bawden 1995 structural paradox

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Society for American Archaeology

The Structural Paradox: Moche Culture as Political IdeologyAuthor(s): Garth BawdenSource: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Sep., 1995), pp. 255-273Published by: Society for American ArchaeologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/971675.

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In

this article I

demonstrate

the

utility of an

historical

study of

social change

by

examining the

development of

political

authority on the

Peruvian

north coast

during the

Mocheperiod

through ts

symbols of power.

We oo

often equate

the mater-

ial

record with

archaeological culture,^^

ssume that it

reflects

broad cultural

realityXnd

interpret t

by reference

to

gener-

al

evolutionary

models. Here I

reassess

Moche society

within its

historic

context by

examining

the

relationship

between

underlying

social

structure and

short-term

processes that

shaped

Moche

political

formation, and

reach very

different

con-

clusions. I

see the

diagnostic

Moche

materialrecord

primarily as the

symbolic

manifestationof

a

distinctivepolitical

ide-

ology

whose character

was

historically

constituted

in an

ongoing cultural

tradition.

Aspiring

rulers used

ideology

to manip-

ulate

cultural

principles in their

interests and thus

mediate the

paradox

between

exclusivepower

and

holistic

Andean social

structure which created the dynamic or change. A historic study allows us to identifythe

symbolic

and ritual

mechanisms

that

socially

constituted

Moche

ideologyX nd

reveals a

pattern of

diversity in

time and

space that was

theproduct

of

differ-

ential

choice by local

rulers,a

pattern

that cannot

be seen

within a

theoretical

approachthat

emphasizes

general

evolution-

ary

or materialist

actors.

En este

articulo

demuestro a

ventaja de un

estudio

historico

sobre la

integraciony el

cambio

social, a traves

de un

examen

del

caracter del

poder

politico en

la costa

norte del Peru

duranteel

periodo

Moche.Con

demasiada

recuencia

equiparamos

el

registro

material con las

culturas

arqueologicas

;

asumimos que

este refleja

la realidad

cultural

amplia y la

interpreta-

mos con

referencia a

modelos

evolutivos

generales. En

este

articulo

presento una

evaluacion de la

arqueologia Moche

den-

tro de su

contexto historico,

al examinar

la relacion

entre la

estructura

social

subyacente y

procesos de

corta

duracionque

modelaron la

formacion

politica Moche,

y llego a

conclusiones

muy

diferentes.

Veoa la

arqueologia

Moche

solamentecomo

la

manifestacion

de una

ideologia

politica distintiva

cuyo

caracterfue

historicamente

constituida dentro

de una

tradicioncul-

turalcontinua. El elemento que dioforma a la ideologia Mochefue su cimiento basicamente andino, establecidoen el con-

texto

regional de

la costa

nortena.

Los

aspirantes a

gobernantes

emplearon a

ideologia para

manipular os

principios

estruc-

turales tradiciona

es en su

propio

in eres y

asi mediar la

paradoVa

n re el

poder exclusivo

y la

estructura

social

holistica

andina que

constituyo

la dinamica

de cambio.

Un

estudio historico

nos

permite

identificar los

mecanismos

rituales y

sim-

bolicos que

socialmente

constituyeron a

ideologia

Moche, y

revela un

modelo de

diversidaden

tiempoy

espacio que no

se

puede

ver dentro

de una

perspectiva teorica

basada en la

teoria

evolutiva

general.

Garth Bawden *

Director,

Maxwell

Museum of

Anthropology, and

Professor,

Department

of

Anthropology,

University

of

New

Mexico,

Albuquerque,

NM

87131

LatinAmericanAntiquity,6(3), 1995, pp. 255-273.

Copyright

by

the Society

for

American

Archaeology

Scholars

are

increasingly

aware that

the

structure

nderlying arly

Andean

social

complexity

ncorporated

distinctive

at-

ternof

structuring

rinciples

e.g.,

Moseleyand

Cordy-Collins1990; Netherly1984; Zuidema

1986).

However, he

implications f

this

insight

for

understanding

ocial

development

ave not

been

thoroughly

explored,

especially

for pre-

Inkaic

societies.

In these

cases,

general

models

of

cultural

volutionoften

provide

he

theoreti-

cal

framework

or

social

explanation.

uchmod-

els

emphasize

ncreaseof

managerial

omplexi-

ty,

and

general

material auses

of

change.This

approach

ends

to deflect

study

from

mecha-

nisms of

social

integration

nd

change hat

are

mentallyconstructed n the specific cultural

experience

of a

society

(e.g.,

Ohnuki-Tierney

1990). It

has been

so with

the

Moche

culture

of the

Peruvian

north

coast

(Figure 1),

often

described s a

chiefdomor

embryonic tate.

In

this

study I

view

Moche

sociopolitical

ntegra-

tion as a

product

of a

distinctive

ultural

radi-

255

1HE

STRUCTURAL

ARADOX:

MOCHE

CULTUREAS

POLITICAL

DEOLOGY

GarthBawden


3/20

256

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Figure

.

Map

of

the

Peruvian

north

coast

region

with

principal

sites

mentioned

in

text

and

the

southern

limit

of

oche

olitical

influence

in

the

Moche

III-IV

and

Moche

V

phases.


4/20

MOCHECULTURE S POLITICALDEOLOGY

257

awden]

tion, and I explore he structural ynamics hat

determinedts development.

Models of Moche Political Development

Although ecent ieldworkAARG1993a,1993b;

Alva 1988, 1990; Donnan and Cock 1986;

Shimada 1976, 1978, 1990; Tschauner1993;

Wilson 1983, 1988) and iconographic esearch

(Castillo 1989; Cordy-Collins1992; Donnan

1978, 1988;Donnanand Castillo1992;Donnan

andMcClelland 979;Hocquenghem981,1987;

McClelland 990;Quilter 990;Schuster 992) s

modifying the database, the developmental

scheme or heEarly ntermediateeriod eruvian

north coast (Figure2) still depends argelyon

ceramicand settlement nalysisgenerated rom

the Moche-Chicama-Virucore area Bawden

1982a;Beck 1991; Donnanand Mackey 1978;

Fogel1993;Hastings ndMoseley1975;Kroeber

1925, 1926; Larco 1938, 1939, 1945; Moseley

1975; Moseley and Mackey 1974; Topic 1982;

Willey1953).As withmoststyle-basedhronolo-

gies, the Mochesequence Moche -V:Figure )

emphasizes emporaldisjuncture,whereas the

wide projection f ideas derived rom a core

area mposesan unreal attern f spatial nity.

The raditional odeldescribesMoche ociety

as evolving from antecedentGallinazoculture

aroundA.D. 1 to 100 (Figure2; see Fogel 1993

fora somewhataterdate),and n Moche II imes

establishing a conquest state supported by

exploitation f labor, ntensiveagricultural ro-

duction,and monopolization f trade Shimada

1987; Topic 1982; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988).

After ecoveringrommajor cological isruption

around .D.600 attheendof Moche V (Moseley

andDeeds 1982;Niles at al. 1979;Shimada t al.

1991), he statecollapsed roundA.D. 750 (e.g.,

Shimada 990).As is common n studies f early

society, he scheme ketchedn the foregoing en-

tences associates hangewith material gencies

thatactthroughunctionalistr adaptive rocess-

es to produce seriesof definable ocial stages.

The valueof suchstudies n creating ur current

databasess clear,but they have been less suc-

cessful n identifying ynamics f social ntegra-

tion andchange.

Newerevolutionaryheories ocusmuchmore

on the structure f political systems and the

| COLONIAL PERIOD

LATE HORIZON

LATE

INTERISIEDIATE

PE R IOD

181DDLE

HORIZON

CO LONIAL

INCA

CHI ISIU

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

181 CH E @s

ll

G AL Ll N AZO

SALI NAR

CUPISNIQUE

1500

V

1000 1

lV

500

A. D .

-

B. C.

500

1000

1500

EAR LY

INTERISIEDIATE

PERIOD

E A R LY

HORI ZON

INIT IA L PE RIOD

Figure 2. Chronology of north coast archaeological cul-

tures.

nature f the power hat heyembody e.g., Earle

1991 ; Upham 990a).Despitegrowing ecogni-

tion of variability, owever, onceptsof social

typology continue o influence such research.

Whileacceptinghe mportancef ideology n the

formation nd maintenancef political ystems,

these approaches ltimately egard deology as

themeansby which litesexploit heirpower, nd

theycontinue o ascribe he basisof political or-

mation o the material omain Claessen ndvan

de Velde 1987, 1991; Daggett 1987; D'Altroy

1992; Earle 1991 ; Earle and D'Altroy 1989;

FriedmanndRowlands 978;Gregg1991;Haas

1982;Haaset al. 1987;Hastorf 990, 1993; sbell

1987;Johnson ndEarle1987;Kristiansen 991;

Patterson 991;Upham1990b).

Theutilityof evolutionaryiews s increasing-

ly being questioned (e.g., Bawden 1989;

Brumfield1992;Demarest1989;Hodder1986;

Leonard nd Jones 1987;Paynter 989;Roscoe


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1993;

Shanks

nd

Tilley

1987;

Wylie

1989;

Yoffee

1993).

There

s

no

need

to

review

his

criticism

fully

here,

but

three

points

are

relevant

o

this

study.

First,

he

use

of

social

categories,

o

matter

howsophisticated,nclines hescholaro investi-

gate

ntegration

nd

change

by

reference

o

cross-

cultural

imilarity.

his

approach

ownplays

he

importance

f

unique

development.

econd,

unc-

tional

models,

still

influential

n

Andean

tudies,

assume

systemic

equilibrium

s

the

objective

of

evolution

nd

progressive

omplexity

s

the

adap-

tive

mechanism

y

which

his

s

achieved.

Historic

events

hat

upset

balance

re

viewed

as

anomalies

and

nsignificant

n

wider

volutionary

erms.

The

third

point,

which s especially elevanto

my

study,

s

the

tendency

o

base

evolutionary

models

on

the

relatively

accessible

material

aspects

of

human

ulture.

Although

ew

scholars

would

deny

the

role

of

material

gencies,

heir

frequent

se

as

the

explanatory

eterminants

f

social

integration

nd

change

has

obscured

he

importance

f

less

tangible

factors

that

derive

from

the

specific

cultural

experience

of

each

human

roup.

Prominent

mong

uch

factors

are

the

tructurally

ased

deological

ystems

hrough

whichinterestgroupsnegotiate heir political

advancement.

n

this

paper

explore

he

role

of

the

structural

nd

ideological

aspects

of

society

during

he

Moche

period,

nd

reassess

he

historic

development

nd

political

dynamics

hat

charac-

terized

he

north

oast

at

this

time.

The

Andean

Basis

of

North

Coast

Social

Structure

Structure

mbodies

he

innate

omplex

of

shared

valuesndrules hatdefinesgrouppsychology r

worldview,

he

relations

between

group

mem-

bers,

nd

he

responsibilities

ssociated

with

such

relations.

t

therefore

sets

the

parameters

or

social

ction.

Structure

s

historically

onstituted,

and

t

its

broadest

xtent

defines

he

world's

reat

cultural

raditions.

Within

his

broadly

hared

er-

itage,

pecific

cultural

histories

describe

their

own

variants.

Two

important

oints

should

be

made:

irst,

although

tructure

hapes,

t

does

not

determine

ocial

action

by

group

or

individual

becauserangeof

alternative

ctions

s

applica-

ble

o

any

situation;

econd,

and

closely

related,

action

s

not

only

constituted

n

structure,

ut,

by

negotiation

in

the

social

arena,

reflexively

changes

t

(Giddens

1979,

1984).

In

the

political

domain

uch

negotiation

sually

occurs

between

conflicting

nterests,

dialectic

nteraction

hat

s

animportantynamicnsocialchange.

Andean

ocial

order

s

embedded

n a

structur-

al

tradition

efined

by

kinship

principles.

Here

such

actors

s

affinity

o

mythical

ounder,

nces-

tral

reverence,

nd

emphasis

n

community

mem-

bership

define

status,

trengthen

ocial

cohesion,

and

mpede

ntergroup

olitical

ntegration.

t

the

basic

community

evel

authority

s

exercised

more

through

onsensus

han

hrough

xclusive

olitical

follllation.

Consequently,

lite

power,

by

defini-

tionexclusivennature,mustbeconstructedith-

in

a

context

hat

innately

esists

t;

this

creates

structural

aradox

etween

what

have

been

aptly

termed

holistic

and

individualizing

deology

(Bloch

1992;

Dumont

980,

1986).

t

follows

hat

the

greater

he

paradox,

he

greater

he

potential

for

disruption

hould

ocial

stress

mperil

he

abil-

ity

of

elites

o

sustain

heir

position.

Within

he

greater

Andean

radition

he

Inka

masked

power

behind

an

ideology

grounded

n

principles

f

genealogy

nd

ancestry

y

present-

ingthemselves

s

a

senior

kinship

group

Bauer

1992;

Conrad

nd

Demarest

984;

Urton

1990).

Netherly's

1984,

1990;

also

Zuidema

990)

eth-

nohistoric

tudy

of

the

Chimu

uccessors

f

the

Moche

uggests

hat

hey

were

organized

ccord-

ing

to

an

extended

segmentary

ystem

within

which

moieties

of

unequal

status

were

nested

hierarchically

y

rules

of

asymmetrical

ual

orga-

nization

while

they

retained

heir

nternal

ocial

integrity.

iven

he

persistence

f

Andean

ocial

strategiest is quite ikely hat,despiteheimpact

of

conquest,

his

pattern

enerally

eflects

arlier

structure.

n

both

he

Inka

and

he

Chimu

ase

the

structural

oundations

f

integration

mbodied

paradox

etween

holistic

and

individualizing

forces

hat

inhibited

ormation

f

strong,

ong-

lasting

political

entities

and

ensured

hat

their

components

ould

revert

o

autonomous

xis-

tence

with

he

removal

f

the

superstructure.

I

assume

hat

he

structure

f

earlier

ocieties

was

lso

embeddedn traditionalndeanprinci-

ples

nd

hat

Moche

elites,

ike

their

Chimu

uc-

cessors,

aced

he

challenge

f

creating

ndividual-

izing

power

within

a

holistic

cultural

milieu.

I


6/20

Bawden]


259

stress,however,hatalthoughhesebroader rinci-

ples provided he conceptual ontext or Moche

political ormation,hey couldnot determinets

specificstrategies r course.Thesespecificswere

theproducts f discrete ecisions y whichMoche

elites createda paradoxical ynamicof social

change n whichan ideologyof power erved o

mediate tructurendpolitical nhancement.

Ideologyand Power

Various verlapping eanings reascribedo ide-

ology in social studies (e.g., Althusser 1971;

Bloch 1983; Bourdieu 1977; Conrad and

Demarest 984;Demarest 989; 1992;Eagleton

199 ; Friedman nd Rowlands1978; Giddens

1979; Gilman 1989; Godelier 1978a, 1978b;

Shanks ndTilley1987;Valeri1990). focushere

on ideology s themeansby which he nterests f

certaingroups are promoted elative o others

throughhe perceived esolution f socialopposi-

tion, oftenwith recourse o divinesanction e.g.,

Foucault 984;Gero 1985;Giddens1979, 1981;

Godelier1988: 49-168; Gordon1980; Gramsci

1971; Handsman nd Leone 1989; Leone et al.

1987;Tilley 1989).In helping o sustain nequal-

ity, ideologyenters he domainof politicalrela-

tions.Although nitiallyactivelycreated,deolo-

gy, if successful,becomespartof structure nd

embodies he beliefs of its cultural ontextwhile

it is continuallyeconstituteds a dynamicmech-

. >

anlsmot power.

It is importanto realize hatsociety s always

in a stateof transition.nternalension,whether

between he forces and relationsof production,

competingviews of social order,or individual

interest elative o thatof wider nstitutions,purs

negotiation nd change.Ideologyas both cause

andproduct f social mbalance annotultimate-

ly possessgreaternherent tability han he con-

ditions t seeks o disguise.Hence, t is constantly

adjustingo changing ituations, hethero main-

tain the position of the privileged, o confront

opposing deologies,or to mediate hallengeby

those whom t seeksto subordinate.When t can

no longer esolve he contradictionsresented y

such situational hallenges, reakdownn social

processoccurs.

In theAndean oliticaldomaint appears lear

thatelitesused deologyas a vitalmechanismor

the construction f power.Ethnohistoryeveals

thatInkarulers onsciously ranslatedraditional

concepts nto ideologiesof authorityn order o

surmounthe constrainingffects of local belief

systems(Conrad nd Demarest 984; Patterson

1991; Urton 1990). Similarly,archaeological

research eveals the importance f ideological

manipulationf conceptsof descentandkinship

by Chimu ulers Conrad 981,1990). These de-

ologies employedritual enactmentof mythic

eventsandprocesses hatunderlay roup ntegra-

tion as the meansof maintainingocialorder.By

conductingheserituals, ulersand heirpolitical

order dentified hemselveswith he transcenden-

tal quality f mythand he socialpermanencehat

it fostered.

Material ymbols playedactive roles in the

above-mentionedoliticalprocess.Symbolsare

active orces n ordering,nterpreting,venrecon-

stituting eality, ndresolvesocialcontradictions

by permittinghumans o forge links with the

structural vents that give them group identity

(Kurtz 982:203). Suchdiverse ymbols s dress,

regalia, eligiousandfunerary araphernalia,it-

ual iconography, onumentalublicart,andthe

architecturalontexts f power ll act o articulate

human eadership iththe structuraloundations

of society.By so doing,material ymbolism on-

fersbothmundane nd upernaturaltatus n elite

leaders, losely identifies hemwith the founda-

tionsof socialorder, nd egitimizesheir xercise

of power.

ReassessingUniformity nd Diversity n the

MochePeriod

Moche culture raditionally as been largely

understoodhrough rchaeologicalesearch en-

tered in the Moche and Chicamavalleys. The

resulting cenario ees a discretearchaeological

culturesucceedingGallinazo n this restricted

corearea, nd later spreading hroughouthe

region as the material xpressionof a unified

state.My reassessmentf the evidencedrastical-

ly modifies hisviewby suggestinghat herewas

no disruptionn the north oastculturalradition

during he Early ntermediateeriod.Thecharac-

teristicMochematerial omplexwas actually he

symbolicmanifestationf an influential olitical

ideology hatwas differentiallydopted y local


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groups;

north

coast

history

of

the

Moche

period

was

therefore

ar

ess

uniform

han

upposed.

Gallinazo-Moche

Continuity

Abrief ummaryfthearchaeologyf Gallinazo-

Moche

transition

uggests

that

regional

culture

remained

ssentially

nchanged.

t

is

difficult

o

distinguish

Gallinazo

from

Moche

platform

mounds

by

form

(Kroeber

1930:77;

Lumbreras

1973:

00;

Moseley

1992:

65;

Strong

and

Evans

1952;

Wilson

1988:

51),

by

construction

ecause

they

share

he

segmentary

echnique

hat

uggests

community-based

abor

organization

Bennett

1950:68;

Moseley

1975:

83;

Willey

1953:

63),

or

by

site

context ecauseheygenerallyharehe

ceremonial

enter

onfiguration

Fogel

1993;

Topic

1982:

65).

In

agriculture,

he

extensive

rri-

gation

ystems

hat

upported

Moche

populations

derived

rom

major

Gallinazo-phase

xpansion

(Willey

1953).

Significant

ettlement

isjunction

between

he

phases

was

limited

o

the

southern

valleys

(Willey

1953;

Wilson

1988),

a

situation

whose

causes

discuss

ater.

Other

aspects

of

Gallinazo-Moche

material

culture

lso

display

ontinuity.

tilitarian

eram-

ics are almostidentical,and elite potteryalso

shares

many

formal

eatures

e.g.,

Collier

1955;

Larco

1966a;

Lumbreras

973:106;

Strong

and

Evans

952;

ee

especially

Fogel

1993).

n

metal-

lurgy,

opper-gold

lloy,

he

basis

of

Moche

ech-

nology,

became

popular

n

the

earlier

period

(Bennett

1950:101-103;

Donnan

and

Mackey

1978:45-54;

Strong

and

Evans

1952:71,

73).

In

the

religious

domain

here

are

many

continuities

in

burial

practices

Fogel

1993:281-290),

nclud-

ingthe extendedburialposition,similargrave

goods,

nd

placement

f

copper

n

the

mouth

of

the

deceased

Donnan

and

Mackey

1978;

Larco

1945

25-28;

Strong

nd

Evans

1952:71

79).

Only

n

the

area

of

elite

art

s

there

basic

dis-

continuity

Moseley

1992);

a

complex

nd

ormal

iconography

eplaced

he

much

plainer

Gallinazo

elite

tyle

Fogel

1993:279).

arious

cholars

ave

described

he

religious

ontent

f

Moche

art

e.g.,

Donnan

978;

Donnan

and

McClelland

1979;

McClelland

990;

Quilter

990).

conographyas

restricted

o

such

status

ymbols

as

fine

pottery,

textiles,

nd

metal,

and

was

used

n

broadly

ere-

monial

ontexts-elite

burials

nd

great

platform

complexes.

xclusive

se

of

religious

conography

in

contexts

f

corporate

uthority

nd

ormal

eli-

gion

clearly

dentifies

t

as

a

symbolic

omponent

of

power.

Continuity

n

many

other

spects

f

reli-

giousandcorporate ractice uggests,however,

that

Moche

conography

nd

ts

related

lite

belief

system

were

outgrowths

f

existing

cultural

on-

ception,

not

cultural

eplacements.

t

follows

hat

the

art

complex

hat

has

traditionally

een

regard-

ed

as

marking

Moche

culture

ctually

ossessed

its

greatest

ignificance

s

the

symbolism

of

a

political

deology

growing

ut

of

the

cultural

ra-

dition

hat

ormed

ts

continuing

ontext

nd

gave

.

.

t

meanlng.

North

Coast

Diversity

during

the

Early

Moche

Period

Having

narrowed

he

meaning

of

elite

Moche

material

ulture

o

an

ideology

of

power,

now

propose

o

examine

ts

emergence

nd

develop-

ment.

The

earliest

Moche

stylistic

phase

s

found

far

more

widely

han

emphasis

n

core

area

dis-

tribution

ould

suggest.

Most

prominent

mong

numerous

peripheral

ppearances

s

the

far

north

Vicus

complex

Figure

1),

whereearlypot-

tery

Larco

1966b;

Lumbreras

979)

and

ornate

metal

tems

Jones

1979;

Lechtman

979)

appear

in

the

looted

Loma

Negra

cemeteries,

ogether

with

eramic

eatures

hat

uggest

distant

onnec-

tions

with

Ecuador

(Guffroy

1989;

Kaulicke

1991;

Lumbreras

973:149)

and

the

Peruvian

southern

oast

(Larco

1966a:63-64).

The

Vicus

Moche

tyle

(Lumbreras

979:119-144)

s

dis-

tinct

rom

hat

of

Moche

and

Chicama

n

terms

of

ritual

conography

Schaffer

1981),

emphasis

n

metallurgyCordy-Collins 992:Note1; Jones

1979),

nd

mass

production

f

pottery

ars

from

the

ame

mold

(Larco

1966a:84).

Some

scholars

elieve

hat

he

Vicus

material

reflects

he

presence

of

a

distant

Moche

colony

(Larco

966a:87-88;

Lumbreras

979;

Shimada

1987:135).

lthough

his

is

certainly

ossible,

t

is

mportant

o

note

that

MocheI

and

II

material

is

ncreasingly

eing

found

n

the

Jequetepeque,

Zana,

nd

Lambayeque

alleys

(e.g.,

Shimada

1987:31; Ubbelohde-Doering983Plate63);

recent

work

in

the

Lambayeque

egion

even

evokes

he

suggestion

f a

Moche

and

II

north-

ern

olity

(AARG

1993b:19).

Hence

even

if

its


8/20

Bawden]

MOCHE

CULTURE

S

POLITICAL

DEOLOGY

261

origins

were

external

ather

han

ocal,

Vicus is

most

likely to

have

been

a

productof

northern

innovation

hat was

succeeded

by

the

elaborate

Sipan

Alva

1988,

1990)

and San

Jose

de

Moro

(DonnanandCastillo1992)sites,whoseburial

symbolism

differs

markedly

rom

that

of

the

southern

alleys.

Moreover,

Kroeber

1930:163)

long

ago

noted

and

Shimada

nd

Cavallaro

1986)

recently

reiteratedhat

such

northern

latforms

differ

in

form,

location,

and

construction

rom

their

southern

ounterparts,

trait

hat

persisted

in

later

settlement

configuration

(Bawden

1977:359)

Distributional

tudies

upporthe

evidence

or

diverseMoche rigins ndearlydevelopment.hey

now

ndicatehat

Mocheand

non-Moche

ocieties

coexisted

hroughout

he

Early

ntellllediate

eriod

in the

north

(Kaulicke

1991;

Schaedel

1951,

1985a:448;

himada

987:

32-133),

not

the

pat-

tern

o

be

expected

n a

unified

tate.

Also,as

I

have

noted,

he

fact hat

here

s

better

vidence

ora

dis-

tinct

Moche

-II

presence

nthe

north

han

here s

in the

supposed

ore

area

AARG

1993b: 9;

Fogel

1993),

casts

doubts n

the

latter

rea's

enerative

role

in

broad

political

expansion.

ndeed

Fogel

(1993)

nterpretshe

sparse

arly

outhern

Moche

material

emains

s

indicative

f

tellllinal

Gallinazo

culture, t

best

transitional

etween

t

and

Moche;

only n

Moche II

s

there

lear

vidence f

strong

Moche

political

resencen

this

area, far

cry

rom

the

picture

merging

rom

ecent

work

nthe

north.

All

this

challenges

imple

evolutionary

odels

of

Moche

origins

nd

state

ormation.

The

Ideological

Dynamic

of

Moche

Historic

Development

Central

o

the

ensuing

discussion re

wo

mplica-

tionsof

my

assertion

hat

Moche

material

ulture

wasthe

symbolic

omponentf

political

deology.

First,

hanges

n

the

material

ecord

hould

denote

ideological

adjustment.

econd, t

follows

that

dynamics f

social

change

during

he

Mocheperi-

od

can be

observed

n the

ideological

domain.

apply

hese

premises

o

explain he

diverse

nature

of

Moche

development

resented

bove.I

focus

ontheVicusMochecomplexo study heinternal

structuref

Moche

political

deology,

n

the flo-

rescent

Moche

III-IV

phases

in the

Moche-

Chicama

rea o

portray

he

dynamic

f

change n

this

elite

ideology,

ndon

a

more

general

discus-

sionof

Moche

deological

esponseo

stress

n

the

final

MocheV

phase.

By so

doing,

n the

broadest

senseI

examine

he

reflexive

elationship

etween

short-termistoric rocesses ndsocialstructure.

More

particularly,

use

this

nteractiono

explain

the

specific

historic

hanges

vident n

the

Moche

archaeological

ecord.

Vicus as

Ritual

Signification

The

superb

uality

f

Moche

metal

objects

rom

Vicus,

including

manyof

gold

alloy,

has

raised

doubts

s to

their

date

relative

o

pottery.

heulti-

mate

resolution

f

this

issue

awaits

urther

tudy,

but Lechtmanet al. (1982:5) have elegantly

addressed

he

apparent

ncongruencey

asserting

the

structural

riorityof

Andean

metallurgical

canons.

The

inherent

ualities

f

gold

imbued t

with

profound

ultural

ignificance n

Andean

thought.

Gold

possessed

acred

mport;

ts

non-

corrosive

ature

made t an

deal

deological

ym-

bol

for

the

permanence

f

divinely

rdered

ower

(Sallnow

1989:222-223).

t was

so

used

by

Inka

rulers,

who

monopolized ll

gold

productionor

this

purpose

(Harris1989:258;Helms 1981;

Sallnow

1989).

Lechtman

(1975:

8- 1O,

1984:29-35)

has

proposed

that

the

essential

nature

f

gold

shaped

Andean

metal

echnology,

and

explains

he

metal's

mportance

ven

when

paintedor

interred

Lechtman

979:32).

Superb

Moche

metal

tems

probably

lso

acted

as

sym-

bols

of

divinely

sanctioned

ower,

a

status

hat

would

explain

heir

echnical

uperiority

elative

to

pottery in

the

Moche

Vicus

complex.

Moreover,

heir

presence n

a

funerary

ontext

wouldhaveseparatedhedeceasedrom hegen-

eral

population

nd

would

have

accorded

hem

sacred

tatus.

The

Vicus

funerary

nventory lso

possessed

more

particular

deological

significance.

The

metal

nventory

ncluded

masks

and

other

tems

that

repeated

pecific

themes,a

reflection f

the

processof

symbolic

odification

hat s

vital

for

general

ommunication

f a

well-defined

deolog-

ical

system.

Furthermore,

eaddress

emblems

wereused olink heirwearersconographicallyo

representationsf

specific

rituals, he

beginnings

of

the

Moche

practice

f

interring

owerfill

er-

sons in

the

regaliaof

their

rank

and

ritual

tatus


9/20

262

LATINAMERICANANTIQUITY

[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995

(Donnan 1988; Donnan and Castillo 1992).

Although everal ituals resuggestedn theVicus

material,he best-definedncludesa figurehold-

ing trophyhead and knife (Jones 1979:96-100).

On groundsof iconographic imilarity Cordy-

Collins 1992:Figure ; Jones 1979:Figure 7), I

propose that this is an early version of the

Decapitationheme Cordy-Collins992),a cere-

monyconcerned ithritual acrifice.

Sacrifice s a centraland persistent heme n

Moche ritual conography. acrifice s an event

that enablesofficiants,actingon behalfof their

community, o acquirethe vitality of outside

forces hrough itual iolence n a setting harged

with supernaturalowerwherethey themselves

become spiritually ranscendentBloch 1992).

When hey re-enterhe mundane ommunity,he

sacralizedparticipants etain aspects of their

supernaturalitality hatenhance heir tatusand

authority. elief in the ability of a shaman o

mediatedirectlywith he spiritualworld s a fun-

damental feature of Andean belief. We can

assume hat,by taking he shaman's lace,Moche

elite transformedhe ritualof sacrifice nto for-

malreligious ractice.At the same ime heyused

their controlof this important itual o acquire

divinely anctioned uthority.

A recurrentmotif associatedwith the trophy

head/sacrificetheme is the Moon Animal

(Jones1979:95), religious ymboladoptedrom

the adjacenthighlandRecuayCulture Menzel

1977:62-64).The symbol s an example f adop-

tion of a material ignifier of ideas that tran-

scended imitations f local belief systemsas an

adjunct f power.Whereas he MoonAnimal

exemplifies orrowingroma familiar earbyra-

dition, the Moche also used powerful ymbols

from heirownreligioushistory. orexample, he

Moche Decapitation heme tself derived rom

earlier Chavin-related upisnique conography

(Cordy-Collins 992), as did the fangedmouth,

also a dominant ymbolof the ChavinHorizon

(Benson 1974; Kan 1972:81-84; Menzel

1977:61-62). Adoption of Cupisnique/Chavin

motifs suggeststhe intentionalmanipulation f

powerful ymbolsof an earlier an-Andeandeo-

logical system. Hence, to reinforce lite status,

Vicus symbolismwas used both to identifyan

elite with the supernaturalitualof Moche deol-

ogy and to harness n symbolic orm powerful

ideas hatweredistant n time and spaceandyet

partof the north oastal ultural xperience.

Theuse of funeraryitual s a primaryocusof

ideological ymbolism ffersanother venue or

understandinghe structuralasis of Moche de-

ology. Almost by definition, burial possesses

importantreligious connotations.In Andean

belief the treatment f the dead was integrally

linked o kin-based rinciples f descentand he

relationship etween he living and their fore-

bears.Whether t the communityevel (Bastien

1985;Sallnow1987:128) r in the Inka oyalcult

(Conradand Demarest 1984), funeraryritual

played n essential ole n Andean eligious elief

by making ncestors italplayersn the affairs f

the living.I propose hatMocheelite burialprac-

tice naturally mbodied hese Andean tructural

principles o create a spiritualcontext within

whichpolitical deologycouldbe mosteffective-

ly constituted y animatinglite ancestors s vital

supernaturalorces for perpetuatinghe prevail-

ing sociopolitical rder.

The Dynamicof Change: ndividualizing

Ideology n MocheIII and IV

I havenoted hatpolitical deologies renever ta-

tic; they exist in a stateof dialectic ensionwith

antagonisticorces withintheir wider societies.

Through ctiveengagement iththeseforces he

ideologies ontinually djust, nd, n the process,

theyreflexively ffectsocialstructure ndstimu-

latewiderchange.TheMoche II-IVarchaeolog-

ical record llustrateshis dynamic spectof ide-

ology. The well-known Moche-Chicama-Viru

Valley corearea, ocationof the Huacadel Sol

platform the Mochesite:Figure ) andassumed

centerof an expansionisttate,has traditionally

beenused o characterize oche II-IVsocietyas

a whole, a danger hat I have exploredabove.

Importantegional rendsare apparent, ut they

vary locally in symbolicexpression. continue

my contextualocus on funerary itualhereas a

vehicle o studygrowth f the ndividualizingle-

ment n Moche deology.

Moche portrait essels, variously nterpreted

as realistic epictions f individualsLarco1939)

or symbolic magesof shamans Hocquenghem

1977), are amongthe best-known nd admired


10/20

Bawden]

MOCHE

ULTURE

S

POLITICAL

DEOLOGY

263

and

Chimu

overnment

enters

Isbell

1986:194;

Schaedel

1985b:159-160).

propose

hat

he via-

bility

of the

southern

Moche

polity

depended

chiefly

on

the

ability

of

its rulers

o

articulate

n

theirownpersonshecombined uthorityf high

social

position,

ritual

status,

and

supernatural

affiliation,

hrough

he

codified

symbolism

of

Moche

deology.

Projection

f

the

expansionist

model

to the

entire

north

oast

generated

he idea

of a

unified

Moche

III-IV

state.

Examination

f the

record,

however,

shows

that

this

view

is

untenable.

Recent

xcavation

f elite

burial

ites

at

SanJose

de

Moro

in

the Jequetepeque

alley

(Figure

1;

Donnanand Castillo 1992) and Sipanin the

Lambayeque

alley

(Alva

1988,

1990;

Donnan

1988;

Schuster

1992)

reveals

he

persistence

f

local

variation

n

Moche

elite

funerary

ractice.

These

wo

sites

represent

he

only ntact

xamples

of

such

high-status

urials,

and

hence

compar-

isons

with

hethoroughly

ooted

Vicus

and

south-

ern

sites,

known

chiefly

through

private

and

museum

holdings,

must

be

made

cautiously.

Despite

his

preservational

symmetry,

owever,

it

is possible

to

identify

certain

differences

between

northern

nd

southern

patterns

which

suggest

hat

heinterred

ndividuals

f Sipan

and

San

Jose

were

members

of

autonomous

ocal

societies,

not

provincial

overnors

f

a

Moche

Valleysentered

olity.

The

Sipan

and

San

Jose

sites

follow

he

gener-

al

Moche

custom

of

burying

laborately

ccou-

tred

individuals

with iconographic

ignifiers

of

their

participation

n the

important

resentation

or Sacrifice

Ritual

Donnan

988).

However,

hey

differ romMoche-Chicamaracticeby emulat-

ing

earlier

Vicus

emphasis

on precious

metal

items

for

this

purpose.

n

contrast,

he

southern-

area

inhabitants

sed

the new

and

exquisitely

crafted

portrait

vessels

to

designate

status

in

funerary

itual.

There

s

no evidence

hat

such

vessels

were

used

at Sipan,

San

Jose,

or

in the

Vicus

area,

whose

large

pottery

nventories

ack

the

quality

nd

conographic

ichness

ound

n the

southern

alleys.

Finally,

t

San

Jose

de

Moro,

he

presence f CajamarcandNieveria otteryrom

the

northern

ighlands

nd

central

oast

respec-

tively,

ogether

with

lapiz

lazuli

from

Chile

and

Spondylus

shell

from

Ecuador

(Donnan

and

expressions

f New

World

ndigenous

rt.

They

portray

persons

wearing

headdresses

hat

bear

distinctive

mblems.

Two

important

oints

pro-

vide

the

geographic

nd social

contexts

of their

meaning:

almost

all known

vessels have been

recovered

n the

Moche-Chicama

rea,

and were

used

exclusively

n

funerary

ettings

Strong

nd

Evans

1952:

56).

Portrait

essels

repeat

he

Vicus

practice

f

using

headdress

ignifiers

o

link

ndi-

viduals

with

specific

ritual

activity,

now chiefly

depicted

n

fine-line

eramic

ainting

The

actors

in

these

arger

itual

cenes

either

are

themselves

divinities

r assume

upernatural

uality

hrough

the

masks

that

they

wear (e.g.,

Donnan

1978,

1992:42;Quilter1990:44).

Formally,

ortrait

essels

denote

an

extension

of the

ideological

ymbolic

ystem

and

ts mean-

ing.

I suggest

hat,

n the

Moche-Chicama

alley,

Moche

IIpolitical

eaders

ucceeded

n acquiring

a greater

degree

of

exclusive

power

han

either

their

predecessors

r northern

ounterparts.

he

question

f whether

he vessels

were

actual

por-

traits

or

not is

less

significant

han

the

fact

that

symbols

of social

position

were

now

so strongly

individualized,developmenthat

suggests

pro-

gressive

differentiation

f

exclusive

elite

groups

if not

actual

persons.

This

n

turn ndicates

mer-

gence

of

a

domain

of

power

ess

constrained

y

community

anction,

ogether

with its

structural

corollary

increased

potential

for

tension

between

ndividualizing

nd

holistic

deology.

This

unprecedented

onsolidation

f exclusive

power

accompanied

oercion

f

the

valleys

rom

Viru

to

Hualllley

nto

a Moche

Valley-centered

polity

(Figure

1).

Rapid

southward

pread

of

Mocheartifactsand architecture,ogetherwith

major

hanges

n settlement

nd

agricultural

at-

terns

(e.g.,

Donnan

1973;

Willey

1953;

Wilson

1988),

constitutes

he

single

clear

body

of

evi-

dence

for

the

forceful

replacement

f

Gallinazo

political

hegemony

y the

Moche.

There

s little

sign,

however,

hat

the

intrusive

Moche

III-IV

southern

eremonial

enters

ccompanied

ignif-

icantly

increased

managerial

differentiation.

Largely

bsent

n the

architectural

nventory

re

highly controlledcorporatestorage facilities,

elaborate

administrative

omplexes,

military

housing,

and

specialized

craft

sectors,

all

of

which

orm

such

a

conspicuous

art

of

Moche

V


11/20

264


[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995

Castillo 1992:42),suggests that the local elite

exploited a wide distribution network as

autonomouseaders.

It wouldbe surprisingf therewerenot compe-

titionamong he local polities.Although he ten-

sion is most clearly een in the subjection f the

southernGallinazo phere, t also appears hat

Mochepolities oughtamong hemselves, prac-

ticereflectedn thecommon rtisticheme f com-

batbetweenwarriors earingdenticalMoche arb

(see Donnan1978:Figure66; Kutscher 955: 1,

Figure).Given he frequent ssociation f sacrifi-

cial scenes with captive taking, both Donnan

(1978:182) ndKutscher1955:29) easonablyee

combat s havingplayeda major itual ole.This

interpretation,ithwhich concur, astwo mpli-

cations.First, heverycustom ntrudes n deolog-

ical requirementhatotherpolitiesexist as ritual

partners, structural bstacle o politicalunity.

Second, ombatwas an activity onceptuallynd

practicallyntegratednto a ritualcomplexcen-

tered on the Presentation/Sacrifice eremony

(Donnan 978,1988),andhenceprovided nother

visualreferento theprincipalacralized ctors f

Moche itual the elite.

It appearshatby MocheIII-IVtimes several

autonomous orthcoast societies existed,some

adheringo Moche deologywhileothers ejected

it. Mochesocietiesranged n size from he large

Moche III-IV multi-valley outhern olity with

its center n the MocheValley, robably rganized

on segmentaryprinciples Moseley 1975), to

smaller orthernxamples hatmaynothavecon-

trolled he entire alleys n which heywere ocat-

ed (Bats 1991; Hocquenghem 991; Schaedel

1985a:448;Shimada 1987: 32-133). Through

severalcenturiesof local development,Moche

societiescreated iverging oliticalandsymbolic

systems;differentiationn the latter phere hows

that, while sharingmost ideologicalprecepts,

local elites used differentmeansof communicat-

ing thisbasisof theirpower.

Moche III conquestof the south must have

increased the demands on central authority.

However,his challengewas addressed rimarily

by ideological djustmentatherhanadministra-

tive differentiation, processdependent n fur-

therenhancementf elitepower hroughunerary

andpolitical itualwhoseextreme ymbolwasthe

portraitvessel. Individualization f authority

would have further eparated he ideology of

power rom ts holisticcultural rigins,andthus

increased he potential or social tensionshould

authority o longerbe perceived s serving he

general nterest.AroundA.D. 600, in the context

of regional risis, he efficacyof Mochepolitical

ideologywas apparentlyo tested,with resultant

structuralrisisand ransformation.

Ideological Response to Stress: Collapse

Revisited

The well-known asic frameworkf the Moche

IV-V transitionncludedMocheexpulsion rom

the southern alleys(Figure1), abandonmentf

the capital ttheHuaca el Sol,establishmentf

the inland urban settlementsof Galindo and

PampaGrandeat the valley necks (Figure 1),

abandonmentf previously ultivatedand, and

major hangesn the conographyf eliteart e.g.,

Bawden 1982a:287;Moseley 1992:213). The

transformationasvariously eenascribedo Wari

invasion Menzel1964;Schreiber 992:274-275;

Willey 1953:397), nternalbreakdownBawden

1982a, 1982b), and environmentalerturbation

(Craigand Shimada1986; Moseley and Deeds

1982;MoseleyandOrtloff 981;Niles et al. 1979;

see especially himadat al. 1991).Whereashese

changes aveusually eenviewed s reflections f

unitary, an-regional,tate collapse,I now pro-

pose that heywere he differentialxpressions f

local response o disruption,nd hat hey depict

the complexnature f Moche deological djust-

ment. trace hisprocess hroughMocheV funer-

ary, conographic,ndsettlement ata.

Iconography

In MocheV manyof thekey figuresof earlier it-

ual iconography isappeared,o be replacedby

new ones or, as in the case of the Presentation

Theme, used in innovativecontexts (Bawden

1983:231-233; erezkin 980,1983;Donnan nd

McClelland 1979; McClelland 1990; Quilter

1990). Followingother scholars,I regard he

Revolt/Presentation/Burial/Rafthematic eriesas

a mythic ycle assertinghetriumph f order ver

chaos Berezkin 980;Quilter 990).Myths, ike

structure,renotchangeless. heyembody ersis-

tent deas hatunderliehe relationshipsf people

with their wider temporal nd spatialuniverse.

However, hey also resolveparticulartructural


12/20

Bawden]

MOCHE

CULTURE S

POLITICAL

DEOLOGY

265

contradictions

f

their

ociety

and

hence

necessar-

ily

incorporate

nterpretational

lexibility

Bloch

1992:99;

Levi-Strauss

1955;

Obeyesekere

1992:1>15).

It

follows

hat

myths

re

constrained

by time, and addressmajorhistoricalproblems

and

events

Obeyesekere

992;

Sahlins

1985).

I

suggest

that the

Moche V

mythic

cycle

reflects

deological

djustmentn

response

o

ter-

minal

Moche V

disruption,

nd s

an

example

f

the

ritual

orm

commonly

sedto

promote

ocial

renewal

e.g.,

Bloch

1992).

The

ocal

Presentation

Theme

ffered

istoric

ontinuity nd

ymbolized

acquisition

f

vitality

rom he

defeated

orces

of

disorder

ortrayedn

the

Revolt

Theme

hrough

themediumof sacrificeconducted y eliteoffi-

ciants.

The

Burial

Theme

depicts

urther

ransfor-

mation

ignifying

e-entry

f the

sacralized

ffi-

ciants

nto

he

community,

earing

piritual

ower

that

reinforced

olitical

authority

n the

mundane

world.

Finally,

he

Raft

Theme

shows he

arrival

of

the

two

central

divinities

of

the

Presentation

Theme

from

exotic

maritime

sources

(McClelland

990).

They

symbolize

enewal

by

bringing

with

them

valued

commodities

hat

include

he

sacrificial

risoners

ital

for

the

ritual

reconstitutionf

MocheV

society.

One

other

major

conographical

hange

ndi-

cates

the

reality of

ideological

adjustment.

Portrait

essels,

symbolsof

the

triumph

f

indi-

vidualizing

deology,

bruptly

isappear

rom

he

Moche

ceramic

radition.

heir

elimination

s a

major

ndicator

f

the

rejection

f

the

ideological

complex n

which

they

were

central

layers,

ol-

lowing

broad

conomic

nd

political

ollapse.

FuneraryRitual

In

the

important

rea

of

funerary

itual

diverse

local

change

occurred

in

Moche

V In

the

Jequetepeque

alley

elite

burial

practice

demon-

strates

general

continuity

(Disselhoff

1958;

Donnan

and

Cock

1986;

Ubbelohde-Doering

1951,

1983)

by

following

earlier

patterns

of

extended

emetery

nd

mound

burial.

Elsewhere

change

is

much

more

pronounced.

Neither

Galindo

nor

Pampa

Grande,

the

best-known

MocheV towns,possessesformalcemeteries,

major

reak

with

convention.

he

meansof

burial

at

Pampa

Grande

has yet

to

be

discovered,

ut

three

nnovative

ypes of

burial

have

been

found

at

Galindo

n the

rump

outhern

olity

(Bawden

1977:362-377).

They

include

modest

in-house

burial nd

groups f

chamber

urials

whose

oca-

tion

within

a

townis

otherwise

unknown

n the

Moche

period,

as

well

as a

single

small

burial

platform (Bawden

1982a:293-296;

Conrad

1974).

Moreover,

large

proportion

f the

dead

were

buried n

semiflexed

ide

position.

The

mag-

nitude

of

these

innovations

n a

social

domain

imbued

with

supernatural

ignificance

clearly

marks

rofound

eligious

hange.

Settlement

MocheV

settlement

urvey

reveals

that,

apart

from

loss

of the

valleys

from

the

Viru

Valley

south, he overallMochesettlement istribution

remained

much

the

same,

comprising

he

entire

Moche,

Chicama,

equetepeque

nd

Zana

Valleys

(Figure

1)

and

he

middle

parts

of the

valleys

ar-

ther

north

Eling

1987;

Schaedel

985a;

Shimada

1990:334-5),

where

non-Moche

olities

also

per-

sisted

(Schaedel

1985a:448e49).

However,

ata

from

the

Moche

V

towns

of

Pampa

Grande

(Anders

1981;

Haas

1985;

Shimada

976,

1978)

and

Galindo

Bawden

1977,

1982a,

1982b,

1983;

Moseley andOrtloff1981;Topic1991)clearly

support

conographic

nd

burial

evidence for

change.

Located

n the

valley

necks

in

order o

control he

main

canal

ntakes

nd

maximize

gri-

cultural

capacity

that

had

been

significantly

diminished

during

he

ecological

crisis

of late

Moche

IV

times

(Moseley

and

Deeds

1982:38-39;

Shimada

t al.

1991),

these

towns

introduced

n

urban

pattern

of

unprecedented

complexity

nd

administrative

ifferentiation.

The

economic

disruption

eflectedby

such

majoradjustments ouldhavebeen greaterat

Galindo

han

n the

north.

The

small

Moche

Valley

was

previously

he

coreof a

large

polity

hat

drew

on

the

resources

f

the

subjected

outhern

alleys

(Willey

1953;

Wilson

1988:335-336).

Withthe

Moche V

disruptionsot

only

was

his

entire

co-

nomic

phere

ostbut

also

the

southern

art

of

the

Moche

Valley

itself

fell

out

of

production

(Moseley

1983).

This

massive

conomic low

was

probably

magnified

y

the

need o

support

ettlers

ejectedfromthe southernvalleys.In contrast,

although t is

clear

that

significant

eduction f

agricultural

apacity

did

occur

in

the

north

(Shimadat

al.

1991),

t

was not

compoundedy

loss

of

political

ontrol ver

arge

areas.


13/20

266


[Vol. 6, No. 3, 1995

Local response reflected such differential

impact.Thesubstantive alindonnovationsave

beendescribed lsewhereBawden 982a,1982b,

1983, 1990).Theplatform, rchitecturalocus of

social ntegrationince heearlyGallinazo eriod,

virtuallydisappeared,o be replacedby a new

walled enclosure form (Bawden 1982a).

Corporatetorage,probablyntended or subsis-

tencegoods,reflects mportantconomic nnova-

tion in the face of food shortage (Bawden

1982a:304-306). Residential occupation was

highly differentiatedBawden1982b),with the

lowestprivileged roup ormally egregated y a

massivewall thatmay originally avebeen built

for defenceduring he disruptionshat attended

the town's ounding Topic1991).

Themuch argerPampaGrande, ftenconsid-

ered he capital f a lateMoche tate, s more ea-

sibly explained s the product f local northern

response o pressure.The town far exceeds all

contemporaryMocheV settlementsn its urban

qualities.Denseresidential ccupationurrounds

a vastcorporate recinctwhose ormal omplexi-

ty suggests highly differentiatedmanagerial

structure. owever,he factthatresidentiallass-

es werenot segregated s at Galindo mplies ess

socialstress.Extensive raft-productionreasare

located n the corporate recinct Shimada 976,

1978).A largeareaof corporatetoragedisplays

a high degreeof standardization,xcellentcon-

struction uality, ndrestricted ccess.Mostsig-

nificant, he central recinct omprises complex

of enclosuresand platformsdominated y the

HuacaFortalezaHaas 1985), one of the largest

edifices ever built in the Andes. Displaying he

distinctive hamber-and-fillechnique nd ormal

proportionsharacteristicf the northern artof

theregion Shimada ndCavallaro 986), he edi-

fice stands olidly n the north oastplatformra-

dition, ts awesome ize and deologicalmeaning

proclaiming the dominant authority of its

builders,a situation hat contrasts ividly with

Galindo.

The Natureof MocheV Political

Reconstitution

In responseto collapse, Moche V ideological

structureunderwentmajor adjustment.A new

mythic ycle thatcombinedraditionalnd nnov-

ative elementsmediated ast disruptionhrough

ritual ransformationndrenewal.However, hile

this adjustment as probably major actor n

allowing temporary ecovery on the regional

level, local politicalstrategies eflectdeepening

socialcontradictionhatheraldedurther risis.

Therulers f PampaGrande reated n organi-

zational ystemof unprecedentedomplexity. n

lightof the holisticworldview f north oastpeo-

ples,thisfurther oncentrationf powermaywell

have laid the foundationsor further ocial ten-

sion.In the short erm,however,t effectively us-

tainedpolitical ohesion.Thebasisof recoverys

revealedby its great symbol, HuacaFortaleza.

Bearingmurals hat proclaimed he ideological

core of power, his huge platformmanifests he

abilityof the ocaleliteto construct ower y har-

nessing he forceof cultural ontinuity mbodied

in symbolic orm.By using hispowerful ymbol

of traditionalorth oastadministrativerganiza-

tion as the integrativeocus of a complexurban

system, he PampaGrande lite effecteda struc-

tural ransformationndappropriatedxceptional

political ontrol.

The MocheValleysituation s very different.

HereMoche V leaders evelopedndividualizing

ideology o an extreme egree n the absence f a

complex dministrativeystem, hereby entering

social integration n theirpersonalqualities.By

so doing hey augmentedtructuralaradox, nd

posed the danger hat failurewould be solely

ascribedo themand heir deology.As a resultof

the late MocheIV crisisand oss of the southern

territories,he systemcollapsed. n an attempto

restore ontrol,MocheV leaders ejected he dis-

crediteddeology ogetherwith its material ym-

bols.At Galindo,heirattempts revividly een n

the material ecord.Burialpracticewas trans-

formed. conographichanges, reaterhan hose

thatoccurredarther orth Bawden 977, 1987),

includedelimination f the portrait essel, the

symbol of individualizedMoche IV power.

Moreover, o evidenceof the MocheV mythic

cyclehasyetbeen ound.New architecturalorms

without historic meaning replaced platform

mounds s dominantymbolsof the new order.A

singleburialmound omplex uggestsa supreme

ruler without counterpart or successor.

Furthermore,n extreme egreeof imposed esi-


14/20

Bawden]


267

dential segregation ndicatesthat the changes

occurredn the contextof socialstressandstruc-

tural hange Bawden1990).

1 suggest hat hesevaried esponseswerehis-

toricallyshaped.There is no evidence in the

Lambayequereaof thepolitical isjunctionxpe-

riencedby the south. The rulers of Moche V

PampaGrandewere therefore ble to base their

organizationalhanges on traditional tructure,

and restore conomic trengthn morefavorable

conditions than their southern counterparts

enjoyed.Northernrisisdidnotdiscredit istorical

signifiers of power,and ideologicalcontinuity

playedan importantole in political ecovery. t

Galindo, owever,n thecontext f profound olit-

ical stress ulers ejectedhepoliticaldeology hat

had sustained ower.The archaeologicalicture

suggests nensuing tateof instabilityn whichan

embattledliteruleda highly tratified opulation

largely through coercion. Power here seems

unmasked y ideologyand he structuralaradox

appearsvengreater.tfollows hat,with hestruc-

tural oundations f societyeroded, he Galindo

politywas evenmorevulnerableo complete ol-

lapseat the nextmajor risis.Ironically, ith the

complete emoval f structuralestraintn power

andwhatcansuperficiallye construed s the tri-

umphof individualizingdeology,MocheValley

societywas at its weakest ndripe ortheextreme

dissolutionhatoccurredn littleovera century.

Postscript

By A.D. 750 the MocheV cities of Galindo nd

PampaGrandewereabandoned nda distinctive

Mochesymboliccomplexhad ceased o exist as

the dominant xpression f northcoast material

culture.However, s with its history, he end of

Moche ulturewas not as uniform r complete s

oftenbelieved.

Abandonmentf Galindoaccompaniedotal

disintegrationof the Moche Valley polity.

Settlement everted o a ruralpatternuntil the

emergence f Chanchan ell overa centuryater.

It is significant hat the long-abandoned uaca

del Sol was renewed s the site of ritualactivity

related o foreignWari-relateddeology Menzel

1977;Uhle 1913).Theseeventsmarkedhe final

collapseof an ideologyand its relatedpolitical

system.Havingbecomeso disconnectedrom ts

structural ase, Moche ideology in the south

ceasedto possess structuralmeaningand disap-

peared rom history.The MocheValleypopula-

tionreturnedo a systemof self-dependentocial

groupings,he usualresponse f Andeanpopula-

tions to the removalof centralpoliticalsuper-

structure, situationhatwas repeated t the fall

of the Chimupolity.Wider eligious ocus natu-

rallymoved o the transcendental ari eligion,

and articulatedt with the powerful uraof the

ancientHuacadel Sol while rejectingall sem-

blanceof Moche deology.

In the northwhere Moche V changeswere

groundedn culturalradition,he endof theperi-

od did not involve uch deep disjunction. ence

although rbanism,n its roleas responseo struc-

tural risis,disappeareds quickly s it didfarther

south, he Lambayequealley nhabitantsontin-

ued o erect arge eremonialenterswhosemixed

Moche-Wariconographyignaledransitionrom

Moche nto the laterSican(Lambayeque)hase

rather than transformation Bonavia 1985;

Donnan 972;Shimada 990:313). n thisrespect

thereobviously adbeenno deepbreak,withthe

HuacaFortaleza t PampaGrandemaintaining

cultural ontinuityhrough he MocheV period.

HereMoche deologyhad not divorced tself so

completelyromstructure,nd t appearso have

played n mportantole n thetransitiono Sican.

Conclusions

Conventionalcenarios f Mochepoliticaldevel-

opmenthave stressed temporally nd spatially

uniform volutionaryatternhat s not supported

by the diverse rchaeologicalecord. believe hat

more specific focus on social construction nd

change allows better understandingf historic

process nd ts internal ynamics. have herefore

reassessedMoche culture rom a historicview-

point by examiningthe relationshipbetween

underlying orthcoast social structure nd the

shorter-term rocesses and events that shaped

Moche polities. I have conductedthe study

throughhe agencyof materialymbolism,which

I regard s a sensitivendicator f Mochepolitical

development. believeelite Mochematerial ul-

ture o be thesymbolic omponentf politicalde-

ologythatgaveobjectivemeaning o the precepts

thatdefined t as a source f power. t follows hat


15/20

268

LATIN

AMERICAN

ANTIQUITY

[Vol.

6,

No.

3,

1995

by

studying

ariation

n

the

symbolism

ne

can

identify

egional

iversity

nd

change

n

political

structure.

Moche

political

deology

and

symbolism,

rre-

spective

of

local

variation,cquiredocialsignif-icance

within

a

structural

ystem

n

which

perva-

sive

principles

of

kinship,

ancestral

everence,

and

the

centrality

f

direct

piritual

mediation

n

religious

practice

provided

ts

persistent

nternal

logic

of

meaning.

Such

group-focused,

olistic

ideation

was

a

structural

bstacle

o

the

growth

f

exclusive

ower,

nd

t

encouraged

ocal

autono-

my

against

road

olitical

nion.

Local

rulers

met

this

hallenge

y

placing

hemselves

t

the

axis

of

social

tructure

nd

organization.

hey

achieved

this yassumingentral oles nthe

enactment

f

myths

f

communal

rder,

hereby

itually

denti-

fying

themselves

in

life

and

death

with

the

omnipresent

piritual

orces

of

society.

They

hus

constructed

olitical

ideology

according

o

the

constraints

f

structural

meaning.

However,

by

achieving

large

degree

of

exclusive

power

hey

created

ontradiction

etween

holistic

and

indi-

vidualizing

deology.

This

structural

aradox

ro-

vided

dynamic

or

further

deological

adjust-

mentndrelated ocialchange.Atthesame ime

it

aised

he

potential

or

nternal

ocial

crisis.

Structure

onstrains

ut

does

not

determine

action.

ithin

he

constraints

ndividuals

lways

have

lternatives

pen

to

them.

Their

chosen

course

f

action

s

given

meaning

by

structure,

but

lso

reflexively

nfluences

t

and

hereby

re-

ates

force

for

change.

The

significant

ariation

evident

n

the

symbolism

of

Moche

power

through

ime

and

across

space

vividly

llustrates

this

rocess

of

choice.

Thus,

throughouthecoursef Moche

history,

we

see

fundamental

if-

ference

n

cultural

form

and

symbolic

use

between

orth

nd

outh.

However,

his

difference

was

ot

merely

ne

of

passive

ultural

iversity.

t

also

epresents

he

active

production

f

discrete

historic

ourses

hrough

he

conjuncture

f

short-

term

rocess

and

persistent

tructure,

ifferential-

ly

mediated

hrough

nique

ocial

practice.

The

natural

orollary

f

this

process

was

the

develop-

ment

hrough

ime

of

different

ocal

political

strategiesndhistorieswithin hegreaterMoche

ideological

phere.

Finally,

his

study

of

the

Moche

suggests

hat

the

various

evels

of

integration

ithin

a

cultural

tradition

xperience

ifferent

orms

and

rates

of

change,

a

notion

that

generally

accords

with

Braudel's

multiple

time-scale

scenario

(e.g.,

Braudel1980; see also Knapp 1992). Hence

although

tructural

hange

ensued

Eom

reflexive

interaction

ith

social

practice

ver

he

long

erm,

it

occurred

ithin

a

context

f

consistent

meaning.

In

contrast

we

have

noted

hat

both

symbols

and

their

meaning

re

ubject

o

more

abrupt

modifica-

tion

at

times

of

major

hort-term

istoric

hange,

whether

enerated

om

inside

he

system

as

part

of

the

political

aspirations

f

Moche

III

ruling

elites,

r

produced

n

response

o

the

wider

ocial

disruptionsf MocheIV-MIt is clearthatpro-

found

hort-term

ocial

disruption

ccurred

on-

currently

ith

deeper

tructural

nd

cultural

onti-

nuity.

nly

n

the

Moche

Valley

during

Moche

V

do

we

see

radical

disjuncture

f

structural

ean-

ing,

otal

collapse

f

sociopolitical

uperstructure,

and

isruption

f

the

very

tradition

f

social

con-

trol

f

which

t

was

part.

This

was,

of

course,

he

culminating

onsequence

f

the

structural

aradox

inherent

n

Moche

political

ormation.

In

conclusion,

believe

hat

study

of

material

culturen its filll historic

context

can

facilitate

recognition

f

important

ocial

dynamics

hat

might

ot

be

considered

ithin

a

materialist

vo-

lutionary

odel.

Moreover,

he

study

of

cultural

meaning

hrough

material

ymbols

nforms

us

of

the

ignificance

f

these

mechanisms

or

under-

standing

he

deeper

structural

abric

that

con-

structs

oth

political

deology

and

culture

tself.

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Preliminary

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Arqueologico

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Willay

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Althusser,

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Lenin

and

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Alva,

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National

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