balanced urban revitalization for...; unesco international seminar

U N E S C O I n t e r n a t i o n a l S e m i n a r

BALANCED URBAN REVITALIZATIONFOR SOCIAL COHESION AND HERITAGE CONSERVATION

Tsinghua University, 21 to 23 January 2007

H u m a n S e t t l e m e n t s a n d S o c i o - C u l t u r a l E n v i r o n m e n t N o . 6 0

The ideas and opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the view of UNESCO.

The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion what so ever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or area of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Published in 2008by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization7, place de Fontenoy, 75352 PARIS 07 SP

Editorial Team : Yao Yuan Chen Wei Severine Calza Rosemary Wilthshire RomeroLayout and design : Sooji Lee

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SHS/SRP/URB/2008/PI/H/1

C O N T E N T S

• Acknowledgements 2

• Introduction 6

• Welcome Speeches 10Mr Wataru Iwamoto, Director, Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO; Ms Geneviève Domenach-Chich, UNESCO Regional Adviser for Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific; Professor Li Qiang, Chairman of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences.

• Speeches

Part 1: Participatory processes in the revitalization of historic districts 20

• Banská Štiavnica, Slovenia, Urban renewal through the reconversion of the historic centre into a district of institutions and a tourist destination

Marián Lichner, FormerMayor of Banská Štiavnica Minon Breznoscak, Assistant to the Mayor

• Lyon, World heritage and urban territory: the valorization of heritage confronted with the challenges of urban renewal, social cohesion and development

Bruno Delas, representative of the Deputy Mayor of Lyon for Culture, Vice-President of the Organisation of World Heritage Cities (OWHC)

• The Viva o Centro programme in the City of Porto Alegre, Brazil Glênio Vianna Bohrer, Porto Alegre City Hall, Viva o Centro Project Manager

• Social sustainability in historic districts: international comparative research on social transformations within historic districts

Brigitte Colin, Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO (Architecture and Cities)

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C O N T E N T S

• The conservation of urban heritage in market China: private property, public policy and cultural heritage

Yao Yuan, Ph.D. student, Tsunghua University

Part 2: Preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric in rehabilitation processes

• Tourism and economic redevelopment of historic districts in Naples Giancarlo Ferulano, Manager of the Service “Valorization of the historic city”, Municipality of Naples

• Social sustainability of historic districts: the East-Central European experience Professor Zoltan Kovács, Scientific Adviser, Geographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Member of the MOST UNESCO Team in Budapest

• Rehabilitation and social action in Mediterranean old cities: reuse of traditional architecture and social topics on an urban scale: Ciutat Vella, Barcelona

Xavier Casanovas, Project Manager of the Mediterranean network REHABIMED, Barcelona

• Changes of urban communities in China Professor Li Qiang, Chairman of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tsinghua University, Beijing

Part 3: The balance between historic preservation and urban revitalization

• Revitalization of the historic district of Bookchon, Seoul Professor Lee Sang Leem, President of SPACE GROUP, Seoul

• Methodological approaches – Critical Project of Restoration Professor Andrea Bruno, Director, Raymond Lemaire Conservation Centre, Leuven, Belgium

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C O N T E N T S

• Iranian Experiences of urban revitalization in historic districts Professor Farhad Ahmadi, Architecture Faculty of Shahid Behesthy University and Farrokh Zonouzi, Head of the Bavand Urban Planning and Design Department, Iran

• Development based on the protection and enhancement of heritage Shao Yong, Associate Professor, College of Architecture and Urban Planning of Tongji University, Shanghai Alain Marinos, Inspector General of Architecture and Heritage, Ministry of Culture, France

• Conservation and social development of Lijiang, a World Heritage site Shao Yong, Associate Professor, College of Architecture and Urban Planning of Tongji University, Shanghai

• Orientated public benefit: examples of the combination of heritage conservation and improvement of the residential environment in Lizhuang

Professor Zhou Jian, Vice Dean, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai

• ConclusionMs Brigitte Colin, Programme Specialist (Architecture and Cities)Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO

• Appendix - Seminar Agenda

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INTRODUCTION

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I N T R O D U C T I O N

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), founded in 1945, is an international organization aiming “to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration among the nations through education, science and culture in order to further universal respect for justice, for the rule of law and for the human rights and fundamental freedoms” (Article 1, UNESCO Constitution). The aim of the Urban Development Programme of UNESCO’s Social and Human Sciences Sector is to increase the Organization’s contribution to urban public policies which respect, protect and promote “The Right To The City”.

Our work is based on the development of multidisciplinary knowledge and comparative research, and on a capacity-building of urban professionals, civic society, and national and local governments. Within this framework, the programme focuses on social sustainability of historic districts in cities.

In accordance with the Constitution and the other Conventions of the Organization, the UNESCO Beijing Office has endeavoured to protect China’s cultural heritage, with particular emphasis on Beijing and its social fabric. In 2002, this Office organized a seminar entitled “The future of Old Beijing and the Conflict Between Modernisation and Preservation”, along with Tsinghua University and the École Française d’Extrême-Orient. In 2003-2004, the Office carried out a social survey in the historic area of Shichahai with the cooperation of Tsinghua University. In June 2005, the Social and Human Sciences Section of UNESCO’s Beijing Office conducted a series of events, entitled “Beijing and Beijing”, which not only emphasized the value of cultural heritage of Old Beijing but also the social fabric and property rights. These efforts aim to provide a platform for dialogue and communication among parties with a wide variety of interests, values and backgrounds.

The processes of deterioration in historic cities, which have been extensively acknowledged, are the result of a multitude of economic and social factors. In the context of massive destruction of historic centres, the international seminar “Balanced Urban Revitalization for social cohesion and heritage conservation” was organized in Beijing by the UNESCO Beijing Office from 21 to 23 January 2007 in order to present demonstrative cases of good and best practice carried out by mayors and experts, at national and international level, relating to social cohesion in the urban revitalization of inner historic districts, and also to facilitate the exchange of experiences and ideas between Chinese and international participants.

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The objectives of the seminar were:

1. Recommendation to urban decision-makers and city professionals to find a balance between social cohesion and economic competitiveness in urban revitalization projects and to achieve a harmonious development of historic cities

2. Promoting the results of UNESCO’s activities since HABITAT II, Istanbul 1996

3. Disseminating UNESCO/UN-HABITAT best practices and publications

4. Taking into account Chinese experiences for the preparation of the UNESCO/UN-HABITAT guide on “Selecting urban revitalization projects in historic districts, balanced between social cohesion and economic competitiveness”.

During the two-day seminar, participants carried out two field visits to the area of Baimixiejie, Yandaixiejie and Chongwen District. A neutral ground and open platform was provided for exchange and dialogue among international experts, mayors and their Chinese counterparts, as well as the inhabitants.

The opening session was addressed by Mr Wataru Iwamoto, Director of the Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO; Ms Geneviève Domenach-Chich, UNESCO Regional Adviser for Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific; and Professor Li Qiang, Chairman of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences.

The seminar incorporated three themes:

1. Participatory processes in the revitalization of historic districts

2. The preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric in rehabilitation processes

3. The balance between historic preservation and urban revitalization

With examples from Asia, Latin America, the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe, experts from France, Italy, Hungary, Slovakia, Spain, Brazil, Iran, the Republic of Korea, and China addressed urban decision-makers and city professionals, and advocated finding a balance between social cohesion and economic competitiveness in urban revitalization projects, and reaching a harmonious development of historic cities.

During the debates, some specific examples showed that although the socio-economic background varies greatly from country to country, at the same time, urban heritage and social sustainability are facing challenges. In order to preserve the heritage we need a long-term strategy, a multidisciplinary methodology, a dialogue

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between public and private sectors, and the participation of inhabitants. Concerning practices in China, a growing civil society and a government of the rule of law would be decisive in decision-making for the conservation of urban heritage.

The proceedings of the Seminar will reinforce the indicators of social sustainability for urban regeneration projects. These indicators will be integrated into the proposed international orientation guide for urban revitalization, balanced between social cohesion and heritage conservation, which is now under preparation in cooperation with the WHC and UN-HABITAT, and will help Municipalities accommodate social perspectives of the development of competitiveness in historic districts and inner urban areas, and select the equivalent urban renewal projects.

At the beginning of the 21st century, countries in the old First World are the main locations of gentrification induced by urban revitalization. How is the process developing in Asia, Latin America, the Arab States and Eastern Europe in comparison with Europe and North America? What is the physical impact on the built environment and socio-economic and cultural consequences for the inhabitants of historic districts, in cities like Beijing, Isfahan, Budapest, Banska Stiavnica compared to Lyon, Malaga or Barcelona? How can the effects of this phenomenon be foreseen and how are socio-economic and cultural challenges approached?

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WELCOME SPEECH

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W E L C O M E S P E E C H

Mr. Wataru Iwamoto Director, Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Colleagues,

It is a great pleasure for me to participate in this seminar, co-organized by Tsinghua University and UNESCO’s Beijing Office, which will contribute to the UNESCO international comparative research project “Social sustainability in historic districts”.

I would first like to mention how Professor Marcel Roncayolo, French geographer and humanist, describes the city in one of his latest books “Lectures de villes”, published in 2002: “Cities are only combinations: there are many gaps and changes in interpretation that are not concomitant with the urban built fabric and its use. Urban fabrics, territories, buildings, public pathways, activities, and ways of life are put together but they are out of line with the main component of the social fabric: society is not created in an instant, it is not a homogeneous bloc, it is not a finished product finalized on the ground. On the contrary, conflicts, social gaps, contradictory interests and cultural references constantly feed the questioning of one unique pattern. The city and its morphology are changing concomitantly with the elaboration of the social fabric. But they do not evolve at the same speed nor at the same time”.

The impact of globalization on cities has been as vast it has been varied. The free flow of capital and people have, in global terms, put cities, rather than nations, at the forefront of economic competition. Some cities with comparative advantage, such as highly educated workforces, strategically located ports, airports and other transport and communication infrastructures and facilities, have been able to capitalize on rapidly expanding global trade and commerce. Yet many others have exploited unique physical assets or cultural heritage to attract a rapidly expanding tourism. The long-term social and economic sustainability of the city require more than just environmentally sound approaches to urban planning and development. They require a concerted set of policies, strategies and processes that are socially inclusive and capable of ensuring that the benefits of urbanization today will be sustainable in the near- and long-term.

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The rehabilitation of historic cities calls first of all for the reconstitution of their cultural value as an urban fact and through the balancing out of the cities’ functions. The recovery of the residential function not only justifies the maintenance of its elements and the heritage to be protected, but also constitutes the most effective protection against inappropriate modern transformations of the city. That is why, before looking into the materials or value of the architecture, what first needs to be preserved, strengthened and protected is the cultural impact that cities represent, by restoring the functions and the urban quality within the historic city. A city that is alive and inhabited, is a city where the residents have the necessary conditions for their well-being, work, leisure and relationships; in other words, a city which has a solid multifunctional structure, i.e. a structure where the impact of tourist, tertiary or productive use is restricted within the space that the other urban functions will allot them without limiting their own interests.

In Barcelona, in 2004, UNESCO’s Social and Human Sciences Sector launched the international research project “Social Sustainability in Historic Districts”, on the occasion of the second session of the World Urban Forum, whose overall theme that year was: “Cities: crossroads of cultures, inclusiveness and integration”. This research project is an extension of the concept proposed by UNESCO ten years ago at the HABITAT II meeting, in 1996: “Humanizing the City”. On that occasion, Ms Céline Sachs-Jeantet, urban sociologist and town planner, developed the concept as follows:

“The city of the future must be built not by specialists alone but by the people themselves. In the twenty-first century, the city must be the place where social transformations are invented and managed. The challenge is to humanize cities so that the urban quality they promote and create, is citizenship and an interbreeding of cultures, thereby making the city more “civic”. The challenge is to develop policies to awaken the latent conditions that produce the creative instincts of the men, women and children who live in cities. Involving city dwellers, now citizens, in the planning of their city and their future, is the challenge of the Age of the City.”

Since HABITAT II, UNESCO’s Office in Mexico has been promoting socio-economic perspectives in revitalization projects in Latin America, and since 2002, Geneviève Domenach-Chich, UNESCO Regional Adviser for Social Sciences in Eastern Asia, has been working on a revitalization project in Old Beijing in cooperation with the University of Tsinghua. Here, at UNESCO Headquarters, a project on “Small Historic Coastal Cities” in the Arab World has been carried out together with the Natural Sciences Sector and UNESCO’s Regional Offices in Venice, Rabat and Beirut.

All these regional studies have found that socio-economic transformations have been swift and appear to be irreversible. In Eastern Europe, Professor Enyedi of Budapest University, who is a member of the MOST

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Hungarian National Liaison Committee, stated, in his most recent publication with UNESCO, entitled “Public Participation in socially sustainable urban development”, that “The inner city’s inequalities mirror the socially uneven development of the present-day global economy”.

UNESCO’s Round Table of Experts on Social Sustainability in Historic Districts in 2004 was able to provide insights on a number of levels, particularly with regard to the changing role of urban professionals. These discussions were linked to the 2003 New Athens Charter and later edited by the European Council of Town Planners, which lays down the most effective strategies for coordinating global efforts to ensure socially sustainable revitalization. The presentation of the diverse case studies throughout the conference, which highlighted both successful and unsuccessful examples of revitalization efforts in historic districts, underscored the need to strengthen these kinds of international interdisciplinary exchanges, as well as to disseminate ‘Best Practices’ and legal instruments through city networks and university-city partnerships, as most cities lack the capacity to develop innovative tools.

After the World Urban Forum II, in Barcelona, in 2004, UNESCO’s urban development section launched a research network for Central Europe, directed by Budapest University on this issue in cooperation with an existing Euro-Mediterranean network RehabiMed www.rehabimed.net. UNESCO also launched an international competition in urban design with Carleton University in Ottawa, the results of which were presented at the World Urban Forum III in Vancouver, in June 2006, and are displayed in this room. All this work was carried out in close cooperation with UNESCO’s World Heritage Centre and its programme on World Heritage Cities.

From the experiences gained by UNESCO’s research project on social sustainability and the joint UN-HABITAT/UNESCO best practices identified in particular from Spanish cities, but also from other cities such as Karachi, Lahore, Saïda, Marseille, Montréal, Quito, Paris, Lyon and Budapest, resulted in specific guidelines and criteria to launch revitalization projects, inclusive of social perspectives. These criteria and guidelines, taking into account existing international tools for urban planning in historical contexts, allow Mayors of medium-size or small cities to consider the possibility of working with specialized partners, universities and institutes, with the back-up of international organizations to select and conduct revitalization projects in historic cities that lead to social sustainability in an integrated perspective.

Accordingly, the objectives of this International Seminar are aiming first to evaluate advocacy for urban decision-makers and city professionals; second, to find a balance between social cohesion and economic competitiveness in urban revitalization projects leading to a harmonious development of historic cities; and third, this seminar gives UNESCO a good opportunity to promote UNESCO’s activities since HABITAT II,

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http://www.rehabimed.net



Istanbul 1996, and to disseminate new UNESCO/UN-HABITAT best practices in this field. However, the major objective is to take into account experiences in China for the preparation of a UNESCO/UN-HABITAT manual on “How to select urban revitalization projects in historic districts balancing social-cohesion with economic competitiveness”.

The debates will focus on three themes: Participatory processes in the revitalization of historic districts; Preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric in rehabilitation processes; and the Balance between historical preservation and modernization. I now give the floor to my colleague from UNESCO’s Beijing Office, Geneviève Domenach-Chich, who will present these specific themes in detail.

Under the coordination of Tsinghua University, experts from UNESCO, representatives of internationally known cities such as Beijing or Seoul, Lyon, Paris, Naples, Budapest, Porto Alegre, Banska Stiavnica, Barcelona and Isfahan will present their experiences, expertise and good practices in addition to those identified by UN- HABITAT on urban policies and management of revitalization projects in historic districts, as presented in the documents available in this room about Social Sustainability in Historic Districts”.

UNESCO is expecting participants in this conference first, to present their own experiences and knowledge in their specific field of competence; and second, to participate in the debates, especially to develop the debate on the draft manual: “Balanced Urban Revitalization for social cohesion and heritage conservation”. The content of the first draft of this manual will be submitted to you, for comments and suggestions, during the last working session this afternoon, by my colleague, Brigitte Colin.

Our Sector is now focusing on the close links between social sciences and policy- making. In this regard, this seminar will constitute an important milestone for policy research in this field.

UNESCO will continue to forge links between the various urban actors of sometimes conflicting views to ensure that urban stakeholders at every level, in cities of every scale, can enjoy the fruits of an urban, diverse, socially mixed and culturally rich environment. The international manual for a balanced urban revitalization for social cohesion and heritage conservation, now under preparation in cooperation with the WHC and UN-HABITAT, will include references to the results of the Beijing Conference of January 2007. The manual is to be presented at the World Urban Forum IV in Nanjing in 2008.

I would like to express UNESCO’s deep gratitude to the Mayors, present here in Beijing with us, the Mayor of Isfahan (Iran), the Mayor of Banska Stiavnica (Slovenia), representatives of the Municipalities of Lyon, Porto Alegre and Naples, and the international experts from the Republic of Korea, Hungary, Spain, Italy and Iran.

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I also wish to convey our thanks to the Chinese experts from major cities of China, like Shangai and Beijing, for their participation in this conference.

I wish to congratulate his Excellency, Professor Li Qiang, Vice Rector of Tsinghua University, and Dean of the Sociology Department of Tsinghua University and his team for their work, which was key to the organization of this seminar.

Finally, I wish to thank the UNESCO Beijing Office, and in particular, Mr Yasuyuki Aoshima, Director of this Office and our colleague, Ms Geneviève Domenach-Chich, Regional Adviser for South-East Asia in Social and

Human Sciences and her team who have worked in close cooperation with our Division for several months.

I will now give the floor to Ms Geneviève Domenach-Chich who will give you a detailed explanation of the three themes of this seminar and the organization of our work over these two days.

I thank you for your attention.

Wataru Iwamoto

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Ms. Geneviève Domenach-Chich UNESCO Regional Adviser for Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific

Professor Li Qiang,

Colleagues,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you all for attending this seminar on “Balanced urban revitalization for social cohesion and heritage conservation”.

I would like to introduce the three themes of the conference and tell you why it is so important to have discussions about those issues here in Beijing.

The conference is organized around the topics of (1) Participatory processes; (2) Preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric; and (3) the Balance of historical preservation and modernization. These three topics are at the core of revitalization processes, and they are closely interlinked.

What makes the identity of a historic district is not only its architecture but also its inhabitants. This implies that revitalization of dilapidated neighbourhoods should enable the residents to appropriate their city by expanding their capabilities and entitlements. They know better than anyone else what the problems are, and what solutions could fit the particular conditions of the area, therefore their involvement is crucial. But this raises the question of governments’ capacity and willingness to involve citizens in the elaboration of urban policies. How can we ensure the participation of inhabitants in the renewal of their district? And, more specifically, through which institutional procedures?

In addition, this social community is often endangered by the very process of revitalization. In many situations, the result is the gentrification of the historic area, and the poorer residents are forced to move out. How can we enable those who do not want to leave, to stay in their homes after they have been rehabilitated? How can we maintain the social fabric and make use of its assets in the revitalization process?

These questions are all part of a broader issue, which is the balance that must be maintained between the legitimate demands to modernize cities and the preservation of heritage from the past, which is an essential

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part of the city’s identity. How can we fulfil today’s needs without completely destroying the traditional ways of living?

All these questions are crucial today in China, and particularly in Beijing. The rapidly growing economy is radically transforming the spatial structure of the city as well as the social and economic conditions of the population. In spite of the regulations for the protection of cultural heritage, more than half of the siheyuan and hutong of Old Beijing were demolished in the past 20 years. In the context of the boom of the real estate sector, urban land has been considered as a major financial resource by the local governments. Stimulated by the perspective of the Olympic Games, they have strongly encouraged large-scale real estate projects in inner city districts.

In addition to the financial aspect, those huge projects also reflect the image of modernity and economic prosperity for many officials. Here in China, modernization is often regarded as erasing the past and people tend to think about urban development only in the short term. In this context, revitalization has mostly meant demolition and redevelopment. The rights of the original inhabitants have more than often been ignored as they are forced to relocate to remote suburbs with very little compensation. Not only do they lose their homes, but they are also cut off from their social network. However, today, more and more voices can be heard here in China, that strongly criticize those practices and are determined to save what is left of Old Beijing.

That is why, in this city, which is struggling between its new identities and its cultural roots, it is of utmost importance to raise the issues of public participation, social cohesion and balance between modernization and historical preservation.

Since 2002, the UNESCO Beijing Office has initiated a number of activities in order to promote a balanced revitalization of Old Beijing.

In 2002, a colloquium on preservation and modernization was held with Tsinghua University and the École Française d’Extrême Orient, gathering more than 300 architects and academics from China, France, Germany, and elsewhere.

Following an audience with the Mayor of Beijing in April 2003, a research-action project to measure the social sustainability of development in a historic residential area in Beijing, Yan Dai Xie Jie, was initiated in partnership with the Department of Sociology of Tsinghua University.

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In November 2004, a workshop with 30 Chinese experts on urban development was held in Tsinghua University. During the workshop, experts analysed urban preservation in Old Beijing, and debated the problems confronting Beijing and their possible solutions.

In June 2005, the UNESCO Beijing Office organized the BEIJING AND BEIJING series of events in order to, once again, raise public awareness and promote a constructive discussion among all stakeholders on the issue of urban preservation and social cohesion of Beijing’s historic districts. These BEIJING AND BEIJING events included debates as well as art exhibitions on the topic of Old Beijing.

From 2003 to 2005, UNESCO has been involved, as well as Tsinghua University, in an Asia-Urbs project in Baimixiejie area (Xicheng district). In 2006, with Tsinghua University once again, UNESCO initiated a research project in East Huashi area (Chongwen district). The international participants had the opportunity to visit those two sites yesterday and this morning.

As you can see, today’s seminar is the continuation of our long-term work for the preservation of Old Beijing. But what makes this meeting different is that it really aims to foster a constructive discussion by presenting different views on the same subjects. This is why we asked our Chinese friends to be discussants, and to give your valuable comments and reactions to the case studies that will be presented by representatives of mayors and researchers from abroad. And we are very happy to hear the experiences of our international participants here, and I hope that you will bring in new ideas for the revitalization of Chinese cities.

Geneviève Domenach-Chich

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SPEECHES

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Banská Štiavnica, Slovenia Urban renewal through the reconversion of the historic centre into a district of institutions and a tourist destination

Lyon, FranceWorld heritage and urban territory: the valorization of heritage confronted with the challenges of urban renewal, social cohesion and development

Porto Alegre, BrazilThe Viva o Centro programme in the City of Porto Alegre

Social sustainability in historic districts: international comparative research on social transformations within historic districts

The conservation of urban heritage in market China: private property, public policy and cultural heritage

PART 1

Participatory processes in the revitalization

of historic districts

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Banská Štiavnica, Slovenia Urban renewal through the reconversion of the historic centre

into a district of institutions and a tourist destination

Marián LichnerFormer Mayor of Banská Štiavnica

Minon BreznoscakAssistant to the Mayor of Banská Štiavnica

The Town of Banská Š tiavnica was founded on rugged, hilly terrain, which was an unusual phenomenon for the building of towns. The town became important thanks to the discoveries of precious metal ores with a high contest of gold and silver, near the surface of the surrounding land. The town reached its peak of development in the 18th century with the creation of the world’s most progressive mining technique at the time, which later spread to Europe and overseas. In 1762, the Mining Academy was founded, which is regarded as the first technical educational institution of higher education in the world. At that time, the town reached its extraordinary economic prosperity and it was then that Banská Štiavnica’s existing urban character was formed.

In the 19th century, the rich ores were gradually exploited, mining activities were forced to go deeper and deeper and therefore the economic effectiveness and the prosperity of the mining were gradually lost. This fact also affected the development of the town which began to stagnate and it slowly led first to an economic and intellectual decline and then to regression.

The crisis situation occurred in the 1970s when, owing to insufficient maintenance, many buildings became dilapidated, young people started abandoning the town and gradually the population fell to less than seven thousand. In the middle of the 18th century, Banská Štiavnica was the second largest town in the territory of today’s Slovak Republic and by the end of the 20th century, owing to economic, building and intellectual decline, it was ranked among the smallest towns of Slovakia. The following short presentation

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Urban renewal through the reconversion of the historic centre into a district of institutions and a tourist destination

entitled “Recollection of a dying town…” will enable you to see the state of the town before implementation of its complex renovation began.

“Recollection of a dying town…”

• Based on photographs taken by Mr Marián Lichner and from the Slovak Mining Museum in Banská Štiavnica, before the revitalization of the historic centre.

• At the end of the 20th century, the town of Banská Š tiavnica (shtyavnitza) appeared to be dying. It seemed to have the same destiny as many other large and famous historic cities, abandoned by its people. The cities were quietly dying, exhausted by time, like an unhappy man, dying.

• Godspeed! God, bless our mine and save us from any unfortunate events, 1898 (original tablet at the portal of the Glanzeberg Gallery)

• The town of Banská Š tiavnica was salvaged thanks to the tireless work of a generation, which, instead of leaving, decided to live in the town.

The renovation strategy of Banská Štiavnica began in 1978, when some documents for the safeguarding of the town started to be prepared with the support of the then government. But it was not until 1988 that a strategy was worked out as an integrated system of safeguarding and revitalization of the town. The strategy was based on five pillars:

1. Safeguarding and renovation of the town’s dilapidated monument fund and enforcement of the historic significance of the town at international level.

2. Renovation of the technical infrastructure of the town and creation of conditions for economic development and permanent housing.

3. Renovation and completion of the social infrastructure.

4. Transformation of the economic basis of the town and improvement of the administrative status of the town at national level.

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5. Intellectual renovation and return to traditions.

In 1990, I was elected Mayor of Banská Š tiavnica and I have been working in this post for 16 years, which has been long enough to implement the strategic objectives mentioned above. The key task of the development strategy of Banská Š tiavnica was the renewal of the town’s dilapidated monument fund. This task had to csarried out within the context of implementation of the other strategy pillars so that the building activities would not be counterproductive, but on the contrary, would support each other and create a synergetic effect. The renewal of the dilapidated town monument fund in our hilly town was an extraordinarily demanding financial task and that was the reason why our municipal self-government prepared an initiative to inscribe Banská Štiavnica on the World Heritage List. Our initiative was successful and so the historic town of Banská Štiavnica with its technical monuments and sites were inscribed on the prestigious list of the world heritage of humankind in 1993. Based on international recognition of the quality of the town’s heritage, we consistently found sources to renew individual objects. During the 16 years of concentrated work we have succeeded in renovating more than 80 dilapidated historic objects and restored their original historic nature but with new uses.

One of the greatest complexities of the renovation strategy of Banská Štiavnica was the renewal and modernization of the technical infrastructure. The town with its historic development and its hilly terrain was not prepared for automobile transport. The town had a medieval, ineffective sewage system, insufficient energy supply, shortage of drinking water and the waste water was not purified. We succeeded in solving the decisive part of these demanding tasks over the previous 16 years. Two newly built by-pass road communications freed the heart of the historic town from through transport; the main sewage plant was repaired; gas was introduced into the historic town centre; a water supply system was built in order to provide drinking water for people living outside the historic centre; the water reservoir of Rozgrund, as a significant drinking water source for the town inhabitants was reconstructed; and a modern waste water treatment plant was built.

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The third pillar of the development strategy of Banská Štiavnica included the renewal and the completion of the town’s social infrastructure. Half the residential buildings in the town’s historic centre did not correspond with the standards of modern housing. There was shortage of water and electricity, some lavatories were missing, lighting and heating systems were insufficient and the locals were using mostly traditional fuels. That was why the municipal self-government in cooperation with the private sector adopted a programme of basic housing renewal in the historic town centre, that has resulted since then in more than one hundred renovated apartments, which serve for permanent housing. At the same time, the town’s social infrastructure was completed by the establishment of retail and service utilities. Besides the social infrastructure in the historic centre, other elements of the social infrastructure were built in its close surroundings, as the range and character of the historic town centre could not provide enough space for all the social infrastructure facilities needed for the functioning of a modern town.

The transformation of the economy in the town was listed among the most arduous tasks of the development strategy of Banská Š tiavnica. After the social and economic changes in our country, in 1990, 3,200 jobs were lost in Banská Štiavnica, which had at that time 11,000 inhabitants. After more than one thousand years of mining activities in Banská Š tiavnica, the mines were closed, the tobacco industry came to an end and the textile industry was considerably cut back. That is why the transformation of the town economy was based on seeking possibilities for job creation, connected with the nature of the town, its needs and traditions. With regard to bad constructions and the technical state of buildings in the town and insufficient technical infrastructure, which required large-scale building works, the decisive part of new job creation was in civil engineering, another large group of employment facilities in retail and services, and some other jobs were created in the field of education, which also has a long tradition in our town. The whole process was carried out successfully because, in spite of the huge job losses, unemployment in Banská Š tiavnica today is lower than the national average in Slovakia.

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The intellectual revitalization of the town was based on efforts to change the social infrastructure of the town. Our task was to create conditions for the life of young people and it was achieved thanks to the development of education and a greater appeal of the town by returning to the academic traditions of the 18th century. Soon after 1990, two more primary schools and three more high schools were established and a university affiliation for the study of sustainable development was founded in Banská Š tiavnica. Another important task in this field was to increase the awareness of the town inhabitants, to change their thinking in favour of greater respect for the history and traditions of Banská Š tiavnica. For that reason, old mining and academic traditions were evived with the involvement of permanent town residents, old mining works were renovated, original festivals of culture started to be organized, new festivals of culture began to take place and so the exterior of the town became a suitable environment for cultural events of regional importance. In this way we succeeded in inviting important personalities to Banská Š tiavnica, such as Prince Albert of Monaco; UNESCO Director-General Koïchiro Matsuura; and the President of our Republic, who in accordance with our old academic traditions are admitted to the mining rank. Also, the celebration of the national Day of Miners began to be organized in our town. Thanks to the development of educational institutions and a greater appeal of our town, young people have also started to come to the town and have decided to live there permanently. Today we can truly say that Banská Š tiavnica has come through its existential crisis and is functional as an attractive and modern historic town.


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Lyon, France World heritage and urban territory: the valorization of heritag confronted with the

challenges of urban renewal, social cohesion and development

Bruno DelasRepresentative of the Deputy Mayor of Lyon for Culture,

Vice-President of the Organisation of World Heritage Cities (OWHC)

On 5 December 1998, the people of Lyon were shocked by the UNESCO announcement of the inscription of the historic city of Lyon on the World Heritage List. The city centre, in which they live, work, go shopping or attend a cultural event, would have the same heritage value, that is recognized and labelled by the international community as “Heritage of humanity”, as Venice or Prague!

No wonder there was such surprise, because Lyon’s candidature was a purely intellectual construction, certainly a good idea, but its specificity and novelty lacked legibility.

Indeed, you can find the pyramid of Kéops in the Bellecour Square, Machu Picchu in the Croix-Rousse hill, the Victoria Falls in the Rhône river or the Forbidden City in the confluence but you will not find exceptional monuments, not a first class monument.

In the case of Lyon, UNESCO does not acknowledge the exceptional and universal value of monuments but a value as exceptional and

Aerial view of the area of the historic site of the contemporary town: 500 hectares, 10% of the city and 1% of the suburban zone.

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World heritage and urban territory: the valorization of heritag confronted with the challenges of urban renewal, social cohesion and development

universal …

(I take advantage of the presence of Professor Beschaouch who will not refute my aim to remind those present that the argumentation for Lyon’s candidature was not developed by the local population of Lyon for the valorization of their heritage but by external experts.)

… founded on a broader notion of heritage which combines three criteria:

• A geographic site at the junction of the communication routes, the real crossroads between North and South Europe, of which the main characteristic is a topography of hills, a river and their confluence,

• The continuity of the urban setting for over 2000 years, here less than anywhere else, the city was rebuilt on its own ruins and it allows us to see, within the framework of a coherent urban site, every step of the city’s evolution from Gallo-Roman times to the modern age.

• The preservation of urban life in historic, always lively, districts.

The rivers Rhône and Saône, particularly their confluence, were the founding elements of Lyon’s identity and contributed to the organization of the urban space of Lyon through the centuries.

It is therefore, the urban territory and the exemplary nature of its development through the centuries that make Lyon the Heritage of Humanity. In fact, I feel like saying that makes Lyon the “territory of urbanity”.

Such a broad conception of heritage, developed by experts, by “those who know”, provides a wonderful range of topics for inhabitants as well as for visitors, because it presents the huge advantage of not restricting the heritage:• to the monumental, which I have just mentioned,• to an area which would be privileged, the “special” city as opposed to the “ordinary” city,• to the past, it is indeed the city we create today that we will hand down to future generations.

So now we have the benefit of this prestigious knowledge, what can we do with the UNESCO label?

Some sites content themselves with doing nothing: I could give the example of Paris, but Paris is Paris! Others adopt a mercantile standpoint of tourist marketing; I will not name the cities but everyone can recall examples and I can say that today some of them are killing the goose that lays the golden egg and then sorely regretting it.

In Lyon we are practising a third way, which is a sustainable development process, so as to show that heritage, as a cultural value, can and has to become not only a tool of local governance but also a lever of development.

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Such a position is founded on:

• A certitude, the heritage label on its own is not sufficient to implement a policy; if we do nothing, nothing will happen;

• An opportunity, the urban issue, we might say the Urbanity, which is the subject of our label is a good topic;

• An ethic, the label is not a simple prize of excellence, it involves the same if not more duties than privileges and requesting this inscription from UNESCO was a long-term commitment on the part of the City.

In accordance with the provisions of the “Convention Concerning the World’s Heritage” adopted by UNESCO in 1972, the City of Lyon is introducing, through a partnership strategy, a global project of valorization of the heritage.

Since the first steps, taken in the 1960s, to prevent the demolition of the old districts, the City of Lyon and its partners have developed a “toolbox” in order to:

• Improve the knowledge and make an inventory, on the scale of the urban landscape, of the district’s identities and the characteristics of each piece of ground;

• Plan the urban development, with transport, social cohesion and public-space plans;

• Translate urban projects into protective regulations that govern Lyon’s renewal;

• Benefit from the knowledge of public actors, professionals, the authorities and private and public associations;

• Ensure the permanent consultation of inhabitants and take into consideration their needs and ways, which has now been formally integrated into a consultation Charter of Citizen Participation.

After more than forty years of experience we have no magic recipe and there is still so much to do and new tools to think up. But I have to say that the valorization process of the urban heritage has certainly been speeded up

The Thiaffait Passage is now a centre for fashion design – new activities and innovation

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since the granting of the UNESCO label! That is why I would like to put forward for discussion five specific areas of reflection:

1. Assert the culture of heritage in the culture of urban planning

Owing to the risks involved in urban renewal, which every large metropolis is facing, it has become impossible for heritage and urban development to be in opposition. The heritage policy must ensure that these values are acknowledged by the actors of the region.

2. Take into account the needs and ways of the inhabitants

The appropriation of heritage by the inhabitants constitutes a key factor of social sustainability and so the first step is to give heritage a purpose value.

3. Achieve dialogue and sharing with inhabitants

It is only when heritage is present in our minds that it can be protected and preserved. The second step of heritage appropriation by the general public is to carry out awareness programmes, through a citizenship process, on the values of heritage, tradition, use and modernity.

4. Reconciling heritage with modernity

The acknowledgement of Lyon’s urban identity means rejecting the temptation to turn the city into a museum, and strengthens the need to think of contemporary heritage as though it were under construction. Heritage conservation goes together with architectural creation in what we might call “cultural urbanism”.

5. Challenge the outsider’s view of a town’s heritage

The outsider’s view is clearly that of the visitor. The issue of tourism and the risks involved in terms of image and the economy should be tackled through sustainable development reasoning. However, I would like to stress the importance of the quality and diversity in understanding heritage.

The outdsider’s view also means not neglecting as duty to discuss, share experiences, and international solidarity. This is our engagement within the Organization of World Heritage Cities and the cooperation with Casbah of Algiers or Porto-Novo, the capital of Benin.

In conclusion, I would like to share my conviction: in this time of globalization, marked by a galloping urbanization, where one in every two people lives in a city, the great challenge involved in tackling heritage in the big urban areas is to achieve dialogue and sharing between the culture of heritage and the culture of the city and its inhabitants.

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The Viva o Centro Programme is one of the 21 strategic government programmes, which include integrated action, carried out by almost all Municipal Secretariats. The aim is downtown revitalization through the improvement of urban planning, relating to the use of public space, to universal accessibility and mobility, security, social inclusion, preservation and recuperation of the historic heritage. All this should be done in a compatible way with its cultural belongings and environmental qualities, in order to rescue the downtown attraction, and furthermore contribute to the economic development.

The Viva o Centro Programme is also a Local Governance programme, for this region of the city, with a specific, limited territory. Its principle is the integration of public government and civil society into the planning process and the implementation of action relating to development.

From the strategic planning point of view, the programme is currently developing a rehabilitation plan for the sector, counting on support from the City’s Federal Secretariat Programme. This process, which includes the open participation of the community, is now in the final phase of diagnosis. The closing of this phase took into consideration research, carried out in open workshops by the technical staff of

Porto Alegre, Brazil The Viva o Centro programme in the City of Porto Alegre

Glênio Vianna BohrerViva o Centro Project Manager,

Porto Alegre City Hall, Brazil

Data Map of the Viva o Centro Programme

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UNESDOC

Note

Map partially illegible

several municipal secretariats and community representatives. This research focused on people’s participation and problems arising from eight specific themes were exhaustively debated.

Future phases foresee new workshops with a timetable that should finish in September 2007. These phases will identify acts, objectives and strategies, delimiting action and an implementation plan, relating to actors involved and to resources in order to achieve the objectives.

Finally, the programme intends to make the Downtown Area Rehabilitation Plan a strategic future goal, capable of directing managers’ decisions and establishing a transparent relationship with society, who are given the information on the basic planning.

It is understood that the Plan should provide the conditions for cross-cutting action in the government’s internal and external relationships, allowing for the definition of priorities, technical monitoring by measuring the results, and creating possibilities for its execution by society, and by establishing a point of reference that favours the creation of partnerships and the capitation of resources from financial institutions.

In the execution of an action, the Viva o Centro Programme accumulates experiences from institutional partnerships, practices and interactive cooperations with civil society.

The most representative example is the “Caminho dos Antiquários” – an Antiques Fair that takes place in the downtown area, where there are more than 25 antique stores. After recognizing the possibilities of this urban phenomenon and the manifest interest ofthe local storeowners, the government acted as facilitator and promoter of the event in order to promote the local physical rehabilitation, by making environmental and road improvements in the square near the event, by closing it to traffic on Saturdays and by allowing storeowners to display their products in the streets. Outside traders were also called in to organize the allocation of spaces in the Square. Cultural events, musical and dance shows and other local performances took place, which were advertised through the City Hall’s communication structures.

Today, a year after its implementation, the “Caminho dos Antiquários” is recognized as a regular event in the tourist and

The Viva o Centro programme in the City of Porto Alegre

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cultural agenda of the city. Moreover, it became a reference for the local community and an important item for the community’s local activities. Storeowners and exhibitors have created an Association which is currently in charge of the Fair, undertaking graphics production and electronic agenda distribution. The communication strategy of the event incorporates free advertisements for local commercial places, linked with different kinds of business, a fact that shows the dimension of the communitarian and associative character of the Fair.

The Association pays for the electricity and, most of the time, for the organization of the events. The Association hires tourist guides for the downtown area, and some events are organized by the City Hall and are free. The Association also made a DVD to show the needs of the Dançando na Praça (Dancing in the Square) Programme, which has already more than one hundred members. The Association is responsible for keeping the street lights on at the local garbage disposal for the duration of the events.

The site announcing the agenda of events has registered about 1500 visitors per month. Musical and dance shows are part of school presentations, revealing new talents whose performances take place in City Hall structures. Thus they give society quality shows at no cost to the government. The Square, once the haunt of criminals, was recovered thanks to the local inhabitants.

Another example is the partnership between different levels of government: the renovation of downtown’s public space, through the joint action of the City of Porto Alegre and TRENSURB, a federal public company, responsible for the metropolitan train.

The need for repairs in the Public Market (central train station), in order to improve its overall accessibility, made TRENSURB seek municipal guidance as it had to intervene in the public space.

During the planning process for the execution of work, an agreement was reached by TRENSURB: for the effectiveness of its services to the population, a thorough renovation around the station, which would radically change the pedestrian, vehicular and public urban transport accessibility, was fundamental. What in the beginning was just a utilitarian operation now became an urban operation of renovation, changing completely a part of the city that was in an advanced state of deterioration.


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The final project was a complete re-urbanization of Revolução Farroupiha Square (which has Market Station as its symbol) through the modernization of the Public Market structure and pavement, the landscape and the illumination of all sectors. The project also plans to extend the Borges de Madeiros Avenue through to Mauá Avenue, which is at the moment interrupted by the presence of Central Gas. This street’s prolongation will have the bus stations which now obstruct the Public Market’s forefront (Historic Heritage). The station will have new points of access with escalators and elevators in order to cover all accessibility requirements.

A situation that would formerly have been a cause for dispute between different levels of government is now an opportunity for partnership in favour of the public interest. The work is going according to plan and finalization is foreseen for October 2007.

A third example is the agreement of City Hall with the University. In order to create new projects for the downtown area, an Accord was celebrated between the City of Porto Alegre and the Federal University (UFRGS); the School of Architecture centred all its curricular research activities in 2006 in alternative projects for the downtown area.

The process involved 26 disciplines, with almost 500 students and 80 teachers. The first semester’s results were presented in an exhibition “Viva pensar o Centro”, in the Municipal Government’s Official Building, with more than 100 selected projects. All the projects are important for the debate. The Accord also foresees a publication on the rehabilitation of downtown areas, which are now under construction.


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Social sustainability in historic districts:

international comparative research on social transformations within historic districts

Brigitte ColinInternational Migration and Multiculturalism, Architecture and Cities

Division of Social Sciences, Research and PolicyUNESCO

Cities and urban issues at UNESCO through the Humanizing the City project

Cities and urban issues are tackled by all five Sectors of UNESCO: Social and Human Sciences, Natural Sciences, Education, Culture, Communication and Information.

UNESCO programmes and projects on cities and urban issues take into account the UN Millennium Development Goals, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions and the UNESCO strategy on Human Rights to:

1. Balance urban growth with the environment2. Create city centres of democracy3. Enhance the city as a living and liveable cultural heritage

The city as centre of democracy

UNESCO’s Social and Human Sciences programmes promote democracy, tolerance, human rights and full participation in social, cultural, political and economic life through projects, such as the “International Coalition of Cities Against Racism”, “Working together with Migrants” or “Growing up in Cities”.

The research projects of the Division of Social Sciences Research and Policy under the MOST programme (Management of Social Transformations) have focused on cities and social transformations, urban policies and democracy, renewal of historic cities and training of city professionals.

The Division of Social Sciences Research and Policy is the focal point of the cooperation between UN-HABITAT and UNESCO, in particular to enhance UNESCO’s participation in the biannual World Urban Forum (WUF) of UN- HABITAT, of which the forthcoming session will be held in Nanjing, China, in June 2008.

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The Division develops scientific cooperation with UN-HABITAT on Urban Policies and the Right to the City, on Social Sustainability of Historic Districts and Social and Spatial Integration of Migrants in Urban Settings.

From decline to revitalization: economic competitiveness and social cohesion

The impact of globalization on cities has been vast. The liberation of trade and the free flow of capital and people, have, in global terms, put the cities, rather than the nations, at the forefront of economic competition.

In an increasingly urbanized world, the promotion of sustainable urbanization, encompassing issues of economic growth, social equity, cultural and ethic cohesion and environmental protection, requires more than ever strategic planning, consensus building and conflict resolution.

Many cities have exploited unique physical assets or cultural heritage to attract the rapidly expanding tourism.

Ruth Glass was the first to use the term gentrification, in the early 1960s, to describe the process in the centre of London: a transformation of the social composition of some central districts and a process of rehabilitation of dilapidated buildings.

Gentrification, a socio-spatial process, can be of two kinds: One that proceeds through the exclusion of working-class categories in districts that are already very bourgeois, and another that works through more wealthy strata of society, arriving at an area which until then was socially mixed or had a large working class population.

Gentrification, as a systematic alliance of public urbanism, public and private economy, filled the void left by the withdrawal of progressive urban policies.

Nowadays, gentrification processes increasingly threaten the social cohesion and inclusiveness of historic districts worldwide, and in some cases they lead to sudden social transformations.

Historic towns, and more precisely the historical urban centres, are abandoned by their inhabitants. The sudden rise in rents and building speculation force the tenants to give up their houses, neighbourhoods and the environment they are used to.

This phenomenon has gradually appeared all over the world, initially in capital cities of countries that were industrialized a long time ago. But now the phenomenon is reaching cities in developing countries.


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In the Mediterranean, the increasingly close links between gentrification and the global economy usually go through the tourist industry, by giving it its own particular stamp.

Case studies were conducted on the following five small historic coastal cities: Essaouira, Morocco (1997); Mahdia, Tunisia (1999); Omišalj, Croatia (2000); Saïda, Lebanon (2001); and Jableh, Syria (2002).

From HABITAT II, Istanbul, Turkey, 1996, to the World Urban Forum IV, Nanjing, China, 2008

Renewal of inner city areas: the main topics concerned the revival or renewal of inner cities and urban centres, Istanbul, round table, June 1996

Living in urban historic landscapes in Morocco, June 2001: How capacity-building at decision-making level and city professional education can be enhanced (creation of UNESCO Chair in Landscape and Environmental Design: www.unesco-paysage.umontreal.ca )

Socially sustainable revitalization of historic districts: Architects speak out, Venice 2002

Socio-economic revitalization of historic districts in Lima and Quito by the UNESCO Mexico Office, 2002.

Creation of the project “Old Beijing”, by the UNESCO Beijing Office and Tsinghua University, 2002

Initiatives launched at the World Urban Forum II, Barcelona, 2004

• Proceedings of UNESCO’s round table “Social Sustainability in historic districts”, Collection “Human settlements and socio-cultural environments”, No. 56, 13 September 2004

• Research network, launched in Central Europe, under the supervision of Dr Georgy Enyedi: this network organizes annual, regional conferences on “Social perspectives in historic districts” for Bucharest, Budapest, Bratislava, Cluj, Krakow, Prague, Warsaw, Zagreb and Vienna. It has also published the proceedings of these conferences to enrich UNESCO’s manual on “Balanced Urbanization between Social Cohesion and Heritage Conservation”. The next conference will be held in Budapest, in September 2007.

• International Student Competition and Brief on Urban Design, “Historic District Renewal Area”, launched by Carleton University, under the auspices of UNESCO and UIA. The results of the competition were presented during UN-HABITAT World Urban Forum III Conference in Vancouver, B.C., Canada, from 19 to 23 June 2006.


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http://www.unesco-paysage.umontreal.ca

http://www.unesco-paysage.umontreal.ca

• during UN-HABITAT World Urban Forum III Conference in Vancouver, B.C., Canada, from 19 to 23 June 2006. (Website: www.arch.carleton.ca/unesco)

• Cooperation agreement with the Euro-Mediterranean network, REHABIMED, which cooperates with the Central Europe network, the partners of the small historic coastal cities network and the college of technical architects of Spain (Barcelona). (Website: www.rehabimed.net)

• Cooperation with GANGJIN-April 2006: a case study to be integrated into the existing research and to be included in UNESCO’s manual on urban revitalization in 2007/2008.

• Beijing International Seminar “Balanced urban revitalization between social cohesion and heritage conservation”, 21 to 23 January 2007. The results will be included.

• Cooperation with SPACE GROUP, under negotiation, 2007/2009

Next Step

Preparation of the proceedings of the Beijing international seminar, January 2007, with the UNESCO Beijing Office:• Lessons learned and capitalization of the outcome

for the finalization of UNESCO’s orientation manual for mayors to select and manage urban revitalization policies for social cohesion in historic districts: “Balanced urban revitalization between social cohesion and heritage conservation”.

• Creation of an Asian research network on social sustainability in historic districts.

• Finalization of UNESCO’s manual with all the case studies presented at the Beijing Seminar, contributions of Chinese and Korean experts to the presentation of UNESCO’s guide to UN-HABITAT WUF IV in Nanjing, in June 2008.


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http://www.arch.carleton.ca/unesco

http://www.arch.carleton.ca/unesco




Yao Yuan Ph.D. student, Tsunghua University

Introduction

Since 1992, the Chinese Government has been launching the Market Economy Reform. This reform has sped up the process of urbanization and has created a booming real estate industry. Stimulated by the enormous profits brought by the real estate industry, the local governments launched a nationwide urban reconstruction campaign. Unfortunately, most of the local governments were indifferent to the cultural heritage in the process of urbanization, which led to extensive damage to the urban heritage. A prominent example is that, over the past 15 years, more than 50% of siheyuan or hutong in Beijing were demolished.

The Chinese Central Government has been striving to protect the urban heritage through legislation, since the early 1980s. According to the Culture Heritage Law of 2002, urban heritage can be protected at three levels: at Historic Conservation Sites, Historic Conservation Areas and State Historic Cities. However, until now, the concrete regulation of how to protect the urban heritage has not yet been enacted.

Although there is a general mechanism for heritage protection in China, urban heritage was demolished on a large scale in many historic cities. Why did that happen in the past decade and why is it still happening today?

Destructive factors of urban heritage in the market era

The demolition of urban heritage is a particular phenomenon of modernization. Before 1992, several major forces had led to the demolition. (1) 1912-1949: The urban renovation in order to serve the modernization agenda. For instance, Zhu Qiqian, who was then Mayor of Beijing, conducted an urban reconstruction of the inner city of Beijing in 1914. (2) 1949-1979: The communist ideology. During the Cultural Revolution, an extreme manifestation of the communist

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ideology was the slogan “Destroy the Old, Establish the New”. For example, President Mao decided to destroy Beijing’s city-wall in the late 1950s. (3) 1979-1992: Again the urban renovation. During this period, the Government reconstructed the old city to support the socialist welfare housing system.

Since 1992, when the Chinese Government launched a historic reform to transform the planning economy into a market economy, the situation has changed dramatically. However, within the new context, the old framework could no longer fully explain the massive demolition of urban heritage and the traditional social fabric in the market era:

1. Misconception of modernization? Today, more and more citizens, officials and intellectuals gradually acknowledge that the conservation of cultural heritage is not incompatible with modernization.

2. Natural renovation during urbanization? Many Chinese cities have expanded during the urbanization process. All the necessary municipal facilities can be built in the new urban areas rather than in the old city, where most historic buildings or sites are located.

3. The Communist ideology? Since 1978, the ruling party has gradually revised its ideological framework. The respect for traditional culture and values has not only been encouraged by political powers but has also found a consensus among various social strata.

However, all the factors mentioned above have less explanatory power, or they have gradually disappeared. Consequently, the strongest explanation is the boom of the real estate industry in the 1990s. The year of 1992, when the Government allowed private capital to be invested in the real estate market, is considered as the beginning of the real estate industry and the beginning of a massive demolition campaign of urban heritage.

A series of decisive reforms stimulated the boom of real estate development. In 1994, the Chinese Government launched the Fiscal Reform. This reform strengthened the financial capacity of the Central Government while it underestimated the local governments. Local governments had to cover the budget deficit by themselves. In


Demolition in Gulou Area, Beijing, 2005

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1998, the Chinese Government launched the Housing Reform which abolished the welfare-housing system in order to stimulate housing consumption. The reforms influenced the real estate industry which offered a great fiscal source to local governments. Since 1998, the revenue from the sale of land and the tax income from house selling have constituted 40% to 60% of some local governments’ annual budget. As these two sources have a direct connection with land, the abnormal fiscal phenomenon is called “Land Finance”.

In order to gain enormous profits from the Land Finance, many local governments promoted some urban reconstruction campaigns through a massive demolition in the inner city. In Chinese, the demolition behaviour is called chaiqian.

Chaiqian means demolition of houses and relocation of inhabitants. It often contains a series of governmental action: during this process, the local governments sell lands to developers, through public action, and give permission to demolish the houses on that land. The developers, after having expelled the residents, by bargaining, by force, or by giving as compensation a much lower price than the real housing value, they demolish old houses and construct new ones (normally, high-rise apartment buildings). Finally, they levy heavy tax on new purchasers. As a primary means of local government’s Land Finance, chaiqian is extremely destructive for urban heritage and social cohesion.

As analysed above, the real estate industry encouraged by local governments is the biggest threat to urban heritage conservation. But why are local governments so eager to demolish urban heritage for real estate and how can they succeed by demolishing the houses that once belonged to the inhabitants?

A politico-economic analysis of demolition

Hutong and siheyuan, namely the historic urban areas, constitute the main part of the Chinese historic city. Siheyuan is a sort of traditional Chinese courtyard while hutong is an alley composed of siheyuan. Most hutong have a long history, tracing back to the Ming Period (1369-1644) and even earlier, while most siheyuan were built during the Qing Period (1644-1912).

From my point of view, siheyuan has dual characteristics. Siheyuan is not only the private property of the inhabitants but also a public good as part of the cultural heritage.

In order to be preserved, it needs efforts from both the inhabitants and the Government. The preservation of siheyuan and the other urban heritage should be universally implemented within the current legal framework.


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However, the practical urban governance, chaiqian, which is the massive demolition throughout Chinese historic cities, is contrary to the above analysis. In order to analyse the motives of the demolition, it is necessary to answer two questions.

The first question is about Demolition Economics: Why do local governments have the desire to demolish private siheyuan?

From the Market Economy Reform of 1992 and the Fiscal Reform of 1994 to the Housing Reform of 1998, one of the many outcomes is the booming real estate industry. As almost all the benefits from the real estate industry should belong to the local governments, the reforms offered a great opportunity for the local governments to cover deficits and, furthermore, to make more money through chaiqian for “Land Finance”.

Some local governments successfully turned chaiqian into a special profit circle for “Land Finance”.

The profit circle could be considered as a special form of Demolition Economics:

• to stimulate housing consumption, governments managed to demolish old houses and expel native inhabitants;

• to create more demands of housing consumption, both from the expelled inhabitants and buyers of new apartments;

• to stimulate real estate development by selling land and new apartments;

• to demolish yet more old houses.Local governments benefit quite a lot from the real estate industry:

1. Financial interests: the governments increase the revenue by selling land and new apartments.

2. Political promotion: according to a current evaluation system by GDP growth in China, officials can gain promotion through


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real estate development

3. Rent-seeking: besides political benefits, the real estate industry also offers to some officials great opportunities for rent-seeking during the land bargaining.

The second question is about Demolition Politics: How can local governments demolish private siheyuan?

Private property in this context refers to the property of siheyuan inhabitants. It contains two sorts of property: the property of house and the property of land.

• House property: the property of most houses is private, dating from the KMT Period, even the Qing Period.

• Land property: although, according to the Chinese Constitution, all urban land belongs to the State, the ownership and the usufruct of land are separated. In the Chinese legal system, the usufruct of land is treated as property of land. The Law of Land Administration of 2004, stipulates that the inhabitants have the private usufruct of land, namely, the property of land.

Why do protective efforts always fail?

According to the Chinese legal system, it is the responsibility of local governments to propose and adopt the local policy that protects urban heritage: to designate preservation areas, to establish firm preservation plans and to ensure legislation cover. However, under the slogan of the “Reconstruction of the Old City” or “Reconstruction of Dilapidated Houses”, the interest group of real estate capitals and the local governments urged massive demolition, ignoring any law of urban planning for protecting the urban heritage. These are not occasional cases but the prevalent situation in most Chinese historic cities.

It is easy to discover that the behaviour of local governments has a link to the old politico-economic system of planning economy. With some remnants of the planning economy period, local governments are used to intervene directly in the economic affairs and to impose a certain way of life on citizens. Although they legitimize their policies by the slogan of “serving the people”, their priority always falls into commercial purposes.

It is a political task to redefine the function of local governments in order to be adapted to the rule of law and the market economy.


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• What should local governments do within the framework of the law?

Within the framework of the law, local governments should protect the historic conservation areas, according also to urban planning, rather than demolishing siheyuan for commercial interests. The Constitution of 2003 stipulates that “Legal private property is free from violation” (Article 13). The Law of Cultural Heritage of 2004 clarifies that “the State protects the Historic Conservation Areas” (Article 7). It is necessary to create an institution to punish the officials who break the law.

• What should local governments do in a market economy?

In a market economy, the function of local governments is not to seek commercial interests but to offer public services; the exchange of land property should be a civil rather than an administrative act, conducted by the government.

Through the analysis above, we were able to see that it is necessary to transform the actual function of local governments into a function that offers public services without being a money machine.

What is interesting here is the experience of a protective mechanism with regard to urban conservation in China, despite the poor performance. The current mechanism includes four systems: 1) Bureaucratic system: the Ministry of Construction and the Ministry of National Administration of Cultural Heritage supervise urban preservation although the outcome is not so positive owing to the resistance of local governments. 2) Expert Consultative System: A group of senior scholars, such as Hou Renzhi, Wu Liangyong, Zheng Xiaoxie, Xie Chensheng, etc., are capable of influencing the policy-making of the central government on culture heritage. 3) Mass Media: Some Chinese mass media play a positive role to form a social consensus on urban preservation. 4) NGOs and Volunteers: NGOs such as Mr Liang Congjie’s “Friend of Nature”, and volunteers such as Ms Ding Ai or Mr Hua Xinmin, are dedicated to the urban preservation of Old Beijing.

However, without a genuine rule of law, this protective mechanism cannot always play a positive role when the coalition of political power and capitalism is challenged. This has repeatedly been proved by the recent failing cases of protection of Old Beijing, Nanjing, Fuzhou, Chengdu, etc. The reason of the repeated failures of the protective mechanism is obvious when: (1) the power of local governments is sometimes without guidance by the central government, concretely, by the administrations concerning the cultural heritage; (2) local government’s policy-making is not supervised by the people/congress; and (3) when the local government’s participation in the commercial real estate industry has not been severely regulated by the law, the effectiveness of the protective mechanism tends to be accidental.


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• What should local governments do within the framework of the law?

Within the framework of the law, local governments should protect the historic conservation areas, according also to urban planning, rather than demolishing siheyuan for commercial interests. The Constitution of 2003 stipulates that “Legal private property is free from violation” (Article 13). The Law of Cultural Heritage of 2004 clarifies that “the State protects the Historic Conservation Areas” (Article 7). It is necessary to create an institution to punish the officials who break the law.

• What should local governments do in a market economy?

In a market economy, the function of local governments is not to seek commercial interests but to offer public services; the exchange of land property should be a civil rather than an administrative act, conducted by the government.

Through the analysis above, we were able to see that it is necessary to transform the actual function of local governments into a function that offers public services without being a money machine.

What is interesting here is the experience of a protective mechanism with regard to urban conservation in China, despite the poor performance. The current mechanism includes four systems: 1) Bureaucratic system: the Ministry of Construction and the Ministry of National Administration of Cultural Heritage supervise urban preservation although the outcome is not so positive owing to the resistance of local governments. 2) Expert Consultative System: A group of senior scholars, such as Hou Renzhi, Wu Liangyong, Zheng Xiaoxie, Xie Chensheng, etc., are capable of influencing the policy-making of the central government on culture heritage. 3) Mass Media: Some Chinese mass media play a positive role to form a social consensus on urban preservation. 4) NGOs and Volunteers: NGOs such as Mr Liang Congjie’s “Friend of Nature”, and volunteers such as Ms Ding


Chaiqian in Nanjing. Since July 2006, most of the historic area of Qinhuai was demolished by the local government

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Naples, Italie Tourism and economic redevelopment of historic districts in Naples

Social sustainability of historic districts: the East-Central European experience

Ciutat Vella, BarcelonaRehabilitation and social action in Mediterranean old cities: reuse of traditional architecture and social topics on an urban scale

Changes of urban communities in China

PART 2

Preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric in rehabilitation processes

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Naples, Italie Tourism and economic redevelopment

of historic districts in Naples

Giancarlo FerulanoManager of the Service Valorization of the Historic City

Municipality of Naples

The joint commitment of UNESCO and Italy, for the conservation and the safeguard of the huge historical and artistic heritage, as well as for the environmental and landscape resources, is highlighted, on the one hand, by the recognition of many sites as World Heritage and, on the other hand, in the national financial effort for investments. Among these sites, ten historic centres in their entirety have been selected to preserve their integrity and specific characteristics. Among these sites, there is the historic centre of Naples, whose region, Campania, is located next to the sites of Pompei, Ercolano and Paestum, the very famous archaeological ruins.

The historic centre of Naples, defined by its General Master Plan (Piano Regolatore Generale) of 1972, was inscribed on the World Heritage List of UNESCO in 1995.

The oldest part of Naples was founded in the fifth century BC by Cumaean colonist, on a rectangular grid-layout, that is still discernible. It is a highly stratified town, which often reveals ruins from different periods.

Naples is an outstanding example of a classical town in its layout, with later additions, from the twelfth to the fifteenth century, derived from Angevin and Aragonese town-planning traditions. The domestic minor architecture is also noteworthy, especially that of the eighteenth century, the amazing “open stairs”, that constitute an original architectonic solution.

Many buried remains, both in the central nucleus and along the Posillipo coast, of the earlier history of Naples, with the wealth of Roman villas, are constantly at risk due to modern development and progressive natural degeneration.

But the main risks of natural origin are the seismic and the geologic ones, deriving, besides, from the presence of Vesuvio and from the volcanic area of Campi Flegrei in the inner city, with its specific activity condition, as well as

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the tufa formation of the hills that encircle the historic centre of Naples.

One of the most particular and specific problems consists in the very frequent presence of caves and shafts in the subsoil of the buildings or in the side of the hill and under the road. This aspect has a very strong impact on the ordinary m a n a g e m e n t , o n planning and evaluating the cost of the work.

Quite different but similar problems are those connected with the relevant existence of archaeological constructivetraces.

While in open areas this problem can be solved case by case and it is almost used to deepen the knowledge of the growth of the city, when it occurs under the buildings or, as in the case of the ancient roman theatre, inside the building itself, the question becomes really fascinating.

From the point of view of economic problems, some data have to be clarified: the Province of Naples has more than 3 million inhabitants while the city of Naples, with less than 1 million inhabitants, is characterized by a high population density of more than 8,500 inhabitants per km, which rises to 30,975 inhabitants per km in the oldest part of the city centre; probably this is the reason why this area has preserved the “popular soul” of the original inhabitants!

Tourism and economic redevelopment of historic districts in Naples

Continuity of history: Naples in 1468 and 2002

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The per capita income, that in Italian provinces is about 18,800 € , in Naples is 11,900 € , an amount not only lower than northern cities like Milan, Genoa, Bologna, Turin etc., but also than other southern cities like Palermo and Bari.

The rate of unemployment in Naples is 23.6% versus 2.3% in Bologna, and 8.7% on the national scale.

The high rate of unemployment determines micro-criminal phenomena and a lack of confidence in the institutions.

According to the above, it is clear that the theme of sustainable development for the city of Naples, with its historic centre, must be part of a unique strategic force based on the restoration of the city’s historical memory, that takes into consideration all the aspects that characterize it – building and architectonic heritage, tangible (and not) cultural patrimonies, social and economic development, transport, and natural and landscape beauty.

This can happen through the restoration and the institutional and cultural reuse of the entire historic and cultural patrimony, to enhance, promote and develop new proposals and to rediscover the ancient vocation of the city as “city of art”, just as a cultural laboratory or a site for otia and leisure activities.

Since 1993, year of the first direct elections of mayors, the town governments have always confirmed some strategic choices and have reinforced them by adopting new programmes.

The main goal is being pursued by restoring the traditional processes of town planning with an emphasis on social policies.


The historic centre of Naples was inscribed on the World Heritage List of UNESCO in 1995

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The protection of a huge historic centre like Naples, derives above all from the translation of protection of norms and rules and from their control.

The new Master Plan approved in 2004 defines the action to be taken in relation to the various modalities of a project with a particular regard to the areas identified as historic centres. For each building constructed before the second post-war period and for free spaces inside the perimeter of the historic centre, restoration is compulsory. All these have been classified using an interpretation of its own typological character and the rules of the project have been defined on this basis.

This option tries to preserve the physical integrity and the cultural identity of the historic centre and to appreciate the system of the public and private green areas that exist in the centre. The restoration moreover must comprise the elimination of the added and not coherent parts with the original architectonic organism.

The New Master Plan widens the historic centre regarding that defined in 1972, comprising a large surrounding city portion, to protect more and more physical integrity and the cultural identity of the territory, excluding further expansions, safeguarding the last precious green areas and the historical texture.

Such a widening has defined a comparable area to the concept of a buffer zone foreseen for a World Heritage site.

Another goal is pursued by initiatives based on the concept of what is liveable and the rediscovery of the cultural and artistic heritage:


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•Re-launching Naples’s image outside the city by strong symbolic actions and policies.

•Recovery of “normality” reassigning a central role to the municipality in the management of urban changes.

•Promotion of national events (festivals and shows) in the central Plebiscito Square which becomes the symbol of the new political climate.

•Reorganization of former industrial areas.

Creation of a system of interconnected and inter- modal networks in order to improve the accessibility and to make the use of private cars a real option, by establishing new models of transportation: increase of public transport system by road, by railways and subway lines and by opening the metrò of the sea.

This improvement is the result of the implementation of the Transport Plan that looks at the development of public transport until 2011 and constitutes a fundamental passage for the protection of the historic centre.

As a completed network of the underground railway, it will serve almost the whole territory comprised in the perimeter of the historic centre, achieving the main goal of reducing the automotive flows on rubber and consequently the production of exhaust.

All the other plans, those for Urban traffic and parking areas, the New street rule and the Main street plan are closely linked with the elaboration and the forecasts of the Master Plan and the Transport Plan. For the historic centre the strategies used are: the Zones for Limited Parking and Limited Traffic; the pedestrian areas (inside the Historic Centre, 22 pedestrian areas have been created and 11 more have already been planned) and a new parking area around the centre, near subway stations.

With these new regulations for the roads pertaining to the historic centre, some particular rules of redevelopment are identified.

The protection of the built areas and the free spaces contained in the rules of the PRG are increased by the protection of historic paths and furthermore by the main consideration for pedestrians. Specifically, in order to reduce the environmental risk, the plan of relocation of the fuel distribution system – petrol pumps - takes part


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in the protection of the historic centre, so as to eliminate approximately 90 systems from the historic texture, nearly the totality, that have already been relocated to external areas.

Meanwhile, the access to various stations and harbour landings has been improved and the restructure of the international airport shows that all accesses to the city and to the borders by train, plane and boat are in the perimeter of the historic centre or they are immediately connected with a tangent highway like the air terminal of Capodichino.

Another project of tourist and social relief has been pursued in recent years for the opening of the port to the city owing to the increase in coastal trade. In 2002, cruise ships with half a million of passengers berthed in the port of Naples. This kind of flow, that has different features from other tourist flows - about one million people a year generally for a short stay - has a strong and important impact on the city and the historic centre that is immediately affected.

It has been said that the mobility system, assumed in the urban planning, became a fundamental facility for the historic centre’s re-qualification.

Nowadays, the new underground line of Naples is the biggest public work which is being realized in Italy; it is planned for a distance of 15 km and will include 14 stations which will connect the north suburbs, the city centre and Piazza Dante, serving 120,000 people on a daily basis.

Initially, the project for the urban underground railway was mainly defined by technical aspects but the historic importance of the area involved in this project obliged a close working relationship with the Superintendences for Archaeological as well as for Architectural Conservation, especially while the tunnels were being constructed. It was of primary interest to identify and classify any possible archaeological site in the area through preliminary geo-archaeological surveys and a series of archaeological excavations.


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In the planning of stations and nearby public open spaces, attention was given particularly to the inside spaces and the new architecture insertion in the historic-cultural context.

Another peculiar characteristic of Naples’ new underground stations is the appearance of Art in daily life: the transit zones and the so- called “no places” of public transport become the scene of a cultural operation of great impact, which involves big names of contemporary art and in this way each station has a precise identity.

During these project years, a programme of interventions has been developed in the entire area, as shown in the images.

Finally it is interesting to point out the SIRENA project, which has afforded the critical theme of the economic weakness of private interventions.

SIRENA is a consortium with the Municipality of Naples that offers incentives to private owners in order to repair the common parts (façades, stairs, etc.) of the buildings in urban historic centres, and to survey, through specific control, the quality of the restoration.

For the monitoring of the Programme the Municipality has installed a Geographic Informatics System with a database of all restoration interventions, in progress or in programme, from 1995; every intervention is equipped with a descriptive card.

These experiences achieved in recent years can represent a best practice, which can formulate an integrated Programme proposal for the enhancement of the historic centre of Naples as a UNESCO site, that could be transferred to any historic centre with similar features.

The methodology coordinates and conciliates the two different needs of safeguarding and enhancing, which are part of the UNESCO individuation ratio. This is focused on:• conservation and safeguard activities• re-functionalizing projects of not used or underused parts • development of processes of economic growth and the improvement of the site fruition, in terms of

general liveability, as well as cultural and tourist aspects


Underground Line 1

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The range of proposals concerns not only urban aspects but also interventions in the socio-economic field.

From this point of view, with reference to Naples, the broad territorial dimension of the site, and, consequently, the complex and different problems prevents us from thinking of a general solution; the re-qualification theme can be considered in an experimental way, through the choice of a field of action that each time refers to a different area, and if possible, to a homogenous one.

By this way of thinking, a concentrated and systematic programme only in a circumscribed area of contained dimension, determined as a privileged condition, can cause isolation from the context and it would probably have a limited effect on surroundings.

This is why we want to realize specific, disseminated physical interventions, and at the same time try to activate socio-economic initiatives in a larger area, extended along meaningful historic routes and some prominent ones. In this way, these routes increase their potential of “highways” and so, on the one hand, we can link the various specific interventions,


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and on the other hand we can develop an attraction role, and open new connections with wider and more relevant urban sectors.

The choice of an intervention system, which follows a linear structure or a network, aims to broaden restoration both in areas of dilapidation between the different realized projects and in transverse directions. The attraction-spread effect is facilitated even in the surrounding urban areas in a significant way by the morphological structure of the road map of the city of Naples.

The valorization of cultural heritage and environmental resources is a strategic priority for the political action of the municipality of Naples. In fact, the main potential of Naples is its historical, artistic and archaeological heritage, as well as countless landscape attractions.

That is why the city of Naples with the Campania Region are investing such substantial funds in this sector through integrated projects, enhancement of infrastructures, support for small and medium enterprises, innovation and scientific research.

These are investments for the future, which will not only produce significant results for cultural and urban development, but will also raise the economic activities and the employment rate of the communities involved, and at the same time, reduce the social inequality. In this way, culture, environment and beauty, can and must become a driving force for the Neapolitan economy.


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East-Central Europe Social sustainability of historic districts:

the East-Central European experience

Zoltán KovácsProfessor, Scientific Advisor,

Geographical Research Institute,Hungarian Academy of Sciences,

Member of the MOST UNESCO Team in Budapesta

Introduction

The concept of sustainability was first published by the Brundtland Report (1987), and it has its roots in the recognition of the limited carrying capacity of the natural environment, and of the inter-relatedness of the problems associated with the depletion and non-renewal of resources. Later on, the concept was extended to include aspects of economic well-being and social justice. One of the main reasons for the extension of this concept was the recognition that urbanization processes of the 1980s have generated deepening social and environmental conflicts, both in the developing and the highly developed countries.

In the developing countries the rapid pace of urbanization (or as many refer to it the ‘over-urbanization’ process) led to the expansion of massive slum areas of spontaneous (squatter) settlements at peripheral locations and the rise of the class of ‘urban have-nots’. Poverty is increasingly becoming an urban phenomenon in the world and mainly in the developing countries. As opposed to urbanization in developing countries, in the more developed countries the general shrinking of cities, the physical decline of inner-cities and the social exclusion of its residents became more and more evident by the end of the 20th century. In both cases extreme forms of social polarization and spatial segregation became apparent, a fact that repeatedly brought the question of social sustainability to the fore.

But what is the meaning of social sustainability and how can it be applied to urban phenomena? Social sustainability could be defined as the kind of progress that entails the harmonious development of local society, and shapes the surroundings, ensuring a peaceful cohabitation of various social groups of different social origin, enhances their integration and, finally, improves the living conditions of all urban residents. In the urban arena, social sustainability is reflected in the general easing of inequalities and social segregation, and the strengthening of social cohesion.

Inner-city neighbourhood in Budapest, 1989

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Until the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, the countries of East Central Europe followed a specific path of urbanization that many call ‘socialist urbanization’ (see French – Hamilton 1979, and Andrusz – Harloe – Szelényi 1996).

Although opinions differed considerably with regard to the nature of urbanization in the socialist state system, most experts agreed that the general framework of urban development was different from that of Western Europe (Enyedi 1992, Szelényi 1983), including the fact that central (government) planning rather than market forces determined the location of investments, where priority was given to industry over services. The abolition of an urban land market, the limited role of the private housing market and private enterprises, and large-scale public housing development produced a different spatial structure of cities.

After 1989, the political and economic transformation has also brought fundamental changes in the urbanization process of East-Central European countries (Enyedi 1998a, 1998b; Kovács 1999). As a consequence, these countries started to integrate into the world economy, international investors appeared in urban land markets, and members of the transforming societies were free to choose the place of their residence and lifestyle. Our assumption is that the rapid modernization of these economies and societies has generated conflicts with regard to the requirements of sustainable development. We also assume that these conflicts are concentrated more intensely in the inner cities, or “historic districts”.

The main aim of this paper is to investigate the nature of post-socialist urban transformation and its effects on inner-city neighbourhoods. Our analysis is based on case studies derived of selected cities in East-Central Europe. These studies focus on various aspects of urban sustainability in historic districts and we crystallized some of the most important lessons of these studies. At the end of the paper are formulated some best practice guidelines for mayors of the region.

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The New Charter of Athens 2003

During its Lisbon meeting, on 20 November 2003, the European Council of Town Planners (ECTP) published a comprehensive document with the title: “Vision for Cities in the 21st century”. With this manifesto, often referred to as the ‘New Athens Charter 2003’, ECTP presented a widely shared “Vision” for the future of European cities. The New Charter of Athens primarily addressed professional planners, working throughout Europe and those especially concerned about the planning process. Authors acknowledge that “spatial planning is vital for the delivery of sustainable development”. The document also includes a brief summary of the main issues and challenges that affect cities at the beginning of the third millennium. These trends are described by four main groups:

• Social and political changes• Economic and technological changes• Environmental changes• Urban changes

Within these groups, current trends of urban development are analysed along with their expected long-term influence on cities. Below, we briefly present some of the statements of the New Athens Charter 2003 that are most relevant to the cities of East-Central Europe.

• Social and political changes

The ageing population and the changing family structure determine new social challenges in cities, as well as new requirements towards urban infrastructure. Many deprived city dwellers are excluded from the benefits of modern urban services. Areas for rich consumers often tend to be developed within gated environments, while poor city dwellers live in declining inner cities. The document concludes that the restoration of bonds and social solidarity among different age groups is critical for the future well-being of urban populations.

The document points out that radical changes in governance strongly influence the development of cities. Deregulation and privatization are

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providing new ways to finance and enable development. Cities forced to compete for investments often adopt an entrepreneurial style of management which is quite different from the traditional activity of European local governments that primarily represent the public interest. Tremendous financial and social problems faced by many cities often lead to deficiencies in local democracy, where public participation and local interests are neglected.

• Economic and technological changes

The development and growth of knowledge-based economy has changed dramatically the driving forces of urban development. Worldwide companies organize and manage their business activities with a disregard for regional and national boundaries and very often neglect aspects of local interest. Globalization of the economy strengthens the impact of external factors upon urban development. Whilst it provides new opportunities, it often weakens traditional local economy, leading to depreciation of local assets and loss of economic and cultural bonds between the city and its regional surroundings. Economic forces also lead to the phenomena of social exclusion and deprivation. In order to avoid these negative tendencies, cultural as well as environmental qualities should be increasingly recognized as important competitive advantages for the cities of the future. Also emphasis should be placed on the specific historical identities and qualities of each city, which could play a distinctive role in their development.

• Environmental changes

The physical environment of cities is heavily affected by the increased scale of economic activities, the dispersal of residential function and the growing demand for land. Natural areas within and around cities tend to disappear under the economic pressure of expansion. The physical environment is also threatened by pollution and the neglect of public spaces and buildings. Less open space and less biodiversity pose a threat to the quality of life in cities. The threats of environmental impacts on cities pose many challenges for the future. In the city, management must be balanced with economically based urban development and healthy conditions of living.

• Urban changes

Cities have never been a continuous, densely built-up entity, but they have always included a variety of urban spaces. However, a better physical accessibility resulting from an improved transport infrastructure tends to create new barriers and obstacles within cities. As a result, dominant physical structures lead to a fragmentation of the city’s neighbourhoods and landscape. A new set of roles is required for urban design. Urban forms should integrate a social and urban mix and should improve the quality of life. At the same time it should be acknowledged that a large number of city-users are non-residents. For these people, it is important to offer

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environments and services of high quality on a commercial basis. Planning activities should generate genuine involvement and safeguard collective interests, an essential tool towards social sustainability.

Most of the findings of the New Athens Charter 2003 apply to the cities of East Central Europe where the need for economic modernization, together with the limitless expansion of multinational corporations, the immature legal and regulatory framework, and the lack of civil organizations and civil control has led to urban phenomena that are inconsistent with the principles of a socially sustainable urban development.

Specific features of cities under State socialism

Despite the obvious similarities between urbanization in Eastern and Western Europe, some distinct peculiarities in the organization, the internal structure and the functioning of cities in State socialism could be observed before 1990 (Enyedi 1996). These characteristics were the outcome of the State-planned economy and the communist ideology, and they can be summarized as follows:

• Local decision-making was fragmented between the party, the central State and industry; there was a complete absence of local self-governance; cities were ruled by councils, whose members were hand-picked; these councils had to follow the instructions of the Communist Party; deviations from the central guidelines were impossible; under these circumstances local interests could not be articulated and thus, urban planning and development followed a strict top-down model.

• Despite the growing de-industrialization process in the West, cities preserved their predominantly industrial character in East-Central Europe until the late 1980s. Industries were kept in operation artificially by the central State, whereas the role of the service sector fell well below Western standards; the central business area of cities remained small, simply because the State-planned economy did not need financial institutions

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and other business services; on the other hand, industry occupied vast areas in the adjoining zone of the, densely built up, inner city; some of these areas had already become industrial slums well before the collapse of the communist system.

• During State socialism, urban land was transferred to State ownership, or at least largely withdrawn from the private right of ownership; owing to the lack of a free property market, land rent lost its significance in urban development; as a consequence, cities of State socialism remained fairly compact with large, relatively homogeneous functional areas; CBD (Central Business District) with a strong service sector, similar to Western cities, could not evolve; deconcentration (i.e. suburbanization) of urban functions could not take place either.

• The role of the State in the field of housing construction and maintenance was absolutely dominant. New housing construction took place exclusively on the outer fringe of cities, mostly in the form of large housing estates. On the other hand, the building stock of the historic quarters, built before the First World War, was neglected and rapidly deteriorated. This also caused changes in the social pattern of cities: the social status of inner cities generally declined whereas the peripheral zone became younger and better, thanks to the construction of large housing estates.

• Social differences and the level of residential segregation remained relatively low. State intervention both in the labour and housing market was rather strong; the main goal of social policy was homogenization. Secure workplace and cheap housing constituted the cornerstones of the communist system, what was thought to be the main tools towards the dream of a ‘classless society’.

• During State socialism, civil society was practically non-existent. The principal scene of socialization was the workplace, where the control of citizens by the communist party was easier than in the place of their residence. In consequence, the techniques of grass-roots organizations of society were largely forgotten.

This system changed fundamentally after 1990. What the whole East-Central Europe had in common during the 45 years of State socialism was a general dissatisfaction with the performance of the central planning system and, simultaneously, a ‘myth of the market’. Among politicians and the general public there was a common belief that market mechanisms would be a more efficient way of organizing the production and exchange of goods than the former system of central planning. On the other hand, there was also an urgent need, both political and financial, to improve the functioning and efficiency of the economy, as most of these countries were facing immense problems of liquidity. These combined factors led to the general dominance of a neo-liberal

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economic theory in transformation policies and to a radical shift from central distribution to market regulation in almost all countries of East-Central Europe.

With respect to urban development, an important component of the political transformation was the return to self-governance and the subsequent shift of control from a central (State) to a local (community) level. This gave to the cities, in general, more power to control and influence their own development and, subsequently, the planning system switched to a very liberal and decentralized bottom-up model. The collapse of the former COMECON (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) proved to be a kind of “shock therapy” leading to bankruptcy and mass-liquidation of companies. The disintegration and privatization of large State companies, especially in the formerly socialist heavy industry, played a prominant role in the economic restructuring of cities. On the other hand, the fall of the Iron Curtain allowed there to be direct penetration of the global economy and its main actors, the transnational corporations (TNCs). The introduction of a capitalist economy also meant that the market rather than government planning was to become the principal borrower of land and money within cities. As a result, the internal pattern of cities has undergone tremendous changes since 1990.

Challenges for social sustainability in historic districts of East Central European cities

As is well documented by research, historic districts are rather vulnerable parts of cities with respect to social sustainability everywhere in the world (Marcuse – Van Kempen 2002). There are many intertwining factors that may undermine the social balance and social cohesion of these districts. The outcome is, generally, either extreme forms of segregation (ghettoization) or rapid displacement (gentrification) of the original population, that belong predominantly to the elderly and poor. In this section, we intend to discuss and summarize those factors that are typically present in the post-socialist cities and challenge the social sustainability of historic districts. Most of our findings are based upon empirical evidence from a limited number of case studies that were presented to a scientific conference entitled ‘Social Sustainability in Historic Districts of Cities’, held in Székesfehérvár (Western Hungary) on 8 and 9 September 2005. In addition to this, we also take into account the results of other relevant research publications. Of the wide range of factors that challenge the development of historic districts we find the following most relevant:

• Decentralization of public administration

• Privatization of housing and urban land

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• Economic transformation and globalization

• Physical decline and rehabilitation• Population change• Weakness of civil society organizations

• Decentralization of public administration

As we pointed out earlier, with respect to urban change, an important component of the post-socialist transformation was the return to self-governance and the subsequent shift of power from central to local (community) level. At the level of major urban agglomerations, however, the decentralization of decision-making very often meant the weakening of city-wide government and the increase of power and influence of individual districts. In the major cities of East Central Europe, the two-tiered model of local self-government was applied, and cities were subdivided into smaller units like the 57 districts of Prague, the 23 districts of Budapest, the 11 districts of Warsaw or the seven districts of Bucharest. This political fragmentation of cities resulted in difficulties regarding the elaboration and implementation of comprehensive urban development programmes and the question of the sustainability of urban governance was repeatedly posed (Bennett 1998). As Bucek (2005) pointed out in his research findings, the administrative division of Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia, with a total population of 425,000 inhabitants, also followed the two-tier system. Bratislava was split into 17 self-government units (including 16 district governments), which generated conflicts regarding planning capabilities between city-wide local government and the districts.

In Budapest, the historic districts (i.e. the densely built up inner-quarters) are located on both sides of the Danube, and are controlled administratively by ten local governments (out of the 23 Budapest districts). These local districts are rather different in terms of size, physical condition, social prestige and political interests, therefore their willingness to cooperate with each other is rather limited, which is often a hindrance in urban development. On the other hand, these districts enjoy a large-scale autonomy concerning local policies (e.g.

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housing, social and welfare policies etc.). Under this extremely fragmented system of public administration, it seems nearly impossible to implement common social or housing policies in order to maintain social sustainability.

• Privatization of housing and urban land

Immediately after 1989, as part of the decentralization process, the ownership of State housing, in East-Central Europe, was transferred from central to local government. Local communes enjoyed large-scale freedom in the management of the public housing stock which was normally 30% to 50% of the total dwelling stock of these cities. Given the general lack of resources, the newly established local governments were eager to carry out an excessive privatization of the existing public dwelling stock in order to increase their income and reduce the social subsidies. Benedek (2005) notes that in Cluj, the ‘capital city’ of Transylvania, the proportion of dwellings, owned by the State, was 75% before the political changes. However, thanks to the extremely favourable conditions and the liberal privatization policy of the State, 95% of the dwellings are at present privately owned. Budapest is also a good example of dramatic privatization of public housing and of a sharp withdrawal of the State from the housing market in general, for example construction and maintenance. Privatization decreased the ratio of public housing in Budapest between 1990 and 2003, from 50% to 10%. After the concentration of a significant part of former public housing in historic districts (in some cases reaching 90% of the total dwelling stock), these neighbourhoods were greatly affected by housing privatization. The conditions and the general framework of privatization varied considerably in post-socialist countries. In the Czech Republic and the former GDR, the restitution of property to former owners played a dominant role in privatization programmes, while in Poland, and more specifically in Hungary, was practised the direct sale of public dwellings to sitting tenants.

Owing to the privatization of housing, the remaining public sector in post-socialist cities serves mostly as a residual housing sector. The increasing marginalization

Intensity of functional conversion of flats in Budapest’s inner city

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of the public rental sector, along with the substantial increase in housing costs, hit hardest the most economically vulnerable groups and especially the elderly. The former State housing construction and the management system has practically disappeared in East-Central Europe. What have not, however, disappeared, are the current problems of deterioration and inequity which have become increasingly severe in the last decade. According to Grime (1999), empirical survey data from Budapest, Kraków, Prague and Warsaw clearly suggest that a growing inequality is evident in terms of social class, age group and education in the housing market of post-socialist cities.

• Economic transformation and globalization

The effects of globalization and increasing commercialization have fundamentally changed the functional and land use patterns of cities in East-Central Europe. The economic restructure and the subsequent take-off of the service sector have induced a growing demand for non-residential (business, office etc.) space in the inner quarters of the cities. On the supply side, housing privatization generated a vast number of private owners selling their newly acquired properties to institutional investors. Thus, the re-establishment of a real estate market, based on land rent, has led to a rapid functional conversion from residential to business use in the inner part of post-socialist cities. The rise of the city centres and the growing commercialization of cities in East- Central Europe are well illustrated in (Benedek 2005, Ruoppila – Kährik 2003, Sykora 1999, Tasan-Kok 2004).

Statistical evidence shows that the number of inhabited dwellings in the centre of Budapest (i.e. the neighbourhood lying within the arc of the Grand Boulevard) decreased by 11,000 between 1990 and 2001. As a result, the centre of Budapest is losing its earlier residential profile, which is also confirmed by the fact that the population of the centre decreased by 29% between 1990 and 2001.

There is an obvious connection between revitalization and functional change of inner city neighbourhoods and the growing integration of these places into the world economy. The physical and social upgrade of these neighbourhoods is primarily generated by the corporate and commercial expansion of the global market (globalization). New corporate headquarters, business and commercial centres, hotels and tourist facilities have flooded the city-centres all over East-Central Europe (Smith 1996). The symbols of the capitalist market economy and consumer society have swept away the remnants of “shortage economy”. Owing to the expansion of the service sector and the concomitant renovation of inner districts, the built environment of post-socialist city-centres has rapidly changed. Central commercial areas have expanded everywhere, mostly at the expense of the neighbouring residential districts, that were built in the late 19th century. Buildings with new commercial and

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business functions have been primarily constructed by international investors who have tended to rely on post-modern architecture, sometimes in an American style (e.g. Warsaw).

Even in smaller cities like Bratislava, the developers’ ambition to maximize the rent is limitless. Bucek (2005) quotes the example of Istroreal, a real estate developer who got permission to build an office block with eight storeys at the edge of Bratislava’s historic district. Shortly after the construction work had started, the company demanded the change of permission with the intention to build a 34-storey skyscraper, a demand that did not meet any objection from the city-wide self-government. As it finally turned out, the basis structures of the building were constructed, from the very beginning, for a 34-storey building. The explosion of outcry and protest on behalf of the local (district) authority and the public resulted in the suspension of the construction work for a while. The developer went to court and in December 2005 he finally succeeded in obtaining the permission to build a 22-storey building. Subsequently, the developer applied for a permission for a 22-storey building. Other examples also confirm that the rapid development, experienced in the cities of East-Central Europe has a profound effect upon the content and management of heritage in these cities, as new demands for identification, legitimization and commoditization are being made at the expense of heritage resources.

• Physical decline and rehabilitation

As opposed to the city centres we can also find neighbourhoods in the post-socialist cities where the outcome of transition was not revitalization but further physical decline. These are typically old working class neighbourhoods with multi-storey tenement buildings around the city centre. The reasons for the physical decay of these residential districts are many. On the one hand, the long-lasting neglect of maintenance and infrastructural development of these neighbourhoods, during the State socialist period, which caused a serious deterioration of the building stock, well before 1990. The deficit of investment was not alleviated by the political changes nor was the subsequent transfer of ownership (i.e. privatization). Most of the new owners (former tenants) had neither capital nor expertise and entrepreneurial spirit to renovate their houses, as many of them were old and poor. On the other hand, local governments were fighting for survival and they also had limited capacities for the regeneration of old buildings. The first area, in which rehabilitation programmes were successfully implemented, was reported only at the end of the 1990s.

However, these rehabilitation programmes were not fostering the social sustainability of inner-city neighbourhoods at all, but quite the opposite. Empirical case studies form Bratislava (Bucek 2005), Budapest (Kovács 2005), Bucharest (Chelcea 2005) and Cracow (Murzyn 2005) confirm that urban rehabilitation

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programmes in post-socialist cities have focused so far almost exclusively on the physical renovation of run-down neighbourhoods, social aspects, and thus, the interests of local residents were barely considered.

In consequence, social bonds were seriously damaged and social cohesion within the affected neighbourhoods was eroded.

Urban rehabilitation has also generated rapid population change in the neighbourhoods (“hard gentrification”), where elderly and lower class households were replaced by younger and wealthier families. These interventions, dominated by private real estate developers, changed the original urban landscape and architectural environment, and cultural heritage has constantly been at risk.

• Population change

During the 1990s, the population of urban centres of East-Central Europe radically changed. This was partly the outcome of the weakening of the residential function in the historic centre and the domination of business functions which led to the rapid migration of the original residents. On the other hand, the ageing population and the concomitant natural decrease have also seriously struck historic city centres. These factors combined resulted in a constant decline in the population in inner-city areas. As Kovacs (2005) pointed out, the population of Budapest fell by 14.3% between 1990 and 2001, whereas the agglomeration’s population rose by 18.9 %, which can be explained by the massive de-concentration (i.e. suburbanization) of the population. Population decline was most prevalent in the city centre. The population in Budapest’s city centre fell by 29% between 1990 and 2001. Bucek (2005) and Benedek (2005) described similar phenomena for Bratislava and Cluj, where the population in the city centre decreased by 11.5% and 20% respectively. The growing concentration of elderly pensioners in city centres is also a typical phenomenon of all major cities of East Central Europe, which raises further risks with regard to the liveability and social sustainability of these neighbourhoods.

The run-down buildings of the old inner-city neighbourhoods was often accompanied by the erosion of the local community. Highly selective residential mobility patterns played an important role in this process. As a result of physical decline, first the younger and wealthier households left these neighbourhoods, later they were followed by the blue-collar workers of active age, and finally by the mobile part of the elderly, e.g. those with second homes or with children/relatives in the countryside. As a result of this filtering-down process, the

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population of these old residential districts became more and more marginalized. There are two social groups who are over represented among the residents of such neighbourhoods: first, the elderly (mostly single person households) living on social welfare; and second, unskilled workers with children.

As Szirmai (2005) pointed out, the impact of international migration and the presence of ethnic communities are not so strongly perceptible in East-Central European cities. However, members of the Roma minority tend to gravitate in large numbers to dilapidated neighbourhoods, where they build ghettos. This process was confirmed by Benedek (2005) for the downtown area of Cluj, and was also described by Kovács (2005) for certain areas in Budapest’s historic districts, where the most notable example is Józsefváros (8th District).

• Weakness of civil society organizations

The role of civil society organizations in socially sustainable urban development has been strongly emphasized in published research (see, for instance, Enyedi 2004). These papers stress that dialogue among politicians, investors and local residents is essential for the sustainable development of urban neighbourhoods. When a neighbourhood loses the involvement and control of its community, environmental aspects are neglected, cultural heritage is threatened and the interests of local people in urban development projects are ignored. The role of local NGOs is especially important in the revitalization process of old inner city neighbourhoods, where uncontrolled demolition in the long run may endanger the historical atmosphere and the cultural heritage of these districts.

This phenomenon is especially evident in East Central Europe where the general lack of civil organizations and the low level of participation of residents imposed the dominance of market forces in the development of neighbourhoods. Civil society in East- Central Europe can be considered immature regarding its activity and

Meeting of the “Óvás!” movement in the Jewish district

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involvement in urban matters compared to the West. Prior to 1990, the work of civil society organizations was considered unimportant by the communist system, even some grass-roots organizations (e.g. those with a religious background) were considered as enemies of the system. After 1990, the gap left by the withdrawing paternalism of “real socialism”, has not yet been filled with sufficient weight and sphere of authority by civil organisations or autonomic unions, etc.

Kovács (2005) demonstrates the gradual increase of awareness of local residents through the example of Inner-Erzsébetváros (7th District), the former Jewish quarter of Budapest. The neighbourhood is very densely built and the quality of housing is generally low with a high rate of substandard dwellings. The maintenance of buildings was neglected during State socialism and many residential buildings in a dangerous condition were pulled down instead of being renovated. This resulted in the mushrooming of empty plots, which were used until recently for temporary functions (e.g. car parks). During the 1990s, vacant sites gradually appeared in the neighbourhood, first with offices and then with residential buildings. By the early 2000s, hardly any empty plots remained for new constructions, and the demolition of the existing buildings took on an intensive pace. Developers were not interested in renovating the existing buildings, therefore revitalization took place at the expense of historic buildings. Several buildings of great architectural value have been lost over the last five years and the architectural milieu, just like the social milieu of the neighbourhood, has rapidly changed. This type of rather liberal and market orientated urban redevelopment went on for some years without any control by the municipality or the local (district) government. Finally, prominent architects, intellectuals, artists and local people of the district established a civil society organization called “Óvás!” (Veto).

This grass-roots organization launched an active campaign and protest against the extensive demolition and reconstruction of the area, the destruction of the historical atmosphere and heritage of the Jewish community. As a result of these efforts, in June 2004, the Office of Cultural Heritage Protection stated that the whole area of the Jewish Quarter was under temporary territorial protection. Since then, the process seems to have slowed down, and now developers must include cultural heritage and heritage protection in the formulation of their plans and actively cooperate with the local and city administrations.

How can sustainable communities be achieved in historic districts? Recommendations for local government officers

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There is no magic recipe for how sustainable communities can be achieved that we can give to local (municipal) politicians and administrators because each neighbourhood has its own peculiarities owing to national and local contexts. Nevertheless, there are quite a number of positive examples in European cities that can be considered as best-practice techniques and certain elements of these initiatives also seem to be applicable for cities in East Central Europe. There is a general consensus among experts that sustainable communities tend to be mixed communities, containing in particular a range of housing tenures and household income levels. This concept also implies that in order to achieve socially sustainable communities, the local policy should attempt to preserve a healthy mix of social strata and types of housing in the neighbourhood. It is also generally accepted that neighbourhoods with sustainable communities hold a positive image in the outside world, with distinct cultural, social and environmental patterns. After having taken all this into consideration, the following policies and measures can be recommended:

A Policy should focus on maintaining a social mix in the neighbourhood

Urban neighbourhoods in Europe are traditionally mixed neighbourhoods. Extreme forms of segregation and social exclusion are mainly the symptoms of the post-Fordist era. In order to preserve the traditional social mix of the neighbourhood or to attract new groups in the area you should:

• Carefully study the social characteristics of your neighbourhood before formulating your plans.

• It is also worthwhile to make a catalogue of the social traditions of your neighbourhood.

• Try to achieve a balanced coexistence between vulnerable and wealthy groups.

• Organize capacity-building programmes for the most vulnerable groups, in order to help them stay in the area.

The public housing sector of the area should be maintained

An active housing policy at local level is one possible method that can be used systematically for mixing different social strata in the neighbourhood. Providing an affordable rental housing in the neighbourhood could be one method of achieving better integration of disadvantaged groups. Therefore you should:

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• Put emphasis on the modernization and renovation of existing public housing sector. Attract private investors for the renovation.

• Involve local residents in construction and maintenance work.

• Support the construction of new public rental units of higher quality in the area.

• Link urban rehabilitation with public housing programmes.

• Encourage and assist former tenants to return to the area after the rehabilitation.

Mobility of households between private and public housing stocks should be assisted

Experience shows that better integration of disadvantaged groups can be assured by easy access from public to private housing (and vice versa). Construction of small-scale public housing scattered in the area creates a better link between public and private housing sectors and allows social mix and sustainability. For that, you should:

• Differentiate your public housing stock in terms of size and quality, making this sector also attractive for higher income groups. Give to tenants the possibility to buy their public rental unit.

• Set up special funds for those who want to leave the public rental sector, in order to make mobility possible.

• Attract wealthy groups to the neighbourhood. For that purpose, diversify the housing tenure.

• Facilitate dispersal of fragile groups and ‘problematic tenants’ within the neighbourhood and the public housing sector.

Existing and potential resources in the neighbourhood should be mobilized

Local resources are not always appreciated and utilized in neighbourhood initiatives. Social problems in neighbourhoods can be turned into opportunities by supporting the integration of residents in the labour market, by training and educating local people for organizational and voluntary communal work.

• Motivate the community and encourage investment in the area through the idea of ‘mutual benefit’ (the neighbourhood is perceived as benefactor as well as beneficiary).

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• Help residents in your neighbourhood to develop their own resources. Involve them in the local decision-making and management teams. Give them legal and financial support.

• Use local labour force where possible. Engage local residents in construction and maintenance work, cleaning and gardening, etc. and raise people’s self-esteem and responsibility towards their environment.

• Prepare and train local human resources to become potential partners and advocates of the neighbourhood’s development.

• Train and educate voluntary community workers. Involve local activists in your initiative. Organize personal help and training courses for the ‘most troublesome’ residents.

• Consider immigrants and other ethnic groups as a potential source of international networks.

Local cultural traditions and values should be seriously taken into consideration in the preparation of neighbourhood initiatives

Local cultural traditions and values are important assets of community life and therefore they should be seriously considered in the preparation of urban initiatives. Over the last decades, cultural industries have gained a key role in strategies dealing with urban problems. For that reason you should:

• Prepare a list of cultural heritage and different cultural traditions in your neighbourhood

• Apply strict measures for the protection and maintenance of the original architectural milieu and urban landscape in your neighbourhood

• Involve actively cultural institutions in urban revitalization projects

• Organize events (fairs, exhibitions, etc.) that confirm local cultural traditions among residents

Involve the local community

It is widely accepted that sustainable development of cities and urban neighbourhoods depend a great deal on the functions of local democracy. Civil organizations normally strengthen social cohesion in the neighbourhood, thus, they can play an active role in the neighbourhood’s development. To fulfil this aim:


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• Get everyone on board. Get resident groups involved and empowered. The exclusion of certain social groups, especially low-income people and ethnic minorities, should be avoided.

• Create new rooms (e.g. community centre) or extend the use of offices to activities dedicated to community life.

• Support the work of existing civil society organizations and encourage the establishment of new civil society organizations.

• Actively involve civil society organizations in the decision-making process and the implementation of your initiatives.

• Actively communicate with the public (e.g. via community forums) about what was decided and what will be the impact of the initiative on the neighbourhood.

The image of the neighbourhood should be actively developed

Physical decline, high crime rates and social problems often give neighbourhoods a negative image. A negative image of the neighbourhood in turn leads to stigmatization. Residents of such neighbourhoods are stigmatized because they live in that neighbourhood. In order to avoid stigmatisation and improve the image of your neighbourhood you should:

• Promote the neighbourhood’s image through a variety of different ways: organize local events, celebrations that give pride to the local residents and increase their attachment to their neighbourhood.

• Organize sports and cultural programmes, exhibitions, festivals, conferences and other attractions in the neighbourhood that may generally improve the image of the area.

• Actively use the potentials of the media for the creation of a better image of your neighbourhood.

These are only general principles and the form and content of their application depend on local conditions. However, several studies underline that integrated and coordinated action is the most successful way to achieve sustainable urban communities. Therefore a combined application of the above recommendations seems to be the most appropriate solution.


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Ciutat Vella, Barcelona Rehabilitation and social action in Mediterranean old cities:

reuse of traditional architecture and social topics on an urban scale : Barcelona Old City, Ciutat Vella

Xavier CasanovasProject Manager of the Mediterranean Network RehabiMed

Professor of Rehabilitation, Polytechnic University of Catalonia, Barcelona

The RehabiMed Project is the result of one observation: in some countries the rehabilitation activity represents more than 50% of the whole construction sector activity, while in other countries it does not even reach 10%. In addition, countries with the highest rates of rehabilitation activity are also the most developed ones; as a result, we can use this data as an indicator of development. Nowadays, RehabiMed is a network of Mediterranean experts from organizations and institutions of 15 countries: Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestinian Territories, Spain, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey.

Promoting rehabilitation as a factor of development

On the basis of this argument, RehabiMed has chosen as strategic objective to strengthen the activities of rehabilitation and preservation of traditional architecture, as factors of sustainable development (social, economic and environmental). By following this objective, we contribute to the improvement of residents’ daily life, we foster local economic activity, and we preserve the architectural heritage, which is a symbol of our culture and traditions.

In the case of RehabiMed, rehabilitation is understood as a vast array of interventions, which aims to recover and update a lost or deteriorated function. In our case: inhabitation. Rehabilitation offers different scales of interventions, from the territory and urban fields (city, district or street) to the building itself. Our field of work is a territory that includes very diverse realities, which we must bear in mind when proposing ways of rehabilitation. In the vast and varied Mediterranean region we can find abandoned districts as opposed to overcrowded districts,

The area covered by the RehabiMed Project

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where people cannot live any more. We are also facing the phenomenon of gentrification of historic centres. All these examples are part of an infinite spectrum of conflicting realities. For each one, the solution is, without doubt, responsible processes of rehabilitation and revitalization.

The RehabiMed method for rehabilitation

Rehabilitation must come from a deep and rigorous understanding of the reality of each place in order to establish the best way of intervening. For that reason, diagnosis is the only guarantee for correct action in rehabilitation processes.

This is the message that RehabiMed has transmitted in many training sessions that have been carried out in order to sensitize different agents: politicians, technical staff and residents. The process to be followed is also important and participation processes for all concerned persons are crucial for the elaboration of ideas and decision-making. All this can be found in the RehabiMed Method, which is structured in five steps and offers guidelines for every action. The five steps are: orientation or political decision-making; diagnosis or territory analysis; strategy with an accurate reflection and elaboration of the Action Plan; implementation of the Plan and monitoring with constant assessment.

Tourism, for instance, is one of the sectors with a major global reach, which affects and will affect more particularly the Mediterranean region. The sea, the climate and the heritage are the main values offered to tourists and traditional architecture is essential. Expectations from this sector are really impressive and the possibilities that mass tourism will be a threat to the environment and will result in population expulsion and in the destruction of an already vulnerable heritage are great. Current initiatives in the field of tourism are not all positive and our task is to prepare the agents and the region to benefit from opportunities that encourage sustainable tourism. In the whole region there are plenty of experiences showing us the grave dangers that are threatening us and how a historic centre can become a caricature of what it used to be and how its population can become entirely depleted.

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The social impact of RehabiMed

We are currently working on four rehabilitation operations in places that are geographically, culturally and economically distant from each other. In these places the complexity of persons involved as well as the environment is immense. We are assessing the flexibility of our proposals in order to realize operations which are efficient, respectful and correct.

Rehabilitation presents diverse aspects and orientations. In Lefkara, Cyprus, we are working on the possibilities that rehabilitation offers to improve urban landscape and to strengthen social cohesion; in the case of Cairo, we have chosen Wekala as a work centre for craftsmen from different areas in order to show that rehabilitation can improve their work conditions, their work environment and their business opportunities; in the medina of Marrakesh, our objective is to work towards rehabilitation of precarious overcrowded housing in order to point out rehabilitation’s social aspects as well as the great impact that small action can have on the improvement of the population’s living conditions. Finally, in the case of Kairouan in Tunisia, the objective is sustainable tourism in a World Heritage city where we have to combine the daily activities of the residents and the tourists and also find ways of rehabilitation that lead this symbiosis to local development and not to destruction.

Mediterranean Experiments - Ciutat Vella of Barcelona

Identifying and advertising concrete rehabilitation experiments is also part of RehabiMed action. Such experiments must show the approach and the results that have been reached in concrete operations, watching the entire process from the very first steps, through concrete action, to the results achieved.

Promoting good practices is, without doubt, an efficient way to collect useful ideas for other cases and to avoid repeating previous mistakes.

RehabiMed method for the rehabilitation of traditional architecture

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One example of these good practices is the rehabilitation of Barcelona’s historic city, a process that has been going on for 25 years and that has followed an exemplary path with the constant commitment of the authorities and a flexible management, which has allowed for adjustment of the processes to the changes of realities that are taking place in a city as dynamic as Barcelona.

In 1980, before the Olympic Games, Barcelona’s historic centre was in an extremely worrying state and required strong involvement to stop its progressive degradation. 70% of the district’s buildings had been built before 1900, of which 2% presented risks of collapsing, more than 7000 apartments had no sanitation and public service networks were obsolete. In addition to this material degradation, there were great social problems as well, with an important concentration of population of low income, more than 5,000 people living from prostitution, and a declining commercial activity.

In 1983, an Improvement Plan was presented and later extended in 1985 with the (PAI) or Integral Action Plan and in 1987 with the declaration of (ARI) or Integrated Rehabilitation Area.

All these Plans, with the objective to fix the problems noticed in the infrastructure, housing, economic activity and quality of life, established a consensus among different agents and public institutions, as well as a mix public-private funding, a precise planning and a management office to supervise the whole process (PROCIVESA).

In the year 2000, after the completion of the Olympic Rehabilitation Projects, Cairo, Egypt

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Games, 80% of the planned action had been finalized with the opening of new spaces, the creation of new housing and the rehabilitation of ancient buildings, the creation of public centres at local and urban level, and the renovation of infrastructures. All this action contributed to major improvements in the district and to its actual integration into the rest of the city.

After 25 years of work, in 2004, new studies were carried out to assess the district’s new reality with its strengths and weaknesses. The results implied new necessities and new objectives. A wave of immigration had arrived in the area and around 50% of the population were foreigners regrouped according to their origin, 25% of buildings needed rehabilitation and strong real estate speculation affected the market. In addition, the integrative location of city services in the district resulted in conflicts with the neighbours, owing to mobility problems, tourist influx and new commercial activities.

The complexity of working towards the improvement of districts was obvious. An international project in which nine investigation centres and 14 European municipalities were involved: “Sustainable renovation of buildings for sustainable neighbourhoods (HQE2R)” conducted an analysis of this complexity and created evaluation tools to assess the effects of diverse action from a global perspective. A sustainability circle was thus created allowing evaluations with five objectives, 21 targets and 60 key issues and indicators.

The conclusions of this process pointed out the complexity of intervention at a district level, the not so easy balance between diverse actions, the necessity of a flexible and global strategy to lead the process, and our limited experience of the holistic and multidisciplinary concept that sustainability requires in concrete applications. The creation of scenarios has proved to be very useful in the definition of hypotheses and in constant monitoring.


Practical and theoretical seminars

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Community is the basic unit of social life in the cities of China. Urban communities have undergone profound historic changes during the process of China’s urbanization and a systematic reformation of their economy and society. In the old days, the Chinese people used to live in the same courtyard with colleagues from the same working unit. Nowadays, the dwelling mode has greatly changed and communities have taken on various new forms. With the end of the governmental administration system, communities are now endowed with more social functions. Residents of the same community no longer come from the same working unit; on the contrary, they have different careers and statuses. They move easily into and out of the community. In this way, communities comprise various and changeable residents. The above demonstrates that in China, a new era for community construction and development has started.

This paper is mainly based on the research programme led by the author, and it concerns construction and development of communities in the Chongwen District in Beijing. The paper also presents some earlier research regarding the old city of Beijing and the regions that combine urban and rural areas. The research programme concerning the construction and development of communities in the Chongwen District received great help and support from the local government of the Chongwen District, some functional departments, the sub-district office

ChinaChanges of urban communities in China

Li Qiang Chairman of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences,

Tsinghua University Beijing, China

The urban design for the Donghuashi area in Beijing, most of the traditional streets were reconstructed with high-rise apartments

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of Donghuashi and many neighbouring committees. The research process is divided into three phases. In the first phase, the programme team had some informal discussions with the functional departments concerning the civil administration office, the comprehensive management office, the cultural committee, the house and land office, as well as other sub-district administrative offices of Donghuashi, including the judicial department, the police station, the statistic department, the community office, the propaganda department, the women’s union, the labour union, the culture protection section, the civil administration section and the union of the disabled. During the second phase, the programme team had discussions with eight community committees and with some property management companies. In addition, we had discussions with some units located in the street as well as with three or four residents of each community. In the third phase, we conducted a sample questionnaire survey on the community residents. The sample was chosen equidistantly, and 1,011 families were selected as a sample of 15,543 families (totalizing 41,247 persons). As a result, 981 valid samples were collected.

New changes in China’s urban communities

The word “community” originally means a group of people living in the same locality spontaneously and sharing a common organic system, social system, regulation and power structures. For instance, Tenis considers the community as an organic social structure which is formed through free will, characterized by familiarity, sympathy, belief and dependence. Park also points out that a community should be a group of people living in the same locality and depending on each other.

China’s urban community, however, holds different connotations. The key point is that in China, communities are not formed spontaneously but they are divided by administrative forces. Keeping that in mind, it becomes understandable that the development trends and current problems of a community are more or less related with this kind of community division. Nevertheless, the fundamental element, which leads to changes in communities, lies not in administrative division, but in the structural transformation of Chinese society. Embodied with reformation and opened to the outside world, China’s systematic transformation in both economy and society has brought about radical changes in the housing, economic and estate structure. Microcosmically, these transformations can be fully demonstrated by great changes in communities.

Based on research findings in the Chongwen District, Donghuashi sub-district, this paper brings together three aspects concerning the changes and the development of a community’s structures, functions and psychology.

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Complication of the community’s structure

Before the transformation of China’s social structure, communities were usually characterized by homogeneity, which means that most of the residents of the same community were of a similar social and economic status. At the time, if they were from the same community, they would probably work for the same working unit or enterprise, with their family members of course. (Even if they were working for different enterprises, they would likely be of a similar status, like workers, for example.) They shared similar social statuses.

Although such characteristics still exist in old traditional urban communities and working-unit communities, both of which cease to be popular in China, population mobility and differentiation have changed them radically.

Table 1 - Eight communities in Donghuashi Sub-district, Chongwen District and their

COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COMMUNITY

Zanyuan A pure new-type community, with a completely closed and independent community space

Nanli

A new-type community, consisting of commodity houses (Fugui Yuan community) and of residents who moved back to their original houses. These two communities, located separately and sharing no common resources, are completely different in their social statuses and requirements.

Zhongshili

This is a community consisting of various components, including commodity buildings, dwelling areas of residents who moved back, a working-unit dwelling area (North Gas Company, etc.) and a bungalow area, occupied by residents of low income. There has been a controversy over noises between residents who moved back and the local school. The bungalow area is called “village within the city” and it is very close to the railroad

Beili East / West Both communities are dormitories of working units which have been commercialized. More than 60% of the residents have bought the dormitory from their working units.

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Guangwai Nanli It is located on the boundary between Chongwen and Chaoyang District. Inside the community there are many bungalows with rapid population mobility. It is renowned for public security maintenance.

Guangwai Beili It includes the large Gold-Bridge international apartments building, Lishui Bay dwelling area and leases housing for those in need.

Baiqiao (Under rebuilding) There are commodity housing areas combined with some simple buildings.

Table 1 generalizes the characteristics of eight communities in the Donghuashi subdistrict, Chongwen District. We can thus analyse the complication of the community’s structure from two aspects: the structure of the population and of the dwelling space.

Differentiation of a community’s population structure

This paper looks into this kind of structure differentiation from both aspects of natural and social property. Natural property means natural aspects of a resident, such as gender and age while social property usually refers to social and economic status that is more a sociological concern. With the help of these two standards, we can divide the structure differentiation of a community’s population into two layers:

One layer is the differentiation status of a community’s population. The differentiation status is characterized by the fact that people of various statuses dwell in the same community system. Some of the residents are wealthy, some of them belong to working classes and some of them have a low income. As they have different social and economic statuses, they share little in their lifestyle and resource utilization. There are quite a few reasons leading to such status differentiation. The reformation system of national enterprises, for example, created two statuses within the working class, and one of them was the unemployed. Then, the reformation of the urban housing system and the development of the real estate market, brought on an atmosphere of housing, embodying income within the community. And lastly, rapid mobility of the population gathered a special group of floating population in old urban communities and in communities that combine urban and rural areas. Table 1 demonstrates such a differentiation status of a community’s population through the characteristics of Nanli

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Community, Zhongshili Community, Guangwai Nanli Community and Guangwai Beili Community. In addition, Dongbeiwang, a village of Xibeiwang Town, Haidian District, Beijing, which we have already examined, is a community combining urban and rural areas during urbanization, characterized by various statuses (residents, peasants and a large floating population) dwelling together. This kind of differentiation

status in a community’s population will certainly lead to conflicts in resources, interests and other aspects.

The other layer is the ageing trend in the community’s population structure. According to the fifth census data in 2000, among the population in Beijing, 10.1% are senior citizens who are more than 65 years old. This proportion is much higher than 7.0%, the international standard of an ageing society. In addition, senior citizens in the Xicheng District of Beijing reach 12.41% of the whole population. Among the 981 valid samples collected in the Donghuashi subdistrict of Chongwen District, the percentage of senior

citizens who are more than 65 years old rises to 18.3%. According to that, the total of the sample is relatively small, and given that retirees more than 60 years old are more likely to accept to be interviewed, the actual total of senior citizens should be lower than 18%. Nevertheless, it is understandable that the ageing trend in the structure of the community’s population is very obvious, and becomes more prominent in old urban communities. This ageing trend will have a direct effect on the functions of a community, which calls for various kinds of health establishments and other services for the senior citizens.

Adjustment and differentiation of community space structure

The connotation of the community originally means the sharing of social life among people. In our survey, however, we found some differentiation and segregation between different statuses within the community. Such differentiation may arise spontaneously, while the main reason lies in some artificial elements. We observe this phenomenon from two sides.

One side is the re-division of regions of the urban community. Such division of administrative regions splits the original urban neighbourhood committees and brings them together into a bigger community system, resulting

Different living conditions in the same community, the great contrast.

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in a reset of organizations and groups inside the community. In the past, 100 to 700 families would form an urban neighbourhood committee, depending on the capacity of the committee. After the community’s development, promoted by the National Civil Administration Department, community scope was regionally re-divided, by taking into consideration the characteristics of the newly developed communities and traditional working-unit communities. After this adjustment, 1,000 to 3,000 families would form a community. Nowadays, the Donghuashi subdistrict of Chongwen District is made up of 8 communities, which come from 31 neighbourhood committees. The splitting and combination of the community space provide opportunities for resource integration inside a community, while residents’ groups have to face the division and a new combination.

The other side is the space segregation between different social statuses inside a community. There is a relatively independent geographical space for each social status. Inside this space, there are many residents of the same social status. The segregation is fully demonstrated between the residents of a newly established community and the residents who moved back. Such segregation is not only embodied psychologically and culturally, but also geographically and spatially. The material establishment segregates them. This will lead to differentiation of activities of these two statuses, in their life style, their interests and problems. Two or more systems will enter into this process. In Table 1, there are two different groups in the Nanli Community: a residents’ group of commodity houses in the Fugui Yuan community and a group of residents who have moved back. A footpath divides the dwelling space of these two groups, with the commodity housing area enclosed by an iron railing. In the same way, in the Zhongshili Community, residents who moved back mainly live on the 4th and 5th floors, facing noise problems, while people of low income and some floating population dwell in the bungalows near the railroads. A segregated population means different statuses and different groups. They are far from making a common use of resources.

The luxurious entrance in Fuguiyuan, Nanli Community

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Socialization of community functions

Community residents require community functions. Changes in community functions result from changes in residents’ requirements and their diversification, which are caused by the reform of the system. There are two aspects in this socializing trend:

One is the social change in community functions. Traditional community functions reflect mainly the extension of governmental administrative functions. In 1954, the Act for Urban Neighbourhood Committee Organization was put into practice. Then, up until 1956, most of the cities in China had established their neighbourhood committees. Although the neighbourhood committee is also called “people ruled by people”, its nature actually reflects the “governmental administration” and functions as the controlling force of the community. It will follow the directions coming from the local government. With the rapid development of the working-unit system, few urban populations are left outside the working units. In this way, the functions of the neighbourhood committee are greatly reduced, actually losing touch with the community residents. Working units take on community functions, including social security, employment, dwelling houses and other problems of the residents. Working units manage all this, according to residents’ status. After the 1980s with the development of the urban community, the social functions, traditionally taken on by working units, became the responsibility of the community, which would be in charge of the organization and cooperation. Community functions were transformed into functions including the community service provision, the self-management of community and cultural affairs, and feelings of belonging to the community, etc.

The other aspect is the transformation of community functions to social powers. Though community functions were transformed to functions that included community service provision, self-management of community and cultural affairs, feelings of belonging to the community, which specific organization should be in charge of these functions?

As the main body of the community and the self-governing organization representing all residents, neighbourhood committees certainly should practise community functions.

However, with five to ten members in a neighbourhood committee, it is impossible to know the requirements of hundreds of families, neither theoretically nor practically. Thus, a neighbourhood committee should function as coordinator and organizer, leaving the responsibilities of community functions to social powers, including various community agencies and business organizations. With the development of the community construction, the administrative aspects of the neighbourhood committee have been under adjustment, with difficulty of

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course. The neighbourhood committee becomes better formed with social work, social management and other community functions, separated from the government administration. In Beijing, for instance, beside the community service centre, operated by the civil administration office, a community service Co. Ltd. has been established. Although the company may need assistance from the government departments concerned, it obviously runs itself with market requirements.

Division and integration - belonging to a community

The differentiation of the community structure will lead to differentiation in residents’ community identification and feelings of belonging. In traditional community relationships, as residents share a similar social or economic status, they consider themselves as members of the group and organization (usually a working unit). However, when this balance is broken, their community identification will also split up, since they no longer share similar statuses and interests. That is demonstrated by two aspects of the same process.

One aspect is the splitting of the community’s feelings of belonging, which means that within an administrative community, residents of different statuses do not have unified community identity and feelings of belonging. On the contrary, their sense of identity differs greatly. Nanli Community in Table 1 contains wealthy residents living in commodity houses as well as residents of low income who have moved back into the community. These two groups have a totally different community identity and different feelings of belonging to the community. The wealthy residents consider their community as a close Fugui Yuan community, lived in by people of similar social status. They do not consider the residents who have moved back as people living in the same community as theirs. During the research, the Nanli Community was arranging the property owner committee. It was mainly the residents of commodity houses who prepared the committee, leaving out the other residents. There is a kind of contradictory psychology that characterizes the residents who moved back. On the one hand, they think themselves as being different from the residents of commodity houses, who are identified by their housing conditions; on the other hand, they wish to share the resources of the community (such as greenbelt, public spaces, etc.) with the other residents living in the same community.

The other aspect is the integration of the community’s identity into the splitting process. Both splitting and integration of feelings of belonging is based on identity, and social and economic status. The integration of a community’s identity therefore means that every status or group share the same identity and feelings of belonging with each other, in every

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sub-community divided within a community. Take the Nanli Community, for example. Within this community, both residents of commodity houses and residents who moved back have, respectively, their own sense of identity because they can take the same step with those of the same sub-community. In Table 1, residents who moved back to the Zhongshili Community face the same controversy over noise problems with the local middle schools. Therefore, in their collective activities to protect their rights, they demonstrate a strong identity and feelings of belonging with each other. Every one of them actively takes part in the campaign.

Formation of the basic urban community types in China

With radical changes in urban communities, it is obvious that the once unified community type will not exist any more. As there are various kinds of community, many scholars and practical operators have discussed it thoroughly and proposed some kinds of classifications of community types. Based on the generalization of the effect of experimental community units in China, the civil administration department proposes three types of community classification. The first is called regional type, with main streets and roads as boundaries. A community classified as regional is rather complete. The second is called cell type, which means a close and complete community, created by developers. The third is called unit type, meaning a community composed of one working unit. This method of classification breaks through traditional single types of communities.

Table 1 indicates that we came down to different community types in our research on Chongwen District. However, as an inner district of Beijing, Chongwen District cannot fully present the basic situations in China’s urban communities. This paper reduces the basic community types of China’s cities to five and analyses briefly their characteristics. Such work is done on the basis of community research carried out before the consideration of other districts of Beijing (Xicheng District, Fengtai District, Haidian District, Chaoyang District), and other cities, including Guangzhou, Suzhou, Chengdu, etc.

New-type property management community

By new-type property management community we mean those newly established communities within a relatively close region and with property management. Houses of such a community type should be commodity houses (or economical and applicable houses). Within the community, there are conferences and committees of owners, that operate according to the Regulations for Property Management. Those two organizations should be responsible for decision-making and execution, and for choosing property management companies for

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professional management. With the reform of the housing system and the development of the real estate market, new-type property management community is more and more being developed in cities, and recently it has drawn too much attention because of the various conflicts concerning property management.

Some property management communities create independent administrative communities, such as Zaoyuan and Nanli Districts, listed in Table 1. Some of them are not independent administrative communities, while they are part of the original connotations of community, with a relatively independent form of operation and relatively close space structure, such as Huaqing Jiayuan Community on Xuanyuan Road, Haidian District, the A4 and A5 communities of Wangjing New City on Wangjing Road, Chaoyang District, and the SOHO Modern City Community on Jianwai Road, etc.

There are two basic characteristics of a new-type property management community.

One characteristic concerns the status of its members. There no longer exists a leaseholder with the housing allocation system. Community members now become the owners of their own houses. In this way, the sense of their rights greatly increases and they care about both property ownership and public affairs of the community. Among these property owners arises a relatively unified group identification, which is probably based on concerns about their own interests. The other characteristic concerns the community organizations. There are mainly two important organizations: the property owner committee which functions as community agency and the property management company, which functions as organization of an enterprise. The property management company provides comprehensive management for owners, regarding houses and public facilities. It meets various requirements from residents by expanding its services so that, in some degree, it replaces some functions of the neighbourhood committee. For instance, the property management company of the Huaqing Jiayuan community will hold various kinds of cultural activities, including lectures on specific knowledge, painting contests for children, swimming games, association of property owners, outings etc. On the other hand, the development of the property owner committee will in some way become a new developing point for self-governing communities and will give birth to a brand new, skeleton social management system. A wall divides the upper and lower communities

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Traditional Communities in Old Cities

The reason we call a community “traditional” lies in two aspects. First, such a community is located in the inner city, which can be traced back to the period before the liberation (even Ming or Qing Dynasty), concerning its evolution of city space. In this way, it will be rich in historic and cultural elements. Second, after the foundation of China, most social members are absorbed into the working unit system, with only a few left out, mostly the senior citizens, the disabled, both of these groups because they lack work capacities, and other diverse social members. With the help of neighbourhood committees, these people are organized. Therefore, the traditional communities of the old city are being controlled by the management system of a “subdistrict-neighbourhood committee”. This traditional district is totally different from the above new-type property management community, nothing to do with the aspects of their residents’ social and economic status, the nature of their house property rights, or management systems. Both of them, however, are the outcome of social transformations, that indicate the changes of the skeleton society from different angles. One typical example is the Qianhai Dongyan Community and Baimi Xijie Community on Changqiao Road, Xicheng District in Beijing.

The following aspects characterize the traditional communities in old cities. As for the social characters of their community members, their residents are mainly composed of people of low income and social status. Most of them do not own the houses, and their dwelling conditions are relatively unsatisfactory. Their level of education is low, and there are many retirees and unemployed among them. Probably because of such a low social and economic status, the residents of traditional communities in old cities usually depend on their community. The following points give a full picture of this dependence. With the thorough reform of national enterprises and working units, the government of their dwelling locality takes on more and more social security functions (for example, application for the lowest life maintenance and allowance for the disabled will be approved by the neighbourhood committee); some unemployed need to find jobs with the help of the neighbourhood committee. There is a large proportion of senior citizens in these communities, whose livelihood often depends on the help of neighbours and the neighbourhood committee. Fundamental facilities of the community (such as streets, water supply and drainage, public toilets, etc.) mainly depend on the financial help provided by the government. Residents hold a relatively high sense of community identity, although they are far from satisfied with their living conditions (such as the quality of their houses, living area, fundamental facilities, etc). Three reasons lead to this sense of community identity. First, quite a few families have lived in the same community for several generations or even longer. Thus, they know a lot about the history of their community, as they have taken part in its evolution. Second, communities in the inner city are located in a

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convenient place for shopping, schools and medical services. Third, the residents have developed good relations inside the neighbourhood. They stop and chat with each other, or play card games. Such a familiar atmosphere is rarely seen in the new-type property management community.

It is extremely hard to rebuild the old city. Some of the reasons are the following: first of all, the old city’s district is usually located in the centre of the city, superior in locality and public facilities. In this way, more and more people are investing in real estate, resulting in an increase of land value in the old city’s district. This law of land value, according to the market economy, conflicts with the former social structure of the old district, caused by a land allocation policy, during the planned economy period. In addition, residents of the old district show signs of ageing and poverty, and they are currently moving out. All this accelerates the decline of the old district. Finally, as the living fossil of the history of urban development, old districts physically represent historical, cultural and social memories. Many problems occur during the process of the old district’s rebuilding, such as how to deal with the problem of rebuilding space and residents’ settlements, how to embody social justice in the reconstruction of old districts, and how to coordinate the relationship between cultural protection and city rebuilding. These problems occur with higher and higher frequency and urge the rebuilding of cities in China.

For half a century, after the foundation of China, Beijing underwent uneven development concerning urban construction as well as the protection of historic and cultural heritage, since it functions as the capital of the nation and the centre of politics, culture and economy (since the mid-1990s, Shanghai has been the centre of economy). In the early days, the city walls of Beijing were demolished in order to relieve the traffic pressure. During the Cultural Revolution, many simple buildings were created in Beijing in order to construct a productive city. After China’s reformation and opening up to the outside world, Beijing witnessed the impact on the historic context of the old city by the over-development of real estate. All this destroys the city of Beijing, an ancient capital for four dynasties. An important step has to be taken, that of the setting up of historical and cultural protection zones.

This step will contribute to the protection of Beijing’s image as an old city and to the continuation of the traditional cultures of Beijing. The most important thing is how to coordinate the relationship between the city’s development and protection, as well as how to protect the interests of those weak groups during the process of the old city’s renovation. Social justice in the old city’s rebuilding will be a particular perspective of sociology.

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Unit community

Compared with traditional unit communities in history, the connotation of unit communities, has undergone radical changes. Unit community used to be the traditional form of urban organization, based on the planned economy system. At the end of the 1950s, the community in cities contributed to the realization of an urban society, with units as its sole form of organization. Meanwhile, the community of units appeared, which meant that the unit was responsible for managing the social lives of its workers. Thus, the working unit took on most functions of the community. As a result, community organizations were rather unsubstantial at the time. With the rapid development of the community’s construction campaign in China, unit communities, particurlarly the typical family committee, were transformed into community neighbourhood committees. There are three results of this transformation in Beijing: the independent community neighbourhood committees, the community groups and the management community neighbourhood committee that has abandoned the former organizational system.

The unit communities we propose mainly refer to traditional unit communities that were transformed into independent communities, such as Beili East District and Beili West District of Donghuashi sub-district (see Table 1). These unit communities have been under the management of communities, but there are still some traditional elements in them, which make them different from the other community types. Those traditional elements are the following: first, the residents of the community come mainly from the same working unit, as colleagues or family members. In this way, they have frequent contact with one another. Second, though the functions of traditional communities have greatly declined, the complete socialization of these functions has still not been realized. Community organizations are not governed by residents. Third, it is hard for the residents to share the community resources since the resources of the working units are often unavailable. Fourth, the residents often depend on their working units, with a low sense of belonging to the community.

Community combining urban and rural areas

Communities, combining urban and rural areas, are the direct outcome of the process of urbanization. Such communities are located on the boundaries of urban and rural areas, characterized by a lrge floating population, which is quite similar to some aspects of the now existing “village within the city”. The data from the fifth census sample survey indicates that 61.9% of the floating population, coming from outside Beijing, used to live in the suburbs from 1996 to 2000. Until 2000, among the 8,155 communities, there are 483 with a floating

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population of more than 1,000, twenty-nine communities of 5,000 to 10,000 and six communities of over 10,000 of the floating population. Such communities are often situated in four suburbs, including Chaoyang District, Haidian District, Fengtai District and Shijing Mountain. Within these suburbs, the proportion of the floating population with the resident population is close to 1:1. In some regions, the floating population is even larger than the resident one.

In our research, we applied the method of “enumeration” and we found that in some neighbourhood or village committees, that proportion reached 5:1. It can be said that these regions become dwelling communities for the floating population.

Such combined communities are characterized by the problem of managing the floating population. There are four aspects concerning this problem. First, it is hard to manage a large floating population since sometimes the combined areas are out of the control of either urban or rural government. Nanyuanxiang Village in Fengtai District is a typical case to illustrate this point. This village is located in an area that combines nine neighbourhood communities, including Dahongmen, Donggaodi, Majiabao, etc. Urban residents live with the rural ones. The neighbours are under the management of either theneighbourhood community or the government of the village, a fact that sometimes leads to problems. Second, the management power may get weakened because of the interests of some fundamental organizations or individuals. Third, the irregular development may lead to a confusion in the house leasing. Fourth, the deriving economy of “clampdown-regeneration” mode (irregular economy).

Blending community

Keeping the above in mind, four types are classified according to community characteristics and status of residents, which give a rough generalization of urban community types in China. Yet, such a classification fails to solve one problem: that many urban communities contain characteristics of several types. Into what type of community should they be classified? Here, we propose the definition of “blending community”, referring to

The notice of the establishment of the owners’ committee in the Fuguiyuan Community

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communities with complex characteristics. The word “blending” can mean a blend of different statuses. It is more important when it refers to the blend of different community types. Zhongshili District in Table 1 can fully illustrate this definition since it contains the new-type property management community, the community groups transformed from traditional unit communities, and communities of low-income residents.

The characteristics of a blending community can be better understood by its definition. First of all, there are different types of small communities within a blending community (or the so-called community groups), which means there will be a differentiation status among the residents. Second, with these blending characteristics, the residents will put forward diversified requirements, which may lead to conflicts and controversies. Third, there will be great pressures on community management and coordination. Therefore, requirements from different statuses should be met with limited community resources, while the relations among different statuses should be coordinated and harmonized.

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Seoul, KoreaRevitalization of the historic district of Bookchon, Seoul

Methodological approaches – Critical Project of Restoration

IranIranian Experiences of urban revitalization in historic districts

Development based on the protection and enhancement of heritage

Conservation and social development of Lijiang, a World Heritage site

Towards public benefit: examples of the combination of heritage conservation and improvement of residential environment in Lizhuang

PART 3

The balance between historic preservation

and urban revitalization

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Seoul, Korea Revitalization of the historic district of Bookchon, Seoul

Lee Sang LeemPresident of SPACE GROUP, Seoul, Koreaa

Professor Lee Sang Leem focused on how the revitalization programme took a step further than the traditional conservation and transformed Bookchon into an area full of life.

Bookchon

• History of Bookchon

Historically located between the Kyungbok and Changduk Palaces and Jongmyo, Bookchon is a traditional residential district that has survived through the 600 years of Seoul's history. Between the two large royal palaces, Bookchon is surrounded by a beautiful landscape, filled with traditional Hanok houses. In the Bookchon district, the web-like alleyways are well maintained, boasting 600 years of history.

According to the rules of the traditional Korean Feng Sui, the most desirable location in Seoul is the Kyungbok Palace’s site, with the Changduk Palace’s site just next to it. The topography of this area is higher in the North and lower in the South, which is believed to be warm in winter, well-drained, and wide open towards the South. For these reasons, over time, the district attracted many influential families.

Today, Bookchon has 645,000 m2. It consists of two administrative districts and eleven districts ordained by the law. The population of Bookchon presents a large decline from approximately 20,000 to 13,000 inhabitants between 1985 and 1999.

• Importance of preservation

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Revitalization of the historic district of Bookchon, Seoul

Bookchon is layered with the signs and the meanings of the 600 years of its history. Its streets, land, and architecture, that have been formed over many generations, create a particular historic sight. Bookchon also presents a unique residential culture of Hanok houses, which is vastly different from the typical residential culture in Seoul (apartments and multi-family houses).

However, this is not a re-enactment of the history or its experience but the proof that the Korean residential culture is traditionally maintained with the demands of modern society. This mixture of history and everyday life produces a unique feeling in the area, making Bookchon a large living city museum. And that is a valuable historical and cultural asset that the residents of Bookchon shall treasure and maintain.

Revitalization of Bookchon

• Background

By the end of the Chosun dunasty, for socio-economic reasons, the large estates were divided into small building sites, and what remains today of the back-to-back Hanok houses is estimated to trace back to the 1930s.

This kind of change in Hanok’s formation results from the rising population density in the city during the modernization period. Moreover, modern clusters of Hanok were massively constructed in the 1960s in order to satisfy the high demands. In the 1970s, there were some political efforts to move the upper middle class to Kang Nam through a great development and scholar relocation plan.

The conservation of the cultural artefacts of Hanok began in July 1977, by designating in the area buildings’ height limitations. Later, in 1983, the district became a Type 4 Aesthetic Area. However, the regulations to protect Hanok resulted in deteriorating living conditions, a fact that caused strong complaints from the residents.

After such complaints, the regulations in Bookchon finally started to lessen in the 1990s. In 1991, the building regulations were alleviated to allow three storeys rather than one. Buildings’ height limitations were modified from 10m to 16m in 1994.

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Following these changes, some of the Hanok houses were demolished so that multi-family houses could be built. The traditional look and ambiance of Bookchon changed quite significantly.

Under these circumstances, Jongno city’s government came up with a plan to redevelop Bookchon district in 1997. In an effort to realize this new plan, Jongno city’s government requested the City of Seoul to cancel Bookchon's status in order to approve the new plan. The City of Seoul, however, postponed it until 1999, when Seoul’s Downtown Management Plan was to be implemented. The residents, who feared that the rapid change would make the traditional character of the area disappear, demanded solutions for the pending situation.

• Government action

The City of Seoul proposed a plan, called "Comprehensive Measures to Revitalize Bookchon", in October 2000. Its three main points are the following:

First, by enforcing the Hanok registration system, residents were encouraged to register Hanok voluntarily, in order to receive subsidiary funds for remodelling and other incentive advantages, such as residents’ parking permission.

Second, the Seoul Housing Corporation purchased Hanok houses that were poorly maintained or needed conservation and reformed them for new uses.

Finally, in 2001, when they promoted the sales by showing some examples, it cost $3,400,000 to purchase seven Hanok houses. And their total cost was $84,500,000.

In a constructive effort to carry out the "Comprehensive Measures to Revitalize Bookchon”, the City of Seoul created a field office. By the end of 2001, there was a master plan which contained more realistic and long-term goals to revitalize Bookchon. The most important was that the new goal not only aimed to revitalize the district. It aimed to create a "desirable Bookchon" with improvements in the surrounding environment.

• Project and cases

By November 2005, 353 out of 924 Hanok houses in Bookchon’s district were registered, which is 38% of the total. A total of $12,600,000 was subsidized to support 504 cases of remodelling. 230 cases have been completed.

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This photo shows an example of subsidized remodelling. After remodelling, gas pipes and electric wiring were neatly organized. The reparation of the roof tiles made the house look more like a Hanok.

This is a Hanok of a Swedish man, living in Bookchon. Here, Hanok is reformed to fit the Western lifestyle in a modern way.

Now, apart from the seven Hanok houses that the Seoul Housing Corporation purchased by showing an example in 2001, 20 additional Hanok and non-Hanok houses were sold between 2002 and May 2005. This measure was taken in order to conserve Hanok and its surroundings and to prevent other buildings from being built.

The Hanok houses were reformed into a culture centre, a museum and a workshop, etc., while non-Hanok houses were demolished to make way for a public parking space or a park.

The Bookchon Culture Centre exhibits materials for Hanok remodelling and there, the residents can experience various activities like art, crafts and cooking.

A guesthouse was bought by the Seoul Housing Corporation and a third party was commissioned to operate it. It attracts about 100 guests per month and it is popular among young foreign students who wish to experience the traditional Korean atmosphere and living culture.

Hanok is also managed by a third party. It is a studio that makes small items out of bamboo.

A Hanok can be also used as a museum. In our case there is a small museum of 142m2 of site area and 62m2 of building area. There, they exhibit materials of folk tales and traditional charms and they can even let you make your own charm.

Finally, a deteriorated non-Hanok house was purchased and turned into a much-needed parking space for the residents.

So far, we have examined Hanok’s remodelling and various uses through the government purchase by the City of Seoul. Next, we will move onto the improvement of the street environment as a part of "desirable Bookchon”.

Revitalization of Bookchon

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In Bookchon, in the old days, streets were very narrow. Parking facilities were lacking, compared to other areas. Great efforts were put into burying the electric wires underground and repaving the streets. The work began from the 31 and 11 Kahoi-dong and, at the moment, is almost completed at the Poongmoon Girls’ High School Gil.

This photo shows the 31 Kahoi-dong street’s improvement works. The electric wires of the old telephone poles are now buried underground. In addition, streets are repaved to look more attractive. Apart from that, improvements have also been made in the 11 Kahoi-dong, Bookchon-gil, and Kyedong-gil. The revitalization of Bookchon began with the Hanoks’ conservation alone, but now its aim is for the overall improvement of Bookchon’s environment, including the upgrade of the streets.

3. Emerging changes

• Development tendency

A major example is the consideration and the respect for the waterway that runs from Mt Bookak to Cheonggyecheon and forms the old Bookchon Street. Now, we look at the change of the development’s tendency to large pieces of land, which characterize an area. Some say that when a large building gets relocated, like Defense Security Command Headquarters, it needs to remain public. And the remodelling plan of Jungdok Library, proposed by the Bookchon Cultural Forum and National Trust, includes the making of an underground carpark, beneath its garden, and also the public access to the garden.

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• Residents’ participation

The residents were distrustful because of some rumours that suggested the city was expropriating the Hanok at low prices. But over time, revitalization efforts, including the fair purchase of Hanok, vastly increased their value. Eventually, the city gained the trust of its residents.

• Development tendency

Bookchon's historic importance and uniqueness not only attracted the attention of the residents but also of various citizen groups and NGOs. Also, the people who work in the cultural sector or live in Bookchon’s district gathered together and formed a group, called Bookchon’s Cultural Forum. I take this opportunity to inform you that I am currently the chairperson of this forum. Our discussion ranges from urgent problems to the future of Bookchon. The residents started to take the initiative to host festive events, like traditional music festivals, a day of experience in traditional dyeing techniques or cooking.

• Achievement

One of the most important things about Bookchon is the fact that it was essentially initiated by the residents. In the graph, the decrease of Hanok shows the success of the programme.

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3. Valuation and limitations

The evaluations and limitations of the Bookchon programme were brought up by the discussion groups that were gathered to evaluate Bookchon’s revitalization programme. The groups consisted of government employees, residents, citizen groups and organizations, companies that repair Hanok, etc.

The common concern that all groups pointed out was the need for the unification of management and the continuation and strengthening of the field administration. The reason for such concern is the varying degree of support from the mayor's office since 2000. There were also demands for increasing the administrative support to the residents so they can easily take the initiative, and for control measures for the visitors who disturb the daily life of the district.

The evaluations resulted from surveys conducted by residents, experts and visitors. Both residents and expert groups showed a positive feedback by supporting the revitalization programme, by 56% and 62% respectively. But about 20% of the residents said that they doubted the effectiveness of the programme.

When asked about the value of Bookchon, 93% of foreign and domestic visitors, and 98% of experts answered that they believed Bookchon was valuable. 83% of the residents agreed. The majority of the participants envisioned the future of Bookchon with both traditional and cultural residences.

Despite these positive evaluations, there are some limitations that seem to appear as follows:

First of all, there is a conflict of interests among the residents about the future of Bookchon. Hanoks’ residents tend to protect continuously the area and the Hanok houses. However, the residents of non-Hanok houses or commercial buildings hope for a development.

Another limitation is that the revitalization, initiated by the city, largely focuses on improving the physical aspects of Hanok houses and the streets. There is also a need for focus on strengthening the community’s spirit and participation.

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The revitalization programme was in a way encouraged to protect Hanok. However, the developers will need to come up with long-term plans and goals to coherently push the programme forward. I will, shortly, end this presentation with an attempt to envision the future of Bookchon.

4. Vision for Bookchon

The conservation of Bookchon cannot be done by measures that freeze development. The revitalization of Bookchon must allow changes to take place while maintaining its identity. Its value and function must be respected in the metropolitan Seoul.

Although it all started by an effort to conserve Hanok houses, Hanok should eventually become a part of contemporary life and carry the identity of the neighbourhood. The importance of Bookchon is not limited to Hanok houses but includes various local elements. The plans for the future should be more comprehensive.

There is a constant decline in the number of people living downtown. Bookchon should remain an important residential area located downtown and its role and function should be protected in order to strengthen the residential community.

Finally, in order for the revitalization effort to last, the residents must take the initiative and the government should provide the necessary administrative support, so that the residents will be able to take care of their own neighbourhoods.

Traditional Cultural Day Experience initiated by the residents

Bookchon Cultural Centre

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Methodological approaches – critical restoration projectBilding on the built environment

Andrea BrunoDirector of Raymond Lemaire Conservation Centre Leuven, Belgium

For who is the preservation designed and why do we need it? What deserves to be preserved? Is it possible to define the constraints of a transformation, that would specify the parts to be suppressed and the ones to be added? The subject of the use of existing architecture destined for different functions forms part of the continuous process of transformation of the built environment, and carries out the double objective to create new architecture for new users and to preserve that which already exists and its current use. The cases and situations presented are infinite; each intervention involves precise connotations that impose constraints on the architect’s choices as well as on the type of intervention itself. A short list will serve as a basis to provide examples of applications that should be imitated or rejected, may be useful, to show the vast array of fields of action.

Each place – site or monument – is unique and cannot be duplicated by virtue of its own characteristics that have accumulated in space and time, hic et nunc.

The history – often buried, complex and obscure – the materials, memories, realizations and objects that form these characteristics, constitute the place’s authenticity. The journey through research and re-understanding of these facts is the

basis of the project. Respect for authenticity is the unique principle on which to base specific action, depending, of course, on everyone’s culture, education and sensitivity.

All the rest, what documents and laws define and circumscribe, is only a technical support that can be studied through important examples, duplicable when possible. The "respect to authenticity" is the only memorable concept of the Venice Charter.

After restoration, the Roman arena of Nîmes returned to life as a show building, as it was before.

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The authenticity approach also brings together all the fields on which the architect builds ex nihilo and the one who is interested in historical and monumental heritage, two fields that are inconveniently divided by a prolix theory. Authenticity is a valuable guideline for the two fields as it widens the role of architect as demiurge and widens the horizon of – the rather unappealing – concept of architect as “restorer”. The determination and respect for authenticity allow us to consider the absolute uniqueness of the architectonic experience, beyond all possible divisions among different disciplines.

Of course, and what has just been said proves it, the term “authenticity” is not neutral. It conveys a notion that clearly hovers over the culture and the historical period of reference. These clearly visible oscillations that pertain to the preservation discipline both as theory and practice, owe their origin to the meaning attributed to this term.

In the field of architecture, theory always runs the risk of academic speech, vagueness and sterile obligation. Didactics are often incapable of guiding and orienting students and, in the course of professional experience, they are not able to promote cooperation among different parties involved in the process. Norms and concepts are nothing but passive objects of interpretative operations, which are able to give results opposed to each other from identical premises – a field in which we, the Italians, are masters.

It is not a matter of chance, if within the professional section, relationships and communication among persons pose the biggest problems. Even if they share common objectives such as safeguarding heritage, the protection of culture and memory and the research for knowledge do not always speak the same language. The necessary multidisciplinary approach of each intervention is mostly perceived as a dialectical moment rather than cooperation and cohesion.

France, Lichtenberg, medieval castle transformed into a conference hall.

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In a world where rules are able to choke the best of intentions and save the bad plans, the project’s culture finds itself at the antipodes of such a way of handling things. It is the forma mentis of active multidisciplinary cooperation, in sharp contrast with the obligation’s culture, which is the result of sectional decisions on the matter, that quite often kill off the proposal for an active intervention on the part of the architect, informed people, as well as the concerned institutions.

In the last century, during lengthy research, historiographers of architecture and buildings’ preservation joined forces in order to define and understand the characteristics of historical heredity. The term “authentic” was attributed to primary characters and stylistic figures that brought to light a recognizable exemplary nature to a confused past. The first restorers, engaged in exclusive research for primary authenticity, destroyed entire pages of history. They annihilated the density of the past by substituting a “depreciating” medievalism by a long series of groundless and simplistic falsifications: a moralistic operation both in its ends and methods.

From a critical point of view, the pivotal role of these pioneers of historiography research and preservation work should not stay unrecognized. It is also important to highlight the practices of despoilment and destruction of cultural, historical and artistic goods, which resulted from a confused perception of authenticity.

The Viollet-le-Duc’s or Andrade’s restoration works, for instance, have an independent historical value and count as witnesses. However, they also send a warning signal regarding the risks brought upon historical heritage when the aim of the project does not entail respect for the complex and diachronic reality of the sites.

Before giving examples of some interventions, it is necessary to clarify the meaning of some recurring terms that probably appear in other pages of this manual written by other authors.

When dealing with projects destined to transform what already exists, the varied terminology of the glossary that was created by architects (redevelopment, conservative restoration, functional recovery, structural adaptation, etc.) in order to detail and make the interventions on historic buildings practicable, takes into

Adjustments to historic buildings: creation of a museum of contemporary art, Rivoli, Turin, Italy

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account the uncertainty of the criteria used by controlling bodies empowered to judge, and that use often incompatible assessment parameters. The contradiction that exists between the two words that compose the term of conservative restoration is evident.

Conservation means preserving the original state of the object while restoration intervenes in the materials and even in the shape of the object: when restoring, one creates diversity; In that sense, a mutation is operated. This is very different from aseptic conservation. Knowing if these transformations are compatible is not easy when there are no precise reference parameters. A great number of restorers from the end of the last century (and even nowadays) have operated despite the lack of such precautionary and reversibility principles.

Rules (see the different restoration charters) are useful tools that must be carefully interpreted. The responsibility goes to the interpreter. Apodictic rules encourage the unwary to act equivocally, not to say mistakenly. Supporting the validity of one intervention by referring literally to the rules indicated in restoration charters can, sometimes, modify the aim of information that led to the creation of the rule in question. A norm of reference is clearly necessary but it can be highly dangerous for those who cannot adapt it to specific cases. Since each case is specific, we can see to what point the risk is high.

Authenticity is a keyword and as all the words that express large concepts it is hard to define it. I would say that the architect must show, in his way of operating, that he has understood the value and meaning of the word. It is the restoration project that must highlight the authenticity of the monument or the site that is being restored. Each place, each building has its own characteristics to which the architect’s project must be adapted.

The added and stratified authenticities have been ignored and erased in an illusory attempt to obtain a primary authenticity.

Besides the damage caused by restoration, this way of acting has generated an even more dangerous residual behaviour: the sense of guilt - equitably shared between institutions’ tutors and architects - that compel them to deny all

The construction of the new underground large hall that is not visible from the exterior, Carignano Palace in the historic centre of Turin

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possibilities of mutation, due to a misunderstood expiation desire. The former want to be a-critical when they judge the quality of “authenticity” that the architect not only must preserve but to which he is bound to operate in a constructive way, today as much as yesterday.

Reversibility is a philosophical principle of caution, of willingness to communicate with the next generations, to whom, maybe out of pretension, we wish to offer a suggestion of interpretation. Reversibility does not entail precariousness. One intervention defined as “reversible” is destined to be a respectful witness of what already exists. Such respect is understandable and can be located in our times, as a follow-up to something that already exists and that is equally readable and authentic.

We do not know what our descendants will think of our willingness to point out the phases of transformation of architecture over time. At the moment, we feel the need to preserve past memories and to show which ones will become memories in the future. The architect must be fully aware that he will not be the last person to touch a monument.

Intervening in harmony to the existing material that composes the object is a choice to be made by the architect depending on each case as there are no precise and absolute rules. Until today, it is not superfluous to repeat that what requires serious and respectful focus, is the research of the stratified authenticity of places – territory, city or monument.

Finding the guiding thread that brings together materials and events that have been scattered over time is the necessary duty of all projects. Through the study of stratifications of history, it is possible to detect and define the vital characteristics of each site. The guiding possibilities of evolution are being developed: re-appropriation and re-invention of the place are based on a process of critical reading and are part of the re-qualification of reality and its memory.

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Today, more than ever before, in order to build, it is necessary to read the book that history has written about the territory and to understand its meaning: decoding and interpreting before drawing any new “sign” with a meaning.

It is a difficult and articulated process that can not be pursued only through the sole field – technical and methodological – of architecture. In order to manage this process, it is necessary to coordinate with other fields of study.

Among these fields, archeology holds an important position. I think that it is necessary to recall that archeology, prior to being a field of study, is a method of surveys.

While research for primary authenticity remains permanent in the training of many archaeologists who deal exclusively with research into the “antique state” of sites, scientific archeology has made great contributions to the sector of intervention in the architectonic heritage, thanks to the analysis of materials and traditional techniques, stratigraphy reports and dating. Often, thanks to archeologist methods of survey of a monument or a site, one can understand the chronology, discern the constructive phases and events and describe the materials and the techniques.

Research is not an end in itself. Reading and understanding the stratification of sites and objects, respecting the complex authenticity of places does not mean preserving and embalming the actual conditions, which would be the opposite risk to the obsessive research for primary authenticity. Understanding represents only the condition of acting. As in an archeological operation, we locate, through the stratification of digs, significant materials and we sacrifice – after having produced the required documents - what constitutes an obstacle to the understanding of the whole, at the level of historical heritage as well as at the level of the environment.

The architect embarks upon meticulous actions of liberation and construction so that the lost meaning will be uneven and the place will again be intensely liveable. Recognition of value and selection are fundamental tasks to be executed with responsibility before the process of a site’s re-appropriation and transformation.

This does not imply the negation of some of the premises that were established regarding authenticity. On the contrary, the constitutive transformation of the sites and the effective modality of guardianship, must become their own. Let us analyse some exemplary cases in terms of modes and results: the great Roman arenas were transformed into villages or buildings, or were simply used as quarries for materials. In this case, modification is a sign of a continuous and natural re-appropriation of the past, of a re-invented utilization where the feeling of eternity prevails at the expense of destruction, precisely because of modifications. Today, of course, the awareness of the historical sense of events and of the otherness of the past has generated the demand and the

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very concept of safeguard. Such radical interventions are not possible any more but the essential modality of re-appropriation remains vital.

This happens because architecture, contrary to other forms of artistic expression, faces precise material and immaterial collective demands. Because understanding and giving back the memory of the past to the community also means accepting and promoting the destruction of insignificant objects, disparaging architectures and horrendous interventions that distort the site or the monument and that obscure its true meaning by downgrading the possibilities of its utilization; I am thinking about the monuments and churches transformed into barracks and stalls and the latrines built under the vaults of princely apartments.

Re-appropriating a site today means apprehending its authentic cultural, functional and aesthetic characteristics and revitalizing them in the present.

Thus, the continuity of cultures is embedded in the continuous evolution of civilizations. The authentic spirit of the place remains despite the transformations and mutations. It is here where the line of demarcation is drawn, beyond which only the materials have a chance to escape from the negligence and asphyxia and actively reintegrate into the world of the living.

How to correct an environmental mistake? One of the solutions, Bari, Italy

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IranIranian experiences of urban revitalization in historic districts

Farhad AhmadiArchitect and professor

Faculty of Architecture, Shahid Beheshti University, Iran

According to the historic ESFAHAN master plan, during the last decade besides plenty of conservation and restoration projects, at least four city centres have been renovated: JAMALEH centre, JOIBAREH which partially belongs to JOISH, the Sangtrashan Passage in the heart of the Christian quarter and the POSHTE MASJED alley in the east part of the current project.

These experiences could be a valuable lesson for directing the gentrification in the current project.

The inhabitants of these districts, except those of the Christian quarter are low-income families, and most of them are migrants.

Although the façades of these centres and the street pavements have been renovated, and the city infrastructure has been equipped with electricity and telephone cabling, gas, water and sewage piping, because of the bad quality of materials used they will need continual repairs.

A general survey on these four sites indicates that when the occupants have a higher level of culture and motivation, they pay more attention and cooperate but in other cases, while they benefit from renovations managed by the public sector, which have added value to their properties, they expect the municipality or other

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Iranian experiences of urban revitalization in historic districts

organizations to take care of all the issues, and now we are witnessing a gradual deterioration in some of these areas.

The current project, which is located in the south side of Naghsh Jahan square, is one of the unique locations in the heart of the historic part of the city and is also very close to several prominent historic monuments.

During the Safavi dynasty, this area was agricultural land. Later, during the Gajar period it was transformed into a city garden and pavilions, of which two still remain. In the east part of this area there is a dense urban area, including passages, narrow covered alleys, large and small houses with central courtyards and porches. The houses belonged to the Sheikh and his family who taught and prayed in the grand Safavi mosque and the Islamic school of this quarter.

There is also a different view of the mosque’s dome from this area, as compared from the front, which could convey the grandeur and the glory of the dome and make this place matchless.

A demolished caravanserai and a short bazaar are also located in the east side, and a canal that belongs to the historic water distribution system defines the south boundary of the site.

These items could count as valuable historic potentials of this quarter, even though some of them have been seriously damaged.

The total surface of this neighbourhood is fifteen hectares but the first phase focused on four hectares, the space which is attached to the grand mosque. Also the main streets encircled this quarter and provided easy access to the site.

According to a different programme, the municipality of Esfahan decided to renovate the east part of this quarter, called Poshteh Masjed, or Koocheh Tariki over the past few years. As with other experiences, the most challenging issue relating to the earlier renovations is the social impact.

Isfahan’s historic structure

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Since the original inhabitants of this district left several years ago and the majority of the current occupants are low-income migrant families, it is too much to expect them to make an effort to improve the quality of their neighbourhood. Indeed, the gradual decay after renovation proves their lack of interest. In addition, the other part of this land, which belongs to the heritage organization, and has been leased by several families, was built in the most kitsch architectural style.

On the other hand, the cultural potential of the site is incomparable to the actual use.

This site could become a global model and therefore the current project intends to improve the different aspects of local culture and to promote them internationally, to achieve a state of sustainability.

In order to reach this point and reverse the current deterioration, the transformation of the social structure of the group seems inevitable.

In fact, the third generation of inhabitants, interested in cultural affairs, will change the social character of this district whose traditional origin was gradually being ignored. This essential action will ensure the implementation of complete gentrification.

As the initial survey indicates, the current occupants tend to move away if they feel weaker. This means that a considerable amount of the project budget should be allocated for possession of the necessary land. To accomplish this task, thanks to the expert evaluation, four solutions are proposed:

1. Convincing the inhabitants to contribute to the project. 2. Replacing their properties with new types of dwellings. 3. Making the owners the stockholders of the new project.4. Compensating them by bank credits.

To proceed with the project, the municipality, as client and steering organization, will manage the following activities:

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• Selecting proper consultants who are specialized in historic planning and urban design, renovation and rehabilitation.

• Progressing and supporting the project towards the initiatives of gentrification and fixing the approvals.

• Maintaining necessary legislation to completely guarantee the objectives of the project.• Providing economic resources, such as absorbing the available budget in the public organization as

well as bank credits with low interest rates. Implementing social transformation programmes and possessing the rest of the land (two hectares) in the first phase.

Promoting the idea of the project, organizing the private sector for implementation, exploitation and management of cultural events; insisting on the involvement of NGOs, as investors, developers and future directors, and of inhabitants.

Since these duties are not within the formal framework of action of the municipality and they need a very concentrated effort to be implemented, a corporation has been established so as to deal with all the activities relating to the revitalization of this district.

Besides the above-mentioned responsibilities, the corporation will try to increase the contribution of the two parties, public and private sector, and to facilitate the final transition.

To achieve the final aim, the following objectives are being considered:

In social terms

Appropriation of this district by artists, actors, musicians, poets, writers, architects craftsmen, skilful people in the field of traditional arts and people who are interested in cultural life.

In physical terms (architectural and urban design)

• Renovating and converting the traditional fabric for appropriate functions• Rearranging the green spaces within the project boundary according to historic documents of the

traditional Persian gardens• Reconstructing the permitted site area, very close to the architectural style that existed before• Maintaining urban facilities, infrastructure and access that partially exist

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• Designing public spaces such as alleyways, squares, promenades, etc., in order to create an attractive atmosphere for visitors

In functional and economic terms

• Establishing a school of arts to develop, improve, encourage and promote the traditional arts• Providing different types of accommodation, permanent or temporary, such as private and multi-

family houses, timesharing, traditional hotels, caravanserais in the Persian central courtyard style• Managing part of built surfaces for traditional workshops to present the process of creating the

handicrafts• Allocating certain spaces for the use of architects’ studios and painting workshops• Organizing retail and souvenir shops by reconstructing the spaces in different shapes of Bazaar,

Timcheh as well as passageways and temporary fairs• Representing the traditional Persian cuisine and specialities in traditional restaurants• Different spaces which could introduce the Iranian culture are also considered in the project, such as a

traditional sports venue or zoorkhaneh, a traditional bath, or Hammam, teahouses or Sherbet khaneh, theatres or Tekiyeh, art galleries or Negar khaneh, carpet museums, etc.

In conclusion, the project will be implemented in five steps:

1. Site survey, in terms of a physical, social and financial survey.

2. Design phase, renovating and creating the traditional atmosphere of the city and the interiors, graphics and objects.

3. Managing all related legislation and financial resources, current and future inhabitants.

4. Implementing the project in parallel with the social transformation.

5. Meeting the sustainability initiatives; a management system will take responsibility for the physical maintenance and will steer the activities towards a cultural quality.

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The initial assessment for implementing the first phase of the project will be about 25 million dollars, with at least 40% of the budget allocated for the possession of the necessary land.

It is estimated that the project turnover could cover the initial investment plus bank interest during construction; this is feasible and there is no need to subsidize.

The desired duration of the implementation will be about five years depending on the budget flow.

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Tongji, ChinaDevelopment based on the protection and enhancement of heritage

Shao YongAssociate Professor

College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai, China

Alain MarinosInspector General of Architecture and Heritage, France

The experience presented below is based on cooperation between France and China. The Directorate of Architecture and Heritage of the French Ministry of Culture and Communication, the Observatory of Architecture in Contemporary China of the French Directorate of Architecture and Heritage; and China’s National Research Centre on Chinese Historic cities associated with Tongji University in Shanghai. This project was launched eight years ago and has focused on the fields of protection, management and enhancement of heritage.

This cooperation was initiated during the Suzhou international conference, organized in 1998 by the World Heritage Centre of UNESCO and the Chinese Ministry of Construction.

It was developed with a view to setting up a methodology for the protection, management and enhancement of heritage, in the context of large-scale mutation and fast urban development. It started with joint cooperation on a site. The town of Tongji, one hour away from Shanghai, served as a support for the definition and realization of a

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plan for the enhancement of urban and landscape heritage, integrating social and economic measures, as well as projects of contemporary architecture.

1. The geographic, historic and cultural context of Tongji

Tongji is located near Lake Tai, in the south of a region rich in rivers and lakes. It is famous for its traditional built environment and the harmony of landscapes between nature and culture. The pattern of the city is characterized by the network of rivers and canals, stone bridges of different styles as well as river banks. Pavilions, kiosks, galleries and stone handrails further adorn this characteristic setting. It is one of the most beautiful examples of the small water town surrounding Lake Tai. Beautiful gardens are enclosed in some old residences of scholars. One of the most striking gardens is the Tuisi; it is included in the World Heritage List, along with the gardens of Suzhou.

Tongji was founded in the 10th century and has developed from the 16th century onwards, thanks to rice, the oil trade and its proximity to Suzhou.

Tongji benefited from comfortable living conditions, convenient transport and landscapes of high quality. It became an attractive city for retired officials and intellectuals. Their activities favoured the emergence of a rich cultural life and enriched the arts and crafts of the city.

2. The recent development of tourism

Tongji is relatively well preserved. Thanks to a wide programme of tourist activities, the number of visitors has rapidly increased over the past ten years: fewer than 500,000 in 1998, around 800,000 in 2000 and more than one million in 2005.

The development of tourism helped the development of the economy but at the same time, the historic authenticity started to suffer. Tourist shops proliferated everywhere: the flow of visitors threatened the quietness and the tranquillity of the place. Yet these are precisely the qualities that visitors appreciate and come to Tongji for. Is there not a risk, in the long run, of tourist interest in the city disappearing?

3. What did we do?

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Right from the start of our cooperation, in 1999, we opted for the principle of integrated protection, keeping in mind that Tongji should remain a “living” city. Protection should cover not only tangible heritage but also intangible. Beyond the built environment and the landscapes, we were willing to save the cultural context, the natural environment and the local traditions, while searching for new poles of economic activity.

First, we worked on a plan for safeguarding and enhancement, inspired by the French “Secteurs sauvegardés” and “Zones of protected heritage in the areas of architecture, urbanization and landscape”. After conducting a very precise heritage inventory, we established regulations for the protection of historic buildings, bridges, canals, networks of alleys, including the control of heights and the appearance of future constructions. We composed a book of recommendations for the rehabilitation of historic buildings and the establishment of new constructions. In order to improve the inhabitants’ living conditions, we conducted an analysis of social problems through field research. We also drafted the plans for necessary networks to improve comfort.

In order to avoid damage to the natural landscape around historic districts, and to preserve agricultural and water farming activities, boundaries were established for a buffer zone. This was completed by a specific regulation.

Numerous projects were realized or are still under realization

• The reuse of historic buildings: in order to facilitate the enhancement of historic buildings, we encourage a new and appropriate function that is compatible with the architecture and the site characteristics, and fulfils the needs of the city: hostels, museums, tea houses, exhibition of traditional local arts.

• The requalification of public spaces: the requalification of the wide Square created, in front of the Tuisi Garden, in the 20th century, is recent. It was previously used as a parking space for tourist buses; the new

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square fulfils modern needs for public spaces, its composition is contemporary but it was conceived in a traditional spirit.

• The refurbishment of the town, which provides necessary supplies for the upgrade of the old city, starting from 2000.

• The increase of awareness of the concept of heritage: in order to increase inhabitants’ and visitors’ awareness of Tongji’s heritage and of the protection policies for historic districts, sites and landscapes, a heritage centre was created in the Old City. This heritage centre reflects our desire for balance: a contemporary architecture in harmony with the surrounding traditional buildings. It constitutes both a place of displaying and retrieving information on the projects and the history of the city.

• National and international cooperation: the success of the work carried out in Tongji depends on the cooperation between national and international experts, in particular on the active participation and cooperation between the French experts and the Observatory of Architecture in Contemporary China of the Directorate of Architecture and Heritage under the responsibility of Ms Françoise Ged.

What we are going to do from now on

From our point of view, heritage protection should not be realized in opposition to new development. Our intention is to balance both heritage protection and new urban development. This is clearly a sensitive and difficult task. The approach that we propose encourages the urban development itself to highlight and promote heritage protection.

In the case of Tongji, the following three scenarios are proposed:

• Reduce the pressure caused by tourism: a balance must be found between tourism and the maintenance of authenticity of the place that actually forms the characteristic features of the ancient city and its surroundings. This could be achieved by expanding the current tourist interest, by developing other heritage sites located in the vicinity of Tongji.

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• Find the advantages of networks of water canals that structure the region: thus, using and rearranging the existing connections between the “canal cities” in the region; emphasize the significance of the landscape as it is formed by the canals.

• Further develop the cooperation with the other “canal cities”, regarding the following issues: support exchange of experience regarding the protection and management of heritage; promote the concept of “cultural landscape” that is built by various “canal cities” and their surroundings; request and support their inscription on the World Heritage List.

The research and practical work done in Tongji have been successful. Even though this cooperation between the two countries has been a pilot project, it will hopefully serve as a good example for future projects. This particular cooperation between France and China, unusual indeed, has nevertheless brought concrete results and plenty of theoretical exchange and workshops. Finally, let me point to two very positive awards that recognize our work:

• First, the 2nd Chinese national award for urban planning in 2002

• Second, the 2nd award for Asia-Pacific by the UNESCO World Heritage Committee

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Lijiang, ChinaConservation and social development of Lijiang, a World Heritage site

Shao YongAssociate Professor

College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Shanghai, China

I. Problems encountered with the old city of Lijiang

Influence of tourism and transformation of the functions of the cityAt the beginning of the reform, in a context of legal conservation, that systematically favoured the establishment of historic blocks, and with a strategy that promoted tourism for “historic cities” at different levels, Lijiang became the first city to be included on the World Heritage List in China, which took the living space of the local residents as the major content. Since 1995, many policies have been implemented to improve the environment and protect the interests of local people. Until now, the ancient town welcomes a total number of 3 million visitors per year.

Since 1997, there has been a rapid expansion of tourism whose negative side has already been shown: some residents, from certain parts of the ancient city, have moved to the new city. Driven by financial motives, they have transformed their residences into shops either for rent or business. The original blocks have become multi-functional with regard to lifestyle, commerce and tourism, in an area that used to be functional only in commerce and tourism. These blocks have thus been deprived of their historic authenticity. In short, Lijiang is no longer a place for Naxi residents. Instead, it has become a world-famous tourist resort. The interior of the old city, especially the area around Sifang Street has been entirely changed into a non-residential place for commerce and sightseeing, with the historic buildings as the only traces of its historic content.

Lack of control or guidance of a conservation plan, has incurred repetitions in the construction of areas with similar functions. On

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the one hand, this has ruined the diversity of the ancient city in its scenery. On the other hand, it is a great waste of land use.

Just as the present city is the result of the incessant efforts of local people over the past years, the future of the city will also depend on the locals. In the course of over a thousand years of transformation of its role, the local people and immigrants who are joining them will decide the future of the ancient city through their attitude towards the existing cultural resources.

Today, the rapid development of modernization, economy and tourism is changing the economic structure of Lijiang. And the rapid expansion of tourism poses a great threat to the natural and cultural environment of Lijiang, that has evolved for hundreds of years.

The plight of local residents’ everyday lifeTourists from all over the world are swarming into Lijiang, which has brought great inconvenience to the everyday life of locals. The same problem occurs in other places that have been included on the World Heritage List or are going to be included. Some of the problems are the following:

• Commercial and service facilities are gradually replaced by stores selling tourist goods, and restaurants offering high-priced food. The price of daily necessities and living expenses have risen.

• Public spaces, once used for ceremonies or social activities, are invaded by visitors. Local people are now deprived of public spaces for social activities.

• Tourists in large numbers fill the ancient city with noise and so its former tranquillity has gone. The noise has also invaded the local residents’ everyday life. In addition, large amounts of rubbish have degraded the natural environment.

• Some compulsory policies concerning urban heritage areas, such as renovation of houses, new construction projects, prevention of various dangers, basic facilities, transportation, pose many restrictions on local residents’ pursuit of a better, more modern life.

• The rapid over-expansion of the number of immigrants from outside the ancient city has gradually destroyed the social network of the locals, and they have snapped up the job opportunities that were destined for the local people.

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• Business people from outside the ancient city are usually incapable of a thorough understanding of the local culture. In some cases, there may even be misunderstandings. This may cause possible vulgarity or erosion of the local culture.

Problems of a similar nature will ruin the normal life of the locals, their few interests will be dispersed and they are not compensated for what they have already lost. In this way, instead of gaining more culture and development, the local culture is left to stagnate and deteriorate.

II. Principles of conservation and development

The following principles have to be taken into account for conservation and development of the ancient city to keep intact the historic features along with minorities’ features.

Positive protectionUrban heritage is authentic and cannot be regenerated, but this does not mean that it has to be handled the same way as cultural relics. On the contrary, it should be integrated into real life. Positive protection also means that local people and outsiders (including immigrants and tourists) should be actively involved in the conservation, when they fully understand the value of urban heritage.

Integrated preservationThe preservation of urban heritage is an integrated process. For Lijiang, an ancient city with a particular natural and cultural environment of its own, the principle of integrated preservation is especially

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important. The preservation will not only include the physical heritage, in the form of human achievement, but also the natural ecological system, which forms an essential part of the environment. Preservation will also concern the historic and cultural traditions, which have nurtured physical heritage. Furthermore, preservation will concern local society, as it has been formed by history.

In the meantime, the preservation of urban heritage must be an integral part of the comprehensive planning policy for the whole city. It is an important factor that the government has to take into consideration when planning the future of the city. In brief, it is an important value orientation of city planning. Urban heritage cannot be separated from the overall environment. On the contrary, it should be considered as a significant part of the city. Its cultural value and significance should be properly respected.

Conservation as development strategyConservation can only be achieved by effectively promoting the economic development of the area. As a World Heritage site, Lijiang should precede conservation with a basic development strategy. By means of proper conservation and utilization, urban heritage will acquire the necessary functions that are essential in these changing times so as to promote the overall development of the area.

III. Policies for the conservation and social development of urban heritage areas

Historic and cultural traditions in urban heritage areasA thorough and comprehensive understanding of history and culture of the Naxi people and other minorities in the area should be achieved. An unbiased record and study of their special knowledge system that has been formed over thousands of years should be made. Various efforts should be made to promote the transmission and cultivation of traditional culture.

The local minorities have acquired increased confidence in their culture through continuous cooperation with us. They have enhanced their abilities to study, conserve and develop their culture.

We advise them to do research, which means studying the traditional

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unique activities of the old city or other old villages and towns, so they can be proud of their nationality.

Such research should be regarded as the foundation of economic development and modernization. The passing on of knowledge should not only be that from teachers to students. It should occur whenever and wherever possible. Passing on knowledge can be from one generation to the next, from one village to another, from a villager to a researcher or from one group to another. This education should involve the whole society, whether an ordinary local resident or a political leader. The ultimate purpose is to establish a new harmonious relationship between people and nature, tradition and modernism, development of minority cultures, ecology and economy.

Based on a full and thorough understanding of local culture, we have worked with local residents on how to make use of, conserve and develop minority cultures in the area instead of simply commercializing or materializing the culture.

Make proper use of historic and cultural resourcesBy means of market transformation and the development of traditional cultural and tourist resources, advantages of resources can be transformed into industrial and economic advantages.

The resources in the local minority cultures in Lijiang must be scientifically, reasonably and properly handled so they can be integrated into the global market. Overall planning, large-scale production and centralized management have integrated the local handicraft workshops in Lijiang into the global market. Thus, culture and art are connected with the economy. An efficient cultural industry has been established and the once heavy “burden” has been transformed into resources that can be utilized.

In practice, real cooperation should be conducted with cultural and economic feedback and certain rules should be established. The rules are meant to guarantee that economic gains from tourism can go to the real “copyright holders” of local culture who have, for thousands of years, been creating and spreading these cultural resources.

Protection strategies constituted by local societyIn Lijiang, where large numbers of outsiders are swarming in, local people are left in a rather disadvantaged position. Thus, it is necessary to strengthen the ability of local communities to rise to the occasion. It is

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imperative to set up an organization and carry out activities that can promote the development of local culture. Furthermore, this should be promised with policies and funds. In a two-way interaction, local people and tourists can be the real creators of local culture so that local culture will grow out of the grassroots and thrive.

On management and planning, the following measures can be taken:

• While we are studying the possibilities of the old city or other ancient towns as sightseeing spots, we must stipulate in the form of legal regulations that 70% of the area of the city or of other towns should be residential and that within the defined areas no tourism should be allowed.

• By establishing public spaces or places for various ceremonies or adapting them for the same purpose, a new cooperative social network will be created so that local life will lead to revitalization of the traditional local culture.

• To enhance the sense of identity among residents in the new area and old city, adequate places for public life among communities should be provided. In this way, residents can communicate and interact with each other and the old city and the new area will really be liveable.

• By establishing all the above in the community environment, outsiders who intend to stay for a long time will be integrated into local society, and at the same time, will become creators of the future of the city. They will continue to create and hand down Lijiang’s culture and its particularities to future generations.

• We should be fully aware of the function of ceremonies and activities in the improvement of communities and revitalization of traditional culture. The activities include handicrafts and literary competitions with Lijiang as the setting, photography competition with the neighbourhood as competition unit, experience exchange or exhibition on renovation of old buildings, etc.

• The education and publicity on conservation of urban heritage should be strengthened. This may include the following three aspects: improving public comprehension of scientific terms and concepts about conservation; guaranteeing public awareness of scientific conservation methods and processes and establishing scientific thinking about conservation among the general public; guaranteeing public understanding of the effect of

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conservation of the old city on society and local culture and responding accordingly to related problems.

• For residents in urban heritage areas, specific compensation and funds will be provided by means of policies. Basic facilities will be improved and the historic environment will be renovated. Active involvement in the conservation of heritage will be mobilized so that everyday life in the city continues.

IV. Plan for social life in urban heritage areas

• The plan includes renovation of old buildings and adaptations of the uses of land in the old city. There will be more land for public facilities and greenery.

• A centre for community service is planned in the old city. Land for the dormitory of a leather factory will be adjusted. Service facilities, used as centres for old people’s activities, entertainment and clinics will be installed.

• In the old city, four community centres are planned: • Xinhua Community Centre: this will be located in the present Xinhua Primary School, mainly serving

residents of Xinhua Street.• Guangyi Community Centre: this will be sited in the present Party School, mainly serving residents of

Guangyi Street and the Yihe Neighbourhood.• Yishang Community Centre: will be sited in the present Wenming Village in Yishang, mainly serving

residents of the Yishang Neighbourhood.• Qiyi Community Centre: this will be located near the district middle and primary school, mainly

serving residents of Xinyi Street and Qiyi Street.

• The community centres will include small-sized agricultural markets, medical services, primary schools, kindergartens, all-day nurseries, centres for old people, commercial services, etc.

• In the old city, two markets are planned.

• Three kindergartens are also planned, according to the size and structure of the population of the old city.

• Three primary schools are planned in the old city.

• The main campus of the district’s middle school will remain in the old city while new campuses will be built in the new area. The No. 1 Middle School of Beibu County in the old city will also be preserved.

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• Four parking lots are planned mainly for serving the residents.

V. Suggestions for conservation measures in urban heritage areas

Legal regulations“Conservation Management Statutes of Historic City of Lijiang in Yunnan Province” and “Conservation Statutes of Dongba Culture of Naxi Autonomous County, Lijiang City in Yunnan Province” will be enforced and will serve as legal references in the conservation work.

Research on future policies of ownership transactions of buildings in the old city and on future policies of renovation and repair of buildings should be conducted. The owners, either units or individuals, will be encouraged to renovate or repair their buildings according to conservation requirements.

Administrative management systemA management system with the “Conservation Management Committee of Lijiang, the Historic City” as its centre should be established. All construction, daily routines in the conservation work, etc., should be under the supervision of the Committee.

Related departments, at district and county level, should conduct conservation management in accordance with the Committee mentioned above.

Safeguard system of fundsThe model “combination of governmental and private funding” should be encouraged, along with the good use of the central government allocation, local government allocation, collectively-raised funds, public donations and funds, raised by residents.

A reasonable percentage should be taken from the revenue from tourism, for the establishment of a conservation fund. This fund

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should be exclusively used in the conservation, service and management of the old city.

A special loan should be granted to the owners of old buildings in densely populated areas of the old city for renovation or repair. The interest rate of loans should be lower than commercial ones.

Residents who have lived in the old city for a long time should be allowed to stay and newcomers will be moved outside the old city. Private owners of buildings should be encouraged to renovate their buildings and get subsidies from the government.

A conservation fund should be set up to award units and individuals who have contributed to conservation. Units or individuals who have seriously violated conservation regulations should be punished.

Conservation educational system

Lectures on conservation of historic and cultural heritage should be given, both on a regular and non-regular basis, having as target group local residents.

Exhibitions on the conservation of historic and cultural heritage, both on a regular and non-regular basis, will be held, aiming to attract local residents and tourists.

Residents’ participation systemAn information system should be established to keep the residents informed. The residents of the buildings that have been listed as key historic buildings, or their owners should be involved in the process.

The conservation management committee of the historic city should hold hearings before the implementation of any regulations or policies relating to the interests of local residents.

Residents can make recommendations for the conservation of buildings or can create cultural relics units.

Residents have the right to report any destructive act done to urban heritage areas.

Residents, especially Naxi residents, should be encouraged to live in the old city and become involved in the cultural or tourist industry.

On the basis of a thorough understanding of the relationship between conservation of the old city and socio-economic revitalization of the area, the Lijiang government has issued several regulations:

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“Notice on the Establishment of License System of Scenery Management of Yunnan Province” (8 March 2003)

By establishing a system of granting licenses for construction and pulling down historic buildings, Lijiang’s government has been able to point out the major problems that the old city is facing. The following aims are expected to be achieved:

I. Conserve the authenticity of the Old City1. Reduce commercial facilities 2. Normalize commercial content3. Improve commercial environment4. Upgrade commercial level

II. Promote socio-economic development with Naxi residents as its centre1. Guarantee job opportunities for the Naxi people2. Prevent the loss in state taxes3. Encourage traditional economic activities

Subsidy funds plan for the renovation of traditional residences in the Old City of Lijiang

Starting with the donation from GHF, Lijiang’s government has launched a long-term regular plan for the improvement of housing of the original residents. Negotiations between the Committee and the owners will be necessary, so that an agreement can be reached to encourage the local residents to stay in the old city and their living conditions will be improved. At present, the first phase of the plan has been conducted with 15 residential buildings chosen as experimental sample. As advocates and participants of the plan, we hope that the implementation of this long-term regular plan, aiming to establish a conservation cycle, will have cast a strong influence on the socio-economic revitalization and development of Lijiang.

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Lijiang, ChinaTowards public benefit: examples of the combination of heritage

conservation and improvement of residential environment in Lizhuang

Zhou Jian Professor

College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University. China

Lizhuang, known as the No.1 town along the Yangtze River, was listed among the Provincial Historic Towns of Sichuan Province in 1992, and raised to the position of National Historic Town in 2005. While boasting about its abundant historic and cultural heritage, the town’s conservation situation is threatened because the new buildings have a negative effect on the original atmosphere and dimensions of this historic town. From the aspect of usage of historic buildings, most of them are used for both commercial facilities on a daily basis and for residential purposes, except for a few that have some displaying functions. The living conditions of local people are poor and as for the tourist development, most tourists are attracted by the historic landscapes and many people come from many universities (especially from Tongji University) to look at past history. Therefore, the abundant local culture and excellent historic buildings have not fully shown their real value.

Our work began in 2004 when Lizhuang applied to host the 4th Tourism Development Congress, since Lizhuang has a CNY 50 million public fund, earmarked for conservation and development. The first issue on how to make full use of this fund depends on reasonable analysis and decision. From our point of view, public funds must be based on public benefit, specifically on the conservation of historic heritage, the improvement of the town environment and local living conditions in Lizhuang, etc. So, our work mainly includes three aspects: renovation and improvement of public space; infrastructure renovation; and architecture redevelopment. The people who would benefit are: private house owners, people renting public houses and operators of private or public houses as well as tourists. When it comes to specific implementation, we give priority to these projects by focusing on public benefit. During renovation and conservation processes, this kind of funding operation mainly reflects the preferential role of investment in public environment renovation and infrastructure improvement

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Our work in Lizhuang consisted of the following renovation and conservation projects:

Conservation and renovation projects

1. Environmental renovation of the existing public spaceThe inner street layout of Lizhuang was formed during the Qing Dynasty and the Period of the Republic of China. The street dimensions and landscape have clearly remained. However, the surrounding buildings and the street ground have been destroyed, environmental quality is low and the distinctive streetscape is degenerating. So, the conservation and restoration of its distinction, as well as the improvement of the quality of the public space are the key points of this project.

Picture 1: Specification of conservation and renovation project of Lizhuang, the point marked “*” indicates specific public benefit projects

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The renovation approaches for the street’s network are: “flooring, mending, repairing and demolishing”. Flooring: make a comprehensive ground surface design and renovation of roads and streets (see picture 2). Mending: make up and rearrange the green space along both sides of the street and the house courtyards, restore boundary wall of brick, bamboo or wooden materials, in order to improve the bad landscape and the streets. Finally, emphasize the excellent landscape values.

Repair: the buildings that are worth conserving, or that are still used, even though they were destroyed or they have a negative effect on the historic atmpsphere, should be repaired within the framework of landscape renovation (see picture 4). Demolition: the buildings which are not harmonious with the street landscapes, illegal buildings as well as low-quality buildings should gradually be demolished.

As for the implementation, it needs a great deal of communication work, since this part of the project closely relates to the residents’ daily life. Expenditure on conservation and restoration comes from public funds, through the coordination of local people and under the surveillance of experts and planning administrations as well as construction management administrations. In the overall implementation, the environmental renovation of roads and streets plays an important role in enhancing the town’s historic image.

2. Infrastructure renovation

Picture 2: before and after the repairing of Shunhe Street

Picture 3: before and after mending the bamboo fence and green space in Wendingci Street

Picture 4: before and after repairs in Junmin Street

Picture 5: demolish: before and after situation of Junmin street

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2.1 Renovation of cables

Infrastructure renovation is based on the historic conservation plan, which almost remains a status quo and a guarantee for future perspectives. Cables are hidden underground to emphasize the full historic atmosphere. The cables renovation should not affect daily life or productive activities, and should adhere to the principle of saving costs. The sewage ducts should remain while other cables could be constructed into ducts.

On 5 April 2006, Lizhuang deployed three construction teams to conduct the underground cable network project of Lizhuang. In order to satisfy the demand for inner mobility, the project’s implementation was divided into two districts. Starting from the close construction of Shiyan Street, Zheng Street and Shunhe Street, over 200 construction workers and more than ten trucks were involved in the construction. By the end of June 2006, the projects were almost finished.

Cable renovation is not the only issue that concerns the locals, but is also an important task for improving the quality of local life. Since water and electricity supplies need cable connections to all the households and the sewage network requires extensions to each household, cable renovation seems quite difficult. This part of the project needs a large investment of public funds; it will not bring economic profit but on the principle of public benefit, it has become the first task to be finished, in the process of the whole town’s renovation.

2.2 Additional lighting and public sanitation facilities

The existing street lighting facilities mainly consist of fixed lamps and electric incandescent lamps, which cause insufficient illumination and a degradation of the historic town’s atmosphere. The newly-added illumination facilities include three parts: the high street lamps for street illumination; the lights for squares, green spaces and buildings, and finally lanterns for buildings, streets and for the interiors of some important buildings.

Picture 6: Cables hidden underground; improvement of illumination facilities.

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We have also carried out renovation works and changes on the public sanitation facilities, which have badly affected public spaces and the environment, such as solid waste dumping centres, dustbins, etc.

The illumination project’s implementation of and sanitation facilities was finished in the latter period of the whole renovation project. It is effective despite the small investment. But the facilities in historic towns should focus on materials, which means they should be consistent with the town’s historic atmosphere and local customs in terms of material, style and colours.

3. Development of space for public activities 3.1 Riverside green spaces

Riverside green spaces are important public spaces in Lizhuang, and they play a key role in providing opportunities for appreciating the historic characteristics of the No.1 Town of the Yangtze River. In particular, the west green riverside, which was the playground of Tongji University during the period of the anti-Japanese invasion war, provides a strong cultural foundation for riverside green space. Riverside’s green space functions as an open green landscape for sightseeing and touring. During its construction, the natural green process should remain and no new functional buildings will be added apart from some landscape buildings.

Some buildings that remained in the green

Picture7: Before and after renovation of the riverside green

Picture 8: Before and after the renovation of Lotus Pond Park

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riverside space, were transformed into hotels, restaurants and tea houses. In that way, we let the green riverside space become a new destination for tourists and everyday activities.

3.2 Lotus Pond Park

In conformity with the existing paddy fields in the south-west of the town, we constructed a new ecological Lotus Pond Park. It boasts a double function: first, this park is an important part of the town’s historic image, which will be a spatial buffer zone and a transition area between the town and the new south district, and it will also be an important scenery area for the tour of the town. Second, it is also a central park of the town and the whole region, that provides a beautiful environment for the local population.

The landscape of this park mainly depends on the water and its plants, and on a few wooden and bamboo structures that function as landscape, culture exhibition and service. In addition, by restoring and constructing some paths in the form of small bamboo bridges we have established an ecological green public space. (see picture 8)

Since Lizhuang lacks open space, the new public space becomes a new public centre where local people perform grass-dragon rituals, dance and work. In that way, traditional activities and the new public space are very well combined.

4. Architecture redevelopment4.1 Restoration of historic relics and buildings

The restoration and renovation of these historic buildings is a very important task that needs not only sufficient funds but also special techniques and long-time analysis and argumentation. So only some important historic buildings were restored and renovated, inside and outside the Zhangjiaci Shrine and Yangjie Courtyard.

Restoration is implemented according to the original architectural style and forms, and causes material changes to specific parts of the building. In contrast with other restoration approaches of many historic towns

Picture 9: Before and after the renovation of

Zhengjie Street

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that focus on historic relics and important historic buildings, Lizhuang did not choose to conduct an all-round restoration campaign, a fact that offers possibilities for future restoration and renovation.

4.2 Restoration and renovation of buildings along the street

Buildings along the street are the main elements of streetscape and visual attraction and also the key factors for improving public space and environment. The restoration and renovation of buildings along the street in this project mainly focus on those buildings without regular landscape and distinctions along Shiyan Street, Zheng Street and Shunhe Street, etc. As for the renovation approaches, these were mainly uniform style façades, the restoration of traditional construction materials and harmonization of shop advertisements in order to be in harmony with the historic atmosphere. With regard to implementation, in all there are 11 construction teams involved in this project, but the diversity of construction materials and levels call for some renovation works to be adjusted and re-done. With regard to the result, the quality of the public environment has dramatically improved and the dilapidated streetscape as well as the quality of the architecture along the streets have also been enhanced.

4.3 Reutilization of conserved buildings

Redevelopment of conserved buildings focuses on buildings in a bad situation, or of low construction quality, by approaching the remaining original structure and renovating the façades in order to be consistent with the historic atmosphere. Take, for example, an old store house located in Shunhe Street: after having considered its typical, local architectural style, after separating the modern from the traditional structure, we established a new structure of glass and steel materials to be load-bearing and a maintenance system while keeping the mechanic structure of wall against the mountain. The combination of structures belonging to two different eras reflects the respect to both original architectures and the trend of modern times. (see picture 10)

Picture 10: Before and after rehabilitation of old store houses.

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4.4 Comprehensive renovation of new buildings, harmful to historic atmosphere

The buildings constructed in Lizhuang after the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in Lizhuang had a harmful impact on the public environment of this historic town, mainly with regard to the architectural style. These buildings always have large dimensions, they lack distinctive styles and have great disparity in colour and style, in comparison with other historic architecture, a fact that badly affects the original dimensions and landscapes. Second, these buildings occupy important locations. They are always located in important places along the streets, some of which are main locations of public spaces, in a way that creates difficulties for the renovation project.

Third, regarding the use of these buildings, most of them were factory workshops or they were abandoned, a fact that has an evident impact on the historic town. There should have been more consideration when these buildings were being constructed; on the other hand, this generates more possibilities for future renovation and redevelopment.

There are three buildings under comprehensive renovation in Lizhuang, covering 1,900 square metres. Each building was separately taken care of, but with a harmonious way with the construction material and styles. In addition, two architects were invited to make their proposals for the renovation plan of Lizhuang Batt Factory in Shunhe Street along theYangtze River (see picture 11).

This factory was constructed after 1949. According to plans, it could be demolished or redeveloped.

Its future function could be the combination of commerce and residence, or it could be transformed into a hotel. Since the façade style of this building is greatly different from historic ones, we made some changes to the façade in order to be consistent with the town’s historic image. The façade’s changes remain faithful to the original structure thanks to the use of traditional construction materials for the redesign of the façade. We also used local brick for the façade so as to be harmonious with the streetscape. In addition, we recycled wooden windows and door planks as design elements.

Picture 11: The Lizhuang Batt Factory after rehabilitation

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The redevelopment of conserved buildings and the comprehensive renovation of newly constructed buildings have become the highlights of Lizhuang’s renovation project. Regarding architectural style, we have achieved the transformation from an inharmonious style to one that is in harmony with the historic buildings. While keeping the differences of historic buildings, this renovation enriches the town’s unique styles and forms a new architectural style within the town. In this financial operation, there are more than 3.8 million CNY from public funds, invested in six buildings, including the property right changes from private to public of five buildings. At present, the current cost of the lease keeps a low margin in which the renting fee of each building is 700 CNY per square metre per month, meaning 540,000 CNY profit a year. If the rate continues, seven years will be needed to realize the cost return. The economic profit after seven years will become a public fund profit for the town’s government with high financial return.

5. ConclusionThis public-benefit operation of public funds played a key role in the rapidly enhancing image of Lizhuang prior to the Tourism Development Congress in August 2006. In addition, this operation has also established a solid foundation for the restoration of historic buildings, the development of scenic spots and the integration of industrial structures and layouts. The public benefit working method, focusing on public environment renovation, and the way in which not too much investment could lead to an all-round development of the whole town, provide precious experience and lessons for other national historic towns, especially for the towns of an undeveloped economy.

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CONCLUSION

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Our debates and work during these two days have been particularly rich, both in terms of content and discussions among participants, thanks to the lively and contrasting points of view on the key issue “revitalization of historic districts”. It makes my task particularly difficult! How to adequately wrap up the various debates and lessons learned from such enthusiasm you have all shown in your work. I thank you in advance for your kindness and your indulgence.

The rehabilitation of historic cities begins first with the reconstitution of its cultural value as an urban fact and through the balance of its functions. The recovery of the residential function not only justifies the maintenance of its elements and the heritage to be protected, but also constitutes the most effective protection against inappropriate modern transformations of the city. That is why, before stones, buildings, materials or value and proportion of the architecture, what must be preserved, strengthened and protected is the cultural impact that cities represent, by restoring the functions and the urban quality within a historic city. A city that is alive and inhabited is a city where citizens can find the necessary conditions of their well-being, work, leisure or relationships, and which constitutes a solid multifunctional structure. A structure in which the impact of all uses, tourist, tertiary or productive, will be restricted within the space that the other urban functions will make space for, without reducing their own interests.

I should like to take this opportunity to mention the conviction of Dr Rahman El Bizri, Mayor of the City of Saïda, in Lebanon when he participated in the UNESCO Seminar on the revitalization of Gangjin, in the Republic of Korea: “A city is as healthy as its citizens. Upgrading historically important sites is not enough or may even backfire if not coupled with efforts to raise socio-economic standards and awareness and put the repaired sites into adapted reuse schemes”.

1. From the outset, the discussion of our theme: Participatory processes, the diversity of approaches and results have demonstrated the following:

• Mr Marian Lichner introduced the importance of public participation in the rehabilitation of the small town of Banska Stiavnica in Slovakia.

• Mr Bruno Delas introduced the methods which balance urban renewal, social cohesion and development with the experience in Lyon. He considers that the key to conserve heritage is the dialogue between the culture of heritage, the culture of city and the culture of inhabitants. Further discussions examined the inhabitants’ participation in public affairs.

• Mr Glenio Vianna Bohrer, from Brazil, highlighted the importance of public access to information which can enhance social participation in urban rehabilitation, through the experience from “the Viva o Centro Programme in the City of Porto Alegre”. He also suggested that compromising can be beneficial in order

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to shape a consensus among different social sectors. His speech was followed by a fruitful discussion about access to information and the coherence of urban policy.

Some of the social benefits of urban revitalization are blatant. Urban revitalization improves the living conditions of those who still live in historic centres. It stops the flow of residents to other districts and keeps the city inhabited so it can continue to preserve its architecture and its functions. In large cities, conservation must be realized in a broader context. This process transforms cities, large or small, and pushes out its former inhabitants, who, in general, are poor. The restoration, generator of gentrification cannot go on for ever. It is essential to connect these processes of restoration with processes of city planning, to consider restoration within a wider planning of the whole city.

Urban planning tools, backed up by a collective and coordinated management, to start an innovative dialogue between the different city levels can solve structural problems and specific issues observed in historic cities from the master plan to each specific district.

During the debates on the second theme, Social fabric in rehabilitation processes, speakers and participants have pointed out:

• Mr Giancarlo Ferulano, from Naples, is trying to find a way to successfully coordinate tourism, economic redevelopment and cultural heritage in historic districts.

• Mr Zoltan Kovacs from Hungary explained how, after 1989, new factors such as housing privatization, or the emergence of civil society, transformed the physical appearance and neighbourhood in the historic centre of Budapest.

• Mr Xavier Casanovas highlighted the participation of the public in rehabilitation in Mediterranean old cities, and demonstrated the importance of an “integral” strategy to rehabilitate neighbourhoods with the example of Barcelona. Mr Zhang Jie, by comparing Beijing and Barcelona, two Olympic cities, showed how the strengthening of the administration of central government could be a positive move against the destruction of heritage in urban China.

• Mr Li Qiang from Beijing analysed the transition of a Chinese urban community with case studies of Chongwen District, Beijing. He especially pointed out the problems of tension between middle and lower class inhabitants in the community.

It is essential to identify key components where full attention can be given and rapid success achieved, so that the project does not fall into the disillusion that a large scale plan might generate, with huge expectations difficult to be fulfilled in the short term.

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During our last debate on “how to achieve a sustainable balance between heritage conservation and revitalization”, the examples presented by speakers and participants highlighted the wide range of understanding and objectives of the projects, such as:

• Mr Lee Sang Leem gave a thorough evaluation of the preservation and vitalization of Bookchon in Seoul which was achieved by adopting comprehensive measures, especially governmental action.

• Mr Andrea Bruno, from Belgium, gave a lively presentation on constructive approaches to integrate contemporary architecture in historic urban areas of Western Europe.

• Mr Farhad Ahmadi and Mr Farokh Zonouzi gave us a detailed account of Iranian experiences of revitalization in the historic neighborhoods in south Isfahan, such as inhabitants’ participation and public financial support.

• Ms Shao Yong and Mr Alain Marinos presented the Franco-Chinese experiences of the cooperative conservation programme for Tongli town in China.

And, finally, what has really been a lesson for UNESCO are everyone’s reactions and debates on the proposed Manual of UNESCO in an effort to create a tool for Mayors. This Manual will increase the awareness of all city actors of the need to incorporate a balanced social cohesion with heritage conservation in revitalization projects. The wide range of terms has pointed out the need for a common language and also for studying the processes more than the examples or case studies. Different cases have shown that the importance of social participation, human rights, civil society and integrated urban policy, is essential to urban rehabilitation and social cohesion. For China, it appears essential to raise awareness of the cultural value of Old Beijing and other Chinese historic cities, as well as of the importance of inhabitants’ participation in the development process and preservation of the traditional social fabric. It is now time for Chinese policy-makers to formulate an effective, balanced and long-term urban strategy for social cohesion and heritage conservation.

During these debates some specific examples have shown that although the socio-economic background varies greatly from country to country, urban heritage and social sustainability face similar challenges. In order to preserve heritage, we need a long-term strategy, multidisciplinary methodology, dialogue between public and private sectors, and the participation of inhabitants. Concerning the practices in China, a growing civil society and pertinent legislation would be decisive in the decision-making of conservation of urban heritage.

The following common challenges and constraints have been agreed: (a) the technical capacity, depending on the city or country involved, may be inadequate; (b) the costs can be high, resulting in undesirable short-cuts, or involvement of processes that could eventually drive out poor residents; (c) the approaches to reduce crowded

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places present challenges on how to deal with “surplus” populations; (e) the true and effective involvement of the affected population varies a lot from country to country, and in different political and governance regimes; (f) maintaining the social fabric and countering gentrification in historic districts continues to be a challenge; (g) the residential neighbourhoods that lack sanitation facilities and/or are extremely dilapidated raise questions, such as whether to demolish and rebuild/remodel or demolish completely; and (h) the lack of policies/legal frameworks.

Urban conservation and restoration policies aiming to: (a) revitalize a given geographic area as a living, lived-in space that may include commercial activity; (b) revitalize a space as a living commercial area; (c) revitalize a space as more of a “museum”; and (d) various combinations of the above.

Urban revitalization policies promote social inclusion by: (a) involving the existing residents in conservation and/or restoration; this takes various formats including subsidizing individual initiatives; (b) ensuring local residents benefit – as residents and/or business owners in restored areas; and (c) introducing measures to counter gentrification.

CONCLUSION

The processes of deterioration in historic cities, which have been extensively acknowledged, are the result of a multitude of economic and social factors regarding the architectural value and indisputable quality of urban spaces.

Among the cases examined, the choice of local authorities towards urban conservation has been motivated by various causes, such as physical and environmental decay resulting in physical insecurity as well as danger to health; economic decline caused by degradation and “ghetto” conditions; comprehensive city-wide urban planning and renewal initiatives that contain a conservation/restoration aspect; or even random factors, such as “a new dynamic mayor” or an influential parliamentarian, willing to promote his/her native city.

Quite often, the ongoing survey of property and cultural goods in historic centres has not stopped the worrying processes of expansion of the service sector, social transformations, ageing population, decline of local commerce and housing deterioration. The recovery of urban functions in historic cities should not only be a necessity to reverse the trend of the decay processes, but should also constitute a better protection against abuses and should become an indisputable profit-seeking social and economic activity, not to mention the historic responsibility involved.

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In order for urban revitalization processes - which are not necessarily the same for all cities - to develop and solve the intrinsic problems of historic districts, it is often necessary to have notions and legal instruments common to all cities in addition to certain decisions as the basis for successful urban renovation policies.

The problem of mixing heritage and modernity should be worked out under the necessary condition that, even if it is not always enough, a dialogue is created between “old and modern”, acting as a true mediator, built on a mutual report/ratio of development of a culture that is common for the territory development as a unique entity.

The characteristics that best define urban revitalization in historic cities, with regard to urban functions, are maintaining social diversity, that was historically backed up, and preserving public spaces as main meeting, cultural and networking spaces.

Urban processes created by urban planning instruments are defined by the following characteristics: the insurance of a cultural mix acquired through the revitalization of the historic city, the gamble on contemporary architecture integration, from its highest level of standards to its perfect realization, the conservation and consequent readjustment of historic architecture and the common understanding of the role of urban planning as a framework for the integration of urban rehabilitation policies at all levels.

Finally, a collective vision of the city may be drawn from our debates:

• Emphasizing social, cultural, economic and environmental sustainability via the integration of new uses and activities in the landscapes;

• Creating a variety of high quality public spaces for improving social interaction;• Developing inclusive areas of a variety of residential housing with the objective of mixing different social,

income and family types; and• Encouraging a fusion of uses both in the historic district and in newly created urban areas through the

development of multi-use neighbourhoods, with residential, working, educational and entertainment uses. *******************************************************************************

UNESCO’s expectations have been largely met by the participation of speakers as well as by the audience, and the Chinese moderators, with different levels of experience and knowledge in very specific fields of competence. This will provide valuable input for the UNESCO draft manual on “Balanced Urban Revitalization for social cohesion and heritage conservation”. The content of this first draft will be reviewed to take into account your contributions at this conference but you are most welcome to send us by email before 1 March

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2007, additional comments and suggestions that could be integrated into the draft prior to the experts working group that UNESCO will be organizing before the end of March 2007 at UNESCO Headquarters in Paris.

This international guide for a balanced urban revitalization with social cohesion and heritage conservation, now under preparation in cooperation with the WHC and UN-HABITAT will, of course, include references to the outcome of the Beijing Conference of January 2007.

Thank you for your attention.

Brigitte Colin

International Migration and Multiculturalism

Architecture and Cities

Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy

UNESCO

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APPENDIX

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A P P E N D I X

Seminar Agenda

Sunday 21 January 2007

Afternoon

1.20 p.m. Meeting in the lobby of Jia Suo Hotel 1.30 p.m. Welcome lunch at Xichunyuan Restaurant near Jia Suo Hotel, by the UNESCO Beijing Office and Tsinghua University

2.45 p.m. Meeting in the lobby of Jia Suo

3.00 p.m. Departure for the field visit (1) to the area of Baimixiejie, organised by Tsinghua University and the UNESCO Beijing Office

7.30 p.m. Dinner at Xichunyuan Restaurant: Coordination between the chairpersons and speakers

Monday 22 January 2007

Morning

8.45 a.m. Meeting in the lobby

9.00 a.m. Departure for the field visit (2) to Chongwen District organised by Tsinghua University and the UNESCO Beijing Office 1.00 p.m. Lunch in YAN Restaurant

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Afternoon 2.30 p.m. Opening Session in the Conference Room of Tsinghua School of Law -Professor LI Qiang, Chairman of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences-Mr Wataru Iwamoto, Director, Division of Social Sciences, Research and Policy, UNESCO -Ms Geneviève Domenach-Chich, UNESCO Regional Adviser for Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific

Session 1 Chairperson: Ms Domenach-Chich

3.00 p.m. Theme 1: Participatory processes in the revitalization of historic districtsMr Marián Lichner, former Mayor of Banská ŠtiavnicaAccompanied by Mr Miron Breznoscak, Assistant of the Mayor:“Urban renewal through the reconversion of the historical centre into a district of institutions and a tourist destination”

3.20 p.m. Discussant: Ms Hartford, Ford Foundation 3.25 p.m. Q&A

3.30 p.m. Mr Bruno Delas, representative of the Deputy Mayor of Lyon for Culture, in charge of culture and heritage, Vice-President of the Organisation of World Heritage Cities (OWHC):“Lyon, World Heritage and Urban Territory: the Valorisation of Heritage confronted with the Challenges of Urban Renewal, Social Cohesion and Development”

3.50 p.m. Discussant: Ms SONG Qinghua, Shining Stone Organisation

3.55 p.m. Q&A

4.00 p.m. Coffee break

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Afternoon 4.15 p.m. Mr Glênio Vianna Bohrer, Porto Alegre City Hall Viva o Centro Project Manager “The Viva o Centro Program in the City of Porto Alegre, Brazil”

4.35 p.m. Debate

5.00 p.m. Ms Brigitte Colin, Division of Social Sciences Research and Policy (Architecture and Cities) UNESCO

Presentation of the progress in the elaboration of guidelines for a balanced revitalization of historic districts, between social cohesion and heritage conservation: a new tool for Mayors. To be presented together with UN-HABITAT at the WUF IV in Nanjing, in 2008.

5.15 p.m. Discussion and feedback from the experts 5.30 p.m. Yao Yuan, Peking University, Ph.D. Student

“The Conservation of Urban Heritage in Market China: Private Property, Public Policy and Culture Heritage”

5.45 p.m. Q & A 5.50 p.m. Presentation of the 2008 World Urban Forum in Nanjing UN-HABITAT Representative

“How could Chinese municipalities and experts contribute to the preparation of the 2008 World Urban Forum in Nanjing, focused on “Harmonious urbanization”

6.00 p.m. End of the session

6.15 p.m. Dinner at YAN Restaurant

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Tuesday 23 January 2007

Morning Session 2 Chairperson: Mr Iwamoto

9.00 a.m. Theme 2: The preservation and reconstruction of the social fabric in rehabilitation processesMr Aminpour, Representative of the Mayor of Isfahan,“Urban revitalization and socio-cultural values”

9.20 a.m. Discussant: Ms FENG Feifei, Beijing Urban Planning Institute

9.25 a.m. Q&A

9.30 a.m. Mr Giancarlo Ferulano, manager of the Service Valorisation of the historic city, Municipality of Naples “Tourism and economic redevelopment in the historical districts of Naples” 9.50 a.m. Discussant: Mr SHEN Yuan, Sociology Department, Tsinghua University

9.55 a.m. Q&A

10.00 a.m. Mr Zoltan Kovacs, UNESCO research network for Central Europe “Social and economic transformation in the inner city of Budapest and Central Europe cities’ experiences”

10.20 a.m. Discussant: Mr QIU Zeqi, University of Beijing

10.25 a.m. Q&A

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Morning 10.30 a.m. Coffee Break

11.00 a.m. Xavier Casanovas, Coordinator of the Mediterranean network REHABIMED, Barcelona “Rehabilitation and social action in the Mediterranean old cities: reuse of traditional architecture and social topics at urban scale” “Barcelona old city: ciutat vella”

11.30 a.m. Discussant: Mr ZHANG Jie, School of Architecture, Tsinghua University 11.35 a.m. Q&A

11.40 a.m. Li Qiang, Sociology Department of Tsinghua University, Beijing “The Changes of Urban Community in China”

12.00 p.m. Discussant: Mr DAI Jianzhong, Sociology Department, Beijing Academy of Social Sciences

12.05 p.m. Q&A

12.10 p.m. Debate

12.30 a.m. Lunch in YAN Restaurant

Afternoon Session 3 Chairperson: Ms Brigitte Colin

2.00 p.m. Theme 3: The balance between historical preservation and urban revitalization

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Afternoon Mr LEE Sang Leem, President of SPACE GROUP, Seoul“The revitalization of the historical district of Bouk Chon, Seoul”

2.20 p.m. Discussant: Ms DONG Xiaoping, Beijing Normal University 2.25 p.m. Q&A

2.30 p.m. Mr Andrea Bruno, Director of Raymond Lemaire Conservation Centre Leuven (Belgium) “How to integrate contemporary architecture in urban historic districts: examples of contemporary reuse of historic buildings” 2.50 p.m. Discussant: Mr QIN Youguo, School of Architecture, Tsinghua University

2.55 p.m. Q&A3.00 p.m. Mr Farhad AHMADI from Architecture Faculty of Shahid Beheshti University, and Mr Farokh Zonouzi, Head of the Bavand Urban Development Department, Isfahan “The Iranian’s experiences of urban revitalization in historic districts” 3.20 p.m. Discussant: Professor Li Guoqing, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences 3.25 p.m. Q&A

3.30 p.m. Coffee break4.00 p.m. Professor Zhou Jian, Vice Dean, Shao Yong, Associate Professor, College of Architecture and Urban Planning of Tongji University, Shanghai, and Mr Alain Marinos, Inspector General of Architecture a nd Heritage, France “Franco-Chinese Cooperation for Heritage Protection and City Development”

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Afternoon 4.30 p.m. Debate 5.00 p.m. Conclusion by the chairperson Ms Brigitte Colin -Common values relating to UNESCO’s instruments on urban cultural and societal diversity -Economic and geopolitical specificities to be respected in urban revitalization of historic districts. -Harmonious urban revitalization between social capital, cultural heritage and environmental sustainability 5.20 p.m. Official closure of the conference by Tsinghua University and the UNESCO Office in Beijing

5.30 p.m. Departure for Guigongfu Restaurant Official Dinner

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balanced urban revitalization for...; unesco international seminar

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