the project, sharing information and monitoring. The four-year project resulted in food sufficiency for participating households through changes in cropping systems, improvements in quality and quantity of food intake, reduced drudgery for women farmers and women empowerment.

The key takeaway from the two case studies Sahjeevan and PRADAN is that community ownership of interventions and actions has led to significant positive consequences. People’s agency upheld by the NGOs and other stakeholders collaborating with them and supporting them by tapping into their existing knowledge and skills, encouraging local need-based planning and implementation and peer-to-peer learning, rather than top down methods that ignore the capacity of communities to take charge of their own needs, can work successfully in bringing long-term and lasting positive changes to the communities. One can only hypothesize if this would have been the case had these organisations directed and controlled the interventions with the community being an inert beneficiary.

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5.1 Collaborative Learning: Unleashing sustainable and transformative

development

Professional Assistance for Development Action (PRADAN), West Bengal1

Abstract

The prevalence of extreme poverty and hunger renders agriculture-based livelihood a pivotal intervention. The interventions for agricultural livelihoods, however, are often found in the form of technological and agronomic prescriptive solutions, aimed at either increased income or enhanced productivity. In pursuit of this goal, often the real concerns of farmers, especially women farmers, remain unaddressed. The critical problems of agriculture-based livelihoods can be addressed more effectively if community organizations, developmental agencies, and research institutions work in collaboration to find contextual solutions to the problems identified and articulated by the community.

1 Contributed by Kuntalika Kumbhakar and Sumita Kasana.

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This case study describes an intervention aimed at bringing about positive changes in the livelihood and life of the residents of a remote forest-fringed village called Churinsoro in the Ayodhya Hills, in Purulia district, West Bengal. The community, the development agency, and various research organizations worked together to bring about change. Based on the research questions framed by the farmers, a unique farmer-focused research methodology was adopted, based on the core belief that the capacity of women farmers was a crucial driver of change. Collaborative farming, farmer-to-farmer learning, and interface with scientists were the means of bringing about a transformational change in women’s self-perception, from being the secondary drivers of agricultural output to being the principal drivers as farmers, researchers, teachers, and change agents.

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I. Collaborative Learning: Unleashing Sustainable andTransformative Development - Introduction

The challenges of agriculture-based livelihood opportunities can be addressed more effectively when we collaborate with partners doing research on topics that are relevant to the particular livelihood opportunity, like agriculture, soil, and hydrology. Generally, research and development (R&D) interventions do not collaborate. It is seen that research often only highlights the cause of the problems, or examines certain interventions that have already been carried out by development agencies, rather than working on identifying the problems jointly with the target community, planning action collaboratively with research participants, and then conducting research on the planned action in order to make it more effective, or, in other words, doing action research. When we make the community an equal partner and collaborator in our research undertaking, when we learn jointly and evolve together, then we have a recipe for sustainable transformative development led by the community, one that enhances the people’s capacity to generate solutions to their own problems through active experimentation.

This case study examines an agricultural research for development project that was a partnership between Australian universities, the Indian NGOs PRADAN and ACWADAM, the international research organization World Veg (earlier AVRDC), and, most importantly, the smallholder farmers who were the intended beneficiaries of the research. A distinguishing and innovative feature of the project was the deep engagement of farmers as partners in the research activity. The project evolved a process of engaging farmers as partners in research. It adopted Kolb’s learning cycle as the base approach in all modes of engagement with the community. The outcomes of this process of farmer engagement exceeded the initial researcher expectations. The outcomes included greater rigour during the critical stage of identifying the research questions, identification of opportunities for learning that were built into the research activity, ownership of the research outputs, farmer-to-farmer dissemination of the research outputs, an enhanced sense of agency and empowerment of women farmers, and a permanent legacy of enhanced capacity for independent innovation that goes beyond agricultural research.

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No. of households

Total population

Rural population

SC + ST population (%)

Literacy rate (% ) male

Literacy rate (%) female

27,508

1,35,579

1,35,579

35.46

60

35

Table 1: Demographic profile of Baghmundi block according to Census 2011

II. Context: People and the social and ecological landscape

Churinsoro village is located in Ayodhya panchayat in Baghmundi block, in Purulia district in West Bengal state. This is one of the most remote and most underdeveloped areas of West Bengal. Till 2011, it was a hotbed of the Naxalite movement. It shares a boundary with Jharkhand, a heavily forested area whose jungles and hills offered a convenient passage for the Naxalites. Government programmes and facilities were not easily accessible to the people.

The residents of Churinsoro village are homogeneous tribal groups like the Santals, Ho, and Bedia and maintain exclusive identities. They face widespread discrimination and are isolated from mainstream society. Their basket of livelihood options is excessively laborious, involving back-breaking physical labour with low returns. The women suffer the most in theseconditions. They are seen as labourers, whether they work in their own agricultural field or in fields belonging to others; whether they go to the forest to collect wood and forest produce or do earth-cutting work.

The people live in mud houses with thatched or tiled roofs and own very few assets. The language of this area is distinctly different from that in the rest of West Bengal and is regarded as less developed. Often the people of this region are looked down upon and treated as ganwar (uncivilized).

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Table 2: Deprivation data from the Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC)

Deprivation level (%) India Purulia Baghmundi

D1

D2

D3

D4

D5

D6

D7

13.28 32.83 42.89

2.89 3.49

3.86 4.25

0.45 0.37

35.69 34.47

32.68 40.12

WestBengal

21.06

2.41

3.55

0.47

30.15

25.73

44.32 27.93 36.46

3.64

3.86

0.40

21.56

23.52

30.04

The region is characterized by high but variable rainfall (1,100–1,600 mm, 80 per cent received in June–September), frequent and sometimes long dry spells during the monsoon, little irrigation (~8 per cent of the area), high runoff and soil erosion, terraced monocropped paddy lands, and subsistence agriculture. The uplands are often degraded and make little contribution to overall agricultural productivity. Poor farmers have

little, if any, access to the lowlands where rice has traditionally been grown. There is little mechanization; seeds of crops other than rice are generally hand-broadcast; weeds are removed by hand; and fertilisers (if used) are hand- broadcast. The use of inputs is inhibited by the extreme risk-aversion of these poor farmers, combined with the inherent riskiness of farming in this area. Consequently, most villagers are food insecure, with only 50–60 per cent of their food grain requirement being met by on-farm production. These drivers contribute to widespread malnutrition, low levels of literacy, particularly among girls, and limited access to medical services due to limited disposable household income. The SECC deprivation data reflects the higher levels of deprivation in terms of proper housing (D1), literacy (D6), and manual labour as the primary source of income (D7).

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III. Conceptualization

Considering the complex context, the need to develop a scalable, context-appropriate model that would ensure sustainable changes in the community, strengthen their water security, and bolster their resilience to climate change was realized. This research project was built on the findings of the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) Project LWR/2002/100, ‘Water harvesting and better cropping systems for smallholders of the East India Plateau’, led by Professor Peter Cornish, University of Western Sydney (2006–11). The contexts for both project areas were more or less the same, except that Churinsoro was more physically remote and the villagers’ lack of exposure to better agricultural practices was more extensive. Some of the learnings that were adopted in Churinsoro from earlier projects were:

• Working on agriculture-based livelihood development involves bringing about complex changes and demands a new approach to extension based on adult-learning principles, with a central focus on the meaningful engagement of women as farmers.

• Farmers will develop their own unique climate-responsive systems, but they need to be equipped and trained to understand their water resources (which vary in space and time), and to match these to a range of crop options (access to quality seeds of proven varieties of pulses, mustard, wheat, and vegetables). This does not require any new technology, but it does require an appropriate, modern approach to extension that is respectful of the capacities and aspirations of farmers.

• Extension agencies should adopt a participatory approach, allowing farmers to learn rather than being told. This builds their self-confidence and increases their capacity for independent learning and innovation.

• Women’s institutions (self-help groups [SHGs]) should be recognized as leaders of agricultural innovation, with their role not being restricted to microfinance and women’s issues, nor should they be seen merely as instruments for reaching male farmers.

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Based on the above learnings, the project was designed to achieve both R&D outcomes. The research component was funded by ACIAR. The aim was to refine and validate the research over a larger geographic area in three districts in the East India Plateau (EIP). This process is driven by farmer-led experiential learning, facilitated by PRADAN and supported by the Australian research teams, AVRDC,i ACWADAM,ii and BCKV,iii thereby ensuring that the research is transdisciplinary. The duration of the project was four years, from 2012 to 2016.

The project has evolved a unique farmer-focused research methodology drawing on several complementary approaches, including Participatory Action Research (PAR – Kurt Lewin), Agricultural Research for Development (AR4D), and collective or social learning theories (Kolb’s learning cycle). A common characteristic of all these methodologies is maintaining a focus on the farmer as the centre of all research activity. The core element of our approach is our process of farmer engagement.

Farmers are involved in all aspects of the research process, including:

1. Identifying and developing research questions

2. Conducting experimental treatment in farmers’ fields andundertaking agronomic management

3. Assisting in data collection and maintaining observationsof treatment effects

4. Contributing to the interpretation of experimental resultsand adding practical insights

5. Communicating the research results to other farmers.

In tune with our farmer-focused approach, the project works with a group of women farmers, who are collectivized under SHGs. Churinsoro has two SHGs, which collectivized approximately all the households in the village. SHGs provide a platform for sharing learning and knowledge and for building systems for mutual help; they foster cohesiveness and collectiveness, which bring about remarkable changes in the lives of members. The project focused on community processes, and the SHG was the forum where these community processes were fostered.

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IV. Operationalization

A. Inception of the project and arriving at the research questionsand objectives

The overall aim of the project was to improve livelihoods by enabling local farmers to develop flexible and responsive cropping and livestock systems that better utilized available water resources, thereby building resilience to climate change/variability at the household level. This required research on water, soil, crops, and livestock, and the integration of all these activities at the farmer level. Thus, suitable partners were identified to join the project team. The team included professionals from ACWADAM, AVRDC, BCKV, ACIAR, and PRADAN. Maintaining the spirit of the participatory approach at every level, an inception workshop with other project team partners was conducted. Some of the basic principles to be followed in this project were outlined at this meeting. These were:

• The focus would be on the individual and on the individual’slocal knowledge.

• The SHG would be the focal point and women would leadthe research.

• No alien crop would be introduced initially; rather, the focuswould be on understanding the nature, scope, andcharacteristics of the existing crops.

• The research questions would be linked with the aspirationsof the community.

To introduce the project to the villagers, a series of workshops and meetings were conducted in Churinsoro, especially targeted at the SHG members and their spouses and the research partner. These meetings and workshops were predesigned, and the participation of the community, both women and men, was ensured. PRADAN professionals were the key facilitators of these events and discussed the idea and objectives of the project with the villagers. It was communicated clearly that the project was a research project whose results at that point were largely unknown and that the farmers would learn by doing. The pros and cons of the project, and the need for commitment by the people to ensure successful learnings, were also discussed at the meetings.

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Using participatory rural appraisal (PRA) tools, problem mapping vis-à-vis the objective of the project was done, whereby land-related problems across different categories of land, the crops grown in those lands, productivity, irrigation, livestock, and other such problems were discussed in depth with the villagers. During these events, research questions and experiments were identified, articulated, and designed jointly with the community. The community’s role as a researcher was established from the very beginning, and it was emphasized that it was their land, their agriculture, and their research. Some of the issues articulated by the farmers for the research project were:

1. How to increase paddy productivity in the midland andupland areas: The farmers had only three to six months offood sufficiency and their major landholding comprisesmid-upland. This land is not very suitable for transplantedrice and with erratic rainfall, rice crops often fail.

2. How to make maize a lucrative crop: Maize is a traditionalcrop in the region. It is also part of the staple diet, consumedin the form of porridge when paddy is unavailable. However,its low productivity was a problem. Farmers wanted tosustain maize as an important crop and enhance itsproductivity.

3. Whether it is possible to cultivate a second crop after kharif:Farmers wanted to cultivate mustard and other crops. Theythought it would not be possible to harvest two cropswithout irrigation.

4. How to improve tomato cultivation: Farmers cultivatedtomatoes on small plots of land, but they were unable tomake a good profit. They wanted to increase productivity onthe same piece of land, considering water and labourconstraints. Another problem was the short shelf life of theirtomato crops, which compelled them to sell at low prices.The farmers wanted to increase the productivity of tomatoand undertake the varietal trial of tomato with a longer shelflife and consistent fruit size suitable to the local climaticconditions.

Considering these issues, the research objectives were identified and articulated. They were:

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1. To analyse the variability and seasonality of the available water resources (rainfall, residual soil water) across the landscape, and to present this information in a manner that was helpful to farmers in making crop-management decisions, identifying both risks and opportunities.

2. To remediate soils degraded by traditional paddy cultivation so as to facilitate the growing of a second crop following rice.

3. To work with local farmers to develop a wide range of crop options, emphasizing preparedness and flexibility, to enable farmers to take advantage of innovative sowing opportunities.

4. To analyse opportunities and risks associated with new integrated cropping systems in terms of productivity, resource-use efficiency, and household food security and income.

5. To study the process of scaling out: To develop effective and efficient methods for scaling out development programmes that focus on enabling farmers to develop their capacity for generating local innovations that enhance food security, household income, integrated natural resource management, and crop production.

B. Selection of researcher farmers and experiment plots

For this on-farm research activity, PRADAN required farmers who were willing to be participants. The engagement of the community from the inception of the project set the stage for the farmers to be equal partners. The first step in the project was to identify and finalize the research questions. The next step was the selection of farmers. When discussing the agenda, the SHGs presented an interesting aspect. They said that all their members, that is, about 30 families, needed to be involved in the research study. This compelled us to think out of the box, because for us experimentation and the monitoring of such large numbers of participants would be an uphill task. Initially, PRADAN had planned on involving two types of farmers: the first were researcher farmers, who would participate in the research study, with ACIAR and

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PRADAN as partners, with a recommended package of practices for research on the new and innovative farming system; and the second were control farmers, who practised traditional agriculture.

After a discussion, PRADAN came up with three categories of researcher farmers. The first category was the “core farmer researcher”; research data pertaining to this category would be collected intensively; the second category was the “medium farmer researcher”; research data pertaining to this category would be collected only on some parameters; and the third category was the “basic farmer researcher”; production data for this category would be tracked and collected, addressing the requirement of having control plots of traditional crops that were cultivated using traditional practices for the purpose of comparing and contrasting. This grouping was acceptable to the women, and they quickly divided the households into the three categories depending on their interest in research and the size of their landholding. The point pertaining to landholding was interesting, because they thought, quite prudently, that farmers with smaller landholdings should not take risks with the experiments. Later on, the families got overlapped. The same farmer sometimes had a plot for core research as well as a plot for control research. This change was introduced because of the needs of the research study and also in response to the growing enthusiasm of farmers.

Thirty households of the village hamlet were included, which led to the better management of the research activities. For example, the problem of cattle grazing, cited as a major roadblock in expanding the cultivation of vegetables and other crops, was dealt with smoothly. To provide fodder for cattle, the villagers grew napier grass in small plots, which in itself marks a change in agricultural practices and a shift in the mindset of the farmers.

After the selection of the farmers, women SHG members were given an opportunity to select the land and/or the plots for various research experiments. The minimum land requirement was ten decimals of the medium upland category, which the women identified keeping in mind ease of management and demonstration. Taking the decision as a collective made it easy and convenient to plan and conduct the experiments in various plots of land.

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C. Systems and processes adopted

SHG meeting – a platform for motivating, sharing, and monitoring: One of the key components of the work, as well as the main focus of the approach, was having the SHGs at the helm of managing the research programmes. The SHG weekly meeting became the forum for updating and discussing progress regularly. Initially, the PRADAN professionals attended the weekly meetings and later, as the SHGs took charge, they attended the meetings every fortnight. The SHG members, with the support of the PRADAN professionals, set the schedules of the experiment. The details of each experiment, along with the relevant instructions, were deliberated upon, explained, and discussed. The women followed up with the schedule, monitoring and evaluating the progress. Any problems that came up were discussed and addressed by all the SHG members. They ensured the implementation of all the components of the field research, and the precision required in following and monitoring it, through regular field visits. The women participated actively, conducted the research, and provided updates on the progress they had made at the weekly meetings.

The women would explain to the men the details of the experiment and its components and would then jointly carry it out with them. This activity became a part of their weekly meeting, making monitoring and evaluation a seamless process.

The SHG platform was set up as the nodal forum for any communication by the other partners too. In the weekly meetings of the SHGs, the research partners explained their research component. The idea was to build the capacity of the women members and to impart all the relevant technical and other knowledge in simple language at this platform.

Farmer Field School (FFS) – a platform for learning, experimenting, and doing: The FFS model was adopted for the demonstration. The farmers’ school was run on the basis of a specific crop or a particular group of crops. Women who planned to grow that particular crop attended the farmers’ school. Usually four or five separate demonstrations were conducted at various stages of the crop’s growth. A brief meeting was held before every demonstration, during which the women shared their field experiences and learnings from the previous demonstration. The entire package of practices (POP) was broken down into four or five modules.

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Each was taught in a separate demonstration. The SHG members were trained in operating various agricultural tools and implements and were also trained in the new agronomic practices in FFS. Simple tools and games were used to explain and understand various concepts. For example, the sponge was used to explain the concept of soil moisture content. Similarly, simple tools were described in the local language so that the SHG members could understand the cropping system and the water requirements of different crops (Figure1). The purpose of FFS was to make the women more confident about taking up agricultural work, so that they could also think of themselves as farmers and could actively take part in decision-making. The learnings from the FFS were brought back to the SHG so that the members could reflect, analyse, and make action plans. The cyclical process of Plan–Do–Observe–Reflect–Plan as the core process was followed at every step.

AVRDC, one of the research partners, adopted the FFS model in its interactions with the SHG members to demonstrate crop diversification and improved agronomic practices. The ACWADAM staff trained the women in measuring the water table, assessing the levels of infiltration and residual moisture, and using the corresponding instruments. In its other projects, ACWADAM would have hired a separate staff for this work. However, here it built the capabilities of the women, which was a new experience and learning for them. A mini weather station was set up in the house of one of the members and the women were trained to operate it and take the readings. The women’s low literacy rate was a hindrance in the keeping of their records and reading the gauges, but nevertheless the information was understood by mostly all. Data interpretation and analyses were carried out in consultation with the SHG women, which built their confidence and increased their understanding of the movement of water and its relation to crop productivity.

Agricultural seasonal meeting – a community learning forum: These meetings were held at the end of one cycle of research, which coincided with the end of the agricultural season. At these meetings, space was created by the facilitator for the hearing of specific community observations. The meetings were fixed in advance and all the partners—AVRDS, ACWADAM, SHG members and their spouses—attended. PRADAN played the role of the key facilitator. The duration of these meetings was about four to five hours. They were organised in the middle of the kharif and Review reflection meeting in Churinsoro rabi

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seasons, and at the end of one cycle of research, which usually coincided with the end of the agricultural season. So annually there would be at least two meetings.

The discussions during the mid-season meetings were about the research experiments that were being conducted during the period. These meetings included discussions on field transacts at the beginning of the meeting when all the attendees shared their observations and commented on these. Space was created by the facilitator to hear specific community observations. A critical discussion using the five WHs framework (who, when, what, where, how), supported by field transact observations, took place. Probable solutions and actions to be taken were also discussed jointly.

The end-of-the-season meeting held at the end of one cycle of research, including both the agricultural seasons of kharif and rabi, was an annual event attended by all partners. Data was shared through graphs and other simple tools; the scientific data as well as the wisdom of the community were analysed. The experience was consolidated and new action plans for the next year were drawn up.

D. Exposure, learning forum, and out-scaling

The plots chosen by the farmers for the experiments were mostly located on the main road, which is accessible by other villagers. Many farmers, therefore, became curious about the experiments being undertaken and the resultant crops drew their attention and triggered their interest. Some unplanned exposure took place initially when the community shared their experiences informally. During the second annual event, a focus group discussion (FGD) on agricultural practices and the effects on the lives of the farmers was conducted during a workshop with three categories of farmers: research farmers, control farmers, and spouses of research farmers. The purpose was to get a broader view and to compare the research and control farmers, to assess the changes that had taken place, and their perception of and reaction to those changes. During the FGD, when discussing the positive changes in their lives, the women came up with the idea of helping others bring about similar positive changes in their lives. Thus, the idea of a learning forum emerged, inspired by the “professional learning forum” used for school education. In the words of Louise Stoll et al. (2006: 221): “Developing professional learning communities appears to hold considerable promise for capacity building for sustainable improvement.”iv

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The SHG institutions in their various forum meetings spread the word about their planned schedule for inviting villagers to see their life-changing achievements. These exposure visits were free, wherein farmers and SHG members from other villages came on their own to learn about and observe the activities. The women, along with the PRADAN professionals, designed the visit and the steps of the field transact. Building on their own experiential learning, the women asked the visitors trigger questions, to help them explore the subject in greater depth. The women also decided not to restrict the exposure visit to agriculture, but to also speak about the changes brought about in their own life. In all, 28 exposure events were conducted, covering all the 90 SHGs spread across 34 villages. To make the learning comprehensive, each group was brought in for a visit at the beginning of the agricultural season when the land was being prepared and seeds were being sown. The next visit took place towards the end of the agricultural season when the crop was at the full fruiting stage and harvesting had begun. The women farmer researchers were confident about their knowledge and learning, which was reflected during the visit when they fielded all kinds of questions from the visiting farmers. Some offered to support the visitors and guide them in the field if they wanted to adopt these new practices.

V. Changes and transformation

A. Change in livelihood basket and cropping system

Food sufficiency was the major concern of the farmers, and hence increased paddy yield was one of the intervention points. Farmers wanted to use the mid-uplands rather than the mid- lowlands for paddy cultivation. However, they could not cultivate paddy because of the unavailability of water. Based on the soil type and the availability of water/moisture, it was proposed to cultivate System of Rice Intensification (SRI) paddy in the lowlands and Aerobic Direct Seeded Rice (ADSR) in the mid-lowlands and mid-uplands. Although the farmers were familiar with SRI, which they had been cultivating in the lowlands, the concept of ADSR was new to them. They were initially sceptical about growing ADSR, as they thought that it would not yield results. This was because instead of transplanting the paddy, they would have to directly sow the paddy seeds in a line. They found it very similar to their traditional

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Review reflection meeting in Churinsoro

broadcasting method, which they no longer practised because of its low productivity. In the first year, only seven farmers piloted ADSR. “The villagers thought we were dumb. They used to say how will you get a good yield if you don’t put in the effort. The more effort you put in, the better the yield you will get,” said an SHG member who had piloted ADSR. “The people who were not part of the SHG doubted and ridiculed us in the first year,” said another SHG member. However, the results were immediate, as productivity in the first year was affected by low rainfall, and the mid-uplands that were under ADSR were green and produced a good yield. In the second year, many farmers turned to ADSR; even the control farmers wanted to try ADSR. SRI multiplied production in the farmers’ medium lowlands, thereby increasing the period of food security,v and ADSR helped to shorten the period of hunger, thereby making the families in the village entirely food secure. Figure 2vi shows the shift in the number of families to food sufficiency. The data shows that at present 70 per cent of the families have 12 months of food security and 30 per cent of the families have food security of between six and 10 months.

The second concern articulated by the farmers was making the cultivation of maize sufficiently lucrative so that they could continue growing it. Cultivation of maize had been declining because of its low productivity. Farmers feared that maize, like other millets, would also disappear from their diet. Since maize has a cultural significance and has been a traditional crop, farmers wanted to make maize cultivation lucrative enough so it could be sustained. Line sowing of maize was done to aid intercropping and this also reduced the unruly growth of

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weeds. The women adopted many new agricultural practices such as intercropping of maize with legumes for the first time, adding to the income of the family. Farmers did staking of legume plants on maize plants. Hemlata didi, a research farmer, commented,

“Earlier we felt that we had no control over maize production.We would never look at the plots after sowing and weeding was very cumbersome, but now with intercropping, we tend to the maize fields more often and the yield is also good.”

Farmers also tried cultivating different crops along with maize like beans, cowpea, and green pea. Soya bean was tried as a new crop, but failed; the seeds did not germinate. So the farmers cultivated cowpea and French beans along with maize a local crop.

For the third research question, a varietal trial of tomatoes was carried out. Tomatoes were cultivated using the pit method, which helped in the better staking of the plants, resulting in the growth of healthy plants and the production of superior round fruits.

The farmers were also introduced to other vegetables. With

Change in food security

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increased confidence, farmers in the subsequent years tested and tried out various varieties on their own. One farmer said, “I want to test this variety, so even if I lose productivity to some extent, I will know what is suitable.” They adopted the pit-and-trellis method for creepers. They grew new varieties of tomato as well as pumpkin, garden pea, and cabbage. Newly adopted crops like pulses, including pigeon pea and horse gram, ensured cash supply and food diversity for the family.

B. Change in diet and nutritionvii

New and innovative agricultural practices brought food sufficiency to the families and ensured food security in terms of the quality and quantity of diet and food intake (see Figure 3).

The food intake of the village women improved in terms of both quantity and quality. Five years earlier, the women and their families used to have one meal a day, comprising only rice with salt and sometimes rice with wild leafy green vegetables at night. To satisfy their hunger during the day, they would eat wild potatoes or boiled semi-liquid maize, when available. However, after the project, they now have three meals a day; they eat rice in the morning; for lunch they have rice with various vegetables that they either grow themselves or buy from the market; dinner consists of rice, vegetables, and dal. The families now consume vegetables like French bean, peas, pumpkin, ridge gourd (which they consumed for the first time), bottle gourd, bitter gourd, cowpea, chickpea, spinach, water spinach, and mustard leaves. The consumption of meat has increased in the last five years, with 65 per cent of the families reporting that they have meat, eggs, and fish two or three times a week, and 35 per cent of the families have these foods two or three times a month (see Figure 4). Earlier, families only consumed meat during festivals or when a relative visited them. Awareness and knowledge about the benefits of good and nutritious food is quite high now among the women. Although the women find their current diet quite healthy and nutritious as compared to the previous five years and think there is a need to improve their diet further by the regular consumption of meat, fish, egg, pulses, vegetables (especially leafy green vegetables), milk, and fruits.

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Diversification in crops and diet : A comparision

Improvement in Diet

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C. Change in conditions of women

Interestingly, the need to reduce the drudgery of women farmers did not emerge as an issue in the initial meetings with the farmers. But as the women were leading the research, they soon raised it as a concern in different forums. The women were mostly engaged in back-breaking work like sowing, transplanting, weeding, and harvesting. Subsequently, the introduction of innovative tools like the line marker, wheel hoe, Cono weeder, and earthing-up machine in agriculture has brought about significant changes in the scope and nature of women’s role in agriculture, making it less time-consuming and reducing the drudgery. Consequently, women now have more time for themselves, their children, and their family.

These new and innovative agricultural interventions have brought better returns and drastically decreased the women’s dependency on the forest and on forest produce. This has had a positive impact on the health, well-being, and general environment of the women. “Women would go to the jungle to collect forest produce and sell it in the market, but now with improved agriculture and more income, women do not go to the forest. This is also a big respite for us and we can look after our children and our house,” said Sonamuni. The women said that earlier they did not have time for themselves and their children because they were very busy working in the forests. Usually, they bathed once in a month or two with mud and washed their clothes with ashes and warm water. Their involvement in the agricultural research project has allowed them more time and more income, so they can now take better care of themselves. “Now I have enough time for myself because I do not need to go to the forest. So I oil my hair and bathe with soap every single day and wash my clothes with a washing soap. I feel healthy and good,” said a contended Hemlata Mandi. They also make sure that their children are clean and healthy; they bathe them every day before sending them to school and ensure that they wear clean clothes.

With an assured supply of food and increased income in the family, women are prioritizing their children’s education. The study also revealed that 80 per cent of the families now spend most of their income on children’s education and food. “Besides food, I spend most of my earnings to pay for my child’s education in a private school for

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which I pay Rs. 1,700 per month,” said Sadhmoni didi. The mindset of the women shows a distinct change. Earlier, their main focus was basic survival, but now they prioritize the education of their children and send them to private schools for better education. The desire for higher living standards and personal well-being marks a significant transformational change in the lives of women.

D. Women’s empowerment

Women’s empowerment in this context was seen in various areas where decision-making power was based on income, expenditure, time, labour, ownership of assets, skills, and knowledge of new agricultural techniques. Given the deeply patriarchal nature of Indian society, it is not surprising that men controlled all aspects of life in Churinsoro, from work, income, expenditure, labour, skill, education, and so on. However, the inception of SHGs and the agricultural research project introduced different gender dynamics among the villagers. The project and the SHGs created space for women’s involvement in decision-making, where they started saving their income, planning agricultural activities, and deciding what crops to cultivate and which technique or system to adopt. Women’s active role in planning and deciding the scope and nature of the research study resulted in improved agricultural production, and consequently brought about a new perception of women in the community, including among the men. About 75 per cent of the women stated that now they are treated as equal to men to a large extent. Women now participate more actively in decision-making at home, and they have an increased say in decisions pertaining to agriculture and family expenditure

“If I give money to men, they will finish it all off by drinking. That is why I have taken charge of the expenditure at home,”

- Hemlata

This ensures a better, happier, and more harmonious family life. Many studies across the world have shown that income controlled by women is more frequently used on food and health care for the family, particularly for children.

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A noticeable shift has occurred in the traditional gender- based distribution of roles for agricultural work with the adoption of new innovative agricultural interventions like a new cropping system and mechanization. The women said that agricultural activities such as sowing/transplanting, weeding, harvesting, collecting of harvested crops, which used to be the work of women, are now performed by both men and women equally.

“Now with the introduction of mechanical weeders, men also do weeding. This is a big shift,”

- The SHG members during a meeting

The women also said that currently they are able to reduce their workload during pregnancy and in the lactating stage due to this role-sharing. The women stated that their improved knowledge of agriculture has gained them recognition as farmers. About 80 per cent of them said confidently that they can teach other farmers what they have learned.

Past presentPast present

Change in decision making

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As a group, the women also reported that they teach other women and men farmers from other villages what they have learned from the agriculture project. These women’s groups have established an entrepreneurship model by teaching others for a remuneration of Rs. 300 per day per group. The women say they feel good and confident and now aspire to continue good agricultural practices, to grow new, high-value cash crops, to gain access to markets for their produce, and to avail of amenities like housing, electricity, toilets, and an all-weather road. Furthermore, in order to mitigate the gaps in agriculture, they are ready to take up an irrigation project that will provide them surplus water, give them additional income, and enhance their well-being. Figure 6 captures the change in the perceptions of the 20 women SHG members who were interviewed and who participated in FGDs.

These women give complete credit to the SHGs for the changes they have experienced. The SHG is another factor contributing to women’s empowerment, claimed a group of women.

“As a group, we are one family. We share our strengths and weaknesses, sadness and happiness,”

- Anjani Mandi.

Perceptions in women

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The SHG allows women to save money and take loans whenever required, reducing the need to borrow money from moneylenders at high interest rates or to mortgage land. Using their own money that they have pooled together, they take loans at annual interest rates of 12–24 per cent, with flexible repayment options. The SHG is a vital learning forum for women, where they plan their agricultural activities and experiments, and where they reflect on and review their concrete experiences, to get a better yield and a higher income in the coming year.

VI. Out-scaling of the model in Baghmundi Building on the experience and learnings of this project, the

PRADAN team designed its agricultural livelihood intervention differently. The team implemented the Upasanghaviii-level agricultural training programme in all its eight Sanghasix to facilitate and encourage the involvement and equal participation of the SHG collectives in agricultural livelihood interventions. The training design incorporated holistic concepts around women and development. It introduced gender issues and gender-based discrimination in agricultural work. It discussed the roles of men and women who take decisions related to agriculture using various gender tools. It captured the state of women’s health and nutrition through experiential processes. It included knowledge building of women on different advanced agricultural activities like SRI, direct seeded rice (DSR), trellis, tomato rain shelter, and provided training in the use of agricultural machines like weeder, marker, and earthen up.Focusing on technical aspects related to agriculture, women were trained to plan their agricultural activities effectively in order to increase their annual income. Women agricultural trainers undertook year-round agricultural planning with the help of Upasangha members. The planning process was focused on enhancing their knowledge of their main livelihood option, that is, agriculture. The farmer field school (FFS) model was adopted to disseminate learning on a large scale. SHG women members were encouraged by women agricultural trainers and Upasangha women to engage in the FFS to learn new techniques of agricultural work. In the financial year 2018–19, the team was able to engage with 650 SHGs through the agricultural programme. The team reached out to almost 7,000 families in this year to make them aware of the advanced agricultural concepts, practices, and techniques with the help of the FFS model. The Upasangha holds monthly meetings

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where the members review the progress of demonstrations as well as of the farmers who have adopted the advanced techniques. In these meetings, professionals facilitate in making the agricultural programme sustainable.

VII. Key learnings

This agricultural research programme was unique for two reasons. First, the research was conducted with real farmers and in their own fields. Second, women were given primacy as farmer researchers. The project mainly focused on women as individuals, to enhance their sense of agency and to build their capacity (human resource capacity). Experience shows that local need-based planning is more effective than project need-based planning because it incorporates data that is based on reality, providing more space and opportunity to women to plan and act in accordance with their own needs and problems rather than sticking to the strict guiding principles of a project, as is the usual way. In addition, local need-based planning takes into consideration indigenous knowledge and practices, thereby developing and enhancing the women’s capacity to solve their own problems.

The progress from a farmer to a researcher to a teacher is a gradual and continuous process. It involves planning, experimenting, reviewing, and reflecting, with insights and lessons learned from experiences and from the changes implemented to improve performance in future activities. This process follows the model of cognitive development, as depicted in Figure 7.

The engagement approach, or the action research cycle, employed in interactions with the community was based on Kolb’s learning cycle where the focus was on experimentation and learning (Figure 8). The project activities were designed accordingly, beginning with the inception meeting and ending with the annual review meeting, where analysing experiences and synthesizing the lessons learned to come up with new activities was a regular cycle. In a review meeting also, this process was diligently followed. The cycle of activities began with joint field visits, observing the experimental farm plots while transacting the farm field, interpreting the observations and analysing them to derive learning, and making action plans.

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Laborer

Farmer

Teacher

Researcher

Shift from day to day thinking

Plan on an annual cycle

Developement of locally relevant knowledge

Shifts in cognition

Shifts in cognition

Time

Figure 7: Model of Cognitive Development

It was ensured that all the processes were participatory, and the research followed the action research framework.

The engagement approach and the processes2 adopted in this project ensured a shift in the identity of the participant—from being a “farm labourer to a farmer to a researcher” and finally to a “teacher”. Various PRA activities reveal that women do more than 85 per cent of farming and agricultural work. Their role and contributions are not acknowledged. If they work on the family farm, they are seen as assisting in family work. If they work on someone else’s field, they are treated as labourers and paid lower wages than male labourers. None of the women identified themselves as farmers or saw farming as their occupation. The engagement throughout this project sought to create an identity for women as farmers and research farmers. These researcher farmers are now role models for other women. Farmers from outside the research village observe them and their farming practices and desire to learn from them.

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Acknowledgments: The project that is the subject of this case study was supported by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR). Dr Peter Cornish, a noted agricultural scientist, has been the key instigator in drawing our attention to the process and helping us to articulate it. This work was further supported by Prof. Bill Bellotti and Dr Gavin Ramsay whose contributions helped to build the conceptual framework used in this case study.

We express our gratitude to Ritesh Pandey and Wanborlong Khymdeit for their insights and for their facilitation in the community. The project also owes its success to members of the PRADAN Baghmundi team and to the research team involved. Our sincere thanks to them.

Figure 8: Action Research Cycle

3. Farmer evaluation, selection or

rejection

4. Farmer implementation,

adaptation to local conditions

1. Identify problems &

opportunities

5. Farmer dissemination and diffusion

2. Discovery and creation

of new knowledge

The pedagogical principles of the

Kadam programme

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References

Bellotti, B., Ramsay, G., Unkovich, M., Komarek, A., & Pain, S. (2015). Creating space for smallholder farmer innovation: Reflections from Australian researchers. https://cdn.csu.edu.au/data/assets/pdf_file/0003/1450164/Creating-space-for-smallholder-farmer- innovation-Bill-Bellotti.pdf

Cornish, P. S., et al. (2015). Improving crop production for food security and improved livelihoods on the East India Plateau. I. Rainfall-related risks with rice and opportunities for improved cropping systems. Agricultural Systems, 137, 166–179. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.agsy.2015.01.008

Food and Agriculture Organization (FOA). (2011) The State of Food and Agriculture 2010–2011: Women in Agriculture: Closing the gender gap for development. Rome: FAO. http://www.fao.org/3/a- i2050e.pdf

Kumar, A., Unkovich, M., & Bellotti, B. (2015) Smallholder farmer innovation. 1. Replacing transplanted rice monoculture with direct seeded rice basedcropping systems.Conference paper. Building Productive, Diverse and Sustainable Landscapes,17th Australian Agronomy Conference, 20–24 September 2015, Hobart,Australia. Conference Proceedings, 2015, pp. 518–521 ref.3.

Pandey, R., Ramsay, G., & Bellotti, B. (2015) Smallholder farmer innovation. 2. Facilitating farmer agency through experimentation and learning aboutcropping systems. Building Productive, Diverse and Sustainable Landscapes.Proceedings of the 17th Australian Agronomy Conference, 20–24 September2015, Hobart, Australia. www.agronomy2015.com.au

Ramsay, G., Bellotti, B., Narain, N., & Kumar, A. (2015). Learning, Research and Collaboration: Challenges and Opportunities. In Research and education for rural development and food security to build resilient rural environments: Australian and Indian Perspectives. Wagga Wagga: Charles Sturt University.https://www.csu.edu.au/data/assets/pdf_file/0005/1450184/Learning-research-and-collaboration- challenges-and-opportunities-Gavin-Ramsay.pdf

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (1991). Strategy for improved nutrition of children and women in developing countries. Indian Journal of Pediatrics, 58, 13–24. New York: UNICEF. DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1007/BF02810402

i AVRDC: Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center, based in Shanhua, Tainan, China.

ii ACWADAM: Advanced Center for Water Resources Development and Management, based in Pune, Maharashtra, India.

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iii BCKV: Bidhan Chandra Krishi Viswavidyalaya, also known as Bidhan Chandra Agricultural University, located in District Nadia, Mohanpur, West Bengal, India.

iv L. Stoll, R. Bolam, A. McMohan, M. Wallace, & S. Thomas (2006). Professional learnincommunities; A review of the literature. Journal of Educational Change, 7(4), 221–258. https://link.springer.com/ article/10.1007/s10833-006-0001-8

v Food security here implies the availability of cereals/grains for consumption.

vi Data was collected from sample farmers through a questionnaire and was then consolidated.

vii The data and analysis have been drawn from the report of a research study on the link between nutrition and agriculture by Stuart Vermaak and Damien Balzer, students at the University of Western Sydney, Australia, to satisfy the course requirements of an undergraduate degree as well as to meet the requirements of any agency or individual external to the University with whom the students had contracted in the year.

viii Upasangha: Village-level SHG collective under the West Bengal State Rural Livelihoods Mission (WBSRLM) programme

ix Sangha: Gram Panchayat-level SHG collective under the WBSRLM programme

Professional Assistance for Development Action (PRADAN), West Bengal

PRADAN’s (Professional Assistance for Development Action’s) mission is to enable the most marginalized people, especially rural women, to earn a decent living and take charge of their own lives. PRADAN was created in 1983 by two young professionals, Deep Joshi and Vijay Mahajan, who were convinced that even the stubborn, endemic poverty of rural India can be solved. They believed that well-educated professionals working within communities can bring both the empathy and knowledge needed to help poor people improve their lives. The organisation believes that all people, no matter how poor, are capable of driving the change they need. This calls for well-

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educated professionals with empathy and knowledge to work with poor communities to help them improve their lives. PRADAN works in the poorest regions of India to help vulnerable communities organize collectives that help people, especially women, earn a decent living and support their families. Assistance is also provided to access government programs and other entitlements as citizens. The primary focus is to help people in marginalized communities develop their own skills and initiatives, instead of delivering services or solutions to them. PRADAN also partners with other civil society organizations and the government to influence development policies.

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5.2 Unity and Collective Action among Pastoralists in Banni,

Gujarat

Sahjeevan Trust, Gujarat1

Abstract:

The pastoral grassland of Banni in Kutch, Gujarat has faced serious challenges since independence, but things came to a head in 2008. The age-old system of generating food and other resources with a very small carbon footprint was at serious risk. All indications pointed towards its demise, as has been the case with many other similarly decentralized local production systems across India. As many waited for the end, a small group of elderly pastoralists rose to the occasion and decided to organize themselves into a collective to arrest the downward spiral of their environment as well as combat the threat to their livelihood, culture, and way of life. This case study examines the actions and achievements of these and other pastoralists which are truly inspiring and which provide hope for many people engaged in similar local economies in India. It also shows how a few determined local people with a strong belief in their way of life, with appropriate external support and guidance, can work wonders.

1 Authored by Ramesh Bhatti and Shouryamoy Das on behalf of Sahjeevan*Some segments of this case study have been adapted from an earlier article, “Joininghands to revive pastoral economy”, written by the authors which was published byLEISA India. https://leisaindia.org/joining-hands-to-revive-pastoral-economy/

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Unity and collective action among Pastoralistsin Banni, Gujarat - Preface

Pastoralism is one of the oldest human occupations. It is the art of rearing animals on marginal lands, that is, lands that are not suitable for agriculture. Pastoralism is generally practised in regions with extreme or harsh climates. Historically, humans have managed to survive in the most difficult terrains thanks to pastoralism. Pastoralism succeeds because tough, hardy, and resilient animal breeds have the ability to live on whatever little grows on the land. The two most important elements of pastoral systems are mobility and dynamism. Mobility is the ability to walk long distances in search of food and water, and dynamism is the ability to respond appropriately to evolving environments—economic, political, or ecological—and to adapt quickly to change.

The study of pastoralism in India has long been ignored and it is only now that researchers and policymakers have started realizing the real economic, ecological, and ethnographic value of pastoral systems. These systems have come to be valued especially in the face of the looming threat of drastic climate change; research shows that pastoral breeds can not only survive extreme weather but can also be productive under extremely distressed conditions. All pastoral systems have developed in tune with, and in response to, local ecological, environmental, and topographical conditions, and the animals have been bred selectively over millennia to adapt to the vagaries of the local climate and the peculiarities of the local terrain and topography. As such, pastoral systems are carriers of precious animal genetic resources. Institutions and governments worldwide have recently started allocating resources to conserve pastoral breeds.

India has some of the richest and most diverse pastoral systems in the world, found in different terrains and climatic zones—in the deserts of Rajasthan, the arid grasslands of Gujarat, the hot Deccan region, the cold deserts of Ladakh, to name a few. There are about 34 million pastoralists in India, that is, close to one in 30 Indians is a pastoralist. Most pastoralists in India have their origins in 15 states, but they travel across many states, and hence belong to every state in the country. Pastoralists in India contribute to our daily lives in several ways, often in ways that remain unseen and hence unacknowledged. Some relevant examples are:

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• Almost 60 per cent of the milk we drink comes from a lineof indigenous breeds that have been developed bypastoralists;

• The food we eat is also fertilized (the best nutrients comefrom dung and urine from pastoral animals) under the age-

old arrangement between farmers and herders of having the latter’s pastoral animals, especially goats, sheep, and camels, sit (pen) on the former’s farms after the crops had been harvested in exchange for money and fodder;

• Pastoral animals provide wool, leather, bone, and other rawmaterials that are made into products of daily use.

• Pastoral landscapes have a unique spirituality and theirculture has given birth to music and mystical poetry thatcontinue to elevate our consciousness.

Introduction

This case study describes the work done by a community of pastoral people in Banni, in Kutch district, Gujarat, and their association with Sahjeevan, a local ecological organization. Banni has been the home of the Maldharis (as the community of pastoralists is known in Kutch) for almost five centuries. Banni, once Asia’s second largest grassland, was considered to be the finest of all grasslands in India. It is spread across 2,500 sq. km and is home to a variety of flora and fauna. More than 7,000 families live in Banni today, and most of them are Maldharis. Pastoral people from many regions, including north India, present-day Baluchistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia, have settled in the Banni grasslands over the centuries.

The Maldharis of Banni have traditionally raised bovine animals, especially buffaloes and cows. Interestingly, the Maldharis of Banni were able to rear a fantastic breed of buffalo that has the ability to graze alone, without human supervision, in the night. These buffaloes have been selectively bred over generations to graze in the dark on their own. Thus, they not only avoid the hot sun during the day but can also live on less water. This breed is known as the Banni buffalo. Banni is also the only buffalo breed that is adapted to an arid ecosystem.

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The Banni Maldharis have traditionally sold adult animals for use on agricultural farms, as draught animals for local transport, and for breeding. This has been the sole source of income for them over the past four or five centuries. The milk produced by these animals was never sold, because animal trade was profitable and also because the milk was needed to raise both strong animals as well as children. Several Maldhari communities, content with the rusticity and simplicity of their lives, lived in peace in Banni till independence disrupted the economic, political, and ecological balance of the land.

Winds of change

Kutch is geographically close to Sindh, and the Kutchi Maldharis have had close trade and familial relations with the people of Sindh for centuries. Partition put an end to this trade and erected barriers between people on either side of the border. Trade with farmers on the Indian side of the border was the only source of income after 1947 when the borders were sealed for good. The ecological landscape started changing too. The government sanctioned projects to harvest and use water fruitfully. Short-sighted interventions blocked and diverted water streams that used to wash away the salinity of the Banni grasslands every year. Banni started becoming more and more saline; increasing salinity soon became a serious problem. In 1965, the government came up with another myopic solution to address the problem of increasing salinity. The government planted seeds of a hardy but invasive woody species known as Prosopis juliflora across Banni. This shrub, which is native to Mexico, South America, and the Caribbean, has taken over large tracts of lands in Banni. Native vegetation or grasses are difficult to find in the Banni grasslands these days. As a result, the amount of feed available for pastoral animals has decreased over the years. Wildlife in Banni has similarly been hit by the rampant Prosopis juliflora. It is known locally as gando baval (crazy shrub) because it is highly invasive.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, farmers started adopting mechanized means of tilling land. Consequently, bulls from Banni, which were once prized as farm and draught animals, stopped being valued. Bulls, traditionally used to pull carts, started losing out to

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motor vehicles as a means of local transport too, with jeeps and buses comfortably outpacing them in speed, style, and comfort. Cow vigilantes started become active around the turn of the century and adversely affected whatever little trade in animals was still prevalent. The hold of the Maldhari communities on Banni came under threat too around the same time. The Maldharis have held grazing rights to Banni from the time when Kutch was a princely state; the rights were conferred in lieu of the payment of a grazing tax. The Maldharis still hold documents dating back to 1856 that codified their rights to Banni during the period of princely rule. Decisions on the utilization and management of the grassland were taken by leaders of the Maldhari communities, and the community as a whole ensured that the norms were followed by all.

Banni was classified as a protected forest in 1955. However, no survey or settlement process was carried out at that time. The governance of the grassland has been a thorny issue ever since. The Revenue Department transferred administrative control of Banni to the Forest Department in 1998. However, the Forest Department refused to administer the land till the survey of the villages located within Banni was completed. Since neither the Forest Department nor the Revenue Department stepped in to take administrative control, the Maldhari communities, in spite of having no formal authority, continued to manage and govern the grassland through their customary local governance bodies. Banni was conserved because the Maldharis understood that caring for ecological resources was fundamental to their way of life. This has also led to the development of a syncretic relationship with the ecosystem as well as an elegant culture of maldhariyat, a culture that is best experienced on the land itself.

There were rumours that the Forest Department would stake a claim to the grassland and barricade large swathes of Banni as off limits to herders. This alarmed the herders since loss of access to grazing lands would prove suicidal for the pastoral system on which they depended for survival. Such fears were to come true later, but, as we will see, the Maldharis were much better prepared to deal with the situation thanks to their own efforts.

The existence of pastoralism in Banni, which had thrived for centuries, was under threat, and traditional sources of livelihood and people’s access to ecological and natural resources were atrisk. The younger generations of the Maldharis started believing that pastoralism as a form of livelihood had no future and started migrating to cities to

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work as labourers. We can safely say that at this point of time, the Banni pastoral system, built on the pillars of breeds, communities, ecosystems, and livelihoods, found itself assailed from all directions.

The Maldharis and Sahjeevan hold the fort

Sahjeevan has worked on grass-roots issues related to ecological conservation and regeneration for a long time. Sahjeevan felt that it needed to intervene, considering the stressed conditions in Banni and the harmful effects of ecological degradation on the Maldhari communities. Sahjeevan was driven primarily by the need to conserve pastoral systems in Kutch. Sahjeevan realized that pastoralism, as a bank of genetic resources, was of key significance. The pastoral system in Banni was under severe stress and it was essential to conserve, support, revive, and protect the system. Sahjeevan has always partnered with local communities and realizes the value of getting the local people involved in, and committed to, a cause first. Hence, Sahjeevan started actively developing a close relationship with the herding community and designed its programmes and interventions to ensure that the community would be equal partners in the implementation of these projects.

The economic and ecological conditions under which the pastoral system of Banni operates have also changed. Sahjeevan realized that along with efforts to conserve the buffalo breed and to protect and safeguard ecological resources, it was also necessary to ensure that the pastoral herders continued to earn a respectable livelihood. Hence Sahjeevan decided to work on developing a milk-based economy in partnership with the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB). The idea of a pashu mela (cattle fair) also proved to be a success. It is an excellent platform for the community to celebrate and showcase their traditional knowledge and to highlight the resilience and strength of their animals.

The elders of the Maldharis of Banni also made a significant contribution. They were as resilient as their animals, if not more. They realized the need to make concentrated efforts to augment the livelihood of their community; to work for the official recognition of the Banni buffalo; to address the issue of the community’s rights to the grassland; and to develop formal plans to conserve the Banni grasslands

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(which had been degraded because of the spread of an alien invasive species called Prosopis juliflora, as mentioned above). They issued a call for action and the Maldhari community rallied around.

Sahjeevan played an important role in raising resources for the activities of the Banni Pashu Uchherak Maldhari Sangathan (BPUMS), particularly in the initial years. The entire initiative needed funds to collect and document data and to organize the pashu mela. Sahjeevan partnered with various funding agencies to raise the necessary resources. Sahjeevan also invested in building the capacities of the Maldhari communities. Today, BPUMS raises most of its resources by itself.

In 2008, the Maldharis decided to organize a pashu mela to celebrate the cattle breeds, pastoral culture, and human ecology of Banni, and the event became a platform for ushering in change. This was perhaps the first time that the Maldharis came together at one place. The pashu mela was a space not only for displaying the best specimens of animals, but also for sharing stories about the communities amongst themselves. This was also the first time that the Maldharis came together in public to express their love for their animals and their pride in their way of life. Both these proved to be common threads across villages and communities.

The Maldhari elders decided to use these threads to tie all of Banni together. Salim Node, Hasam Halepotra, Ramzan Halepotra, Alla Judiya Jat, and Mir Mohamad Hingorja led the movement. The elders divided themselves into groups of four or five and went to each and every village of Banni to hold long sabhas to discuss ways of countering threats to their culture, livelihood, and way of life. They managed to convince most Maldharis (about 1,200 of them) and enrolled them in a collective known as the Banni Breeders’ Association. Every member contributed an annual fee of Rs 100 and this financed the collective’s programmes and administrative costs.

The Banni Breeders’ Association was registered under the Bombay Public Trust Act, 1950 and the Society Act, 1860 as Banni Pashu Uchherak Maldhari Sangathan (BPUMS) in 2009 and started working to pursue the aforementioned objectives. BPUMS formalized its governance structure. Itis managed by a

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21-member executive body elected for a term of three years. The executive body comprises one representative from each of the 19 panchayats and two Scheduled Caste members. BPUMS joined hands with Sahjeevan to work on registering the Banni buffalo. They also decided that the practicalities of the day demanded the establishment of a milk-based economy because income from animal sales was no longer enough to support their families, who were already living a life of austerity. BPUMS soon started working with NDDB to establish a milk-based economy. They also started addressing the issue of conserving Banni through traditional governance models and restoring their formal rights to the land by holding negotiations with the government.

While BPUMS is a formal body at present, it was more loosely organized in the initial years. In the early period, BPUMS needed active handholding as well as considerable organizational and administrative support. Sahjeevan has worked tirelessly to ensure that the activities of BPUMS are held regularly, are monitored, are audited, and that all necessary financial as well as governance controls and systems are in place.

Registration of the Banni Buffalo breed

BPUMS has realized that conserving the breed of buffalo is important and that conservation measures can pick up steam only when the breed is recognized by the Government of India. The Banni buffalo has been bred and developed by pastoralists in Banni over generations. This breed has unique characteristics such as drought resistance, disease resistance, high yields even under distressed conditions, calm demeanour, and ability to graze in the night by itself which makes it perfectly suited for an arid or semi-arid climate and harsh terrain.

Sahjeevan played a crucial role in communicating the importance of breed registration to the pastoral communities. Once they were convinced, Sahjeevan worked to bring on board other organizations that had expertise in the area of animal breeding and could support the efforts to get the local buffalo

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breed registered. Sahjeevan tied up with Sardarkrushinagar Dantiwada Agricultural University (SDAU), located in Banaskantha district, Gujarat, as well as the National Bureau of Animal Genetic Resources (NBAGR) to collect scientific evidence through molecular characterization and genetic characterization of the local buffaloes. The development of these partnerships was a significant achievement, and Sahjeevan continued being the coordinating agency between the scientific institutions and the pastoral community. Sahjeevan also took over the responsibility of conducting ground-level data-collection exercises as well as documenting the knowledge of the keepers of the breed. BPUMS, with support from Sahjeevan, SDAU, and the Directorate of Animal Husbandry, Government of Gujarat got the breed registered in 2010. While Sahjeevan helped with the groundwork and mobilization of the breeders, the application for the registration of the Banni buffalo was done by the community members themselves (through BPUMS). This was the first time in India that a community successfully applied for the registration of their pastoral breed.

Registration has led to the recognition of both the breed and the breeders, and the price of the Banni buffalo has doubled since then. The National Biodiversity Authority, Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, Government of India and the Local Livestock for Empowerment (Life Network) conferred the Breed Saviour Award in 2009 to Haji Musa, a Maldhari, and BPUMS jointly. Salemabad Halepotra, the president of BPUMS, was appointed (and still continues to be) a member of the management committee of the NBAGR. The Banni buffalo was the first buffalo breed to be recognized in India after independence and since then 55 new breeds (till August 2019) of livestock have been registered by NBAGR.

The registration of the Banni buffalo spurred the Government of Gujarat into action and it started taking an active interest in community conservation and the official recognition of pastoral breeds. The state government also developed a scheme to invest Rs. 25 lakh per pastoral breed. This money was spent to form a breeders’ association which would work to develop community livelihoods as well as to conserve local breeds.

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A milk-based economy

As mentioned above, Sahjeevan first started working on developing a milk-based economy in Banni. In 2008, the elders of the Maldhari communities in Banni, facilitated by Sahjeevan, held meetings with NDDB for the collection of milk. In 2008, a deal was stuck with NDDB. NDDB agreed to pay a premium of Rs. 15 per kilo of fat on milk prices as long as BPUMS could arrange for the collection of 500 litres of milk each day. Sahjeevan was responsible for mobilizing the community to deposit the milk at the bulk milk chilling (BMC) facilities and NDDB was responsible for setting targets for the milk collections. Convincing the herders to sell milk to the BMCs was difficult, as they had a long-standing relationship based on trade and credit with the local milk vendors. The local vendors generally lent money in advance to the herders and the herders were obligated to sell their milk and milk products to the traders till the debt was repaid. Sahjeevan managed to convince many members of the pastoral community to switch to selling milk to the BMCs so that the BMCs could be viable. In the initial days, the amount of milk collected at the Powerpatti BMC far outstripped the target and initiated a mini-revolution of sorts because it upset the dynamics of the traditional milk-based economy.

A BMC facility was setup in the village of Bhirandiyara. The milk collection was a paltry 265 litres on the first day, but within a month it rose to more than 500 litres. Within a month, the collection of milk rose to 5,000 litres in a day, which was the maximum capacity of the BMC. Enthused by the success of this BMC, NDDB and the Sarhad dairy came together to establish another five BMCs within a period of two years. The Sarhad dairy, the Kutch District Co-operative Milk Producer’s Union Ltd, soon sensed an opportunity and started investing heavily in infrastructure. A decade later, Banni is one of the major milk-producing regions of the country, producing 110,000 litres of nutritious milk, most of which is organic, every day. This milk is valued at more than 4 million rupees a day and close to 1,500 million rupees annually.

The success of the milk dairy pilot project was significant in other terms too. The local population in Kutch was largely unaware of the intricacies and complexities of the pastoral system. The pastoral communities of Banni were thought to be backward, primitive, and corrupt. Sahjeevan understood the need to change the perceptions of the wider community of people in the district and the state, so that the pastoral economy could be supported by all. The establishment of the

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milk dairy, the registration of the Banni buffalo breed, the holding of the pashu mela, and the formation of BPUMS all helped to change traditional mindsets and attitudes, and the larger populace of Kutch became more amenable to the prospect of working with the Banni pastoralists.

The fight for governance rights The situation in Gujarat (and in Kutch in particular) has been

no different. BPUMS’s consultation with the government on the formalization of its rights has proved to be a much more arduous task, and one that is still not over. BPUMS began by documenting its community rights and ways in a Bio-cultural Community Protocol (BCP) developed under Article 8(j)– Traditional Knowledge, Innovations and Practices of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2002, as well as the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization to the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2010. In 2009, the Forest Department came up with a working plan to fence large areas of Banni. This working plan, developed without consulting the community, proposed not only cutting the pastoralists’ access to a number of wetlands within Banni, but also turned a blind eye to the pastoralists’ need to move across ecosystems in a single calendar year. The Banni Breeders’ Association decided to ask for their communal rights instead, since it was evident that the implementation of the working plan would have been a threat to the ecosystem that sustained them, and this in turn would have affected their own livelihood, cattle breeds, and culture. The Banni Breeders’ Association also realized that the FRA could be instrumental in formalizing their rights to the grassland of Banni, and provided an opportunity to revive their traditional governance systems while they were engaged in a struggle for their rights. BPUMS launched a signature campaign across all the 54 villages in Banni. This campaign, now famous as “Banni ko banni rahene do”,meaning “Let Banni remain as the commons”, worked to reestablish the way the grassland had been traditionally used, conserved, and managed by pastoralists. BPUMS organized numerous meetings in villages and panchayats and decided to collectively express their disapproval of the government’s policies, to spread awareness about their rights as pastoralists and herders, and to urge the state government to implement the FRA in Banni at the earliest. The elders of the Maldhari communities and BPUMS representatives held a series of consultations with officials from the Ministry of Tribal Affairs and the Ministry of Environment and Forests. The Ministry

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of Tribal Affairs informed the BPUMS representatives that while the implementation of the FRA had begun in the state, the act was yet to be implemented in Kutch, since the nodal agency for the implementation of the FRA in non-scheduled areas (such as Kutch, with its small tribal population) was yet to be finalized. In 2011, the implementation of the Working Plan was initiated by the Forest Department. It aimed to scientifically manage forest resources by enclosing specific areas of the Banni as well as by restricting access for pastoral herders to the forest areas. The working plan did not take into consideration the traditional rights to and the dependency of the pastoral community on the grassland of Banni. The Maldharis responded by organizing a rally in Bhuj and submitted a memorandum to the collector of Kutch, informing him and the State Level Monitoring Committee that as long as their rights remain unrecognized under the FRA, they would continue to resist peacefully. On 5 June 2012, BPUMS invited the media to witness and report on their way of managing the grassland and solicited the media’s support for their struggle.

At the behest of BPUMS, the gram sabhas in Banni started forming Forest Rights Committees (FRCs) in each village and began claiming their rights to Banni. These efforts led to an official missive from the Government of Gujarat directing the collectors of all the non-scheduled districts of the state to implement the FRA. The district administration of Kutch then formally instructed the gram sabhas to form FRCs in each village. A resource-mapping plan was developed based on participatory exercises that took into account traditional grazing practices, biophysical conditions, dependency on livestock, and the existing faunal and floral biodiversity. These community claims were approved by the Sub-Divisional Level Committees (SDLCs) while the District Level Committee (DLC) agreed to them in principle. Out of the 54 FRCs that were formed, 48 of them decided to file for common rights to Banni. This was a remarkable achievement for BPUMS, since it reflected and underlined the pastoralists’ need for access to regions across Banni. This was also the first time that such a large community had come together to submit common claims to a whole forest.

The efforts of the Banni Maldharis opened the gates for the formalization of not only their claims, but also those of the other communities who lived off the commons in non-scheduled areas or districts of Gujarat and who needed the support of the FRA to establish their rights. Efforts to formalize community rights to Banni are still

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ongoing, and BPUMS is now negotiating this matter with the district collector of Bhuj and the chief minister of Gujarat. This journey has been marked by trials and tribulations, and the Maldharis have managed to deal with all of them successfully so far thanks to their collective strength. The Banni Maldhari community is the only pastoralist group in India that has been able to successfully stake a claim for their common rights. Notably, Banni is also the largest area of grassland over which land rights are being negotiated between the community and the government. The commons in India have long witnessed degradation due to an absence of governance or mis governance. The Maldharis, through BPUMS, have proposed a system to resolve this situation, a system that can be replicated across the country. Recognition of their rights would be a landmark achievement not only for the pastoralists of India, but also for the democracy of India. We can only hope that recognition of the rights to Banni will inspire other pastoral communities in India to follow suit and start registering their claims to their communal lands and commons.

Establishment of ramble

BPUMS and Sahjeevan joined hands with pioneering research institutions such as the Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE) and the National Centre for Biological Sciences (NCBS) to set up a research station called Research and Monitoring in the Banni Landscape (RAMBLE) in Banni. Sahjeevan once again played a significant role in getting ATREE and other premier research organizations to establish RAMBLE. RAMBLE was set up to study the social and ecological transformations in Banni and to help answer some difficult questions about land use and management. RAMBLE is an open research platform where scholars undertake disciplinary and interdisciplinary research on various aspects of the Banni grassland ecosystem, its pastoral communities, and their interaction with the Banni grassland. Research is expected to help deepen the understanding of the ecological, institutional, social, and economic drivers that continue to shape this ecosystem. The research conducted by RAMBLE helps the Maldhari community to respond to changing ecological needs and also lends credence to their traditional knowledge and governance systems. Ultimately, such an understanding is expected to feed into ongoing policy dialogue on the management and use of Banni in the future.

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Challenges during the journey Not everything was easy during this long journey of ten years.

Sahjeevan faced several challenges, some of which are noted below.

Building of formal institutions: While the Banni herders had traditional governance systems, there were no formal bodies as such to enforce the community’s norms. The concept of, and the need for, a formal institution was alien to the herders, and convincing them to come together and form a formal body took many months of negotiation and persuasion.

Tagging of animals: Banni is amongst the most remote regions in India. The literacy levels are low and the people harbour many superstitions. The registration of the Banni buffalo required that some of the animals be tagged and monitored over a period of time. The herders believed that the tagging of the animals would lead the banks to claim a lien on them. Most of the herders refused to cooperate and again it took a great deal of effort to persuade them to cooperate.

Communicating the importance of the FRA as a means of access to, not as a means of taking over, traditional lands: The villages of Banni lie in a forest area. There was always an apprehension that the Forest Department would have the power to evict the local community. The mere mention of the word forest would cause panic in the community. At one point, Sahjeevan introduced the topic of the FRA and requested the community to come together and claim their rights under the act. This created confusion because the community felt that claiming rights under the FRA would mean that they accepted that the ownership of land lies with the Forest Department and hence they refused to even listen to Sahjeevan’s representatives. Exposure programmes and literature on the FRA were used to clear the confusion and to get the community to cooperate.

Some general learnings

Importance of breed registration: The registration of indigenous breeds is essential for engaging the formal sector in efforts to conserve a particular breed. Till the time a breed is registered, information about its characteristics, its population, and its productivity remains uncertain, unverified, and undocumented. In some instances, the same breed has

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different strains, which, in turn, have different local names. All this contributes to confusion. The registration of a breed also ensures that the government takes note and formalizes the process of investment in the conservation of the pastoral system that rears, maintains, and depends on the breed. The registration of the Banni breed, which was achieved in collaboration with NBAGR and SDAU, was vital in branding the local population of buffaloes. Since the registration of the breed, not only has the pastoral community attracted more public attention, greater official interest, and increased monetary investment, but the prices of the buffaloes have also increased, as this breed has come to be known, and officially recognized, as highly productive even in distressed conditions.

Foundation of KUUMS –mobilization and learning in the wider community: The mobilization of the community of buffalo pastoralists in Banni inspired the camel herders of Kutch to take similar action. Soon after the successful formation and establishment of BPUMS, the camel-herding community of the district joined hands to form the Kachchh Unt Ucherak Maldhari Sangathan (KUUMS), their own community-based organization (CBO). KUUMS has been working to improve the conditions of camel herders in Kutch. KUUMS, learning from the experiences of BPUMS, worked to develop a camel milk-based economy and source of livelihood. Since then, the camel milk dairy has come to play a crucial role in conserving camels in India. Camel milk has immense therapeutic potential and Amul has started marketing camel milk as well as camel milk chocolates and other products across India.

Importance of community involvement and ownership: The Banni initiative showcases the importance of the involvement of the community in any intervention designed to benefit it. What has been achieved was only possible because the community played an active role and was engaged in the entire process. The Banni initiative also highlights the importance of community knowledge; competitions were held during the pashu mela on identifying and rewarding the purest breeds of animals. The competitions were judged by the elders of the Maldhari community, people who were real experts on animal health, fertility, and productivity. The animals that were judged to be the best in Banni always found ready buyers amongst local farmers and fetched high prices. Over the years, the farmers had noted that the judgement of the elders was close to perfect, and it made business sense to acquire the award-winning animals even at a premium.

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Sahjeevan’s investment in BPUMS has also paid off handsomely. The CBO has over the years taken the lead in advocating for the rights of the Maldhari community with the government. BPUMS members have met the collector of Kutch district as well as the chief minister of Gujarat to ask for access to, and governance rights over, Banni. BPUMS has also developed an intimate relationship with NBAGR, and one of the elder Maldharis was recently recognized for his work by NBAGR. The Directorate of Animal Husbandry of Gujarat has also acknowledged the work of BMPUS and Sahjeevan on the registration of the Banni buffalo and has initiated a programme to identify the native cattle breeds of Gujarat and then form a CBO whose objective will be the registration and conservation of these breeds in their native habitat.

BPUMS has diversified the ambit of its work and is now working to resolve a long-standing dispute between the Revenue Department and the Forest Department, neither of which has accepted the responsibility of managing this land resource of Banni. This mismanagement has led to encroachment, and BPUMS has moved the National Green Tribunal to remove the encroachments and to press for the right to manage the grasslands. It is hoped that BPUMS’s efforts to resolve the dispute over the grassland will soon result in success.

The way forward

While the Maldharis of Banni have won the first round of the battle against globalization, and have successfully resisted the upheaval it brings in its wake, a lot more needs to be done to secure the future of pastoral lands and their resident communities. BPUMS has shown remarkable foresight in continuing to work to achieve this objective and in nurturing and maintaining the feeling of brotherhood and unity across the lines of religion, caste, and community in Banni, which has been absolutely vital to their work since the beginning. The Banni Maldharis realize that urban consumers are willing to pay for food that is wholesome, pure, nutritious, and healthy, and consequently BPUMS and Sahjeevan together have launched an initiative to see how the milk produced in Banni can be certified as organic and marketed to niche consumer segments. The battle for the FRA continues, and every day the herders take a small step forward in claiming their rights to Banni. The herding community realizes the need to manage their grasslands too, and there have been many pilot projects for the uprooting of the invasive Prosopis juliflora by villagers. These pilot projects have led

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to the reemergence of vegetation that was thought to have been long extinct in the Banni grasslands. The research station at RAMBLE continues to inform and inspect every move made by the communities, by providing data and facilitating experiments. It has shown that thanks to the milk-based economy, the grasslands of Banni may be carrying a larger number of animals than its vegetative mass can support. Research is still ongoing, and BPUMS can be trusted to work with its members should the RAMBLE researchers’ apprehensions turn out to be true.

Sahjeevan Trust, Gujarat

Sahjeevan strives for the conservation of ecosystems and the integration of gender equality, human values, indigenous knowledge and novel technologies to strengthen traditional livelihoods, demonstrated by communities at the grassroots and policy level. It has identified four thematic areas that need attention; namely Pastoralism, Water, Bio- diversity and Urban issues; and has established specialized units to work on them. Sahjeevan has been inspiring and supporting marginalised communities to revive their traditional ecological knowledge systems, engage with relevant technologies and scientific methods to conserve their ecological resources, and strengthen their livelihoods. Based in Kachchh for over 25 years, the organization has influenced local governance institutions, communities and the region as a whole to conserve biodiversity, regenerate tradition water systems based on local geo hydrological solutions, revitalise pastoralism, promote indigenous livestock breeding practices, and strengthen resilience through rain fed agriculture.

Today Sahjeevan works across the state of Gujarat and has earned itself the recognition of being one of the foremost civic society institutions in the country.

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