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International Baccalaureate"' i Baccataureat Internationa!’ Bachillerato international
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International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme Examination Session: May 2014
History Extended Essay
To what extent did western aggression transform China’s diplomacy between 1842-1864?
Word Counf: 3742 September 3^^2013
Abstract
The defeat of the First Opium War 1839-1842 and Second Opium War 1856-1860
stapled the Qing Dynasty to a series of treaties. At first, the terms of these treaties led to minor
institutional changes. From 1861 to 1864, however, the Qing rapidly invested in modernization
initiatives such as the ZongLi Yarnen, Interpreters School and the adoption of international law
that led to considerable departure from Chinese traditional diplomacy. According to some
historians, these initiatives directly resulted from western aggression. Other historians argue that
internal dynamics played a significant role in diplomatic modernization. This essay analyzes:
“To what extent did western aggression transform China’s diplomacy between 1842-
1864?”
To answer this question, Chinese diplomacy prior to 1842 along with external and
internal threats between 1842-1864 is central to understanding the Qing’s diplomatic
transformation. First, western military aggression of the First and Second Opium War that
legally bounded the Qing into treaty diplomacy is looked into. As well, the internal dynamics
such as the Qing’s change of external outlook and domestic rebellions are examined. This
investigation uses the Impact-Response and the Challenge-Reaction Model as main points of
reference, and both primary and secondary sources to interpret the fundamental reasons for the
Qing’s diplomatic transformation.
The conclusion reached is that western aggression catalyzed the diplomatic
modernization. Although the pressure exerted by western gunboats in the First and Second
Opium War forced the Qing into treaty diplomacy and direct diplomatic representation in
Beijing, the major and most significant modernization initiatives were the Qing’s own decision
to initiate. The Qing acknowledged the need for self-strengthening policies in order to restore
stability after its perspective change in 1860 and the threat of internal rebellions. Western
aggression was an important factor that contributed to the speed of the Qing’s diplomatic
modernization; however it was not the principle cause.
WORD COUNT: 800
II
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to my history teacher and extended essay supervisor who provided me with valuable feedback throughout this entire process. I am
grateful to my school librarian for assisting me with the Chicago Manual of Styleguidelines to typeset this essay. Finally, I would also like to dedicate this paper to my parents, especially my father, for sharing their love for East Asian History with me.
Ill
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT II
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS III
TABLE OF CONTENTS IV
1. INTRODUCTION 1
2. INVESTIGATION
i. Explanatory Models 2
ii. Traditional Chinese Diplomacy 3
iii. First Opium War 4
iv. Second Opium War 6
v. Self-Renovation Period, 1861-1864 8
vi. Changing External Outlook 9
vii. Internal Pressures 11
3. CONCLUSION 12
BIBLIOGRAPHY 14
APPENDICES 17
IV
Introduction
Today, China is diplomatically represented in many countries all over the world.
It is difficult to imagine China once isolated herself and refused to establish relations with
the West. This period of unresponsiveness and reclusiveness to the West is referred to as
the close-door policy.1 This raises questions such as what led to the opening of China and
for what reasons did China’s foreign policy change so drastically. As a Chinese-Canadian
who is bombarded with only Chinese perspectives from familial discussions on western
influence on imperial China- western powers used gunboats to exploit the Qing into
modernization-1 question validity of these statements. This essay allows me, for the first
time, to academically investigate to what extent did western aggression transform j|
China’s diplomacy between 1842-1864? Often, the opening and modernization of
China are discussed as a whole and specific topics are not focused on. Therefore, this
essay intends to shed light on the history behind China’s diplomatic practices.
In the 19th century, the Imperial Qing Dynasty2 slowly declined due to external
and internal pressures.3 The western powers forced their way into Chinese territories with
superior gunboats in the First Opium War 1839-1842 and obliged the Qing to establish
diplomatic relations.4 Yet, the Qing adhered to its traditional mode of Chinese diplomacy, "
the tributaiy system5, for almost two decades to deal with foreign aggression.6 Major
diplomatic modernization initiatives were initiated only after the Second Opium War
1856-1860.7 In a short timet.1861-1864) initiatives such as the establishment of the
Zongli Yamen, Interpreters Schools and the adoption of international law led to a
noticeable departure from the Qing’s tributary system.8 The mainstream approach, John
Fairbank’s Impact-Response Model, cites western aggression as the immediate and direct
1 Chesneaux, Jean, Marianne Bastid, Marie-Claire Begere, China from the Opium Wars to the 1911 Revolution (Great Britain: The {2 The ruling dynasty (1644-1911).3 Zhang, Xiaomin and Xu Chunfeng, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation: Analysis from an Ideational Perspective,” Chinese Journal o f International Politics (2007): 405, accessed March 13, 2013, http://cjip.oxfordjoumals.org/.4 Quan, Hexiu, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China: External Relationships, Modernization and Transitional Phase,” Journal o f Northeast Asian History (2008): 33, accessed August 16, 2013, http://contents.nahf.or.kr/files/pdf/jn/jn_007_0020.pdf.5 Traditional Chinese diplomacy with peripheral states.6 Craig, Albert, The Heritage o f Chinese Civilization Second Edition (New Jersey: Pearson Education Inc., 2001), 133.7 Quan, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China: External Relationships, Modernization and Transitional Phase,” 33.s Hsu, Immanuel C.Y, The Rise o f Modern China (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 207.
1
cause of the diplomatic transformation.9 However, this model neglects the impact of
Taiping Rebellion 1850-1864, and the Qing’s change of perspectives on its regime and
interactions with the west that is asserted in Chen Shenglin’s Challenge-Response
Model.10 Many scholars, both western and Chinese, concluded that this phase of
modernization was the “springboard” for China’s entrance to international diplomacy.11
Explanatory Models
When conducting historical research into China’s late diplomatic transformations,
one is likely to encounter a couple of explanatory models. American historians, John
Fairbank and Joseph Levenson proposed the “Impact-Response Model” that argues
western influence as the primary cause of China’s rapid modernization, including
diplomatic.12 The assumptions of this model include: China’s traditional and isolated
society was impacted by western domination, she lacked the motive and strength to catch
up with the western countries and she modernized only in response to direct foreign
military aggression.13 The events of the investigated scope, the First Opium War 1839-
1842 and Second Opium War 1856-1860, were examples of early physical confrontations
between China and the West that drew the feudal society closer to that of the rapidly
changing west. Historian Ssu-Yu Teng elaborated that for the first time, a more powerful
empire with a more superior military confronted China and tied her to unequal treaties
and forced foreign relations upon her. The western contact had a tremendous amount of
impact in every aspect-“political, economic, social, ideological [and] cultural”-of the
Chinese society.14 This model has become the main point of reference in historical
research of the China’s late foreign relations.15
9 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 406.10 Ibid., 408." Quan, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China,” 24.12 Fairbank later corrected the Impact-Response model and admitted that China’s modernization resulted from internal Chinese — dynamics with limited western influence.1:1 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 406.14 Teng Ssu-Yu and John K. Fairbank, China's Response To The West: A Documentory Survey 1839-1923 (Canada: McClelland & Stewart Ltd., 1963), 1.15 Ibid. , ,K
In 1974, Historian Paul Cohen pointed out that the Impact-Response Model over
exaggerated the role of the west because all vocabulary, concepts and analytical
frameworks of this topic are derived from western sources.16 Often, the lack of Chinese-
produced sources and abundance of western perspectives tended to distort Chinese
history by overstressing the impact of foreign aggression.17 Cohen inspired a new
analytic approach to modern Chinese studies where the focus is on internal dynamics.
Chinese researcher, Chen explained by suggesting another model, the “Challenge-
Reaction Model.”18 He believes that the two Opium Wars posed a dual challenge of an
“invading west” and a “technologically advanced West.”19 The Qing responded to the
challenges with three different policies: isolation, submission and resistance and
learning.20 The latter is used to describe the Qing’s intellectual responses after the defeat
of the Opium Wars: the Qing reacted by self-strengthening through political and
diplomatic modernization by learning from the west in order to resist prospective western
aggression. The Challenge-Reaction model is the analytical framework of this
investigation. Internal elements such as the recognition of the new international
environment and the influence of the civil war will be explored in order to see the whole
picture and reach a holistic conclusion.
Traditional Chinese Diplomacy
Understanding the reasons behind the Chinese perception of foreigners and the
outside world is crucial in determining the reasons behind diplomatic modernization of
the late 19th century. China was one of the foremost countries in East Asia from the Han
and Tang Dynasties through to the “Kang-Yong-Qian” Golden Era.21 Oygrtinie, she
fostered a sense of political, military, economic and cultural superiority. The
geographical barriers and traditional mode of transportation limited interactions between
China and advancing western civilizations. Consequently, Chinese civilization
16 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 407.17 Cohen, Paul A, “Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past,” 180..18 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 408.19 Ibid., 408.“ Ibid, f f21 Ibid., 412. Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang Dynastic (618-907) are the two strongest and oldest dynasties in China. The “Kang-Yong-Qian” refers to Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianglong, three most respected Qing emperors (1644-1796).
became isolated and developed a Sino-centric worldview.22 From the Chinese
perspective, the world was East Asia and^Chinese Emperor sat in the center. Chinese
empires for centuries refused to perceive westerners as foreign nationals, instead as
“tributary states” and “mutual trading states” that were inferior.2'1 The rulers often
described the West arrogantly as “insignificant”, “small” and referred to them as
“barbarians.”24 Before 1830, Chinese imperial authorities imposed a stem closed-door
policy towards the west.25 26 * Those who^r" wished to interact with China rnjrst accepted its
tributary status and recognize the Emperor’s supremacy by performing rituals such as the■y /- v
“kowtow.”' The ruling house of China at the time was thejJManchus; it also preserved27 <V......A
these traditional outlook and policies. The Qing cleaved onto this tributaiy system of
international relations when the West intruded into East Asia: “all lands are subject to us;
we have no diplomacy; only tributary affairs.”28 There were no institutions or officials
that were responsible for foreign affairs.29 The West, which sought direct communication
with the Qing as equal political entities, was not accustomed to the Chinese method of
diplomacy; it was limited and a delayed hierarchical process. From the very beginning,
there loomed inevitable quarrels between the Qing and the West.
First Opium War
In November 1839, Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu destroyed over 20, 000
chesf of opium belonging to British merchants and sparked the first physical
confrontation between China and Britain.30 The Qing speedily concluded and reluctantly
accepted the Treaty of Nanjing 1842 after being defeated in the war.31 The Nanjing
Treaty-the first of the unequal treaties- to many was a British instrument of imperialism.32
22 Ibid., 412.23 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 416.24 Hu, Seng, From The Opium War To The May Fourth Movement Volume 7, trans. Li Dun J. (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1981), 29.25 Chesneaux, Bastid and Begere, China from the Opium Wars to the 1911 Revolution, 49.26 Hsu, The Rise o f Modern China, 131. Three kneeling and nine knockings of the forehead on the ground.2' Wright, Mar>* Clabaugh, The Last Stand o f Chinese Conservatism The T ’ung-Chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (California US: Stanford University Press, 1962), 1.28 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 418.29 Hsu, Immanuel C.Y, Readings In Modern Chinese History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 86.30 Craig, The Heritage o f Chinese Civilization Second Edition, 133.31 Gray, Jack, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition: China From the 1800s to 2000 (New York US: Oxford University Press Inc., 1990), 49.32 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 406.
d
However according to historian Jack Gray, the statement is difficult to sustain. He
believes the clauses of the Nanjing Treaty were made as compensations for British lost of
the war and a meartfof communication between the Qing and the British.33 Britain could
have forced the Qing to accept more extreme terms that were regarded^normal under
Western international law, but she limited her demands to the absolute minimum to
secure future economic and diplomatic relations with China.34 Nevertheless, the terms of
the treaty pushed the Qing out of tributary affairs and into treaty relations and this
represented a significant event in the transition of Chinese diplomacy. The Qing shortly
concluded with United States the Wangxia Treaty and with France the Huangpu Treaty.
Article 11 of the Nanjing treaty gave the British consul resident the right to
communication, by writing, with any representatives of the Qing.35 Second, Article 31 of
the Sino-American treaty required for a special envoy in Guangdong, Guangxi, Fujian
and Zhejiang that was responsible for diplomatic affairs with western powers.36 Lastly,
Article 34 of Huangpu Treaty stipulated that trade envoys of the five trade ports or
governor-generals in trading provinces ,|A be responsible for diplomatic affairs.37 As a
result, these terms forced new institutional arrangements on the Qing. The post of trade
envoys or governor-generals of the five trade ports was created to be in charge of treaty
diplomacy and held a position equivalent to a minister of foreign affairs.38 The Western
powers had inaugurated the Qing towards a western model of diplomacy by dealing with
western powers exclusively under treaty terms. The institutional changes in deference to
the western demands at the time were an intermediate progress from the tributary system
to modern diplomacy.
Furthermore, this war demonstrated the military inferiority of the Qing after
failing to resist aggression. Even^he beginning of the war in 1840, Admiral Sir George
Elliot led a fleet that consisted of “48 ships-16 warships mounting 540 guns, four armed
steamers, 27 transports, and a troop ship [with 4,000 men]”.39 Many court officials
53 Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 49.34 Ibid, ft35 Quan, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China," 33.36 Ibid.37 Ibid, j /38 Ibid. 7''39 Perdue, Peter C, “The First Opium War: The Anglo-Chinese War of 1839-1842," Massachusetts Institute o f Technology (2010): 35,
recognized western military superiority however kept quiet about military modernization
due to the disapproval from the court.40 Commissioner Lin, known for his intransigent
and consistent action against westernization and nicknamed “Blue Sky” for he was said
to be “pure” and “unblemished” like a cloudless sky41, wrote a confidential letter in 1842
to his friend favoring military modernization: “unless we have weapons, what other help
can we get to drive the crocodile and to get rid of the whales ”42 In addition, Lin had
proposed to translate western books, to select Chinese' personnel'and more; all of his
suggestions forecasted the main line of China’s developments of the self-renovation
movement.43 The First Opium War changed the outlook of some stem conservative
Chinese scholars including Commissioner Lin. The realization of the need to modernize
was being talked about among Chinese scholars and thus, proved that the idea of
modernization was planted well ahead of the self-renovation movement twenty years
later. It was the strict opposition of the court that delayed ideas of modernization from i
being carried forth.
Second Opium War
The tension between the Qing and the West stirred up during the interwar period
was a result of ineffective provisions of the treaties and evasions of negotiations signed.
Foreign trade had not improved as much as the western powers had expected, opium
trade was still banned, the number of ports was limited and most importantly, neither
foreign diplomats nor foreigners could access Beijing.44 The Qing saw the treaties as £
“protective wall” for the Chinese government rather than a medium of communication.4'
The West was convinced that a “diplomatic opening” of China was necessary for
“commercial opening” of China.46 The French and the Americans also joined Britain in
accessed September 29, 2013, http://ocw.mit.edit/ans7870/21f/21f,027/opium_wars_01/o\vl_essay.pdf.40 Teng and Fairbank, China’s Response To The West, 28.41 Hanes, W. Travis, PH.D and Frank Sanello, The Opium Wars: The Addiction o f One Empire and the Corruption o f Another (Illinois US: Sourcebooks Inc., 2002), 37.4J Teng and Fairbank, China's Response To The West, 29.45 Ibid., 30.44 Chesneaux, Bastid and Begere, China from the Opium Wars to the 1911 Revolution, 96.45 Ibid., 162.46 Hsu, Immanuel C.Y, Readings In Modern Chinese History, 88.
fi
the Second Opium W a r n f 1 RSfi-1 RfiO.47 In the initial stages of the war, the Qing refused
to grant any of the demands of western powers.48 Lord Earl of Elgin, British envoy to
China, was especially “obsessed” with the concession of a permanent ambassador in
Beijing threatened to march into Beijing if his terms were not met.49 Knowing that| V'Britain had a stronger army with advanced military equipment, Elgin and his
subordinates threatened, bullied and insulted Chinese negotiators. Historian Immanuel
Hsu claimed that with a “knife at their [(Chinese negotiators Kuei-liang and Hua-sha-na)]
throats,”50 the Chinese negotiators concluded the Treaty of Tianjin and ended the first
phase of the war in 1858.51 Consequently, foreign ambassadors were allowed in the
capital. This marked a blow to the valued tribute system and denied the Superiority of the
empire.52 The conclusion of the Tianjin Treaty guaranteed a British envoy to Beijing, ay
position almost equivalent to a foreign ambassador. Jurisprudence writer R. R. Foulke
recognizes although inevitable in international living, he condemns mandatory diplomatic
relations as “a plain act of aggression” and an “ugly phenomenon of imperialism.”53
According to historian Quan Hexiu, modern diplomacy truly started after the first phase
of the Second World because the recognition of a British envoy represented an
“irreversible trend” in Chinese diplomacy; it would continue to westernize.54
Hostilities renewed in the 1860s‘and Anglo-French forces marched into Being and
drove the Emperor to Manchuria, burnt down the Summer Palace and claimed to replace
the Manchu dynasty with the Han ethnic group on 1 August I8 60.55 Again, western
forces left the Qing no alternatives but to accept the demands of the Convention of
Peking 1860 and directly communicate with the West. This difference of this conflict
from the First Opium War was that it was fought in the capital. The Qing could no longer
ignore the presence of western threat. This cataclysmic event forced the Qing to analyzei
and examine the situation it currently faced.
4' Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 90.48 Hsu, The Rise o f Modern China, 207.49 Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 92.50 Ibid., 210.S! Hanes, and Sanello, The Opium Wars, 22252 Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 91.53 Hsu, Readings In Modern Chinese History, 153.54 Quan, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China,” 37.55 Hsti, The Rise o f Modern China, 215.
7
Self-Renovation Period, 1861-1864
The defeat of the First Opium War humiliated the Qing. The Qing hoped that
Britain would leave China alone if it obliged the treaty terms.56 As a result, the Qing
entered a period of inertia and avoided all unnecessary contact with the West.57 It was not
until the Anglo-French occupation of Beijing in the Second Opium War that profoundly
impacted the Qing’s methods of dealing with foreign powers.58 Faced with constant
western military pressure to establish diplomatic presence in its capital, the Qing had no
options but to agree to series of bureaucratic changes that swayed the court from
traditional statecraft. In addition to the institutional changes that were made in response
to the treaty terms, the initiatives below were also major advances in China’s diplomatic
modernization development. On 20 January 1861, the Office for the Management of the
Business of All Foreign Countries, known as the Zongli Yamen was established.59
Originally, the Zongli Yamen was responsible for trade relations, but it became the
principal office of all “western affairs” and acted as China’s first foreign affairs office.60
The second major establishment was the Interpreters College or College of Foreign
Languages in 1862.61 * At first, it was created in response to the Tianjin Treaty clauses that
specified English and French texts of treaties as the authentic versions. The Qing needed
to tram Chinese individuals to be language experts and negotiate with foreign power. In
1864, the Qing adopted the principles, regulations and rales of international law and they
formed the template of the Qing’s diplomatic modernization process.63 Prince Gong, a
senior minister of the Zongli Yamen, published three hundred copies of Henry Wheaton’s
Elements o f International Law and encouraged provincial officials to use it when dealing
with foreigners.64 Consequently, the concept of international law prompted the concept of
national sovereignty. By international law, “independent states, no matter big or small,
56 Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 51.57 Ibid. ^58 Fairbank, John K. and Liu Kwang-Ching, The Cambridge History o f China Volume 10: Late Ch'ing, 1800-1911, Part 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 491.59 Spence, Jonathan D, The Search for Modern China (New York: Norton and Company, 1990), 199.60 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge Histoiy o f China Volume 10, 505.61 Hsu, The Rise o f Modern China, 270.f,: Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge Histoiy o f China Volume 10, 505.63 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 430.M Spence, The Search for Modern China, 202.
R
are all equal.”65 This concept was new to the Qing and was completely different from the
traditional Chinese outlook of China as the middle kingdom and all states were subjects
to her. The quick tempo of all the modernization initiatives after the Anglo-French
occupation of Beijing led many to believe they were direct results of western aggression.
Others argye that,it was a prompt adaptation of the “capitalistic system of diplomacy.”66
The Qing wis not obliged by treaty terms to launch these modernization initiatives. An
office that dealt with western powers, a school that taught foreign languages and the
publication of Elements o f International Law were examples of the Qing’s adaptation to
the new environment.
Change in External Outlook
Although there is support for the Impact-Response model that argues western
influence as the primary cause of China’s rapid diplomatic modernization, it contains
several limitations. This model was made early in the 20th century before many Chinese
sources were made available.67 In addition, only individuals of, ruling class and
distinguished families were aware of foreign intrusion and the humiliation of China.
Commoners, especially those who foreigners employed, did not record their views and
experiences. Hence when examining Chinese perception of foreigners, one is limited to
the primary sources from scholars who were deeply rooted in traditional teachings or
foreigners who resided in China during the conflict.68
When more Chinese sources were considered, there was more evidence that
supported the Challenge-Reaction; the realization of the changed situation accelerated the
diplomatic modernization of self-renovation period.69 The idea of modernization was
talked quietly among scnoiars our the court suppressed it after the First Opium War. 70
For example, the political atmosphere in the capital was imnnrtini tW there were signs
65 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 432.“ Quan, “The Two Systems of Diplomacy of Late Qing China,” 40.67Cohen, Paul A, “Discovering History in China: American Historical Writing on the Recent Chinese Past,” America: Sage Publications Inc. (1985): 180, accessed August 11.2013, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1045348..68 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume II: Late Ch 'ing, 1800-1911, Part 2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 142.69 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 408.70 Teng and Fairbank, China s Response To The West, 28.
Q
in restaurants saying: “Don’t talk about current affairs.”71 The situation after the Second
Opium War however alarmed the Qing into the recognition of a changed situation.72
Many scholars and officials, cognizant of the political situation the Qing faced, began to
openly write and encourage modernization and by 1(§61, over 22 works on this theme had
been written.73 In addition, Prince Gong who emerged as a prominent leader at Beijing
after he was left alone to deal with the invading west played a vital role in shaping the
new perception of foreigners.74 In a memorial submitted by Prince Gong to the Emperor
on 13 January 1861, he stated that the foreign troops returned to Tianjin as soon as the
exchange of the treaties and this demonstrated that foreign interest was not in Chinese
land or people. 75 He believed that western powers’ “sole interest was profit [from
trade].”76 Moreover, it was unquestionable that western weaponry was far pxire superior/
compared to the Chinese military. The West also offered to help the Qing modernize its
military in a western fashion.77 From Prince Gong’s dealings with the West, He was
convinced that in order for peace to reign, the Qing should/s^blige to the treaty terms and
treat foreigners with good will and respect.78 The treaties that were formally seen as
shame became useful instruments to limit foreign activities. This change of foreign
outlook evolved a new policy: diplomatically accommodate the western powers to gain a, _ t, lA n q
period of peace in which the Qing can strengthen, by learning from the West. Thus the
government put more emphasis maintaining peace through diplomacy while self
strengthening was the ultimate goal. The perspective change had changed the “closed
door” policy in the forties to theJ‘good faith” policy that was based on Confucian
principles of honesty and sincerity.80 The policy led to periods of peace and cooperation
on both parties, thus provided a good environment for the Qing’s rapid diplomatic
reforms.
71 Spence, The Search for Modern China, 202.72 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume II, 156.73 Zhang and Xu, “The Late Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation,” 421.74 Hsii, The Rise o f Modern China, 266.‘s Teng and Fairbank, China’s Response To The West, 41.76 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume 10, 492.77 Hsu, The Rise o f Modern China. 295.78 Ibid. 26.7,77 Ibid. ( 080 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume II, 199.
m
Internal Pressure
*vThe latter half of the 19th century the Qing regime was weakened by internal
rebellions.81 Constant flooding and famine were widespread in China and made riots and
rebellions likely.82 The most devastating^ one was the Taiping Rebellion led by Hong
Xiuquan, a man who was clearlv mentallv ill.83 The rebellion attacked not only the
Manchu dynasty but also^traditional social order.84 The rebellion raged from 1850 to
1864 and it is known as the “most devastating civil war in history;” it claimed about
twenty to thirty million lives.85 Aside from the Taiping Rebellion, there were also
numerous localized movements against the Qing regime.86 By |9j60, the Qing regime wasf r f - l - Yi'- A S"i'on the vptop nf rTillansp because of the Anglo-French invasion and the insurrection of
most respurceful provinces.87 Confronted by both external and internal pressure that
endangered the imperial regime, the Qing sought eveiy opportunity to survive and re
established order. However, the coercion of western military^and the Anglo-French
occupation of Beijing were marginal disasters compared to the rebellions and uprisings
that had plagued over major provinces throughout the 19th century.88 Although generally
the Qing refused direct foreign assistance, it was pleased when the foreign consuls
expressed interest to help “to exterminate the rebels [Taiping rebels],”89 The rebels were
seen as the primary threat to foreign trade.90 At first, the British observed neutrality, but
in actuality, the British seized the opportunity for their own benefits. In a letter dated
June 16, 1861, British Minister Bruce addressedjo Admiral Hope stated: “an indifferent
attitude between the two parties (Qing and the Taiping), the more inclined they will be to
bid higher for our friendship and support.”91 The Qing sought every opportunity to
acquire modem weapons to suppress the Taiping rebels and to bid for diplomatic
81 Chesneaux, Bastid and Begere, China from (he Opium Wars to the 19] 1 Revolution, 118.82 Fairbank, John King and Merle Goldman, China: A New Histoiy (Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998), 206.83 Michael, Franz, The Taiping Rebellion (US: University of Washington Press, 1972), 3.84 Ibid, f /85 Meyer-Fong, Tobie, What Remains: Coming To Terms With Civil War In 19'h Century China (California: Stanford University Press, 2013), I,86 Chesneaux, Bastid and Begere, China from the Opium Wars to the 1911 Revolution, 118. (See Appendix 1 on page 17)87 Ibid., 129.88 Fairbank and Goldman, China, 9.89 Hu, From The Opium War To The May Fourth Movement Volume I, 216.9(1 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume 10, 301.91 Hu, From The Opium War To The May Fourth Movement Volume I, 302.
11
relations with Britain.92 Prince Gong justified his support for foreign assistance: “if we do
not make them our allies they may be used by the rebels.”93 The informal British-Qing
entente took shape as Britain wanted stability for trade and Beijing wanted gunboats to
defeat the Taiping.94 As a result, foreign powers intervened in the following methods:f 1^foreign involvement in the civil war include^: direct intervention of foreign troops,
provision of western anns and training and supplying of foreign officers.95 The Qing
could not westernize its military without some degree of westernizing its policies to
please the British.96 This period of rich diplomatic relations nevertheless won foreign
recognition and assistance. As a result of good communication between the Qing and the
West, China’s diplomacy advanced.
Conclusion
1842-1864 was a period of change for the Qing’s foreign policy. The defeat of the
Opium Wars fundamentally transformed China’s relation with western^powers. The
tributary system that Chinese Empires inherited was rapidly undermined when the
commercial West made contact with China. While some may have immediately
explained the reasons behind diplomatic modernization using the Impact-Response
model, the model is flawed because it does not consider internal dynamics that the
Challenge-Reaction model highlights. In 1842, the Qing,. was iorcea into treaty diplomacy
after the defeat of the first Sino-British confrontation. The institutional changes ordered
by the Nanjing Treaty and a series of other treaties made with Western powers led to a
departure from the traditional tributary system. Moreover, the military and diplomatic
aggressions of the Second Opium War imposed more demands to the Qing.
Modernization initiatives of the self-renovation movement such as the Zongli Yamen,
Interpreters Schools and the recognition of international law were almost immediately
established after the conclusion of the Convention of Peking 1860. The rapid
92 Gray, Rebellions and Revolutions Second Edition, 100.93 Gregory, John S, “British Intervention Against the Taiping Rebellion,” The Journal o f Asian Studies (1959): 18, accessed August 28, 2013, http://vv.ww.jstor.org/stable/2943446. •94 Ibid.95 Fairbank and Liu, The Cambridge History o f China Volume 10, 304.96 Hsil, Readings In Modern Chinese History, 136.
1?
transformations led many people to assume that the Anglo-French occupation of Beijing
as the only factor in the modernization of Chinese diplomacy. However, this neglects the
impact of the Qing’s recognition of the international situation in 1860 on the court’s
policies: to strengthen by learning western methods and inaugurating modernizing
initiatives. Also, this disregards the turmoil of the Taiping Rebellion and other local
uprisings and how they contributed to the Qing’s attitude towards the West: to seek every
opportunity to buy foreign weapons and suppress the rebellions. Although Western
aggression is undeniably significant in transforming the Qing’s diplomacy, it was merely
a catalyst. Internal dynamics especially the recognition of China’s position in the
international stage and the threat from the series of rebellions all imply that the tottering
Qing government was aware of its serious need for strengthening and opening policies. In
many occasions, the Qing chose to modernize and was not legally forced to. Why were
the diplomatic modernization initiatives delayed for almost twenty years after the First
Opium War still remains ambiguous. This question, however, can form the basis for
another investigation.
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i f i
Appendices
Appendix 1: Provisional List of Rebellions between 1860-18701V /
Province 1860-1870
Hunan 27
Hubei 7
Sichuan 2
Guizhou —
Guangdong --
Guangxi —
Yunnan -
Jiangxi 6
Fujian 1
Zhejiang —
Jiangsu 1
Henan 2
Zhili 2
Gansu 1
Shandong —
17