Bangladesh Studies

Table of Contents

1. Roots of Bangladesh

a. Brief History of Bengal

The history of Bangladesh has been one of extremes, of turmoil and peace, prosperity and destitution.  It has thrived under the glow of cultural spiendour and suffered under the ravages of war.  The earliest mention of Bangladesh is found in the Hindu epic, the Mahabharata (the story of Great Battle-9th century B.C). Evidence also suggests that there was a strong Mongoloid presence as well.  Soon after, in the 5th and 6th centuries B.C. came the Aryans from Central Asia and the Dravidians from Western India.  Then came the Guptas, Palas, Senas, who were Buddhist and Hindus.

The area which is now Bangladesh has a rich historical and cultural past, the product of the repeated influx of varied peoples, bringing with them the Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, Mongol-Mughul, Arab, Persian, Turkic, and European cultures. About 1200 A.D., Muslim invaders under Sufi influence, supplanted Hindu and Buddhist dynasties, and converted most of the population of the eastern areas of Bengal to Islam. Since then, Islam has played a crucial role in the region's history and politics. In the 16th century, Bengal was absorbed into the Mughul Empire.

Portuguese traders and missionaries reached Bengal in the latter part of the 15th century. They were followed by representatives of the Dutch, the French, and the British East India Companies. During the 18th and 19th centuries, especially after the defeat of the French in 1757, the British gradually extended their commercial contacts and administrative control beyond Calcutta into the remainder of Bengal and northwesterly up the Ganges River valley. In 1859, the British Crown replaced the East India Company, extending British dominion from Bengal in the east to the Indus River in the west.

19th Century

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Muslim and Hindu leaders began to press for a greater degree of independence. At the movement's forefront was the largely Hindu Indian National Congress. Growing concern about Hindu domination of the movement led Muslim leaders to form the All-India Muslim League in 1906. In 1913, the League formally adopted the same goal as the Indian National Congress: self-government for India within the British Empire. The Congress and the League were unable, however, to agree on a formula to ensure the protection of Muslim religious, economic, and political rights. Over the next 2 decades, mounting tension between Hindus and Muslims led to a series of bitter intercommunal conflicts.

20th Century

The idea of a separate Muslim state emerged in the 1930s. It gained popularity among Indian Muslims after 1936, when the Muslim League suffered a decisive electoral defeat in the first elections under the 1935 constitution. On March 23, 1940, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the Muslim League, publicly endorsed the "Pakistan Resolution" that called for the creation of an independent state in regions where Muslims were a majority.

At the end of World War II, the United Kingdom, under considerable international pressure to reduce the size of its overseas empire, moved with increasing urgency to grant India independence. The Congress Party and the Muslim League could not, however, agree on the terms for drafting a constitution or establishing an interim government. In June 1947, the UK declared it would grant full dominion status to two successor states--India and Pakistan. Pakistan would consist of the contiguous Muslim-majority districts of western British India, plus parts of Bengal. The various princely states could freely join either India or Pakistan. These arrangements resulted in a bifurcated Muslim nation separated by more than 1,600 kilometers (1,000 mi.) of Indian territory. West Pakistan comprised four provinces and the capital, Lahore. East Pakistan was formed of a single province. Each province had a legislature. The capital of federal Pakistan was at Islamabad.

Pakistan's history for the next 26 years was marked by political instability and economic difficulties. Dominion status was rejected in 1956 in favor of an "Islamic Republic within the Commonwealth." Attempts at civilian political rule failed, and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962 and 1969 and 1972. The government was dominated by Military and Oligarchies all rooted in the West. Significant amount of national revenues went towards developing the West at the expense of the East. The people of the Eastern wing began to feel increasingly dominated and exploited by the West. Frictions between West and East Pakistan culminated in a 1971 army crackdown against the East Pakistan dissident movement led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, whose Awami League (AL) Party had won 167 seats out of 313 National Assembly seats on a platform of greater autonomy for the eastern province.

Mujibur Rahman was arrested and his party banned. Many of his aides and more than 10 million Bengali refugees fled to India, where they established a provisional government. India and Pakistan went to war in late November 1971. The combined Indian-Bengali forces soon overwhelmed Pakistan's army contingent in the East. By the time Pakistan's forces surrendered on December 16, 1971, India had taken numerous prisoners and gained control of a large area of East Pakistan, which is now Bangladesh.

Post Independence Era

Mujibur Rahman came to office with immense personal popularity but had difficulty quickly transforming this support into political legitimacy. The 1972 constitution created a strong prime ministership, an independent judiciary, and a unicameral legislature on a modified British model. More importantly, it enunciated as state policy the Awami League's four basic principles--nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy.

The Awami League won a massive majority in the first parliamentary elections in March 1973. It continued as a mass movement, espousing the cause that brought Bangladesh into being and representing disparate and often incoherent elements under the

banner of Bangla nationalism. No other political party in Bangladesh's early years was able to duplicate or challenge its broad-based appeal, membership, or organizational strength.

The new government focused on relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the country's war-ravaged economy and society. Economic conditions remained tenuous, however, and food and health difficulties continued to be endemic. In 1974, Mujib proclaimed a state of emergency and amended the constitution to limit the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, establish an executive presidency, and institute a one-party system. Calling these changes the "Second Revolution," Mujib assumed the presidency. All political parties were dissolved except for a single new party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), which all members of parliament were obliged to join.

Implementation of promised political reforms was slow, and Mujib increasingly was criticized. In August 1975, he was assassinated by mid-level army officers, and a new government, headed by a former associate, Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed. Successive military coups occurred on November 3 and 7, resulting in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ziaur Rahman (Zia), as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by the president, Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem then promulgated martial law, naming himself Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA).

Ziaur Rahman was elected for a 5-year term as president in 1978. His government removed the remaining restrictions on political parties and encouraged opposition parties to participate in the pending parliamentary elections. More than 30 parties vied in the parliamentary elections of February 1979, but Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won 207 of the 300 elected seats.

In 1981, Zia was assassinated by dissident elements of the military. Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was constitutionally sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for elections within 6 months. Sattar was elected president and won.

Sattar was ineffective, however, and Army Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. H.M. Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982.

Like his predecessors, Ershad dissolved parliament, declared martial law, assumed the position of CMLA, suspended the constitution, and banned political activity. Ershad reaffirmed Bangladesh's moderate, non-aligned foreign policy.

In December 1983, he assumed the presidency. Over the ensuing months, Ershad sought a formula for elections while dealing with potential threats to public order.

In January 1, 1986, full political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiyo (People's) Party (JP), designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established. Ershad resigned as chief of army staff, retired from military service, and was elected president in October 1986. (Both the BNP and the AL refused to put up an opposing candidate.)

In July 1987, the opposition parties united for the first time in opposition to government policies. Ershad declared a state of emergency in November, dissolved parliament in December, and scheduled new parliamentary elections for March 1988.

All major opposition parties refused to participate. Ershad's party won 251 of the 300 seats; three other political parties which did participate, as well as a number of independent candidates, shared the remaining seats. This parliament passed a large number of legislative bills, including a controversial amendment making Islam the state religion.

By mid-1990, opposition to Ershad's rule had escalated. November and December 1990 were marked by general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order. Ershad resigned in December 1990.

On February 27, 1991, an interim government oversaw what may be one of the most free and fair elections in the nation's history. The center-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party won a plurality of seats and formed a coalition government with the Islamic fundamentalist party Jamaat-e-Islami (JI).

The new Prime Minister, Begum Khaleda Zia, was the widow of the assassinated former president Ziaur Rahman. Before the death of her husband in 1981, her participation in politics was minimal. She joined the BNP in 1982 and became chairman of the party in 1984.

In September 1991, the electorate approved changes to the constitution, formally creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original constitution. In October 1991, members of parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.

Opposition legislators resigned en masse in December 1994, trying to force Khaleda to step down and allow early elections under a neutral caretaker administration. She refused and the opposition staged a series of strikes and shutdowns which economists say have slowed reforms and the pace of economic recovery. President Abdur Rahman Biswas dissolved parliament in November 1995 and called new elections for February 1996. He asked Khaleda Zia to stay in office until a successor was chosen. The opposition parties vowed to not to take part in the elections while Khaleda remained in office and boycotted the elections They said the elections had been rigged to ensure the BNP a landslide victory. They staged a series of crippling strikes and transport blockades, trying to force Khaleda to annul the election and transfer power to a neutral caretaker government. The new parliament bowed to opposition demands and passed a law March 26 allowing the president to form a caretaker government, Former chief justice Habibur Rahman was asked to head a caretaker government and parliament was dissolved.

Elections were completed June 23, 1996 with the Awami League garnering the highest number of seats. The leader of the Awami

League, Sheikh Hasina Wazed, was sworn in as the new Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was elected unopposed to replace Biswas as the next president of Bangladesh.

The latter part of Awami League's tenure was marked by opposition boycott of the parliament and increasingly violent attempts at forcing early elections. However, Awami League completed its five year tenure and became the first govenment to complete its tenure in Bangladesh. New elections were held on October 1, 2001 under the aegis of a caretaker government as enshrined in the constitution of Bangladesh. These elections were won by a coalition of the BNP and three other parties led by Khaleda Zia. Begum Zia was subsequently sworn in as the Prime Minister. Political stability still appears to be a remote dream, since the Awami League alleges widespread rigging and vote manipulation and stayed away from the parliament. Independent and international observers have however termed the 2001 elections as free and fair.

The end of BNP's five year stint was also marked by a repeat (this time by the AL) of opposition boycott of the parliament and increasingly violent attempts at forcing early elections. There was severe lack of consensus between the government and the opposition regarding the head of the interim caretaker administration. Under Bangladesh's unique system, when an administration comes to the end of its term it hands over to an unelected interim government which has 90 days to organise elections. Violent protests broke out after the opposition objected to the nomination of ex-Chief Justice KM Hasan to head the interim administration as per the constitution. As a member of the BNP in his early days, his nomination was not palatable to them. On Saturday Mr Hasan pulled out just before he was due to be sworn in.

The president urged parties to find a replacement by Sunday afternoon. Mr Iajuddin Ahmed then held separate talks with party leaders, but failed to reach agreement on a compromise candidate. Finally, President Iajuddin Ahmed has been sworn in as head of an interim government after the main political parties failed to agree on

a candidate. His decision to take the job without opposition backing is the last constitutional option available.

After increasingly violent clashes between political parties, a new caretaker government was sworn in with the backing of the armed forces. Erstwhile Bangadesh Bank governor Dr. Fakruddin Ahmed was sworn in as the Chief Adviser. He is respected on both sides of the sharp political divide in Bangladesh and is credited with bringing an end to the anarchy that had threatened to sweep the troubled nation. He has also cracked down on rampant corruption by arresting (former) senior government officials including the two former prime ministaers Khaleda Zia and SHeikh Hasina. An emergency has been promulgated and elections put off till 2008 while the caretaker government worked towards ensuring a corruption free governance.

b. Origin of the name of Bengal /Bangladesh

The exact origin of the word Bangla or Bengal is unknown, though it is believed to be derived from the Dravidian-speaking tribe Bang/Banga that settled in the area around the year 1000 BCE.

Other accounts speculate that the name is derived from Vanga(bôngo), which came from the Austric word "Bonga" meaning the Sun-god. According to Mahabharata, Purana, Harivamsha Vanga was one of the adopted sons of king Vali who founded the Vanga kingdom. The Muslim Accounts refer that "Bong", a son of Hind (son of Hām who was a son of Prophet Noah/Nooh) colonized the area for the first time. The earliest reference to "Vangala"(bôngal) has been traced in the Nesari plates (805 AD) of Rashtrakuta Govinda III which speak of Dharmapala as the king of Vangala. Shams-ud-din Ilyas Shah took the title "Shah-e-Bangalah" and united the whole region under one government for the first time.

c. Undivided Pakistan

i. The foundation of the Awami Muslim League

Awami League one of the oldest and major political parties in Bangladesh. It was founded in Dhaka on 23 June 1949 at a convention of the leaders and workers known to have been a faction of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and headed by HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY and ABUL HASHIM. The new party was named East Pakistan Awami Muslim League. It was established with Maulana ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI as president, ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN, Sakhawat Hossain and Ali Ahmed Khan as vice-presidents, Shamsul Huq of Tangail as general secretary, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN (then interned in jail), KHONDAKAR MOSTAQ AHMAD and AK Rafiqul Husain as joint secretaries, and Yar Mohammad Khan as treasurer. At the party's third council meeting held in Dhaka on 21-23 October 1955, the word 'Muslim' was dropped out from the name of the party to make it sound secular. The party believes in welfare-oriented economy. It has front organisations among the students, labours, peasants, youths and women.

The Awami League was the first opposition party in the then Pakistan. At its birth the party adopted a 42-point programme with special emphasis on the demand for provincial autonomy. Recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan, one man one vote, democracy, framing of a constitution, parliamentary system of government, regional autonomy and removal of disparity between the two wings had been the popular demands of Awami League during the initial period of the Pakistani rule. In the 1954-elections in East Pakistan, it was the Awami Muslim League which was instrumental in forming the UNITED FRONT with other opposition parties in order to unseat the ruling MUSLIM LEAGUE from power.

In the elections, out of the 237 Muslim seats the Muslim League was able to secure only 9 seats as against 223 seats (Awami League secured 143 seats) bagged by the Front. During the 24 years of Pakistan, Awami League was in power in the province for only about

two years (1956-1958) headed by Ataur Rahman Khan, and at the centre for 13 months (12 September 1956 to 11 October 1957) as a coalition government headed by Suhrawardy. In spite of many constraints, these governments made several attempts to meet the just demands of the Bangalis. The role played by Suhrawardy in the passing of a law in the National Assembly introducing joint electorate system (14 October 1956) deserves special mention.

In 1957, Awami League had to face a crisis resulting in a split in the party over the issue of foreign policy. Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhasani were having a difference of opinion for quite some time, the former favoured strong links with the West, particularly with America, while the latter was in favour of a non-aligned foreign policy. The division came to the fore at the KAGMARI CONFERENCE (Tangail) of the Awami League (7-8 February 1957). The rift eventually led to the formation of a new political party named National Awami Party headed by Maulana Bhasani.

During General Ayub's autocratic rule (1958-1969), the Awami League emerged as the vanguard spirit of the autonomy movement. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman could establish his supreme control over the party during this period. In February 1966, at a conference of opposition parties in Lahore Sheikh Mujib presented the historic SIX-POINT PROGRAMME of the Awami League. The programme included: federal parliamentary system at the centre including universal adult franchise; all powers in the federating units except foreign relations and defence; separate currencies for East and West Pakistan; right of the federating units to levy taxes and duties; right to negotiate trade and commerce with foreign countries by the federating units; and finally, para-militia or para-military forces for their own defences. The Ayub government reacted to Mujib's charter of demands by instituting the AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE (1968) against him and 34 others. The case led to a MASS UPSURGE in 1969 which forced Ayub Khan to step down from power.

In the backdrop of mass movement and fall of AYUB KHAN, the Awami League won a stunning victory in the 1970 general elections bagging 160 out of 162 territorial seats in East Pakistan allotted in

the central legislature. Awami League had a similar landslide victory in the Provincial Assembly elections in East Pakistan bagging 288 seats out of 300. It also won all the 7 women seats in the National Assembly and the 10 women seats in the Provincial Assembly.

Thus Awami League emerged as the single majority party in the Pakistan National Assembly with 167 seats out of a total of 313. But instead of allowing Awami League to form government, the military junta of YAHYA KHAN resorted to his military machine to deal with the situation. The Awami League and its chief Sheikh Mujib called a massive non-cooperation movement in East Pakistan from 2 March (1971) onward to which most people of East Pakistan declared solidarity. The attack on the unarmed Bangalis in Dhaka and other places in East Pakistan by the Pakistani army in the night of 25 March 1971 sealed the fate of Pakistan. Mujib was arrested and flown to West Pakistan to face a trial for treason. Soon the WAR OF LIBERATION began and the government in exile (MUJIBNAGAR GOVERNMENT) formed by the leaders of Awami League led the war which ended in victory on 16 December 1971.

ii. The Lahore Conference and the Six-Point Programme

Lahore Conference:

Lahore Resolution adopted at the general session of the MUSLIM LEAGUE. In 1940 MOHAMMED ALI JINNAH called a general session of the All India Muslim League in Lahore to discuss the situation that had arisen due to the outbreak of the Second World War and the Government of India joining the war without taking the opinion of the Indian leaders, and also to analyse the reasons that led to the defeat of the Muslim League in the general election of 1937 in the Muslim majority provinces.

HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY left with a small group of Muslim League workers for Lahore on 19 March 1940. AK FAZLUL HUQ led the Bengal Muslim League contingent and reached Lahore on 22

March. The Chief Ministers of Bengal and the Punjab were two dominant figures in the conference.

Jinnah, in his speech, criticised the Congress and the nationalist Muslims, and espoused the Two-Nation Theory and the reasons for the demand for separate Muslim homelands. His arguments caught the imagination of the Muslim masses. Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Chief Minister of the Punjab, drafted the original Lahore Resolution, which was placed before the Subject Committee of the All India Muslim League for discussion and amendments. The Resolution, radically amended by the Subject Committee, was moved in the general session by Fazlul Huq on 23 March and was supported by Choudhury Khaliquzzaman and other Muslim leaders. The Lahore Resolution ran as follows:

That the areas where the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the Northwestern and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'independent states' in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.

The Resolution was adopted on 24 March with great enthusiasm. The Hindu Press dubbed it as the "Pakistan Demand", after the scheme invented by Rahmat Ali, an Indian Muslim living at Cambridge. The 1940 resolution nowhere mentioned Pakistan and in asking for 'independent states' the spokesmen of the League were far from clear what was intended. The Hindu press supplied to the Muslim leadership a concerted slogan, which immediately conveyed to them the idea of a state. It would have taken long for the Muslim leaders to explain the Lahore Resolution and convey its real meaning and significance to the Muslim masses. Years of labour of the Muslim leaders to propagate its full importance amongst the masses was shortened by the Hindu press in naming the Resolution as the 'Pakistan Resolution'. By emphasizing the idea of Pakistan the Hindu press succeeded in converting a wordy and clouded lawyer's formula into a clarion call.

The Muslims of Bengal, who were searching for an identity throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, finally found

it in the Lahore Resolution. The Lahore Resolution gave them a sense of nationhood. Henceforth the dominant theme in Muslim politics was not complaint against Hindu injustice, but a demand for separate political existence.

On 15 April 1941 the Lahore Resolution was incorporated as a creed in the constitution of the All-India Muslim League in its Madras session. It continued to be the League's creed until its dissolution after the independence of Pakistan in 1947.

Indeed, from 1940 onward, Pakistan was the great talking point of the Indian independence debate. When the CABINET MISSION arrived in India in March 1946 to consult Indian leaders and to help facilitate self-government, the All India Muslim League decided to hold a three day Convention of the members of the Central and Provincial Legislatures belonging to the Muslim League on 7 April at Delhi to reiterate their 'Pakistan Demand'. The Working Committee of the Muslim League had appointed a Sub Committee with Choudhury Khaliquzzaman, Hasan Ispahani, and others to draft a resolution to be placed before the Convention. Choudhury Khaliquzzaman prepared a draft of the resolution, which was discussed with other members and, after some minor changes here and there, was approved by the Sub Committee and then by the Subject Committee. This resolution made a fundamental departure from the original Lahore Resolution in using the word 'state' in the singular replacing the term 'states'.

The resolution that was placed before the Delhi Convention of Muslim Legislators in 1946 included the principle that the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the Northeast and the Punjab, North West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the Northwest of India, namely Pakistan zones, where the Muslims are in a dominant majority, be constituted into a sovereign independent 'state' and that an unequivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay. The Committee did not question the change.

The resolution was proposed in the open session by Suhrawardy and seconded by Choudhury Khaliquzzaman. ABUL HASHIM claimed that he raised the voice of protest against the resolution on a point of order in the Subject Committee on the previous day when Jinnah placed it before the Committee. He maintained that the draft resolution looked like an amendment of the Lahore Resolution though it had not been said or it was not placed in the form of amendment of the Lahore Resolution. He claimed to have argued that the Lahore Resolution envisaged two sovereign states in Northeastern and Northwestern zones of India, and the Resolution was accepted by the All-India Muslim League in its Madras session of 1941 as the creed of that political party. He claimed to have insisted that the Convention of the Muslim League legislators was not competent to alter or modify the contents of the Lahore Resolution.

Jinnah at first took the plural 's' of the Lahore Resolution as an 'obvious printing mistake'. But when, on Abul Hashim's insistence, the original minute book was checked, Jinnah found under his own signature the plural 's'. Abul Hashim claimed that he had suggested for erasing the word 'one' and replace it with 'a'. Jinnah is said to have accepted Abul Hashim's suggestion. According to Hashim, Suhrawardy placed in the open session of the Convention a modified form of the resolution on Jinnah's advice.

It may, therefore, appear that even after the Delhi Convention of the Muslim Legislators Jinnah was not thinking in terms of amending the Lahore Resolution. The Subject Committee presided over by Jinnah seemingly accepted the constitutional position that the Convention of the Muslim Legislators was not the forum competent to amend the Lahore Resolution. Nor could Jinnah amend it after the General Election in the country in which the Muslim League contested on the basis of the Lahore Resolution. He assured the Muslim League leaders from Bengal who met him on a deputation that the Lahore Resolution was not amended. At his Malbari Hill House on 30 July 1946 Jinnah encouraged Abul Hashim to work on the basis of the Lahore Resolution.

iii. The role of individuals: M. A. Jinnah, Sheikh Mujibur

Rahman,President Ayub Khan, Vashani

M.A. Jinnah:

Jinnah, Mohammed Ali (1876-1948) lawyer, statesman and founding father of Pakistan. He was born on 25 December 1876 in Karachi where his parents migrated from their native land Kathiawar, on the west coast of India. Jinnah had his early education in a school in Karachi, Gokul Das Tej Primary School in Bombay, Sind Madrasah High School in Karachi and then entered the Christian Missionary Society High School.

Having got his matriculation from the Mission School, Jinnah sailed for London in 1892 to study law at Lincoln's Inn. He returned to Karachi in 1896. He moved to Bombay in 1897, but the first three years of his legal career were of great hardship. His fortunes changed at the turn of the century. Once he was established, Jinnah probably earned more than any other lawyer in Bombay. Jinnah's first active move toward politics took place during the 1906 session of the INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS in Calcutta in the wake of the Hindu community's adverse reaction to the PARTITION OF BENGAL in 1905.

Dadabhai Naoroji's slogan, Swaraj, was now writ on the new banner of Congress, behind which Jinnah marched.

Jinnah's ascent to political influence began with an important piece of legislation passed by British Parliament in 1909, the Indian Councils Act, expanding the Viceroy's Executive Council into the

Imperial Legislative Council by the addition of 35 nominated members and 25 elected members with special representation for Muslims and landowners. Jinnah became one of the elected members of the Council from Bombay. His association with the MUSLIM LEAGUE began with the event of the annulment of partition of Bengal in 1911. At their next session in December 1912, which Jinnah attended, the League proposed to amend its constitution so that it would ally them with Congress in a common demand for 'Swaraj'. On request from Maulana Mohammed Ali and Syed Wazir Hassan, Jinnah joined Muslim League in 1913.

In December 1915, Congress was to hold its annual session in Bombay. Jinnah, with the approval of leading local Muslims, sent a letter inviting the All India Muslim League to hold its annual session in the same place and at the same time. He had, however, to endure strong opposition from extremists in both Congress and the League. In the autumn of 1916 he was elected once again to the Imperial Legislative Council. In December 1916 he succeeded in prevailing upon both Congress and Muslim League to hold their annual sessions in the same place, Lucknow, and at the same time. Jinnah presided over the League session. The sessions warmly assented to the 'irreducible minimum' of reforms worked out by their joint committee and passed it to the Government of India. The main domestic problem of separate electorates was overcome with Congress agreeing to Jinnah's plea to allow weightage of seats in the legislative councils of certain provinces where the Muslims were in the minority. This became known as the historic Lucknow Pact and it made Jinnah a leader of Indian Muslims.

After the Rowlatt Act was passed in March 1919 to give the Government of India summary powers to curb seditious activities, Jinnah in protest resigned from the Imperial Legislative Council and Gandhi launched a movement of non-violent CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. In early April Gandhi's followers resorted to rioting in Amritsar killing three European bank managers which led to the massacre at Jallianwala Bagh on April 13. Then Gandhi called off his civil disobedience movement. Jinnah's disillusionment became complete during the Congress session at Nagpur in December 1920, and after

this he parted with Congress. His link with the Muslim League was also getting bitter, because aristocratic Muslim leadership was not inclined to abandon their traditional loyalty to the raj and considered the British as their patrons. The promises made by Congress in Lucknow Pact in 1916 were never honoured and the rift between the two communities continued to widen.

For Jinnah the decade of the twenties was nothing but a series of political frustrations, especially centering round British bungling with reforms, refusal of Congress to recognize the need to provide representational guarantee to the Muslims, Gandhi's populist methods to deal with the fate of the Indians and the miserable dilemma of the Muslims as to their position and strength. After attending the first fruitless Round Table Conference in London in 1930 Jinnah found himself overshadowed in the second conference by the Aga Khan as leader of the Muslim delegation, and by Gandhi. He was not included in third conference and was not thought to represent any considerable school of opinion. In 1931 he decided to settle in London and abandon Indian politics for ever. Jinnah started practicing at the Privy Council Bar.

The government of India Act of 1935 contained the so-called Communal Award that laid down the pattern of representation to the various legislatures to satisfy the minorities, especially Muslims and the Scheduled Castes. The Act provided electoral politics holding out great prospects for the non-aristocratic nationalist politicians. Under the changed circumstances, Jinnah was motivated by some Muslim middle class leaders to come back to India and take the leadership of Muslims. The elections under the Act in 1937 shockingly proved that the 100 million Indian Muslims were hardly a coherent community; they were disparate, unknown to each other and shared nothing in common but religion. In the North-West Frontier Province, where Muslims were 90% of the population, not a single Muslim League candidate returned to the legislature.

In the Muslim majority Punjab, the Muslims were organised under older parties and showed no interest in Jinnah's revived Muslim League. The Muslims in Sind had openly disowned the League and

allied themselves with Congress, rejecting any suggestion of partition. It was only in Bengal that the Muslim League scored an electoral victory by securing the second highest majority and forming a coalition government with AK FAZLUL HUQ's KRISHAK PRAJA PARTY. In 1938, Jinnah himself founded in Delhi an English newspaper Dawn to fight the propaganda of the Hindus. By 1940 Jinnah started speaking of 'two nations' and on March 23 of that year he presided over the All India Muslim League session in Lahore that adopted the Pakistan Resolution moved by the Chief Minister of Bengal, AK Fazlul Huq.

Following the failure of the CRIPPS MISSION, Gandhi launched his QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT. Gandhi, Nehru and other members of the Congress high command were taken into custody on charges of sedition. On 26 July 1943 Jinnah narrowly escaped an attempt on his life by a Khaksar volunteer.

Jinnah accepted the CABINET MISSION Plan which the Congress rejected. In retaliation Jinnah also withdrew his concessions. On 28 July 1946 the Muslim League at its council meeting in Bombay withdrew its acceptance of the Cabinet Mission proposals, and declared DIRECT ACTION to force the cause of Pakistan, and protest Viceroy LORD WAVELL's invitation to Congress (August 8,1946) to form an interim government at the centre. The Direct Action Day on August 16 set off the great Calcutta killing annihilating no less than 4000 Muslims and Hindus. In October and November about 8000 Muslims were killed in Bihar. Similar killing of Muslims took place in the United Provinces.

Early in October Jinnah agreed, after further discussions with the Viceroy, to nominate to the Interim Government five Muslim League ministers headed by LIAQUAT ALI KHAN. The last Viceroy LORD MOUNTBATTEN arrived in Delhi on 22 March 1947 to preside over the partition of India. On 7 August 1947 Jinnah flew from Delhi to Karachi to be sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan on August 14. It was due almost entirely to his leadership and his people's loyalty to him that the truncated infant state of Pakistan was able to tide over the myriad initial problems and stand on its own

feet. Mohammed Ali Jinnah was assassinated on 11 September 1948 by one Rafiq Sabir Mazangvi.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (Bangabandhu) :

Rahman, (Bangabandhu) Sheikh Mujibur (1920-1975) charismatic leader, President and Prime Minister of Bangladesh. Bangabandhu, the architect of Bangladesh, was a founding member of the East Pakistan Muslim Students League (est. 1948), one of the founding joint secretaries of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (est. 1949), general secretary of the AWAMI LEAGUE (1953-1966), president of the Awami League (1966-1974), president of Bangladesh (in absentia from 26 March 1971 to 11 January 1972), prime minister of Bangladesh (1972-24 January1975), president of Bangladesh (25 January 1975-15 August 1975).

Born on 17 March 1920 in the village Tungipara under the GOPALGANJ Sub-division (currently district) in the district of Faridpur, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's father, Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, was a serestadar in the civil court of Gopalganj. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman passed his matriculation from Gopalganj Missionary School in 1942, IA (Twelfth Grade) from Islamia College, Calcutta in 1944 and BA from the same College in 1947. In 1946, Mujib was elected general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. He was an activist of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League and a member of the All-India Muslim League Council from 1943 onwards.

As an activist he had been a supporter of the Suhrawardhy-Hashim faction of the Muslim League. During the 1946 general elections, the Muslim League selected Mujib for electioneering in Faridpur district.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was one of the principal organisers behind the formation of the East Pakistan Muslim Students League (est. 1948). After partition (1947), he got himself admitted into the UNIVERSITY OF DHAKA to study law but was unable to complete it, because, he was expelled from the University in early 1949 on charge of "inciting the fourth-class employees" in their agitation against the University's indifference towards their legitimate demands.

Sheikh Mujib's active political career began with his election to one of the posts of joint secretaries of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (1949). As a political prisoner, he was then interned in Faridpur jail. In 1953, Sheikh Mujib was elected general secretary of the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, a post that he held until 1966 when he became president of the party. Like his political mentor HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, Mujib also underscored the importance of party organisation and management. To organise the party, he resigned from the Cabinet of ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN (1956-58) and devoted himself to the task of taking the party to grassroots level. A charismatic organiser, Sheikh Mujib had established his firm control over the party. He had the mettle to revive the Awami League in spite of the fact that his political guru, HS Suhrawardy, was in favour of keeping political parties defunct and work under the political amalgam called National Democratic Front.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman entered parliamentary politics first in 1954 through his election as a member of the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on the UNITED FRONT ticket. He was also a member of the Pakistan Second Constituent Assembly-cum-Legislature (1955-1958).

Sheikh Mujib was a pragmatic politician. In the Pakistan state, he appeared as the undaunted advocate of the Bengali interests from the

start. He was among the first language prisoners. However, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman grew in political eminence in the early 1960s. Through his organising ability Mujib was able to salvage the Awami League from a series of defections and exit of various factions from the mainstream party. He reorganised the Awami League and put it on a firm foundation. In 1966, he announced his famous six-point programme, calling it 'Our [Bengalis'] Charter of Survival', which aimed at self-rule for East Pakistan. Struck sharp at the roots of West Pakistani dominance, the six-point programme at once drew the attention of the nation. Though conservative elements of all political parties looked at it with consternation, it instantaneously stirred the younger generation, particularly the students, youth and working classes.

Disturbed by the radical political views of Sheikh Mujib, the Ayub regime put him behind bars. A sedition case, known as AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE, was brought against him. It may be noted that during most of the period of the Ayub regime Mujib was in jail, first from 1958 to 1961 and then from 1966 to early 1969. During the second term in jail, Mujib's charisma grew so much that a mass uprising took place in his favour in early 1969 and Ayub administration was compelled to release him on 22 February 1969 unconditionally.

On the following day of his release, the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (All Parties Students Action Committee) organised a mass reception to him at RAMNA RACECOURSE (now, Suhrawardy Uddyan) and accorded him the title 'Bangabandhu' (Friend of the Bengalis). In him they saw a true leader who suffered jail terms for about twelve years during the 23 years of Pakistani rule. Twelve years in jail and ten years under close surveillance, Pakistan, to Sheikh Mujib, indeed proved to be more a prison than a free homeland.

The general elections of December 1970 made Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the sole spokesman of East Pakistan. The people gave him the absolute mandate in favour of his six-point doctrine. Now it was his turn to implement it. Mujib was so serious about the

six-point that on 3 January 1971, he held a solemn ceremony at Ramna Race Course with all the East Pakistan representatives and took an oath never to deviate from the six-point idea when framing the constitution for Pakistan.

Mujib's most uncompromising stand on the six-point programme led ZA Bhutto and Yahya's military junta to take a stringent view. Instead of allowing the Sheikh to form the government, the junta resolved to undo the results of the elections. President Yahya Khan cancelled unilaterally the National Assembly meet Dhaka scheduled to be held at on 3 March 1971. The announcement triggered off the death-knell of Pakistan. Mujib called an all-out non-cooperation movement in East Pakistan. The whole province supported the non-cooperation movement. During the course of non-cooperation (2-25 March 1971) the entire civil authorities in East Pakistan came under the control and directives of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, himself becoming the de facto head of government of the province.

During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of the Bengali nation. In his address Mujib made specific charges against the Martial Law authorities which failed to transfer power to the elected representatives. At the end of his speech, he made a clarion call, saying: "Build forts in each homestead. You must resist the Pakistani enemy with whatever you have in hand..Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot more blood we shall give if need be, but we shall liberate the people of this country, Insha Allah [ie, if God blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for independence."

Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan came to Dhaka on 15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his party. The dialogue began on the following day and continued intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period, non-cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of various political parties had been declaring independence from March 2 and the spree continued down to 25

March. At mid-night of 25 March 1971, the Pakistan army launched its brutal crackdown in Dhaka. Sheikh Mujib was arrested and kept confined at Dhaka Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial for sedition and inciting insurrection.

Although during the WAR OF LIBERATION was begun in the wake of the 25 March army crackdown Bangabandhu had been a prisoner in the hands of Pakistan, he was made, in absentia, the President of the provisional government, called the MUJIBNAGAR GOVERNMENT, formed on 10 April 1971 by the people's representatives to head the Liberation War. He was also made the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Throughout the period of the War of Liberation, Sheikh Mujib's charisma worked as the source of national unity and strength. After the liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971 from Pakistani occupation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released from Pakistan jail and via London he arrived in Dhaka on 10 January 1972.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman headed the first government of the post-liberation Bangladesh for a period of three years and a half. Starting from scratch his government had to deal with the countless problems of a war ravaged country. Restoring law and order, rehabilating the mukhtijodhas, restoring the ruptured communication system, saving lives of the people hostile to the War of Liberation from the public wrath, and, most importantly, feeding the hungry millions and many other problems bedeviled his administration. Sheikh Mujib created Rakshi Bahini to restore law and order and recover illegal arms, but the system failed and brought in its trail considerable unpopularity for his government. Corruption and black marketing became rampant. Famine was taking its tolls by the thousands. Confused and perturbed Mujib, depending on his charisma, made a "Second Revolution" by establishing a one-party BAKSAL and District Governor system. But the measures made him further alienated from the people and his own party. Taking advantage of his precarious situation, a group of army adventurers assassinated him along with all his other family members on 15 August 1975.

Ayub Khan:

Khan, (Field Marshal) Mohammad Ayub  (1908-1974) military ruler and President of Pakistan. Ayub Khan was born at Abottabad in the Northwest Frontier Province in 1908. He was educated at Aligarh Muslim University and at Royal Military College, Sandhurst, UK. He joined the army in 1928. He was promoted to the rank of Major General in December 1948 and was then appointed the General Officer Commanding (GOC) in the province of East Bengal. He discharged the responsibility of the Defence Minister of Pakistan between 1954 and 1956.

In collusion with the then President Iskandar Mirza, army chief Ayub Khan imposed martial law in Pakistan on 7 October 1958, and abrogated the Constitution of 1956. Ayub Khan was appointed the Chief Martial Law Administrator by President Mirza on 8 October. But only after a few days, he ousted Iskandar Mirza from power (27 October) and declared himself the President of Pakistan.

Ayub Khan's martial law regime was a form of representational dictatorship, and he introduced a new political system in 1959 as BASIC DEMOCRACIES. The Basic democracies system set up five tiers of institutions. The lowest tier was composed of union councils. Each union council comprised ten directly elected members and five appointed ones designated as basic democrats. Union councils were

responsible for local agricultural and community development and for rural law and order maintenance. The next tier consisted of the tehsil (subdistrict) councils, which performed coordinating functions. Above, the district (zila) councils were composed of nominated official and non-official members, including the chairmen of union councils. The district councils were assigned both compulsory and optional functions pertaining to education, sanitation, local culture, and social welfare. Above them, the divisional advisory councils coordinated the activities with representatives of government departments. The highest tier consisted of one development advisory council for each province chaired by the Governor and appointed by the President. The urban areas had a similar arrangement, under which the smaller union councils were grouped together into municipal committees to perform similar duties. In 1960, the elected members of the union councils voted to confirm Ayub Khan's presidency, and under the 1962 Constitution they formed an electoral college to elect the President, the National Assembly, and the provincial assemblies. The system of Basic democracies did not have time to take root or to fulfil Ayub Khan's intentions before he and the system fell in 1969.

By 1958 Ayub Khan and his fellow officers decided to turn out the politicians, a task easily accomplished without bloodshed. He then took some fiscal measure especially in land holding. The landholding ceiling was raised from thirty-three hectares to forty-eight hectares. Landholders retained their dominant positions in the social hierarchy. Some 4 million hectares of land in West Pakistan, much of it in Sindh, was released for public acquisition between 1959 and 1969 and sold mainly to civil and military officers, thus creating a new class of farmers having medium-sized holdings. These farms became immensely important for future agricultural development, but the peasants benefited scarcely at all.

In 1958, a legal commission was set up to suggest reforms of the family and marriage laws. Ayub Khan examined its report and in 1961 issued the Family Laws Ordinance. Among other things, it restricted polygamy and 'regulated' marriage and divorce, giving women more equal treatment under the law than they had before. It

was a humane measure supported by women's organisations in Pakistan. However, this law which was similar to the one passed on family planning, was relatively mild and did not seriously transform the patriarchal pattern of society.

Ayub Khan adopted an energetic approach toward economic development that soon bore fruit in a rising rate of economic growth. Land reform, consolidation of holdings, and stern measures against hoarding were combined with rural credit programmes and work programmes, higher procurement prices, augmented allocations for agriculture, and, especially improved seeds to put the country on the road to self-sufficiency in food grains in the process described as the Green Revolution. The Export Bonus Vouchers Scheme (1959) and tax incentives stimulated new industrial entrepreneurs and exporters. Bonus vouchers facilitated access to foreign exchange for imports of industrial machinery and raw materials. Tax concessions were offered for investment in less-developed areas. These measures had important consequences in the development of industry and gave rise to a new class of small industrialists.

On 1 March 1962, Ayub Khan introduced a Constitution based on the presidential system and thereby became all-powerful in the country. In November 1964, election of basic democrats was held in both the wings of Pakistan. On 2 January 1965, election for the presidency of Pakistan was held through an indirect system of voting. The 80,000 basic democrats elected earlier had to act as the electoral college in this election. Ayub Khan was elected President by defeating the opposition candidate Fatema Jinnah.

Ayub Khan articulated his foreign policy on several occasions, particularly in his autobiography, Friends not Masters. His objectives were the security and development of Pakistan and the preservation of its ideology as he saw it. Toward these ends, he sought to improve, or normalise, relations with Pakistan's immediate and looming neighbours-India, China, and the Soviet Union. While retaining and renewing the alliance with the United States, Ayub Khan emphasised his preference for friendship, not subordination, and bargained hard for higher returns to Pakistan.

Other than ideology and Kashmir, the main source of friction between Pakistan and India was the distribution of the waters of the Indus River system. A compromise that appeared to meet the needs of both countries was reached during the 1950s; it was not until 1960 that a solution finally found favour with Ayub Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru. Broadly speaking, the agreement allocated use of the three western Indus rivers (the Indus itself and its tributaries, the Jhelum and the Chenab) to Pakistan, and the three eastern Indus tributaries (the Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej) to India. The agreement also detailed transitional arrangements, new irrigation and hydroelectric power works, and the waterlogging and salinity problems in Pakistan. The Indus Basin Development Fund was established and financed by the World Bank.

Pakistan's tentative approaches to China intensified in 1959 when China's occupation of Tibet and the flight of the Dalai Lama to India ended five years of Chinese-Indian friendship. An entente between Pakistan and China evolved in inverse ratio to Sino-Indian hostility, which climaxed in a border war in 1962. This informal alliance became a keystone of Pakistan's foreign policy and grew to include a border agreement in March 1963, highway construction connecting the two countries at the Karakoram Pass, agreements on trade, and Chinese economic assistance and grants of military equipment, which was later thought to have included exchanges in nuclear technology. China's diplomatic support and transfer of military equipment was important to Pakistan during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War over Kashmir. The Soviet Union strongly disapproved of Pakistan's alliance with the United States, but Moscow was interested in keeping doors open to both Pakistan and India. Ayub Khan was able to secure Soviet neutrality during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war.

Ayub Khan was the architect of Pakistan's policy of close alignment with the United States, and his first major foreign policy act was to sign bilateral economic and military agreements with the United States in 1959. Nevertheless, Ayub Khan expected more from these agreements than the United States was willing to offer and thus remained critical of the role the United States played in South Asia.

Especially troublesome to Pakistan was United States neutrality during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war. Pakistan did not extend the ten-year agreement signed in 1959.

The 1965 war began as a series of border flare-ups along undemarcated territory at the Rann of Kutch in the southeast in April and soon after along the cease-fire line in Kashmir. The Rann of Kutch conflict was resolved by mutual consent and British sponsorship and arbitration, but the Kashmir conflict proved more dangerous and widespread. Each country had limited objectives, and neither was economically capable of sustaining a long war because military supplies were cut to both countries by the United States and Britain. On September 23, a cease-fire was arranged through the UN Security Council. In January 1966, Ayub Khan and India's prime minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, signed the Tashkent Declaration, which formally ended hostilities and called for a mutual withdrawal of forces.

When war broke out between Pakistan and India on 6 September 1965, Ayub Khan promoted himself to the rank of Field Marshal. Then in 1966, he chose the path of repression of his political opponents when the Six-point demand for autonomy of East Pakistan was raised by the AWAMI LEAGUE. The leaders of the Awami League including party chief SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN were arrested. In the backdrop of an intense anti-Ayub movement during the period of 1966-68, Ayub Khan convened a round table conference of opposition political leaders at Rawalpindi on 26 February 1969. But when the conference failed to resolve the crisis, Ayub Khan handed over power to the army chief General AGHA MOHAMMAD YAHYA KHAN on 24 March 1969, and retired from politics. He died on 20 April 1974.

Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani:

Bhasani, (Maulana) Abdul Hamid Khan (1880-1976) religious personality and politician. Popularly known as Maulana Bhasani, Abdul Hamid Khan was self-educated, village-based, a fire-brand, and skeptical about colonial institutions. Though immensely influential throughout his political career and instrumental in winning many general and local government elections since 1946, he consistently stayed away from holding actual power. His leadership was rooted in his relentless and incessant struggle for safeguarding the rights and interests of the peasantry and the labouring classes.

Bhasani was born in 1880 at village Dhanpara of Sirajganj district. His father was Haji Sharafat Ali Khan. Apart from a few years of education at the local school and madrasa, he did not receive much formal education. He began his career as a primary school teacher at Kagmari in Tangail and then worked in a madrasa at village Kala (Haluaghat) in Mymensingh district.

In 1919, Bhasani joined the NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT and KHILAFAT MOVEMENT to mark the launching of his long and colourful political career. He went to Santosh in Tangail to take up the leadership of the oppressed peasants during the Great

DEPRESSION period. From Tangail he moved to Ghagmara in ASSAM in the late 1930s to defend the interests of Bangali settlers there. He made his debut as a leader at Bhasan Char on the BRAHMAPUTRA where he constructed an embankment with the co-operation of the Bangali settlers, thereby saving the peasants from the scourge of annual inundation. Relieved of the recurring floods the local people fondly started to call him Bhasani Saheb, an epithet by which the Maulana has been known from then on.

The Assam government made a law restricting Bangali settlement beyond a certain geographical line, an arbitrary settlement which severely affected the interests of the Bangali colonisers. Protected by this restrictive law the locals had launched a movement to oust the Bangali settlers across the so-called line. In 1937 Bhasani joined the MUSLIM LEAGUE and became president of Assam unit of the party. On the 'line' issue, hostile relations developed between the Maulana and the Assam Chief Minister, Sir Muhammad Sa'dullah. At partition, Maulana Bhasani was in Goalpara district (Assam) organising the farmers against the line system. He was arrested by the government of Assam, and released towards the end of 1947 on condition that he would leave Assam for good.

Early in 1948 Maulana Bhasani came to East Bengal only to find himself brushed aside from the provincial leadership set-up. Disheartened, Bhasani contested and won a seat in the provincial assembly from south Tangail in a by-election defeating Khurram Khan Panni, the Muslim League candidate and ZAMINDAR of Karatia. But the provincial governor nullified the results on grounds of foul play in the elections, and disqualified all the candidates from taking part in any election until 1950. Strangely enough, the ban on Panni was lifted in 1949 even though it remained in force on Bhasani.

In 1949 he went to Assam again, and was arrested and sent to Dhubri prison. On his release he came back to Dhaka. At about this time, the East Pakistan Muslim League was passing through a leadership crisis. The discontented elements of the Muslim League called a workers' convention in Dhaka on June 23 and 24 of 1949. Nearly

300 delegates from different parts of the province attended the convention. On June 24 a new political party, the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League, was launched with Maulana Bhasani as president and Shamsul Huq of Tangail as general secretary.

On the day of its birth, the party held its first public meeting at Armanitola in Dhaka under the chairmanship of Bhasani. After its second meeting in the same venue on October 11, he and many other leaders of the new party were arrested while heading a procession of hunger strikers moving towards the government secretariat to protest against the famine conditions prevailing in the province. When his life was at risk due to his protracted hunger-strike, Bhasani was released from jail in 1950.

On 21 February 1952 several students taking part in the language movement were killed in a police firing in Dhaka. Bhasani strongly condemned the brutality of the government. He was arrested on February 23 from his village home and sent behind the bar. In the politics of East Bengal in the early 1950s Bhasani emerged as the most vocal and respected politician of the time. As president of the Awami Muslim League, Bhasani played the crucial role in forging a unity among five opposition political parties by forming an alliance called the UNITED FRONT. Other leaders of the front were AK FAZLUL HUQ, HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, HAJI MOHAMMAD DANESH. In the elections held in March 1954 the United Front won 223 seats as against the Muslim League's 7 seats.

There is reason to believe that frequent contact during prison life with the communists made the Maulana more conscious about socialist ideology with which his personal political outlook and lifestyle were quite in accord. He became president of the Adamjee Jute Mills Mazdoor Union and the East Pakistan Railway Employees League. The Maulana was made to preside over two massive workers's rallies organised by the communists on May Day in 1954 in Dhaka and Narayanganj. The same year he was made president of the East Pakistan Peasants' Association. Soon after, he was made president of the East Pakistan chapter of the communist-dominated International Peace Committee. In that capacity, he went to

Stockholm to attend the World Peace Conference in 1954. He visited several countries of Europe, gaining firsthand knowledge of the socialist movements of the world.

At home, the United Front came close to collapsing mainly because of conflicts between the Awami Muslim League and the KRISHAK SRAMIK PARTY over the question of power sharing. The Maulana tried his best to overcome the problems of practical politics. But he was particularly disappointed at the turn of events under which H S Suhrawardy formed the Awami coalition government at the centre with himself as prime minister and with ATAUR RAHMAN KHAN as chief minister in East Bengal. Meanwhile, serious differences of opinion arose between the Maulana and Suhrawardy on issues concerning the basic principles of the Pakistan constitution then being finalized for promulgation. The Maulana opposed the constitution's provision for separate electorate for the minorities which Suhrawardy supported. He also opposed Suhrawardy's pro-American foreign policy and favoured closer relations with China.

In 1957 the Maulana called a conference of the party at Kagmari, and used the occasion to launch a bitter attack on Suhrawardy's foreign policy, thereby signaling an imminent split in the organisation. Things came to a point of no return when Maulana Bhasani called a conference in Dhaka of leftists from all over Pakistan and formed a new party, called the National Awami Party (NAP), with himself as president and Mahmudul Huq Osmani from West Pakistan as secretary general. From then onwards the Maulana followed left-oriented politics openly.

Bhasani was interned once again when Pakistan's army chief General MOHAMMAD AYUB KHAN seized power in 1958. After his release from confinement in 1963, the Maulana went on a visit to China and also to Havana in 1964 to attend the World Peace Conference. Bhasani bitterly opposed Ayub Khan's proposal for creating a selective electorate of 'basic democrats' and fought for holding all elections on the basis of universal adult franchise. In 1967 the socialist world split into pro-Soviet and pro-China blocs. The East

Pakistan NAP also split with the Maulana leading the pro-China fraction.

He branded the Ayub government as a lackey of imperialist forces and launched a movement to dislodge him from power. In the face of mounting opposition movement, Ayub Khan resigned as President of Pakistan, allowing army chief General AGA MOHAMMAD YAHYA KHAN to step in. To tide over the deepening political crisis, Yahya Khan arranged for holding parliamentary elections on 7 December 1970. The Maulana boycotted the elections and concentrated on providing relief to the victims of the devastating cyclone that struck the coastal zone of Bangladesh in November. The apathy of the central government towards the cyclone victims made the Maulana call openly for the separation of East Pakistan.

With the beginning of WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971 Maulana Bhasani took refuge in India, but he had to spend the entire period of the liberation war in confinement in Delhi. One of his first demands after return to Dhaka (22 January 1972) was to withdraw Indian troops from the soil of Bangladesh. On February 25 he started publishing a weekly Haq katha and it soon gained wide circulation. The paper was soon banned. After the parliamentary elections in 1973, the Maulana started a hunger strike to protest against the food crisis, rise of price of essential commodities, and deteriorating law and order situation.

In 1974 Bhasani founded Hukumat-e-Rabbania order and declared a zihad or holy war against the AWAMI LEAGUE government and Indo-Soviet overlordship. In April 1974 a 6-party united front was formed under the Maulana's leadership. It served an ultimatum on the government to annul the Indo-Bangladesh border agreement, and stop all repressive actions against the opposition. On June 30 the Maulana was arrested and interned at Santosh in Tangail. He considered the Farakka agreement detrimental to the interest of Bangladesh. On 16 May 1976 he led a long march from Rajshahi towards India's FARAKKA BARRAGE to protest against plans to deprive Bangladesh of its rightful share of the GANGES waters. On 2 October 1976 he formed a new organisation, Khodai Khidmatgar,

and continued to work for his Islamic University at Santosh. He also set up a technical education college, a school for girls and a children's centre at Santosh, Nazrul Islam College at Panchbibi and Maulana Mohammad Ali College at Kagmari. He had earlier set up 30 educational institutions in Assam. He died on 17 November 1976 and was buried at Santosh.

d. Emergence of Bangladesh

i. Nationalism and Circumstances, 1947-71

a) Language Movement

Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killing of 21 February 1952, and ended in the adoption of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what would be the state language of Pakistan was raised immediately after its creation. The central leaders and the Urdu-speaking intellectuals of Pakistan declared that URDU would be the state language of Pakistan, just as Hindi was the state language of India. The students and intellectuals of East Pakistan, however, demanded that Bangla be made one of the state languages. After a lot of controversy over the language issue, the final demand from East Pakistan was that Bangla must be the official language and the medium of instruction in East Pakistan and for the central government it would be one of the state languages along with Urdu. The first movement on this issue was mobilised by Tamaddun Majlish headed by Professor Abul Kashem. Gradually many other non-communal and progressive organisations joined the movement, which finally turned into a mass movement.

Meanwhile, serious preparation was being taken in various forums of the central government of Pakistan under the initiative of Fazlur Rahman, the central education minister, to make Urdu the only state language of Pakistan. On receipt of this information, East Pakistani students became agitated and held a meeting on the Dhaka University campus on 6 December 1947, demanding that Bangla be made one of the state languages of Pakistan. The meeting was

followed by student processions and more agitation. The first Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (Language Action Committee) was formed towards the end of December with Professor Nurul Huq Bhuiyan of Tamaddun Majlish as the convener.

The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was in session at Karachi-then the capital of Pakistan-from 23 February 1948. It was proposed that the members would have to speak either in Urdu or in English at the Assembly. DHIRENDRANATH DATTA, a member from the East Pakistan Congress Party, moved an amendment motion to include Bangla as one of the languages of the Constituent Assembly. He noted that out of the 6 crore 90 lakh population of Pakistan, 4 crore 40 lakh were from East Pakistan with Bangla as their mother tongue. The central leaders, including LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, prime minister of Pakistan, and KHWAJA NAZIMUDDIN, chief minister of East Bengal, opposed the motion. On receiving the news that the motion had been rejected, students, intellectuals and politicians of East Pakistan became agitated. Newspapers such as the Azad also criticised of the politicians who had rejected the motion.

A new committee to fight for Bangla as the state language was formed with Shamsul Huq as convener. On 11 March 1948 a general strike was observed in the towns of East Pakistan in protest against the omission of Bangla from the languages of the Constituent Assembly, the absence of Bangla letters in Pakistani coins and stamps, and the use of only Urdu in recruitment tests for the navy. The movement also reiterated the earlier demand that Bangla be declared one of the state languages of Pakistan and the official language of East Pakistan. Amidst processions, picketing and slogans, leaders such as Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Shamsul Huq, Oli Ahad, SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, Abdul Wahed and others were arrested. Student leaders, including Abdul Matin and ABDUL MALEK UKIL, also took part in the procession and picketing. A meeting was held on the Dhaka University premises. Mohammad Toaha was severely injured while trying to snatch away a rifle from a policeman and had to be admitted to hospital. Strikes were observed from 12 March to 15 March.

Under such circumstances the government had to give in. Khwaja Nazimuddin signed an agreement with the student leaders. However, although he agreed to a few terms and conditions, he did not comply with their demand that Bangla be made a state language. MUHAMMED ALI JINNAH, the governor general of Pakistan, came to visit East Pakistan on 19 March. He addressed two meetings in Dhaka, in both of which he ignored the popular demand for Bangla. He reiterated that Urdu would be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration was instantly protested with the Language Movement spreading throughout East Pakistan. The Dhaka University Language Action Committee was formed on 11 March 1950 with Abdul Matin as its convener.

By the beginning of 1952, the Language Movement took a serious turn. Both Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan were dead-Jinnah on 11 September 1948 and Liaquat Ali Khan on 16 October 1951. Khwaja Nazimuddin had succeeded Liaquat Ali Khan as prime minister of Pakistan. With the political crisis, the economic condition in East Pakistan also deteriorated. The people of East Pakistan started losing faith in the Muslim League. A new party, the Awami Muslim League-which would later become the AWAMI LEAGUE-was formed under the leadership of MAULANA ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI in 1949. There was a growing sense of deprivation and exploitation in East Pakistan and a realisation that a new form of colonialism had replaced British imperialism. Under these circumstances, the Language Movement got a new momentum in 1952.

On 27 January 1952, Khwaja Nazimuddin came to Dhaka from Karachi. Addressing a meeting at Paltan Maidan, he said that the people of the province could decide what would be the provincial language, but only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. There was an instantaneous, negative reaction to this speech among the students who responded with the slogan, 'Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai' (We want Bangla as the state language).

A strike was observed at Dhaka University on 30 January. The representatives of various political and cultural organisations held a meeting on 31 January chaired by Moulana Bhasani. An All-Party

Central Language Action Committee was formed with Kazi Golam Mahboob as its convener. At this time the government also proposed that Bangla be written in Arabic script. This proposal was also vehemently opposed. The Language Action Committee decided to call a hartal and organise demonstrations and processions on February 21 throughout East Pakistan.

As preparations for demonstrations were underway, the government imposed Section 144 in the city of Dhaka, banning all assemblies and demonstrations. A meeting of the Central Language Action Committee was held on 20 February under the chairmanship of ABUL HASHIM. Opinion was divided as to whether or not to violate Section 144.

The students were determined to violate Section144 and held a student meeting at 11.00 a.m. on 21 February on the Dhaka University campus, then located close to the Medical College Hospital. When the meeting started, the Vice-Chancellor, along with a few university teachers, came to the spot and requested the students not to violate the ban on assembly. However, the students, under their leaders - Abdul Matin and Gaziul Huq - were adamant. Thousands of students from different schools and colleges of Dhaka assembled on the university campus while armed police waited outside the gate. When the students emerged in groups, shouting slogans, the police resorted to baton charge; even the female students were not spared.

The students then started throwing brickbats at the police, who retaliated with tear gas. Unable to control the agitated students, the police fired upon the crowd of students, who were proceeding towards the Assembly Hall (at present, part of Jagannath Hall, University of Dhaka). Three young men, RAFIQ UDDIN AHMED, ABDUL JABBAR and ABUL BARKAT (an MA student of Political Science) were fatally wounded. Many injured persons were admitted to the hospital. Among them Abdus Salam, a peon at the Secretariat, subsequently succumbed to his wounds. A nine-year-old boy named Ohiullah was also killed.

At the Legislative Assembly building, the session was about to begin. Hearing the news of the shooting, some members of the Assembly, including MAULANA ABDUR RASHID TARKABAGISH and some opposition members, went out and joined the students. In the Assembly, NURUL AMIN, chief minister of East Pakistan, continued to oppose the demand for Bangla.

The next day, 22 February, was also a day of public demonstrations and police reprisals. The public performed a janaza (prayer service for the dead) and brought out a mourning procession, which was attacked by the police and the army resulting in several deaths, including that of a young man named Shafiur Rahman. Many were injured and arrested. On 23 February, at the spot where students had been killed, a memorial was erected. In 1963, the temporary structure was replaced by a concrete memorial, the SHAHEED MINAR (martyrs' memorial).

The East Bengal Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution recommending the recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The language movement continued until 1956. The movement achieved its goal by forcing the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in adopting both Bangla and Urdu as the state languages of Pakistan. While the Assembly was debating on the language issue, Member Adel Uddin Ahmed (1913-1981; Faridpur) made an important amendment proposal, which was adopted unanimously by the Assembly (16 February 1956). Both Bangla and Urdu were thus enacted to be the state languages of Pakistan.

Since 1952, 21 February has been observed every year to commemorate the martyrs of the Language Movement. With UNESCO adopting a resolution on 17 November 1999 proclaiming 21 February as INTERNATIONAL MOTHER LANGUAGE DAY. It is an honour bestowed by the international community on the Language Movement of Bangladesh.

b) Six Point Movement

Six-point Movement:

Six-point Programme  a charter of demands enunciated by the AWAMI LEAGUE for removing disparity between the two wings of Pakistan and bring to an end the internal colonial rule of West Pakistan in East Bengal. The Indo-Pak War of 1965 ended with the execution of Taskent Treaty. To the old grievances of economic disparity added the complain of negligence and indifference of central government towards the defence of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN was vocal on this issue.

The leaders of the opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention at Lahore on 6 February 1966 with a view to ascertain the post-Taskent political trend. Bangabandhu reached Lahore on 4 February along with the top leaders of Awami League, and the day following he placed the Six-point Charter of demand before the subject committee as the demands of the people of East Pakistan. He created pressure to include his proposal in the agenda of the conference. They rejected the proposal of Bangabandhu. On the following day the newspapers of West Pakistan published reports on the Six-point programme, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was projected as a separatist. Consequently Sheikh Mujib abandoned the conference.

The Six-point programme along with a proposal of movement for the realisation of the demands was placed before the meeting of the working committee of Awami League on 21 February 1966, and the proposal was carried out unanimously. A booklet on the Six-point Programme with introduction from Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and Tajuddin Ahmad was published. Another booklet entitled 'Amader Banchar Dabi : 6-dafa Karmasuchi' (Our demands for existence : 6-points Programme) was published in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and was distributed in the council meeting of Awami League held on 18 March 1966.  

Six points

1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.

2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects : Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.

3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced ; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.

4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.

5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings ; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.

6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force.

The opposition leaders of West Pakistan looked at Mujib's Six-point Programme as a device to disband Pakistan, and hence they outright rejected his proposal. The Ayub government arrested him and put him on trial what is known as AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE. The case led to widespread agitation in East Pakistan culminating in the mass uprising of early 1969. Under public pressure, government was forced to release him unconditionally on 22 February 1969.The Awami League sought public mandate in favour of the six point programme in the general elections of 1970 in which Mujib received the absolute mandate from the people of East Pakistan in favour of his six point. But Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttu refused to join the session of the National Assembly scheduled to be held on 3 March 1971 unless a settlement was reached between the two leaders beforehand. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party sat in a protracted dialogue from 15 March 1971. The dialogue failed to produce any positive result. The army crackdown of 25 March sealed the fate of the six point including the fate of Pakistan.

c) Agortola Conspiracy

Agartala Conspiracy:

Agartala Conspiracy Case  a case framed by the Pakistan Government in 1968 during the Ayub regime against Awami League chief SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, some in-service and ex-service army personnel and high government officials. They were accused of involvement in a conspiracy to secede the East wing from Pakistan with the help of the government of India. The petitis principii in the petition was that the conspiracy was concocted between the Indian party and the accused persons at Agartala city of Tripura in India. The case was thus called Agartala Conspiracy Case. However, the Pakistan government was compelled to withdraw the case in the face of a mass movement in East Pakistan.

Since the inception of Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan were deprived of their legitimate rights in all spheres. Consequently, a general resentment against the Pakistani rulers brewed among the

people of East Pakistan. The demand for autonomy as placed through the SIX-POINT PROGRAMME of the Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman thus received the spontaneous support of the people of East Pakistan.

The acute disparity in the armed forces led some Bangali army officers and soldiers to be united secretly. Knowing full well that the interest of Bangalis could never be served under the rulers of West Pakistan, they decided to make East Pakistan independent through an armed revolt. With this end in view, they began to mobilise army personnel secretly. The conspiracy was, however, detected by the intelligence department of the government. Nearly one thousand five hundred Bangalis throughout Pakistan were arrested by the intelligence force.

The Home Department of Pakistan declared through a press-note issued on 6 January 1968 that the government had detected in December 1967 a conspiracy detrimental to the national interest of Pakistan. The press-note disclosed the news of the arrest of 8 persons including 2 CSP officers and alleged that the persons seized were involved in attempting to separate East Pakistan through armed revolt. Through a separate declaration issued on 18 January 1968 the Home Department implicated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the conspiracy. He was then detained in jail along with many others since 9 May 1966. They were released, only to be arrested again under martial law regulations and were taken to Dhaka Cantonment under military custody.

Initially the government decided to court martial the accused, but subsequently in the interest of the proper holding of the general elections of 1970 the government resolved to frame charge only against 35 concerned political personalities and high government officials under civil law. The persons included in the charge-sheet were Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Commander Moazzem Hossain, Steward Mujibur Rahman, former LS Sultanuddin Ahmad, LSCDI Nur Mohammad, Ahmed Fazlur Rahman CSP, Flight Sergeant Mahfiz Ullah, Corporal Abdus Samad, former Havildar Dalil Uddin, Ruhul Quddus CSP, Flight Sergeant Md. Fazlul Haq, Bibhuti

Bhushan Chowdhury alias Manik Chowdhury, Bidhan Krishna Sen, Subedar Abdur Razzaque, former clerk Mujibur Rahman, former Flight Sergeant Md. Abdur Razzaque, Sergeant Zahurul Haq, A.B. Khurshid, Khan Mohammad Shamsur Rahman CSP, AKM Shamsul Haque, Havildar Azizul Haq, Mahfuzul Bari, Sergeant Shamsul Haq, Shamsul Alam, Captain Md. Abdul Motaleb, Captain A. Shawkat Ali Mian, Captain Khondkar Nazmul Huda, Captain M Nuruzzaman, Sergeant Abdul Jalil, Mahbub Uddin Chowdhury, Lt. M Rahman, former Subedar Tajul Islam, Ali Reza, Captain Khurshid Uddin Ahmed, and Lt. Abdur Rauf.

A special tribunal was formed after an amendment was made in the penal code to that end for the disposal of the case. The hearing of the case started on 19 June 1968 under Sections 121-A and 131. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was enrolled as accused No.1. The case was entitled 'State vs Sheikh Mujibur Rahman & others'. The tribunal started proceedings of the case in a highly protected chamber inside Dhaka Cantonment. A charge-sheet consisting of 100 paragraphs against the 35 accused was placed before the tribunal. There were 227 witnesses including 11 approvers. However, 4 approvers were declared hostile by the government.

Thomas William, a British lawyer and a member of the British Parliament, filed a writ petition in Dhaka High Court on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman challenging the legality of the formation of the tribunal. He was assisted in conducting legal proceedings in the special tribunal by Abdus Salam Khan, Ataur Rahman Khan, and others. The government lawyers leading the case were the former foreign minister Manzur Quader and Advocate General TH Khan. Justice SA Rahman, the Chairman of the three-member tribunal, was a non-Bangali. The other members MR Khan and Maksumul Hakim were Bangalis. The government was bent on identifying Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a seperatist and an Indian agent thereby arousing public support against him. But the approvers on the witness-box declared that the government had compelled them by threat and persecution to submit false evidence in its favour. Thus the governmental machination against the accused got exposed. By this time the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad supported by

MAULANA ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI organised mass movement against the conspiracy of the government and demanded immediate withdrawal of the case and release of all prisoners including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

At a point when the streets of Dhaka became a hot bed of turmoil, Sergeant Zahurul Haq, 17th accused in the case, was mercilessly shot to death while in confinement in Dhaka Cantonment. The news of his death led a furious mob to set fire to the State Guest House as well as other buildings. S.A Rahman, Chairman of the tribunal, and Manzur Quader, chief lawyer on the government side, who were then residing in the guest house, evacuated secretly. Some of the files concerning the case were burnt to ashes. In the face of the mass movement, the Ayub government was ultimately compelled to withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case on 22 February 1969. All the accused, including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were released unconditionally. On the following day (23 February), a grand public reception was accorded to the accused at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was vested with the appellation of 'Bangabandhu'.

d) Election of 1970Election of 1970

The first General elections were held in Pakistan in 1970 during the Military regime of Yahya Khan. The polls in East Pakistan, originally scheduled for October, were delayed by disastrous floods and rescheduled for December, and in some cases, January 1971.

Parties and Candidates

Twenty-four political parties ran in the elections. A total of 1,957 candidates filed nomination papers for 300 National Assembly seats. After scrutiny and withdrawals, 1,579 eventually contested the elections. The Awami League ran 170 candidates, of which 162 were for constituencies in East Pakistan. Jamaat-e-Islami had the second-highest number of candidates with 151. The Pakistan Peoples Party

ran only 120 candidates, of which 103 were from constituencies in the Punjab and Sindh, and none in East Pakistan. The PML (Convention) ran 124 candidates, the PML (Council) 119 and the PML (Qayyum) 133.

The government claimed a high level of public participation and a voter turnout of almost 63%. The total number of registered voters in the country was 56,941,500 out of which 31,211,220 were from the Eastern Wing, while 25,730,280 from the Western Wing.

Results

Party Overall % of votes Total seatsAwami League 38.3% 160Pakistan Peoples Party 19.5% 81PML (Qayyum) 4.5% 9PML (Convention) 3.3% 7Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam 4.0% 7Markazi Jamiat-Ulema-Pakistan 4.0% 7National Awami Party (Wali) 2.3% 6Jamaat-e-Islami 6.0% 4PML (Council) 6.0% 2PDP 2.9% 1Independents 7.1% 16Total 100% 300

e) Towards Independence, 1970-71

In August 1947, the Partition of India gave birth to two new states named Pakistan and India. Areas containing the Muslim-majority became Pakistan while areas with Hindu majority states became India. The new nation of Pakistan included two geographically and culturally separate areas in the east and the west of India. The western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially)

termed West Pakistan and the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East Pakistan. It was widely perceived that West Pakistan dominated politically and exploited the East economically, leading to many grievances.

On the 25 March 1971, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal[8] suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment[9] in what came to be termed Operation Searchlight.[10]

The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forces[11] led to East Pakistan declaring its independence as the state of Bangladesh and to the start of civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million)[12][13] flooding into the eastern provinces of India[12]. Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organizing the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.

East Pakistani grievances

Economic exploitation

West Pakistan (consisting of four provinces: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and North-West Frontier Province) dominated the divided country politically and received more money from the common budget than the more populous East.

YearSpending on West Pakistan (in crore

Rupees)

Spending on East Pakistan (in crore

Rupees)

Amount spent on East as percentage

of West1950–55 1,129 524 46.41955–60 1,655 524 31.71960–65 3,355 1,404 41.81965–70 5,195 2,141 41.2

Total 11,334 4,593 40.5Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970-

75, Vol. I, published by the planning commission of Pakistan (Quick reference: crore = 107, or 10 million)

Political differences

Although East Pakistan accounted for a majority of the country's population,[14] political power remained firmly in the hands of West Pakistanis, specifically the Punjabis. Since a straightforward system of representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan, the West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West Pakistan was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wing's votes. Ironically, after the East broke away to form Bangladesh, the Punjab province insisted that politics in West Pakistan now be decided on the basis of a straightforward vote, since Punjabis were more numerous than the other groups, such as Sindhis, Pashtuns, or Balochs.

After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan's first prime minister, in 1951, political power began to be concentrated in the President of Pakistan, and eventually, the military. The nominal elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through the President.

East Pakistanis noticed that whenever one of them, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy were elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, they were swiftly deposed by the largely West Pakistani establishment. The military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October

1958 – 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25 March 1969 – 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis, only heightened such feelings.

Historic Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March 1971

The situation reached a climax when in 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a Sindhi), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the "one unit scheme". Bhutto also refused to accept Rahman's Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the two leaders of the two wings along with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dhaka to decide the fate of the country. Talks failed. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a nation-wide strike.

On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered a speech at the Racecourse Ground (now called the Suhrawardy Udyan). In this speech he mentioned a further four-point condition to consider the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March:

1. The immediate lifting of martial law.2. Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their

barracks.3. An inquiry into the loss of life.4. Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of

the people before the assembly meeting 25 March.

He urged "his people" to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying, "Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for their independence. General Tikka Khan was flown in to Dhaka to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges, including Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in.

Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes to urgently fly "Government Passengers" to Dhaka. These "Government Passengers" were almost all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistani Navy, carrying ammunition and soldiers, was harboured in Chittagong Port and the Bengali workers and sailors at the port refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands to fire on Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny of Bengali soldiers.

Military imbalance

Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan military. Officers of Bengali origin in the different wings of the armed forces made up just 5% of overall force by 1965; of these, only a few were in command positions, with the majority in technical or administrative posts.[15] West Pakistanis believed that Bengalis were not "martially inclined" unlike Pashtuns and Punjabis; the "martial races" notion was dismissed as ridiculous and humiliating by Bengalis.[15]

Moreover, despite huge defence spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as contracts, purchasing and military support jobs. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir also highlighted the sense of military insecurity among Bengalis as only an under-strength infantry division and 15 combat aircraft without tank support were in East Pakistan to thwart any Indian retaliations during the conflict.[16][17]

Language controversy

In 1948, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's first Governor-General, declared in Dhaka (then usually spelled Dacca in English) that "Urdu, and only Urdu" would be the sole official language for all of Pakistan.[18] This proved highly controversial, since Urdu was a language that was only spoken in the West by Muhajirs and in the East by Biharis. The majority groups in West Pakistan spoke Punjabi and Sindhi, while the Bengali language was spoken by the majority of East Pakistanis.[19] The language controversy eventually reached a point where East Pakistan revolted. Several students and civilians lost their lives in a police crackdown on 21 February 1952. The day is revered in Bangladesh and in West Bengal as the Language Martyrs' Day. Later, in memory of the 1952 killings, UNESCO declared 21 February as the International Mother Language Day in 1999.[20]

In West Pakistan, the movement was seen as a sectional uprising against Pakistani national interests and the founding ideology of Pakistan, the Two-Nation Theory. West Pakistani politicians considered Urdu a product of Indian Islamic culture, as Ayub Khan said, as late as in 1967, "East Bengalis... still are under considerable Hindu culture and influence." But, the deaths led to bitter feelings among East Pakistanis, and they were a major factor in the push for independence.

Response to the 1970 Devastating Cyclone

The 1970 Bhola cyclone made landfall on the East Pakistan coastline during the evening of 12 November, around the same time as a local high tide,[24] killing an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 people. Though the exact death toll is not known, it is considered the deadliest tropical cyclone on record. A week after the landfall, President Khan conceded that his government had made "slips" and "mistakes" in its handling of the relief efforts for a lack of understanding of the magnitude of the disaster.

A statement released by eleven political leaders in East Pakistan ten days after the cyclone hit charged the government with "gross neglect, callous indifference and utter indifference". They also accused the president of playing down the magnitude of the problem in news coverage. On 19 November, students held a march in Dhaka protesting the slowness of the government response.[28] Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani addressed a rally of 50,000 people on 24 November, where he accused the president of inefficiency and demanded his resignation.

As the conflict between East and West Pakistan developed in March, the Dhaka offices of the two government organisations directly involved in relief efforts were closed for at least two weeks, first by a general strike and then by a ban on government work in East Pakistan by the Awami League. With this increase in tension, foreign personnel were evacuated due to fears of violence. Relief work continued in the field, but long-term planning was curtailed.[29] This conflict widened into the Bangladesh Liberation War in December and concluded with the creation of Bangladesh. This is one of the first times that a natural event helped to trigger a civil war.

f) The Liberation War of Bangladesh 1971 (26 March-16 December)The Bangladesh Liberation War(i)(Bengali: মু�ক্তি�যু�দ্ধ Muktijuddho) was an armed conflict pitting West Pakistan against East Pakistan (two halves of one country) and India, that resulted in the secession of East Pakistan to become the independent nation of Bangladesh. The war broke out on 26 March 1971 as army units directed by West Pakistan launched a military operation in East Pakistan against Bengali civilians, students, intelligentsia, and armed personnel who were demanding independence from Pakistan. Members of the East Bengal Regiment, East Pakistan Rifles, East Pakistan police and other Bengali military and paramilitary forces, and armed civilians revolted to form guerilla groups and forces (generally termed as the Mukti Bahini) to fight against the army of West Pakistan. During the following months, India provided economic, military and diplomatic support to the Mukti Bahini in East Pakistan. On December 3, 1971, (West) Pakistan launched a pre-emptive attack on the western border of India, which marked the commencement of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971. Finally, on

December 16, 1971, the allied forces of the Indian army and the Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh Liberation Army) decisively defeated the (West) Pakistani forces deployed in the East resulting in the largest surrender, in terms of the number of POWs, since World War II.

Operation Searchlight

A planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army — codenamed Operation Searchlight — started on 25 March to curb the Bengali nationalist movement[31] by taking control of the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military,[32] within one month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from East Pakistan.[33]

The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali hands in mid-May. The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. These systematic killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East Pakistan later in the same year. The international media and reference books in English have published casualty figures which vary greatly, from 5,000–35,000 in Dhaka, and 200,000–3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole.[7][34]

At a meeting of the military top brass, Yahya Khan declared: "Kill 3 million of them and the rest will eat out of our hands." Accordingly, on the night of 25 March, the Pakistani Army launched Operation Searchlight to "crush" Bengali resistance in which Bengali members of military services were disarmed and killed, students and the intelligentsia systematically liquidated and able-bodied Bengali males just picked up and gunned down.

Although the violence focused on the provincial capital, Dhaka, it also affected all parts of East Pakistan. Residential halls of the University of Dhaka were particularly targeted. The only Hindu residential hall — the Jagannath Hall — was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an estimated 600 to 700 of its residents were murdered. The Pakistani army denies any cold blooded killings at the university, though the Hamood-ur-Rehman commission in Pakistan concluded that overwhelming force was used at the university. This fact and the massacre at Jagannath Hall and nearby student dormitories of Dhaka University are corroborated by a videotape secretly filmed by Prof. Nurul Ullah of the East Pakistan Engineering University, whose residence was directly opposite the student dormitories. [36]

Hindu areas suffered particularly heavy blows. By midnight, Dhaka was literally burning,[citation needed] especially the Hindu dominated eastern part of the city. Time magazine reported on 2 August 1971, "The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Pakistani military hatred."

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by the Pakistani Army. Yahya Khan appointed Brigadier (later General) Rahimuddin Khan to preside over a special tribunal prosecuting Mujib with multiple charges. The tribunal sentenced Mujib to death, but Yahya caused the verdict to be held in abeyance. Other Awami League leaders were arrested as well, while a few fled Dhaka to avoid arrest. The Awami League was banned by General Yahya Khan.

Declaration of independence

The violence unleashed by the Pakistani forces on 25 March 1971, proved the last straw to the efforts to negotiate a settlement. Following these outrages, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed an official declaration that read:

Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night, West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between E.P.R. and Police on the one hand and the armed forces of Pakistan on the other, are going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh. May Allah aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy[37] Bangla.[38]

Sheikh Mujib also called upon the people to resist the occupation forces through a radio message.[39] Mujib was arrested on the night of 25–26 March 1971 at about 1:30 a.m. (as per Radio Pakistan’s news on 29 March 1971).

A telegram containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration reached some students in Chittagong. The message was translated to Bangla by Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed to secure permission from higher authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby Agrabad Station of Radio Pakistan. They crossed Kalurghat Bridge into an area controlled by an East Bengal Regiment under Major Ziaur Rahman. Bengali soldiers guarded the station as engineers prepared for transmission. At 19:45 hrs on 27 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast another announcement of the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur which is as follows.

This is Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of Bangobondhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent People's Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our Motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours. Joy Bangla.

The Kalurghat Radio Station's transmission capability was limited. The message was picked up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It

was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later by the British Broadcasting Corporation.

26 March 1971 is considered the official Independence Day of Bangladesh, and the name Bangladesh was in effect henceforth. In July 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi openly referred to the former East Pakistan as Bangladesh.[42] Some Pakistani and Indian officials continued to use the name "East Pakistan" until 16 December 1971.

Civil War

March to June

Leaflets and pamphlets played an important role in driving public opinion during the war.

At first resistance was spontaneous and disorganized, and was not expected to be prolonged.[43] But when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, resistance grew. The Mukti Bahini became increasingly active. The Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to the underground "Bangladesh army". These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry with supplies from India. Pakistan responded by airlifting in two infantry divisions and reorganizing their forces. They also raised paramilitary forces of Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams (who were mostly members of Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis who opposed independence, and Bihari Muslims who had settled during the time of partition. The Bangladesh government-in-exile was formed on 17 April at Mujib Nagar.

June – September

The eleven sectors

Bangladesh Forces command reorganisation and reinforcement conference on known as the Sector Commanders Conference 1971 11 July - 17th July was presided over by Prime Minister Tajuddin and Gen. Osmani. This conference was significant for shaping and organizing the freedom struggle. The official creation of Bangladesh Forces, its command structuring, sector reorganization, reinforcement and appointing war commanders was its principal

focus. Colonel Muhammad Ataul Gani Osmani received his promotion to General and reinstated from retirement as active duty into the armed forces of Bangladesh as its senior most official. Principal participants of this conference was Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan, Major Ziaur Rahman, Wing Commander Bashar, Major Jalil, Captain Haider, Lt. Col. Abdur Rab and Group Captain A.K. Khandaker. Lt. Col. Rab was appointed as Chief of Bangladesh Army Staff and Group Captain Karim Khandaker

as Osmani's deputy and later Chief of Air Staff Bangladesh Air Force. In this meeting, Bangladesh was divided into Eleven Sectors under Sector Commanders. Each sector was further structured into a combination of sub-sectors, each commanded by a Sub-Sector Commander.

The 10th Sector was directly placed under the Commander in Chief and included the Naval Commandos as the C-in-C’s special force. These commandos were later absorbed into the Bangladesh Navy. Sector Commanders directed the guerrilla warfare against West

Pakistani forces. For better efficiency in military operations each of the sectors were divided into a number of sub-sectors.

Bangladesh was divided into Eleven Sectors each with a sector commander chosen from defected officers of Pakistan army who joined the Bangladesh Forces under General M A G Osmani to conduct guerrilla operations and train fighters. Most of their training camps were situated near the border area and were operated with measured assistance from India. The 10th Sector was directly placed under Commander in Chief (C-in-C) and included the Naval Commandos and C-in-C’s special force.[44] Three brigades (11 Battalions) were raised for conventional warfare; a large guerrilla force (estimated 100,000) was trained.

Guerrilla operations, which slackened during the training phase, picked up after August. Economic and military targets in Dhaka were attacked. The major success story was Operation Jackpot, in which naval commandos mined and blew up berthed ships in Chittagong on 16 August 1971. Pakistani reprisals claimed lives of thousands of civilians. The Indian army took over supplying the Mukti Bahini from the BSF. They organised six sectors for supplying the Bangladesh forces.

October – December

Bangladesh conventional forces attacked border outposts. Kamalpur, Belonia and Battle of Boyra are a few examples. 90 out of 370 BOPs fell to Bengali forces. Guerrilla attacks intensified, as did Pakistani and Razakar reprisals on civilian populations. Pakistani forces were reinforced by eight battalions from West Pakistan. The Bangladeshi independence fighters even managed to temporarily capture airstrips at Lalmonirhat and Shalutikar.[45] Both of these were used for flying in supplies and arms from India. Pakistan sent 5 battalions from West Pakistan as reinforcements.

Indian involvement

Illustration showing military units and troop movements during the war.Major battles

Battle of Boyra

Battle of Garibpur

Battle of Dhalai

Battle of Hilli

Battle of

Wary of the growing involvement of India, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched a pre-emptive strike on

Main religion

KushtiaIndia. The attack was modelled on the Operation Focus employed by Israel Air Force during the Six-Day War. However, the plan failed to achieve the desired success and was seen as an open act of unprovoked aggression against the Indians.

Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi declared war on Pakistan and in aid of the Mukti Bahini, then

ordered the immediate mobilisation of troops and launched the full-scale invasion. This marked the official start of the Indo-Pakistani War.

Three Indian corps were involved in the invasion of East Pakistan. They were supported by nearly three brigades of Mukti Bahini fighting alongside them, and many more fighting irregularly. This was far

superior to the Pakistani army of three divisions[46]. The Indians quickly overran the country, bypassing heavily defended strongholds. Pakistani forces were unable to effectively counter the Indian attack, as they had been deployed in small units around the border to counter guerrilla attacks by the Mukti Bahini.[47]

Unable to defend Dhaka, the Pakistanis surrendered

on 16 December 1971.

The speed of the Indian strategy can be gauged by the fact that one of the regiments of Indian army (7 Punjab now 8 Mechnised Inf Regiment) fought the liberation war along the Jessore and Khulna axis. They were newly converted to a mechanised regiment and it took them just 1 week to reach Khulna after capturing Jessore.

Their losses were limited to just 2 newly acquired APCs (SKOT) from the Russians.

Indian Army's T-55 tanks on their way to Dhaka. India's military intervention played a crucial role in turning the tide in favour of the Bangladeshi rebels.

India's external intelligence agency, the R.A.W., played a crucial role in providing logistic support to the Mukti Bahini during the initial stages of the war. RAW's operations, in then-East Pakistan, was the largest covert mission in the history of South Asia.

Pakistani response

Pakistan launched a number of armoured thrusts along India's

western front in attempts to force Indian troops away from East Pakistan. Pakistan tried to fight back and boost the sagging morale by incorporating the Special Services Group commandos in sabotage and rescue missions. This, however, could not stop the juggernaut of the advancing columns, whose speed and power were too much to contain for the Pakistani

Army.

The air and naval war

The Indian Air Force carried out several sorties against Pakistan, and within a week, IAF aircraft dominated the skies of East Pakistan. It achieved near-total air supremacy by the end of the first week as the entire Pakistani air contingent in the east, PAF No.14 Squadron, was grounded due to Indian airstrikes at

Tejgaon, Kurmitolla, Lal Munir Hat and Shamsher Nagar. Sea Hawks from INS Vikrant also struck Chittagong, Barisal, Cox's Bazar, destroying the eastern wing of the Pakistan Navy and effectively blockading the East Pakistan ports, thereby cutting off any escape routes for the stranded Pakistani soldiers. The nascent Bangladesh Navy (comprising officers and sailors who defected

from Pakistani Navy) aided the Indians in the marine warfare, carrying out attacks, most notably Operation Jackpot.

Surrender and aftermath

Pakistan's Lt. Gen A. A. K. Niazi signs the instrument of surrender on 16 December,

surrendering his forces to Lt. Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora commanding the Mitro Bahini (Allies).

On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen A. A. K. Niazi, CO of Pakistan Army forces located in East Pakistan signed the instrument of surrender. At the time of surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic recognition to the new nation. Bangladesh sought admission

in the UN with most voting in its favor, but China vetoed this as Pakistan was its key ally.[48]

However, the United States was one of the last nations to accord Bangladesh recognition.[49] To ensure a smooth transition, in 1972 the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan. The treaty ensured that Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh in exchange

for the return of the Pakistani PoWs. India treated all the PoWs in strict accordance with the Geneva Convention, rule 1925[citations

needed]. It released more than 90,000 Pakistani PoWs in five months[50].

Further, as a gesture of goodwill, nearly 200 soldiers who were sought for war crimes by Bengalis were also pardoned by India. The accord also gave back more than

13,000 km² of land that Indian troops had seized in West Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas;[51]

most notably Kargil (which would in turn again be the focal point for a war between the two nations in 1999). This was done as a measure of promoting "lasting peace" and was acknowledged by many observers as a sign of

maturity by India. But some in India felt that the treaty had been too lenient to Bhutto, who had pleaded for leniency, arguing that the fragile democracy in Pakistan would crumble if the accord was perceived as being overly harsh by Pakistanis.

Reaction in West Pakistan to the war

Reaction to the defeat and dismemberment of half the nation

was a shocking loss to top military and civilians alike. No one had expected that they would lose the formal war in under a fortnight and were also very angry at what they perceived as a meek surrender of the army in East Pakistan. Yahya Khan's dictatorship collapsed and gave way to Bhutto who took the opportunity to rise to power. General Niazi, who

surrendered along with 93,000 troops, was viewed with suspicion and hatred upon his return to Pakistan. He was shunned and branded a traitor. The war also exposed the shortcoming of Pakistan's declared strategic doctrine that the "defence of East Pakistan lay in West Pakistan".[52]

Pakistan also failed to gather international support, and were found fighting a lone battle with only the USA

providing any external help. This further embittered the Pakistanis who had faced the worst military defeat of an army in decades.

The debacle immediately prompted an enquiry headed by Justice Hamdoor Rahman. Called the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, it was initially suppressed by Bhutto as it put the military in poor light. When it was declassified, it showed

many failings from the strategic to the tactical levels. It also condemned the atrocities and the war crimes committed by the armed forces. It confirmed the looting, rapes and the killings by the Pakistan Army and their local agents although the figures are far lower than the ones quoted by Bangladesh. According to Bangladeshi sources, 200,000

women were raped and over 3 million people were killed, while the Rahman Commission report in Pakistan claimed 26,000 died and the rapes were in the hundreds. However, the army’s role in splintering Pakistan after its greatest military debacle was largely ignored by successive Pakistani governments.

Atrocities

During the war there were

widespread killings and other atrocities – including the displacement of civilians in Bangladesh (East Pakistan at the time) and widespread violations of human rights – carried out by the Pakistan Army with support from political and religious militias began with the start of Operation Searchlight on 25 March 1971.

Bangladeshi authorities

claim that three million people were killed,[7]

while the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, an official Pakistan Government investigation, put the figure as low as 26,000 civilian casualties.[6]

The international media and reference books in English have also published figures which vary greatly from 200,000 to 3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole.[7] A further

eight to ten million people fled the country to seek safety in India.[53]

A large section of the intellectual community of Bangladesh were murdered, mostly by the Al-Shams and Al-Badr forces,[54] at the instruction of the Pakistani Army.[55]

Just 2 days before the surrender, on 14 December 1971, Pakistan Army and Razakar militia

(local collaborators) picked up at least 100 to 300 physicians, professors, writers and engineers in Dhaka, and executed them, leaving the dead bodies in a mass grave.[56]. There are many mass graves in Bangladesh, and more are continually being discovered (such as one in an old well near a mosque in Dhaka, located in the non-Bengali region of the city, which was discovered

in August 1999).[57]

The first night of war on Bengalis, which is documented in telegrams from the American Consulate in Dhaka to the United States State Department, saw indiscriminate killings of students of Dhaka University and other civilians.[58]

Numerous women were tortured, raped and killed during the war; the exact numbers are not known and are a subject of

debate. Bangladeshi sources cite a figure of 200,000 women raped, giving birth to thousands of war babies. The Pakistan Army also kept numerous Bengali women as sex-slaves inside the Dhaka Cantonment. Most of the girls were captured from Dhaka University and private homes.[59]

There was significant sectarian violence not only perpetrated and

encouraged by the Pakistani army,[60] but also by Bengali nationalists against non-Bengali minorities, especially Biharis.[61]

On 16 December 2002, the George Washington University's National Security Archive published a collection of declassified documents, consisting mostly of communications between US embassy officials and United States Information Service

centers in Dhaka and India, and officials in Washington DC.[62]

These documents show that US officials working in diplomatic institutions within Bangladesh used the terms selective genocide[63]

and genocide (see The Blood Telegram) to describe events they had knowledge of at the time. Genocide is the term that is still used to describe the event in almost

every major publication and newspaper in Bangladesh.[64][65], although elsewhere, particularly in Pakistan, the actual death toll, motives, extent, and destructive impact of the actions of the Pakistani forces are disputed.

Foreign reaction

USA and USSR

The United States supported Pakistan both politically and materially.

U.S. President Richard Nixon denied getting involved in the situation, saying that it was an internal matter of Pakistan. But when Pakistan's defeat seemed certain, Nixon sent the USS Enterprise to the Bay of Bengal, a move deemed by the Indians as a nuclear threat. Enterprise arrived on station on 11 December 1971. On 6 December and 13

December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of ships, armed with nuclear missiles, from Vladivostok; they trailed U.S. Task Force 74 in the Indian Ocean from 18 December until 7 January 1972.

The Nixon

administration provided support to Pakistan President Yahya Khan during the turmoil.

Nixon and Henry Kissinger feared Soviet expansion into South and Southeast Asia. Pakistan was a close ally of the People's Republic of China, with whom Nixon had been negotiating a rapprochement and where he intended to visit in February 1972. Nixon feared that

an Indian invasion of West Pakistan would mean total Soviet domination of the region, and that it would seriously undermine the global position of the United States and the regional position of America's new tacit ally, China. In order to demonstrate to China the bona fides of the United States as an ally, and in direct violation of the US Congress-imposed sanctions on Pakistan,

Nixon sent military supplies to Pakistan and routed them through Jordan and Iran,[66]

while also encouraging China to increase its arms supplies to Pakistan.

The Nixon administration also ignored reports it received of the genocidal activities of the Pakistani Army in East Pakistan, most notably the Blood telegram.

The Soviet

Union had supported the Bangladeshis, and supported the Indian Army and Mukti Bahini during the war, recognizing that the independence of Bangladesh would weaken the position of its rivals - the United States and China. It gave assurances to India that if a confrontation with the United States or China developed, the USSR would take counter-

measures. This was enshrined in the Indo-Soviet friendship treaty signed in August 1971. The Soviets also sent a nuclear submarine to ward off the threat posed by USS Enterprise in the Indian Ocean.

China

As a long-standing ally of Pakistan, the People's Republic of China reacted with alarm to the evolving situation in East

Pakistan and the prospect of India invading West Pakistan and Pakistani-controlled Kashmir. Believing that just such an Indian attack was imminent, Nixon encouraged China to mobilize its armed forces along its border with India to discourage such an eventuality; the Chinese did not, however, respond in this manner and instead threw their weight

behind demands for an immediate ceasefire. China did, however, continue to supply Pakistan with arms and aid. It is believed that had China taken action against India to protect West Pakistan then the Soviet Union would have taken military action against China. One Pakistani writer has speculated that China chose not to attack India because

Himalayan passes were snowbound in the wintry months of November and December.

United Nations

Though the United Nations condemned the human rights violations, it failed to defuse the situation politically before the start of the war. The Security Council assembled on 4 December to discuss the volatile situation in South Asia. USSR

vetoed the resolution twice. After lengthy discussions on 7 December, the General Assembly promptly adopted by a majority resolution calling for an "immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of troops." The United States on 12 December requested that the Security Council be reconvened. However, by the time it was reconvened and proposals were finalised, the war had

ended, making the measures merely academic.

The inaction of the United Nations in face of the East Pakistan crisis was widely criticized. The conflict also exposed the delay in decision making that failed to address the underlying issues in time.

2. The

Basi

c

natu

re

and

char

acte

risti

cs of

Ban

glad

esh

econ

omy

i. Fiscal Policy of Bangladesh

Fiscal Policy  generally refers to the use of TAXATION and

government expenditure to regulate the aggregate level of economic activity in a country. Fiscal policy in Bangladesh basically comprises activities, which the country carries out to obtain and use resources to provide services while ensuring optimum efficiency of the economic units. The policy influences

the behaviour of economic forces through public finance. Major objectives of the fiscal policy of Bangladesh are to ensure macroeconomic stability of the country, promote economic growth, and develop a mechanism for equitable distribution of income. The main tools to achieve

these objectives are variation in public revenue, variation in public expenditure, and management of public debt. These are reflected in the budgetary operations of the government, prepared and implemented on year-on-year basis.

In the initial years of independence, the government of

Bangladesh had to spend a large amount of its resources in reconstruction and rehabilitation work. It had negative public savings and limited private investment. Despite large inflows of FOREIGN AID , the increasingly large financing gap became the main concern of the government. The

situation was further aggravated by frequent internal and external shocks. Under the circumstances, government fiscal policies during 1970s and 1980s were largely oriented at rehabilitating the war-torn economy as well as stabilising it from various shocks. This had gradually lead to weak fiscal structure and poor

fiscal management. The tax structure was such that any increase in taxes due to built-in consequences of economic growth was virtually not possible. This was because of the fact that despite a moderate growth of the economy, INCOME DISTRIBUTI ON was skewed, and had been pushing more and more

people below the POVERTY line each year. As such, the proportion of POPULATIO N with taxable surplus went down overtime. More than 80% of the total tax revenue came from indirect taxes, amongst which taxes on imports contributed about 60%. Since most imports were in the government sector and basic need-oriented, it

was hardly possible to increase import duty. Despite higher production costs, prices of most public goods could not be rationalised due to socio-economic reasons. As such, these were kept lower, which resulted in inadequate cost recovery.

Current expenditure had always been

underestimated in the country, while current surplus as well as foreign loans and grants were overestimated. Therefore, the overall fiscal deficit experienced a large variability all the time. The whole scenario may be described as such that the fiscal policies of the past could not be used as an

adequate tool for 'fine-tuning' the economy towards achieving macro-economic stability and higher economic growth.

Regular deficit financing, normally undertaken through borrowings from abroad, from BANGLADE SH BANK , and from scheduled banks, has become a basic feature of the fiscal policy of

the country. Opportunity of borrowing from the public by the government for financing BUDGET deficit is very limited in the country as savings capability of the people is very low. Therefore, the opportunity of non-inflationary financing of budget deficit does not exist here. Availability of foreign

borrowing depends on the international liquidity situation and the prevailing circumstances in the international capital market, which is always uncertain and volatile for a country like Bangladesh.

The commercial banks, because of their potential for central bank refinancing, are also not

effective sources of non-inflationary finance. Given the circumstances, whatever is the size of the fiscal deficit in any particular year, a part of it cannot be financed by external borrowing and, therefore, must be financed out of central bank borrowing. As a result, the essential element of fiscal deficit in

Bangladesh has become such that once a deficit is incurred, government borrowing from the Bangladesh Bank became inevitable.

In the early 1990s, the government of Bangladesh undertook some comprehensive steps towards the improvement of the country's fiscal front. The major objective

of the government fiscal policy was to restrict the growth of current expenditure to a level below the growth of the nominal GDP, thereby making more resources available to support ANNUAL DEVELOPM ENT PROGRAM ME (ADP) undertaken in each year. In line with the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility

(ESAF) of the IMF, a number of reforms were initiated, the most important of which was the introduction of VALUE ADDED TAX (VAT) in July 1991.

VAT was introduced at a uniform rate of 15% at the manufacturing-cum-import level. Together with protection-neutral supplementary duties, this system

largely replaced the earlier structure of differentiated sales tax on import and excise duties on domestic goods. In case of personal income tax, the major reforms involved the inclusion of entertainment allowances in the personal income tax base, deduction of investment in approved assets from

the tax base, and an introduction of a withholding tax on dividend with limitation of special expenditure within a reasonable limit. Steps were taken to reduce interest rates on government savings instruments and subsidies for food and jute. A good number of public sector enterprises were denationalised

through sales to the private sector.

These reform measures resulted in a remarkable improvement in the fiscal situation of Bangladesh after 1990. The growth of current expenditures was contained below the rate of GDP growth. Tax reform led to an increase in government revenues from much below 10%

of GDP in fiscal year 1989-90 to 11% in fiscal year 1991-92. This trend continued and revenue collections reached more than 12% of GDP by the FY 1994-95. This trend is continuing, although with minor fluctuations. Moreover, this was accompanied by changes in the tax structure of the country, reflected in

the decline of the shares of customs duties and increase in the share of income and profit taxes in the total tax revenues in the subsequent period. As a result, the shortage of local funds that had constrained in the project implementation capacity of the country and had shrunk the country's absorptive capacity for project aid for a

long period was largely removed.

The improvement of the government's fiscal performance was reflected in the budgetary outcome of the country. The overall budget deficit was 8.4% of GDP during the 1980s and came down to 5.9% in 1991-92 and thus provided a breathing ground for the government. Up to

1997-98, the budget deficit could be successfully contained to less than 6%, helping to stabilise the economy to a great extent. But this could not be maintained in the following year due to the devastating and prolonged FLOOD s that occurred in the first half of 1998-99. There was a considerabl

e slippage in the expenditure programme of the government due to floods while revenue collection lagged far behind the target. As a result, the overall budget deficit shot up to 7.8% in the FY 1998-99. Although the government took some steps, the overall deficit remained slightly above 6% in 1999-

2000.

Up to 1989-90, FOREIGN AID had financed the lion's share of fiscal deficit of Bangladesh. Since then there has been a considerable shift in the sources of funds for financing budget deficit. Domestic sources could provide only 15% of the total deficit during 1989-90. In contrast, in FY

1999-2000, the comparative figures for domestic and foreign sources in funding the budget deficit were 47% and 53% respectively. However, an absolute decline in the flow of external funds on concessionary terms is also partly attributable to this. Increased dependence on local funds has largely reduced the

uncertainties of the implementation of the budgetary programme. But this has also increased the risk of additional burden of higher interest costs from domestic borrowing.

Efforts to generate increased domestic resources are generally based on various tax reforms as well as reforms in the financial sector. On the

expenditure side, the government has given increased emphasis on human resource development and poverty alleviation programmes. Top priority has been given to improve the quality and coverage of the education system as well as health and family planning services, and social safety net pogrammes to serve vulnerable group. This is

demonstrated in the increased budgetary allocation in these heads in recent years.

ii. Agriculture

Agriculture Sector

The economy of Bangladesh is primarily dependent on agriculture. About 84 percent of the total population live in rural areas and are directly or indirectly engaged in a wide range of

agricultural activities. Agriculture contributes about 32 percent to the country's GDP, about 23 percent of which is contributed by the crop sector alone. About 63 percent of the labour force is employed in agriculture with about 57 percent being employed in the crop sector.  The scope of modern agriculture has been widened significantly. Although agriculture used to be originally defined as

the cultivation of land for producing crops only, now-a-days, any applied activity through proper utilization of natural resources which relates to the production, development, preservation, processing, marketing and extension of not only crops but also other agricultural commodities such as fish, meat, eggs, forest products, etc. is universally accepted within the purview of

agriculture. According to the above definition, crop production, animal husbandry, fisheries, forestry, etc. are integral components of agriculture. But, crops undoubtedly constitutes the largest and most important sector of Bangladesh agriculture. Although overall agriculture encompasses the development of crops, livestock, fishery, environment and forestry, separate policies on fisheries,

livestock, as well as environment and forestry have already been formulated by the respective ministries. In this perspective, Ministry of  Agriculture has formulated this policy document in order to provide proper guidelines for various development activities relating to crops which is the largest sector of agriculture. As expected, policies related to crop

production and marketing together with minor irrigation, seeds, fertilizers and agricultural credit got prominence in the document. Since crop sector plays the major role in Bangladesh agriculture and gets the top most importance in various agriculture related programmes of the government, this policy document for the development of crop sector is, therefore, titled as the National

Agriculture Policy.In Bangladesh, it is possible to reduce rural poverty and raise the living standard of common people by establishing agriculture as a profitable sector. It is, therefore, necessary to reorganize and develop the agricultural production system into a more dynamic and commercially profitable sector. In this context, the primary goal of the National Agriculture Policy is to

modernize and diversify the crop sector, in other words the entire agricultural system, through initiation and implementation of a well-organized and well-coordinated development plan. The following opportunities and constraints prevailing in the agriculture sector have been taken into consideration with a view to framing and implementing an effective

agriculture policy:

Opportunities:

* Agriculture sector is the single largest contributor to GDP. * Crop production system is highly labour intensive and there is an abundance of labour supply in the country. * Agriculture is the largest source of employment for skilled and unskilled labour. * Favourable natural

environment generally exists throughout the year for crop production. * Wide range of bio-diversity exists for different crops. * Different crops and agricultural commodities are the main sources of nutrition, including protein, minerals and vitamins. * Agricultural commodities have comparatively higher value added than non-agricultural commodities.

Constraints:

* Agriculture is dependent on the vagaries of nature and is risky. * Availability of cultivable land is decreasing. * Lack of proper land use planning. * Widespread poverty among the population engaged in agriculture. * Lack of required capital for agricultural activities.   * Agricultural commodities are rapidly perishable and post harvest

losses are too high. * Inadequacy of appropriate technology considering farmers' socio-economic conditions. * Decreasing yields of different crops due to slow expansion of modern technology as well as unplanned use of soil and water. * Uncertainity of fair price of agricultural commodities due to underdeveloped marketing system. * Very weak

backward-forward linkage in agriculture. * Limited knowledge of common people about the nutritional value of agricultural commodities including vegetables and fruits. * Absence of efficient as well as effective farmers' organization at the grass root level. * Inadequate use of improved seeds, fertilizers, irrigation and other inputs.

Challenges:

Natural disasters are

the biggest threat to the agriculture sector in Bangladesh. The annual agricultural output frequently fluctuates since Bangladesh is prone to floods, cyclones and droughts.

Another key challenge facing the agriculture sector is shortage of land. Rapid growth in rural population and the resulting fragmentation of land holdings implies that farm sizes are diminishing. Smaller

farms have less access to credit and modern technology, which leads to reduced productivity. In addition, due to the acute scarcity of land and the lack of a comprehensive land use policy, agricultural land is frequently exploited for human settlements, brickfields, shrimp farming etc. There has not been sufficient crop diversification in Bangladesh and rice occupies almost 75 percent of

the cropped area. High-yield variety seeds are mostly available for rice and wheat and this reduces the competitiveness of other crops like pulses etc.

Modernization of Agriculture:

Given the scarcity of land, future growth in agricultural output will have to result from increased productivity. Thus modernization of agriculture, including implementation of

scientific research, irrigation, application of fertilizer and use of machinery and high yield variety seeds, are essential. In addition, new storage and processing technology is needed to increase agriculture sector revenues. Currently the agricultural research efforts are led by the apex institution Bangladesh Agricultural Research Council (BARC). BARC plans, coordinates and

integrates the activities of ten research institutions – six belonging to the Ministry of Agriculture, two from the Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock and one from the Forest and Environment Ministry.

Trade and Investment:

The fisheries and livestock sectors in Bangladesh has benefited substantially from private sector investment. The crop

sector is currently undergoing transformation from subsistence to commercial farming. This can open up investment and trade opportunities in crops, seeds, fertilizers, processed food etc.

National Agriculture Policy (NAP):  The overall objective of the national agriculture police is to make the nation self-sufficient in food through increasing production of all crops

including cereals and ensure a dependable food security system for all. The specific objectives of the national agriculture are to:

Ensure a profitable and sustainable agricultural production system and raise the purchasing power by increasing real income of the farmers.

Preserve and develop land productivity.

Reduce excessive

dependency on any single crop to minimize the risk.

Increase production and supplies of more nutritious food crops and thereby ensuring food security and improving nutritional status.

Preserve existing bio-diversity of different crops.

Take up programs for the introduction utilization and extension of bio-technology

Take necessary

steps to ensure environmental protection as well as 'environment friendly sustainable agriculture' through increased use of organic manure and strengthening of the integrated Pest Management (IPM) Programmes.

Take appropriate steps to take develop an efficient irrigation system and encourage farmer in providing supplementary irrigation during

drought n with a view to increasing cropping intensity and yield

Establish agriculture as a diversified and sustainable income generating sector through strengthening of 'farming system' based agriculture production and agro-forestry programmes

Take effective steps to ensure input supplies to the farmer at fair prices to the competitive

market and remove difficulties at the farmer's level which have arisen out of the privatization of input distribution system.

Develop marketing system to ensure fair prices of agricultural commodities

Introduce an appropriate institutional system of providing credit to ensure the availability of agricultural credit in time.

Produce and supply of agricultural

commodities as required by the industrial sector

Reduce imports of agricultural commodities and find out newer opportunities for increasing exports as well

Create opportunities for establishing agro-processing an d agro based industry

Protect interests of the small ,marginal and tenant farmers

Update the

agricultural system in the light of the agreement on agriculture under WTO, SAFTA and other international treaties by protecting the national interests and

Develop contingency management system to combat natural disasters.

Ministry of Agriculture:

The Ministry of Agriculture (MOA) is one of the key ministries of the Government of the

People's Republic of Bangladesh. It is housed on the 4th and 5th floors of the rear building of Bangladesh Secretariat. It comprises seven wings with responsibilities of policy formulation, planning, monitoring and administration. Eighteen agencies operate under this ministry which are responsible for implementation of different projects and plans of MOA.The MOA is led by a

Minister and a State Minister, who are supported by a Secretary, two Additional Secretaries, seven Joint Secretaries, a Joint Chief and a number of Deputy Secretaries/Chiefs, Sr. Assistant Secretaries/Chiefs and Assistant Secretaries/Chiefs (ref. MOA Organogram).

Allocation of Business:

* Develop agricultural policies, plans, regulations, acts, etc. for sustainable

agricultural development and for food sufficiency; * Provide support in developing new agricultural technologies to boost up agricultural production and coordinate with local and international trade agencies for marketing; * Monitor implementation of agricultural polices, plans, projects, programmes and regulations; * Monitor distribution of agricultural inputs and

subsidies and marketing of the agricultural products in local and international markets; * Develop capacity of the professionals and other team players with the recent development in the agricultural sector in the world; * Provide administrative and policy support to MOA agencies for planning and implementation of the development programmes/projects and

coordinate with donors and development partners for funding and technical assistance;

iii. Industry

Bangladesh will have within a decade a sizable industrial sector where manufacturing will account for at least 25 per cent of the GDP and at least 20 per cent of the employed workforce. This will mean a considerabl

e rise from the figure of 10 per cent around which the sector's share in GDP and employed population have hovered for most of the past two decades.

A vibrant and dynamic private sector will be the principal actor in Bangladesh's industrial arena. The industrial sector of Bangladesh will be competitive in the liberalized internal market as well as in

the external market. The industrial sector of Bangladesh shall have a dominant export orientation.

The goal of external competitiveness implies the pursuit of industrialization in accordance with the dynamic comparative advantage of the economy. Given Bangladesh's resource endowment, the principle of dynamic comparative advantage means production of labor intensive

manufactures with skill up-gradation and productivity growth as its cutting edge. This however, does not preclude the possibility of Bangladesh having a niche high-tech industrial sub-sector that may be externally competitive.

Dispersal of small and medium industries will constitute an important element in the industrial policy approach.

Industrial development will be sustainable from the point of view of environmental concerns and resource availability.

Industrial Policy 1999 aims at addressing these concerns building on earlier efforts and gains towards industrialization of Bangladesh economy.

Traditional Sector:

The industrial sector produces around 10

percent of GDP, and long-term national strategies in the late 1980s did not anticipate a major increase in that percentage. The greatest need and the greatest opportunities remained predominantly in the agricultural sector.

Eastern Bengal was known for its fine muslin and silk fabric before the British period. The dyes, yarn, and cloth were the envy of much of the pre modern

world. Bengali muslin, silk, and brocade were worn by the aristocracy of Asia and Europe. The introduction of machine-made textiles from England in the late eighteenth century spelled doom for the costly and time-consuming handloom process. Cotton growing died out in East Bengal, and the textile industry became dependent on imported yarn. Those who had earned their

living in the textile industry were forced to rely more completely on farming. Only the smallest vestiges of a once-thriving cottage industry survived.

At independence Bangladesh was one of the least industrially developed of the populous nations. Annual per capita consumption of steel and cement was only about one-third that of India, for example, and electric

power consumption per capita was less than one-fifth.

INFRASTRUCTURAL FACILITIES AND UTILITY SERVICES IN BANGLADESH

GENERAL:The investors will, in general, find the infrastructural facilities and utility services available in Bangladesh to be adequate. Bangladesh is now trying to establish itself as the

next rising star in South Asia as a location for foreign investment. The government has implemented a number of policy reforms designed to create a more open and competitive climate for private investment, both foreign and domestic. The issues relating to infrastructural facilities and utility services have been given high priorities in those policy reforms and implementations.

COMMUNICATION:The transport sector of Bangladesh consists of a variety of modes. The country being a flat plain, all three modes of surface transport i.e. road, railway, and water are widely used in carrying both passengers and cargo.

More than half of Bangladesh has access to an all-weather hard surface road within three miles distance. There has been a dramatic

expansion of road network in recent years. In 1997, the total length of paved road under the Roads and Highways Department stood at more than 20,000 kilometers. It is increasing over time. It is estimated that mechanized road transport carry about 70% of the country's total passenger and cargo volume. Ports and important business centers are well

connected by roads and highways.

In recent years, construction of a number of bridges such as the Bangabandhu Jamuna Bridge, Meghna Bridge, Meghna-Gumti Bridge, Bangladesh-China Friendship Bridge, Shambhuganj Bridge and Mahananda Bridge have been completed. The 4.8 kilometer long Bangabandhu Bridge which has been opened

to traffic in June, 1998, is the eleventh longest in the world. It has established a strategic link between the East and West of Bangladesh, has integrated the country, is generating multifaceted benefits to the people and promoting inter-regional trade. Apart from quick movement of goods and passenger traffic, it is facilitating transmission of electricity

and natural gas and has integrated the telecommunication link.

About 32% of the total area of Bangladesh is effectively covered by the railways. It connects all the administrative and business points of the country. Railway container services from Chittagong port to Dhaka are available.

About two-thirds of Bangladesh is a wetland laced with a

dense network of rivers, canals and creeks. The navigable waterways vary between 8372 kilometer during the monsoon to 5200 kilometer during the dry season. Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority has been established by the government for maintenance of navigability of ports and channels.

The entire coast along the Bay of Bengal is

710 Kilometer long. There are two major ports in the country. Chittagong Port, the oldest port, has been an entry point for at least 1000 years. The Mongla Port in Khula region serves the western part of Bangladesh. World’s reputed shipping lines are operating through these two ports.

There are now 11 operational airports in Bangladesh. Of these,

the airports at Dhaka, Chittagong, and Sylhet serve international routes.

WATER:Water is supplied by the Water and Sewerage Authority (WASA) in the metropolitan areas. Very high priority is attached regarding availability of water in industrial areas.

WATER:Water is supplied by the Water and Sewerage Authority (WASA) in the

metropolitan areas. Very high priority is attached regarding availability of water in industrial areas.

GAS:Natural gas supply is available in major industrial areas.

TELECOMMUNICATION:Comprehensive telecommunication services such as fully automatic telex, fax, e-mail, internet, telephone including international direct

dialing are available.

ELECTRICITY:In Bangladesh, electric power is generated in hydro, steam, gas-turbine, and diesel power plants. All the generating stations are interconnected through a national grid.

INDUSTRIAL LANDOnce an industrial project is registered, the entrepreneur is eligible to apply for allotment of land to the government.

Price of land in most of the industrial estates/ areas is relatively lower than the market rate. These estates are developed with necessary infrastructure facilities such as electricity, gas, water, sewerage, etc.

Industrial plots are allotted by Bangladesh Export Processing Zones Authority (BEPZA) and Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation

(BSCIC) in industrial areas developed by them. Plots in other industrial estates/areas, owned by the government or owned/controlled by any local authority, are allotted on the recommendation of the Board of Investment (BOI).

Industrial Policy:

The Fifth Five Year Plan of Bangladesh envisages that Bangladesh will have within a

decade a sizable industrial sector where manufacturing will account for at least 25 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP) in place of present 11.3 percent and at least 20 per cent of the employed workforce in place of present 7.7 percent. A vibrant and dynamic private sector will be the principal actor in Bangladesh's industrial arena. The goals of export orientation

and external competitiveness imply the pursuit of industrialization in accordance with the dynamic comparative advantage of the economy. Given Bangladesh's resource endowment, the principle of dynamic comparative advantage means production of labor intensive manufactures with skill up-gradation and productivity growth as its cutting edge. Decentralized small and medium

industries will constitute important elements in the industrial scene of Bangladesh. Industrial Policy, 1999 aims at addressing these concerns and build on earlier efforts and gains towards industrialization of Bangladesh economy.

Main Objectives:

1. To expand

the production base of the economy by

significantly raising the level of in

dustrial investment

2. To promote the priv

ate sector to lead the growth of indus

trial production and investment

3. To defi

ne the role of the government as facil

itator in creating an enabling environ

ment for expanding private investment

4. T

o focus public undertaking in those in

dustrial activities where public secto

r involvement is essential to facilita

te the growth of the private sector.

5. To

attract foreign direct investment in

both export and import substitute indu

stries

6. To ensure rapid growth of indust

rial employment by encouraging investm

ent in labour intensive manufacturing

industries including investment in eff

icient medium, small and cottage indus

tries

7. To generate female employment in

higher skill categories through specia

l emphasis on skill development

8. To rais

e industrial productivity and to move

progressively to higher value added pr

oducts through skill and technology up

-gradation

9. To enhance operational effic

iency in all remaining public manufact

uring enterprises through appropriate

management restructuring and pursuit o

f market- oriented policies

10. To diversif

y and rapidly increase export of manuf

actures

11. To encourage the competitive st

rength of import substituting industri

es for catering to a growing domestic

market

12. To ensure the process of industr

ialization this is environmentally sou

nd for preventing environmental pollut

ion and maintaining ecological balance

13. And to encourage balanced industrial d

evelopment throughout the country by i

ntroducing suitable measures and incen

tives.

SECTOR WISE INDUSTRY OVERVIEW

Bangladesh, traditionally known for jute and tea exports, has recently attracted world- wide attention for readymade garments, leather exports and pharmaceutical products. Bangladesh foresees an expansion of her agricultural sector, as well as increased

diversity in non traditional industries and business.

Textile

The fastest growing industry in Bangladesh with RMG accounting for more than 75% of total exports.

Bangladesh is best placed in the region for textiles and garments because of cheap labor and trade status with the EU.

Government incentives for the spinning and

weaving industries include a 15% cash subsidy of the fabric cost to exporters sourcing fabrics locally.

There is a huge fabric demand supply gap in the RMG industry which is being me by imports.

Thus the potential for backward linkage industry is enormous.

RMG and Backward Linkage:

The phenomenal growth in RMG was experienced

in the last decade. With about 2,600 factories and a workforce of 2 million, RMG jointly with knitwear accounted for more than 70% of total investments in the manufacturing sector during the first half of the 1990's.

Pharmaceutical industry in Bangladesh

In Bangladesh the pharmaceutical sector is one of the most developed hi-tech

sectors which are contributing in the country's economy. After the promulgation of Drug Control Ordinance - 1982, the development of this sector was accelerated. The professional knowledge, thoughts and innovative ideas of the pharmacists working in this sector are the key factors for this development. Due to recent development of this sector it is exporting medicines to global

market including European market. This sector is also providing 97% of the total medicine requirement of the local market. Leading pharmaceutical companies are expanding their business with the aim to expand export market. Recently few new industries have been established with high tech equipments and professionals which will enhance the strength of

this sector.

iv. Foreign trade

Foreign Trade

Foreign Trade of Bangladesh is characterised by a chronic deficit in the BALANCE OF TRADE because of increasingly large dependence of the economy on import of capital goods, industrial raw materials, fuel, and a wide variety

of consumer items. The history of foreign trade in Bengal reveals its economy as an export-oriented one since the beginning of the eighteenth century. The low price of raw SILK, TEXTILES and FOOD GRAIN attracted traders of other parts of Asia and of far away countries as well. Already in the 17th century, Bengal had foreign trading houses (kuthi) established

by businessmen from Britain, Holland, France, Belgium, Denmark and many other countries. They exported goods from Bengal to Europe and other parts of the world in exchange of mainly gold and silver. The British EAST INDIA COMPANY established its office in Bengal in 1650 AD.

British traders faced difficulties in expanding export from

India through sea especially because of Portuguese dominance, which was later curtailed by expulsion of the Portuguese from Hughli in 1632 by Subedar Kashim Khan under the instruction of Emperor SHAHJAHAN

. British traders had enjoyed tax and other facilities in exports from Bengal since the period of Subedar SHAH SHUJA (1651) although they were given the privilege of

conducting duty-free trade only in 1717 by a special order issued by Emperor FARRUKH SIYAR. The French and Dutch companies, however, were never eliminated as exporters from Bengal. Commodities exported from the region by European companies included textiles, raw silk, salt-petre and opium. Other products exported in relatively smaller quantities were sugar, RICE,

WHEAT, butter oil and MUSTARD oil, wax, borax, lax, COWRIE and gunny bags. Europeans, however, did not export products from Bengal to Europe only; a substantial part of export commodities went to the Middle-East also. Association with traders from abroad lead to gradual development of indigenous traders, who started shipping local products. Many such

traders went to Middle-Eastern and also some African countries to open business houses there and conduct trading based on exports from Bengal.

The export-oriented foreign trade of Bengal had little impact on the economy in terms of development of a local market or of an improved production base to meet increasing demands for export products. Meanwhile, as the

POPULATION continued to increase local consumption and development needs started pushing import demands. Nevertheless, the territory did not receive adequate attention as far as the local production capacity was concerned. The Industrial Revolution in England and the advent of science and technology in other parts of the world resulted in a situation

when products of Bengal gradually lost the international market, while at the same time, the territory became dependent on import of manufactured products from abroad. East Pakistan was victim of this process that continued throughout the British period and even after 1947, when the central government of Pakistan pursued a policy of exporting raw materials and primary/agri

cultural products from the territory without giving adequate attention to the development of an indigenous manufacturing base.

The share of international trade in the GDP of Bangladesh has historically remained small. In 1969-70, the year preceding the WAR OF LIBERATION

, Bangladesh exported goods worth $350 million and her import payments

were $381 million. These figures exclude trade with West Pakistan conducted in very distorted prices. Damages caused by the war lead to a rapid increase in import demands and the import payments in early 1970s were even higher because of the oil crisis and the resulting international price hike. Export receipts in 1974-75 were only $383 million,

while import payments were $1,403 million. The import payments remained at levels about three times the export receipts over the next fifteen years and this contributed to a continuous growth of the trade gap, which was Tk -3.25 billion in 1972-73, Tk -51.56 billion in 1991-92 and Tk -116.03 billion in 1996-97. Major growth items in export during the period were

garments, frozen food, and leather. About one-third of the import bill accrued to capital goods. Other major items of import were FOODGRAIN, edible oil, COTTON, PETROLEUM PRODUCTS, textiles and CEMENT. There were some shifts in the structure of exports and imports, terms of trade, and geographical direction of trade during the last decade.

A more or less representative picture

may be presented by figures for 1996-97, when import payments (Tk 541.8 billion) were about 1.9 times export receipts. Of the total import payments, the payments under cash, barter, wage earners' fund, and loans and grants constituted 80.5%, 0.5%, 9.9% and 9.1% respectively. Major commodities imported on cash basis included cotton (18%),

machinery and mechanical parts thereof (8.2%), mineral fuels and products of their distillation (7.6%), iron and steel (5.2%), manmade staple fibres (4.3%), salt, sulphur, earth and stone, lime and cement (4.2%), animal and vegetable fats (4%), electrical machinery and equipment (3%), ships, boats and floating structures (2.8%), knitted and crocheted fabrics (2.7%),

plastics and articles thereof (2.6%), vehicles other than RAILWAY or tramway rolling stock and parts and accessories thereof (2.4%), PAPER and paper board articles (2.1%), organic chemicals (1.9%), cereals (1.8%), and FERTILISER (1.6%). The top fifteen countries from whom cash imports were made were India (17.2%), Peoples Republic of China (10.2%),

Hong Kong (7.6%), Republic of Korea (6.6%), Japan (5.9%), Taiwan (5.6%), Singapore (5.5%), USA (5%), Malaysia (3.9%), UK (3%) Australia (2.8%), Germany (2.5%), Indonesia (2.4%), Saudi Arabia (1.6%) and Pakistan (1.2%). Russia, China and Hungary were the main trading partners in imports of Bangladesh under commodity

exchange agreements (barter) and the goods imported included mainly machinery and equipment and parts thereof, and railway locomotives. Imports under wage earners' fund took place mainly from India, Republic of Korea, and USA, and the major items were machinery and mechanical appliances, edible oil, electrical goods, beverage and TOBACCO and

manufactured tobacco substitutes. Of the total imports of Tk 54.2 billion under loans and grants, approximately 40% were under grants to cover mostly the import of food items, while loan/credit financed the import of non-food items only.

Exports from Bangladesh take place mainly under cash payments. Barter trade accounted for only 0.5% of total exports in 1996-97.

The main items of export on cash terms included garments and hosiery (66.3%), JUTE manufactures (8.7%), SHRIMPs and PRAWNs (8.2%), leather and leather manufactures (5.9%), raw jute (3.5%), FISH (1.1%) and TEA (0.9%). Export of consumer goods and materials for consumer goods were 87.5% and 12% respectively, while export of capital goods and material for

capital goods accounted for only 0.5%. The major importers of products from Bangladesh were USA (31.5%), UK (10.3%), Germany (9.8%), France (7.1%), Netherlands (5.2%), Italy (5%), Belgium (4.8%), Hong Kong (2.8%), Japan (2.5%) and Canada (1.7%). Imports constituted about 11% of GDP in 1991-92. The ratio increased to 15.4% in

1995-96, and the comparative figures for share of exports in GDP were 6.2% and 8.8%. The composition of imported commodities has remained stable over the last few years and the share of consumer goods, material for consumer goods, capital goods and material for capital goods account for 39%, 29%, 14% and 18%. Approximately one-fourth of the imports are made by

private sector importers while the remaining three-fourths are imported by government and semi-government agencies. Exports, however, are dominated by the private sector, which claimed 99.4% in the same year.

The lion's share of foreign trade of Bangladesh is carried through the sea route. Imports by sea, air and land in 1995/96

constituted 81.5%, 5.2% and 13.3%, while 98.4% of exports were by sea and 1.6% were by air. Trends in import and export prices over the last few years show an overall increase in import prices as compared to the prices of exports and the terms of trade experienced a deterioration by 2.6% in 1989-90, when it was 92.8. It stood at 100.1 in 1994-95.

Government

regulations of foreign trade in Bangladesh are characterised by changes following shifts in national policy from a strong public sector economy to a laissez faire one and promotion of private entrepreneurs, and implementation of the provisions of the industrial policies and the principles outlined in the five-year plans. Import control measures

have the objectives of promoting the country's industrialisation and efficiently utilising scarce FOREIGN EXCHANGE RESERVEs. The government attaches top priority to increase of export of newly developed non-traditional and higher value added products in order to accelerate economic growth, to create jobs, and to increase earnings to reduce the import-

export gap. In addition to products traditionally exported by Bangladesh, the items that have high export potential include tropical FRUITs, VEGETABLE

s, cut flowers, fresh water shrimps, COMPUTER software products services, stuffed toys and jewelry.

In the past decade, the trade regime of Bangladesh underwent substantial transformation with gradual unfolding of an

environment conducive to export-oriented development. But in 1985, the average nominal protection was above 100%, which dropped to 22% in 1996. The coverage of quota restrictions was reduced from 42% of imports in 1985 to only 2% in 1996. Officially, the government follows a course of trade and exchange liberalisation to promote competitive efficiency in

production and achieve neutrality of incentives between production for exports and import substitution, while gradually making trade facilitation the centerpiece of customs administration. The major elements of the policy reforms intended to be implemented by the government include liberalisation of imports and simplification of import procedures, rationalisation of tariff

structure, reduction in tariff rates and quantitative restrictions, pursuit of a flexible exchange rate policy, allowing IMF-consistent counter trade, and provision of specific and transparent export promotion measures. The export policy adopted by the government during the fifth Five-Year Plan period (1997-2002) had the objective of developing marketability of exportables

through product diversification and quality improvements, establishing backward linkages with export-oriented industry and service sectors for more utilisation of local inputs, attracting entrepreneurs for setting up export-oriented industries, and expanding and consolidating existing markets for Bangladeshi exportables.

The gover

nment has established a National Commission for Export headed by the prime minister. In addition, a Task Force and an Export Promotion Council under the chairmanship

of the minister for commerce also active. Bangladesh is facing difficulties in withstanding the effects of opening trade in agriculture commodities and service to global

competition. Moreover, it is having to copy with the constraints in trade related investment measures. To solve these problems, the country is seeking increased access to markets of neigh

bouring countries and intensified regional and sub-regional cooperation.

v. Foreign Aid

Foreign Aid

Foreign Aid: any capital inflow or other assistance given to a country which would not generally have been provided by natural

market forces.

In Bangladesh, foreign aid serves to bridge the gap between savings and investments and make up the deficits in the BALANCE OF PAYMENTS. Foreign aid is a major means of financing the country's economic development. Economic literature generally classifies foreign aid into four main types. First, the long-term loans usually repayable

by the recipient country in foreign currency over ten or twenty years. Secondly, the soft loans repayable in local currency or in foreign currency but over a much longer period and with very low interest rates. The softest are the straight grants often given to the less developed countries. Sale of surplus products to a country in return for payment in the country's local

currency, e.g., food aid from the USA under PL-480, is the third type and finally, the technical assistance given to the developing countries comprises the fourth type of foreign aid.

Foreign aid is essentially economic aid and is provided on a governmental basis. In Bangladesh the standard practice is to treat only the loans received on concessional terms and grants as foreign aid. Excluded

from the category are fund transfers in the form of military assistance, aid provided by foreign private agencies, suppliers credit, export credit, foreign portfolio investment, FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMEN

T and hard-term borrowing with an interest rate of 5% and above and/or a repayment period of less than twelve years. The donors of foreign aid to

Bangladesh include individual countries, multinational financial institutions and international agencies and organisations. Foreign aid to Bangladesh is classified on the basis of terms and conditions, source, and use. Accordingly, the various types foreign aid are loans and grants, or bilateral aid and multilateral aid, or food aid, commodity aid, project aid and technical

assistance.

Food aid is the supply of food from the donor countries and organisations or payment to suppliers of food to Bangladesh by them. Donor payments of costs associated with food supply such as transport, storage, distribution, etc. are also considered as food aid. Likewise, commodity aid represents donor funding of the acquisition of

commodities including consumer items, intermediate inputs and industrial raw materials. Sale of food and commodities imported under aid arrangements generates a counterpart taka fund in the government treasury. Projects or activities implemented with the help of that fund also fall under food or commodity aid programmes. Major commodities imported into

Bangladesh under commodity aid programmes are edible oil, seeds, FERTILISERs and chemicals. Project aid is the provision of grants and loans for the financing of project costs. It also finances the import of equipment and commodities related to projects. In Bangladesh project aid relates to a large extent to the financing of projects included in the ANNUAL DEVELOPME

NT PROGRAMM

E (ADP). Technical Assistance, often seen as a part of project aid refers generally to foreign aid for the improvement of the institutional capacity, transfer of technology, import of expertise (foreign consultants and technicians), and development of human resources by providing training facilities, including foreign fellowships.

Background The international flow of

capital involving borrowing and lending across political borders is a relatively modern phenomenon. The bulk of the international flows of fund during 1870-1913 comprised private flows across only developed countries and the long-term debt of these countries in 1920 was estimated at only $100 million. The aid industry, as it is termed today, was actually founded

with the establishment of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the International Monetary Fund in 1945, institutionalising official flows of capital from developed to developing countries. IBRD, however, had the initial mandate to facilitate private investment in Europe and in developing countries. The first IBRD loans

on concessional terms for specific development projects in the Third World were made to three Latin American countries in 1948 and 1949.

In the imperial days of Britain, the dependency was to meet the costs of government and of development out of local revenue. If a dependency was ever given any grant-in-aid, the British Treasury took control of its finances. In

this way the imperial government suppressed the development needs of its dependencies, one of which was undivided India. After World War I, when the movement for independence was intensified in the major colonies, the British rulers enacted the Colonial Development Act of 1929 to provide external help through regular funding of development activities

in the colonial territories for mutual benefit. Such direct assistance to dependent territories was reserved until 1950, but India and therefore, Bengal, never came under the operation of the Act. Neither was it benefited by the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940.

The United States started a programme of bilateral aid in 1948 to provide support for

the reconstruction of Europe and parts of Asia. The largest of these programmes was the Marshall Plan spawned by the Economic Co-operation Act 1948 and administered by the Economic Co-operation Administration (ECA). The ECA was replaced in 1950 by the Act for International Development, which translated President

Truman's Point IV proposal into the creation of the Technical Co-operation Administration to aid the efforts of the peoples of economically underdeveloped areas. Between 1951 and 1958, several changes have been made in the US aid policy and in 1954, the focus had shifted to India, Pakistan and some countries of the Near East. Nearly $300

million was authorised under the new Development Assistance title to provide aid to these countries. At present, the US is the largest single aid donor and the USAID (United States Agency for International Development) is the implementing agency of its foreign aid programmes throughout the world. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation

and Development (OECD) established in 1960 is a major provider of foreign aid and capital to developing countries. Worth mentioning among the active multilateral providers of foreign aid are the IDA, ADB, EC, IFAD, NDF, UNICEF, and UN System.

In the late 1950s, when many African countries became independent and the British started to

pay more attention to India, it declared at the Commonwealth Trade and Economic Conference in Montreal in 1958 that development aid would be extended to independent members of the Commonwealth. Since then, British bilateral aid has gone to such countries. The aid effort includes (a) budgetary grants and technical assistance grants, (b) colonial development and

welfare loans and grants, (c) loans to colonial governments, and (d) loans under the Export Guarantee Act. The terms of British aid were growth-oriented. The repayment period for loans was long, with an extended grace period, and the interest rate was low. The British aid system has, however, become increasingly aligned with the efforts of other developed countries

and thus the Commonwealth link has lost its importance.

Following its emergence as an independent state in 1947, Pakistan, especially its eastern part, East Pakistan inherited a vulnerable agricultural system characterised by low yield, primitive farm practices and poor agricultural lands affected by salinity, waterlogging, soil erosion and FLOODs.

Industries hardly existed and the few units that fell within its boundaries had become constrained by the severance of links with the source of raw material and/or the market for their products. The province had to import almost everything including even the simplest type of manufactured articles. The exports consisted of a few agricultural commoditie

s with an uncertain world demand. The standard of education was low, LITERACY was poor and technical education was practically non-existent. Health and social welfare measures were scanty and means of TRANSPORT and communication required urgent rehabilitation. Establishment of a stable state machinery covering civil

administration, defence services, financial institutions, including banking and commerce, and the creation of the stable infrastructure of a modern progressive state was essential. As a result, economic planning was accorded the highest priority as a matter of national policy.

As early as 1948, a Development Board was set up to co-ordinate development

programmes in both provinces of the country and different sectors of the economy. A six-year development programme was formulated in 1950 to cover both public and private sectors. After detailed studies in consultation with the central and provincial governments as well as with local and foreign experts, the National Planning Board was constituted in 1953. It

prepared the First Five Year Plan covering the period between July 1955 and June 1960. The Plan envisaged a total development expenditure of Rs 10.8 billion of which Rs 5.76 billion was to come from domestic savings and Rs 5.04 billion in the form of foreign aid. The Second Five Year Plan (1960-65) envisaged a development expenditure of Rs 23.0 billion of

which Rs 12.05 billion was financed from domestic savings and Rs 10.95 billion from external resources in the form of project aid and loans (Rs 6.85 billion), commodity aid (Rs 3.5 billion) and foreign private investment (Rs 600 million). The share of foreign aid in funding the Second five-year Plan was 38% of the total expenditures and the ratio came down to 32% for the

Third Plan.

In the early years of Pakistan all foreign commitments were confined to technical and project assistance. Later, when harvests failed in 1951 and 1953, wheat shipments were received from the USA, Canada and Australia. Non-project assistance was extended by the USA for the first time in 1954-55 and under the Agricultural Trade Development and

Assistance Act of 1954 (Public Law 480), USA provided surplus agricultural commodities. There were five different categories of assistance, namely technical assistance, project aid, non-project commodity aid, foodgrains and emergency aid, such as flood relief. The first two were entirely investment aid and the third provided intermediate goods such as iron and steel to

serve development purposes.

Commitments of foreign aid to Pakistan by different friendly countries and various international organisations up to 31 December 1961 was $1.384 billion as project, commodity and technical assistance, and special food and relief aid. The country however, actually received $457.58 million up to the same date.

The major aid and loan-giving countries to Pakistan were USA, Canada, Australia, United Kingdom, New Zealand, West Germany, Japan, Sweden, France, Singapore, USSR, Yugoslavia, and the agencies were the World Bank (IFC and IDA), United Nations and its specialised agencies, the Ford Foundation, and Export-Import Bank of USA. An

international consortium was formed in 1961 to help Pakistan in its development programme and the first members of the consortium were Canada, Germany, Japan, the UK, and the USA. Pakistan had also received from the member countries of the Colombo Plan technical assistance in the form of training facilities, advisory services in a number of

fields, such as education, medicine, agriculture, power and fuel, engineering, industry, trade, transport, communication, co-operatives, and also equipment for educational institutions, research organisations, hospitals. The share of East Pakistan in the total aid inflows into Pakistan during the period between 1948 and 1965 was only 34%.

Foreign aid to

Bangladesh The emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state was accompanied by a devastation of the economy. In the very early years of independence, the country's industrial production had almost come to a halt, agricultural output had declined and the normal trading activities had virtually ceased. Without the help of the internationa

l community and massive inflow of foreign aid, it was almost impossible for the new nation to survive. Bangladesh started receiving foreign aid largely in the forms of food aid and disaster relief. Aid inflows gradually increased with growth in the country's development needs and along with the increase in volume, the aid became diversified. The aid committed to

Bangladesh by donor countries and international agencies and organisations up to 30 June 1999 was $42.54 billion of which 14.08% was food aid, 24.42% was commodity aid and 61.50% was project aid. From a modest beginning with the disbursement of $270.8 million in 1972, the aid disbursed rose to $901.3 million in 1975, $1.27 billion in 1985, $1.81 billion in

1990 and $1.5 billion in 1999. Total foreign aid disbursed to Bangladesh during the period from 1972 up to 1999 amounted to $34.76 billion of which 48.2% was grants and 51.78% was loans. As a percentage of the country's GDP in current prices, foreign aid was 9.3% of the GDP in 1975, 7.0% in 1982, 6.76% in 1993, 4.53% in 1996, 3.67% in 1998 and 4.22% in

1999. The gradual decline in the foreign aid-GDP ratio during 1972 -99 despite the consistent increase in the volume of foreign aid took place because of the increase in GDP during the same period. The per capita GDP has increased from $102.98 in 1976/77 to $284.11 in 1998/99 but the per capita debt obligation of the country however, has increased from $6.59

in 1973/74 to $115.9 in 1998/99. The progressive increase in per capita debt obligation is partly attributable to a shrinking of the share of grant in the external aid package.

Food aid received by Bangladesh in 1973 was $182.55 million; it doubled within two years and continued to remain at that level up to 1980, since when it showed a declining trend and the annual inflows

remained well below the $200 million level. However, there had been some individual years when the food aid inflows were relatively higher because of greater food shortages due to natural calamities. Because of this and due to the higher amount of food aid inflows in the early years, the annual average inflow during 1972-1999 accounted for $216

million. The food aid inflows accounted for $187.48 million in 1990, $137.43 million in 1995 and $176.94 in 1999. The total food aid in the 27 years between 1972 and 1999 was 16.8% of the foreign aid of all types on a cumulative basis. Statistics of the 19-year period between 1981-82 and 1999-2000 indicate that on an average, the country had to import 2.09 million metric tons

of food in a year, of which 50% of it came under food aid. Figures for the period 1992 - 2000, however, suggest that the average annual food import requirements were much higher, 2.4 million MT. The share of food aid in food imports during this period significantly declined and accounted for just 785,000 MT per year and on average, the country imported the additional

1.61 million MT every year under cash purchase. Nearly the whole (more than 99%) of the food aid disbursed to Bangladesh comes as wheat and all the food aid is committed and disbursed as grants. The leading food aid donors include the UN system (mainly, World Food Programme), the USA, EEC/EU, Canada, Japan and Australia.

Commodity aid has been used in Bangladesh

to meet the gap of balance of payments and also to generate local currency in the form of counterpart funds for financing development. The commitment of total commodity aid during 1972-1999 amounted to $10.39 billion, while disbursement was $10.09 billion and commodity aid accounted for 29% of total aid disbursement during the reference period. The

disbursement of commodity aid continuously increased up to 1994 and then declined. The volume was $288.9 million in 1973, $378.48 million in 1980 and $456.71 in 1990, $333 million in 1995 and $324 million in 1999. Commodity aid received by Bangladesh is almost evenly distributed between grants and loans and during the 1990s, the average annual share

of loans in commodity aid was 48%. Major commodity aid donors to Bangladesh include Japan, Germany, Netherlands, UK and USA.

Project aid comprises the largest share of foreign aid inflows into Bangladesh. Total commitment of project aid to the country during 1972-1999 was $26.17 billion, of which $18.84 billion was disbursed during the same

period. The share of project aid in the cumulative amount of foreign aid to Bangladesh in the reference period ($34.76 billion) accounted for 54.19%. Technical assistance claimed approximately 4% of the total aid disbursed over the period. On an average, 63% of the annual project aid was received as loan and the rest as grants. ADB, IDA, IFAD and OPEC are

the major multilateral project aid donors and Japan is the single leader in the list of bilateral ones. Worth mentioning among others are France, Saudi Arabia and China.

Over the years the share of food and commodity aid in the total foreign aid to Bangladesh declined, while that of project aid including technical assistance experienced a substantial increase.

This was basically a demand pool phenomenon although donor driven projects also had some role in it. Three-fourths of the total ADP allocation of 1972-73 was supported by foreign aid. The share of foreign funds in financing ADP had dropped to about 64% in the first two years of the eighties but increased again to about 80% in the next three years.

However, the situation has improved significantly in the 1990s, when dependence on aid in the implementation of development projects has been significantly reduced. The development budget of 2000-2001 planned to finance 43% of the total ADP expenditures by foreign aid. A major weakness of the government of Bangladesh is its historical inability to properly

utilise project aid and for many years the project aid disbursement averaged less then 20% of the opening pipeline. This was due to delays in identification, preparation and approval of projects, slow release of funds, poor infrastructure support, inefficiency in project management, the tied nature of aid and institutional weaknesses in meeting donor conditionali

ties.

There had been significant changes in the structure of aid to Bangladesh in the three decades after its independence. The share of grants was 89.0% in 1971-73 but it declined to 53.2% in 1979-80 and to 43.6% in 1998-99. Consequently, the aid volume contained increased amount of loans leading to increased debt-service liability. Bilateral aid, which was 73.9%

of the total aid during 1971-76, has decreased to 42.6% in 1998-99 and accordingly the multilateral aid has increased from 26.1% to 57.4%. The share of food and commodity aid in the total flow of foreign aid showed a declining trend. Food aid has declined from 47.9% of total aid in 1971-72 to 11.5% in 1998-99. Similarly, commodity aid has fallen from 50.8% to 21.15% during the

same period. And this has taken place along with a sharp increase in the share of project aid from just 1.35% in 1971-72 to 67.4% in 1988-99.

A special group of the recipients of foreign aid in Bangladesh is the NON-GOVERNME

NT ORGANISATI

ONs. They are receiving increasingly large amount of funds from donor agencies and organisations. These

funds are almost exclusively grants and are channeled through the NGO Affairs Bureau of the government. According to the Bureau sources, the donor fund received by the NGOs up to 30 June 1999 amounted to $180 million.

Most major donors of foreign aid to Bangladesh are now members of an Aid Consortium, often referred to as the Aid

Group, which meets every year to review developments in the economy of Bangladesh and to pledge aid according to the judgements on its aid requirements. Members of the Aid Group include Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Finland, Germany, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, USA, IDA, ADB, EU, IFAD, UN agencies, the Ford

Foundation and Asia Foundation. Non-Aid Group donors of foreign aid to Bangladesh include China, India, Kuwait, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Spain, UAE, the IDB and OPEC.

The aid package, covering both grants and loans, has undoubtedly contributed to the development of the economy, but it is also leading to

growing indebtedness. The country's growing trade deficit and savings investment gap, slow growth of revenues and rapid growth of current public expenditure have contributed to the increase in public debt. The external borrowing of Bangladesh consists mainly of medium and long-term debt acquired from both bilateral and multilateral sources on concessional terms with

an average grace period of 10 years and a repayment period of 20 years. Besides, there are loans from IMF and IDB, as well as other creditors for the purchase of crude oil, ships, aircraft and foodgrain on deferred payment terms. The country's debt obligation belongs mainly to the public sector. The share of private sector borrowing is negligible. The total public

sector debt has increased from $501.4 million in 1973/74 to $14.84 billion in 1998/99. Debt service payments on the total public sector debt rose from $19.0 million in 1973/74 to $773.1 million in 1998/99.

Bangladesh is facing an increasingly competitive aid environment. Donors often face budget constraints due to an increase in the number of countries requiring

aid, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Further, donors' assistance to Bangladesh is now contingent on implementation of reform programmes and efficient utilisation of foreign aid. Coordination with the donors has an important bearing on the mobilisation of economic assistance. It is secured through a variety of means such as holding frequent

dialogues with the development partners and inter-ministerial consultations on a regular basis. Projects having co-financiers are usually more complex, and demand greater attention than those which are financed from a single source.

vi. Foreign Direct Inve

stment (FDI)

Investment in

Bangladesh

Bangladesh is now trying to establish itself as the next rising star in South Asia for foreign investment. The government has implemented a number of policy reforms designed to create a more open and competitive climate for private investment, both foreign

and local.

The country has a genuinely democratic system of government and enjoys political stability seen as a sine qua non for ensuring a favorable climate for investment and sustained development.

Bangladesh has been quick to undertake major restructuring for establishing a market economy, with the major thrust coming from the private

sector. The country enjoys modest but steady economic growth. Its current development strategy is based on the premise that the creation and distribution of wealth occurs through the acceleration of growth driven by competitive market forces, with the government facilitating growth and making a clean break from the practices of a controlled economy where private investment is

constrained. With this end in view, the government has been gradually withdrawing its involvement in this industrial and infrastructure sectors and promoting private sector participation.

The government has moved speedily to translate its policy pronouncements into specific reforms. It has been consistently pursuing an open-door investment policy and

playing a catalytic rather than a regulatory role.

Regulatory controls and constrains have been reduced to a minimum. The government has steadily liberalized its trade regime. Significant progress has been achieved in reducing non-tariff restrictions on trade, rationalizing tariff rates and improving export incentives. The introduction of VAT has helped rationalization of the

import tariff and domestic tax structures. The tariff structure and the import policy are kept under constant review to identify areas where further improvements are called for.

On the legal and administrative front, the government has initiated measures to give greater autonomy and independence to the judiciary - a pre-requisite as viewed by investors, for the

restoration of confidence in the judicial system.

A permanent Law Reform Commission has already been set up to ensure greater transparency and predictability in the way rules and regulations are made and implemented.

An Administrative Reform Commission to rationalize existing rules, regulations and

procedures has also been set up.

The Company Law has been updated and modernized. The Securities and Exchange Commission has been established to oversee and regulate the operations of the stock market.

The financial services have been strengthened through enactment of the Banking Companies Act, 1991 and the Financial Institution

Act, 1993. The Industrial Relations Act has been amended to enhance labor market efficiency.

Motivated by the simple realization that state-owned enterprises are a drain on its scarce resources and that these are generally inefficient, very costly and slow in responding to changing markets and consumer desires, the country has embarked on a privatization program,

offering substantial opportunities for international investors.

In order to entice investors, the government has put in place an extensive program of incentives, which include :

No ceiling on inve

stment.

Tax-holidays.

Tax-exemption and

duty-free importation of capital machi

nery and spare parts for 100% export-o

riented industries.

Residency permits f

or foreign nationals.

Capital, profit a

nd dividend repatriation facilities.

Hu

ndred percent foreign equity allowed.

E

xemption of income tax up to three yea

rs for expatriate employees.

Term loans

and working capital loans from local

banks allowed.

Reinvestment of repatria

ble dividends treated as new investmen

t.

Double-taxation avoidance, as per bi

lateral agreements already concluded.

T

ax exemption on the interest payable o

n foreign loans and on royalties and t

echnical know-how fees.

Open exchange c

ontrols.

Multiple-entry visas for forei

gn investors.

Investors can take advant

age of the generalized system of prefe

rence, which allows duty-free access t

o American, European and Japanese mark

ets.

Taka is convertible for current ac

count transactions.

The Country also offers:

Extremely compe

titive labor costs, perhaps the lowest

in Asia.

Easily trainable workforce of

56 million.

A large domestic market, w

ith disposable income growing especial

ly among the middle class.

Strategic lo

cation as the bridge between South and

East Asian high-growth regions as wel

l as links with other markets e.g. Ind

ia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Singapore etc.

Low land and energy costs.

Good road/br

idge/rail infrastructure, which are be

ing improved; two sea-ports being furt

her developed.

Enjoys Most Favored Nati

ons status.

Legal protection to foreign

investment against nationalization an

d expropriation.

Equitable treatment wi

th local investors regarding indemnifi

cation, compensation etc.

All sectors of industry (except five) are open for private investment. The five sectors reserved for public investment

only are defense and defense production, nuclear energy, extraction from reserved forests, security printing and mint and air transportation (some domestic routes and international air cargo already opened for private investment.) and railways.

Some of the foreign private investment opportunities are:

Direc

t (100%) foreign investment or joint v

enture investment in the Export Proces

sing Zones (EPZs) or outside EPZs (wit

h the exception of the five industries

mentioned earlier).

Portfolio investme

nt by purchasing shares in publicly li

sted companies through the stock excha

nge.

Investment in infrastructure proje

cts such as power generation (private

power generation policy announced); oi

l, gas and mineral exploration, teleco

mmunication, ports, roads and highways

. O

utright purchase or purchase of shar

es of state-owned enterprises, which a

re under process of privatization.

Inve

stment in private EPZ (Private EPZ Act

recently passed).

Foreign investment is particularly welcome in the export-oriented industries such as textiles, leather goods, electronic products and components, chemicals and petrochemic

als, agro-based industries, green jute pulp, paper, rayon products, frozen foods (dominated by shrimp farming), tourism, agriculture, light industries, software and data processing.

Foreign investment is also desired in high technology products that will help import substitution or industries that will be labor as well as technology intensive.

The country's

drive for foreign investment is being spearheaded by the Board of Investment, which was created to facilitate the setting up of manufacturing and other industries in the private sector, both local and foreign. It is a promotional organization dedicated towards providing investment assistance to all investors.

The Board is headed by the country's Prime Minister and it includes

Ministers and Secretaries from the concerned ministries as well as representatives from the private sector.

The Board has launched an investment promotion drive at home and abroad to attract investors. The BOI has been assisting in the implementation of new projects as well as providing services.

Bangladesh is on the verge of a significant breakthroug

h in terms both of international investor confidence and significant inflow of new investment funds.

BEPZA

Introduction

In order to stimulate rapid economic growth of the country, particularly through industrialization, the government has adopted an 'Open Door Policy' to attract foreign investment to Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Export Processing Zones

Authority (BEPZA) is the official organ of the government to promote, attract and facilitate foreign investment in the Export Processing Zones.

The primary objective of an EPZ is to provide special areas where potential investors would find a congenial investment climate, free from cumbersome procedures. Two EPZs, one in Chittagong and the other near Dhaka are now operational.

Following information is provided to the potential

investors for investment is EPZs of Bangladesh.

Eligible investors

100% foreign owned including Bangladesh nationals ordinarily resident abroad (Type-A).Joint venture between foreign and Bangladesh entrepreneurs resident in Bangladesh(Type-B) 100% Bangladesh entrepreneurs resident in Bangladesh (Type-C).

Mode of Investment

Investment in convertible foreign currencies by

foreign investors. Option to establish public/private Ltd companies or sole proprietorship/partnership concerns.

Investment Guarantee

Foreign Private Investment (Promotion and Projection) Act 1980 secures all foreign investment in Bangladesh. OPIC"s (Overseas Private Investment Corporation, USA) insurance and finance programs operable. Security and safeguards available under Multi-national

Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) of which Bangladesh is a member. Arbitration facility of the International Center for the Settlement of Investment Dispute (ICSID) available.

Tele-communications

Telex, Fax and International Dialing Services connected through satellite system available.

Communications

Adequate sea, rail, road and air communicati

ons services available.

BEPZA

s

i

i

p

o

PRODUCTION ORIENTED LABOR LAWS

Law forbids formation of any labor union in EPZs.

BEPZA is

vested with responsibility to administer labor matters for all enterprises in EPZs.

Minimum Wages (Monthly)

Apprentices/Trainee US $22,00

Unskilled US $38.00

Semi-skilled US $45.00

Skilled US $63.00

Other benefits include Conveyance Allowance, House Rent, Medical Allowance and Festival Bonus.

Working Hours

48 hours a week in a factory.

40 hours a week in an office.

5 working days a week.

Employees leave

10 days Casual leave

17 days Annual leave

FACILITIES AND INCENTIVES

FACILITIES

a. Land and factory building are available on rental basis.

b. Electricity, water, gas and telecommuni

cations are provided by the zones.

c. Import and export permits are issued by EPZ within 24 hours.

d. Work permits are issued by BEPZA.

e. EPZ is a secured and protected area.

f. Recreational facilities are available.

g Availability of food stuff and beverage on payment of nominal tax

foreigners working in EPZs.

h. Potential

investors are required to deal only with BEPZA for investment and all other operational purposes..

INCENTIVES

Fiscal

Tax Exemption

a. Tax holiday for 10 years

b. Exemption of income tax on interest on borrowed capital.

c. Relief from double taxation subject to bilateral agreement.

d. Complete exemption from dividend tax

for tax holiday period for foreign

nationals.

e. Exemption of income tax on salaries of foreign technicians for 3 years

subject to certain conditions.

Duty Free Import and Export

a. Duty free import of machinery's, equipment and raw materials.

b. Duty free import of three motor vehicles for use of the enterprises in EPZs under certain conditions.

c. Duty free import of materials for construction of factory buildings in the zones.

d. Duty free export of goods produced in the zones.

Non-Fiscal

I. Investment

a. All foreign investment secured by law.

b. No ceiling on extent of foreign investment.

c. Full repatriation of profit and capital permissible.

d. Repatriation of investment including

capital gains, if any, permissible.

e. Remittances allowed in following cases:

f. All post tax profit and dividend on foreign Capital.

Savings from earnings, retirement benefits, personal assets of individual on retirement/termination of services.

Approved royalties and technical fees.

No permission required for expansion of the project or product diversification.

II. Project financing and banking

a. Off-shore banking facilities available.

b. Local and international banking facilities also wide-open.

III. Import

a. Freedom from national import policy restrictions.

b. Import of raw materials also allowed on Documentary Acceptance (DA) basis.

c. Advantage of opening back to back LC for certain types of industries for

import or raw

materials.

d. Import of goods from the domestic tariff area permissible.

IV. Project Implementation

a. Re-location of existing industries from one zone to another within the country permissible.

V. Operation

a. Sub-contracting within EPZ allowed.

b. Inter-zone and intra-zone export permitted

c. All customs formalities done at the

gate site of the respective factory

building within the zone.

d. Permission for import/export given in the same day.

e. Repairing and maintenance's of machinery's and capital equipment from

domestic tariff area allowed.

VI. Employment

a. Liberal employment of foreign technicians/experts allowed.

b. Foreigners employed in the zones

enjoy equal rights similar to those of

Bangladesh nationals.

c. Law forbids formation of any labor union in the zones. Strike within the

zones prohibited.

VII. Support Services

Customs office, Post Office, Medical center, Fire station, Police station.

DHAKA EXPORT PROCESSING ZONE

Location : Savar

35 kms from Dhaka city center

25 kms from Zia International Airport, Dhaka

Zone Area : 58 hectares (142 acres)

Land

Total number of plots : 100

Size of each plot : 2000 M2

Tariff : US $ 1.50/M2/year

Standard Factory Building

Space : 72,000 M2 in 16 blocks

Tariff : US $ 2.00/M2/month

Warehouse

Space : 2,300 M2

Tariff : US $ 2.00/M2/month

Utility Services

Water supply : CEPZ gets water from Chittagong WASA

Storage Capacity : 45,20,000 litters/day

Tariff : Tk. 13.56 per M3

Power Supply : 11

kV, 3 phase, 50 cycles

Tariff : Tk. 2.86 per kWh (Industrial use)

Gas supply : 1,36,000 M3/day or 5,667 M3/hour

Tariff : Tk 3.64 per M3 (Industrial use)

CHITTAGONG EXPORT PROCESSING ZONE

Location : 2.40 kms from Chittagong Sea Port

5.63 kms from the main business center of Chittagong

7.24 kms from the Chittagong International Airport

Zone Area : 255 hectares (630 acres)

Land

Total number of plots (planned): 430

Size of each port : 2044 M2

Tariff : US $ 1.50/M2/year

Standard Factory Building

Space : 39,000 M2 in 16 blocks

Tariff : US $ 2.00/M2/month

Utility Services

Water supply : DEPZ gets water from its own water supply system

Tariff : Tk. 13.56 per M3

Power Supply : 11 kV, 3 phase, 50 cycles

Tariff : Tk. 2.70 per kWh (Industrial use)

Gas supply : DEPZ gets gas from the Titas Gas Field

Tariff : Tk 3.64 per M3 (Industrial use)

vii. Role of

NGOs and Social Entrepreneurship- ASA, BRAC, PROSHIK

AThe success of private development organisations in Bangladesh, in my view, demonstrates one of the few areas where we have globally contributed to modern day social innovation and entrepreneurship. While the sector has its many critics -- politicians, fundamentalists, academics, business, donors,

government; basing their criticisms on reason, ideology, power relations, violence, and envy among other factors -- the actual indicators point to the vital role played by non-government organisations (NGO) and micro finance institutions (MFI) in the country's development.

For example, micro-credit for the poor which accounts for over 5 per cent of private sector credit and estimated to have reached 37 per cent of all households

, is shown to have positively impacted on household incomes, increased the probability of children going to school, and decreased consumption variability. NGO education programs have been more effective and efficient in reaching economically poorer children, particularly girls, with attendance and completion rates

higher than government schools. In fact, Bangladesh is the only country in South Asia to have achieved gender equity in primary enrollment, in large part due to the role played by NGOs. NGO community-based health care has made health care more accessible, effected malnutrition and child survival, and led to higher use of family

planning. The impact of NGOs, while impressive, nevertheless needs to be further spread and sustained. The concept of the modern day NGO was probably first reflected in Article 71 of the UN Charter that provides for "consultation with non-governmental organisations." The terminology and notion of a third

sector, however, only started gaining ground in the early seventies, largely in response to the widening disparities resulting from the "trickle down" theories of the fifties and sixties and the limitations of government in reaching resources to the poor. In Bangladesh too, NGO activities began in the

seventies following the aftermath of the 1970 tidal cyclone and 1971 independence war. This is not to say that there weren't social initiatives prior to these events -- far from it. Take for example, the Baptist Missionary Society, said to have been established in 1794; or the establishment of the Kumudini Welfare Trust in

1944; or the pioneering work of individuals like Nawab Faizunnessa (education) and Dr. Mohammad Ibrahim (diabetes). In most instances, however, the approach was charity and relief oriented, and did not particularly resemble the NGOs of today. The exception to this was perhaps the Comilla model, which began in 1959,

under the leadership of the dynamic social scientist Akhter Hameed Khan. It was an influential example of "agricultural and rural development on the principle of people's participatory role at the grassroots level and cooperatives." Some of the assumptions of the model -- recognising villagers as having the best understanding of rural

problems, approaching problems from their viewpoints, the capability of villagers in bringing about changes, and the importance of training, research and demonstration in promoting rural development -- are still reflected in the NGO literature and programs of today. While the Comilla model did not spread as successfull

y as subsequent social innovations, the principle of action and style of local analysis and problem solving developed from the experiments was a strong influence. The NGO response to the man-made and natural disasters that afflicted Bangladesh in the first half of the seventies was initially limited to

relief and rehabilitation. From the mid-seventies, there was a realisation that such an approach was at best a stop-gap solution, and not a very effective one at that. Hence, NGOs changed their strategy and started experimenting with integrated community development programs, borrowing significantly from the Comilla model. It

was thought that the overall development of the community would lead to the development of poorer groups, but what had not been accounted for were structural constraints within rural societies that restricted benefits reaching the poor. Wealthier members led different groupings within the communities; and for

the poor to access resources or gain some level of security meant that they had to align themselves with one group or another. The poor's disadvantage of income differentials and inability to accumulate wealth, coupled with the forced grouping, created dependency on richer groups who exploited the inherent power

relations for their own gains. NGOs recognised that there needed to be specific focus on transforming the capacity of the poor if they were to challenge these structural inequalities and started targeting their development efforts only to the poorest groups.

Two modelsThe target group approach can be broadly categorised into two specific paradigms. On one end of the spectrum is the conscientisation model, based on the pedagogical approach of Paulo Freire, that suggests poverty

results from or is sustained due to structural inequalities (e.g. lack of representation of the poor in power structures and/or access to resources) and can be challenged only if and when the poor mobilise and collectively take action. On the other end is the economic model, which views poverty being caused

largely due to market imperfections such as unequal access to credit for the poor. Based in large part on the success of micro-credit, this approach focuses on activities geared towards improving the economic conditions of the target group. There are of course many NGOs who work combining both approaches, but

overall the economic one dominates.Interestingly, most NGOs in the seventies started with the more radical conscientisation model, but prioritised service provision in the eighties, contending that mobilisation was difficult without economic inputs, and this along with the group mechanism, laid the foundation

for ultimately empowering the poor. While the conscientisation NGOs critiqued the credit argument as not weakening structural inequalities, they themselves toned down their rhetoric and actions. This was due to the backlash, at times violent, from the establishment along with the fear of losing licensing, withdrawal

of government permission for external funding, and donor discomfort with the prevalent strategy. Government-NGO relationsThe government's relation with NGOs is largely determined by the prevailing ideology and values of those in power along with the socio-political situation of the country. During the early years

following independence, NGOs primarily focused on relief and rehabilitation, and as such the government did very little to restrict their growth. With the advent of military rule and accompanying religious influences, tensions arose with the government even attempting to restrict the activities of some church related

NGOs. The consequence of this was the promulgation of the Foreign Donations (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Ordinance,1978 that made it mandatory for NGOs to register and get approval of the government prior to receiving foreign funding. The process was and still remains bureaucratic, and forces NGOs to negotiate

in order to receive funding. A subsequent ordinance passed in 1982 made it even illegal to receive foreign air-tickets for travel abroad without permission. These steps were also reflective of the military rulers suspicion of NGOs being conduits for funding opposition parties and discomfort with the conscientisation model that

advocated for challenging prevailing power structures. Hence, the argument that the paradigm shift discussed earlier was influenced by the very power structures that these organisations were meant to combat.Even though NGOs continue to be viewed with suspicion, partly due to their own actions, they have

at times been able to counter these pressures quite effectively. The government has also valued their collaboration in a number of areas such as family planning and health, education, and more recently micro-credit. The present day tension can also be attributed to an ever-growing discord between the fundamentalist lobby

and the predominantly secular NGO community. The secular nature of the NGO sector is particularly significant considering Bangladesh's portrayal of itself as a moderate Muslim multi-party democracy in a post 9/11 world order. There are instances of the government's representatives highlighting the

success of micro-credit or the gender parity in primary enrollment -- achievements that may not have been possible if NGOs had not focused their attention to working with women and children.Scaling-up

Successful social models, unlike their business counterparts, do not often spread rapidly

once developed. NGOs were recognised for their localised innovations and good practices, but going to scale was not their forte. By the 1990s, however, this did not hold true anymore for a group of organisations in Bangladesh that were impressive by any standard, based on the sheer number of people they directly

reached.

For example, it is estimated that micro-credit reaches around sixty percent of poor households, with 14.34 million active borrowers being serviced by MFIs. The sector is dominated by three NGOs (BRAC,

Asa, and Proshika) and one specialised bank (Grameen Bank) that account for over 85 per cent of active borrowers and over 90 per cent of the $1.35 billion total outstanding loan portfolio. In the field of education, NGO primary schools with around 2 million students account for approximately 10 per cent of

currently enrolled students. Of these, BRAC alone accounts for over 1.5 million students in 31,000 schools, 66 per cent of whom are girls from poor families. Moreover, the 1995-2000 period saw the proportion of rural communities with at least one NGO program almost doubling and the average number of NGO

programs trebling. While different authors have attributed various factors to the scaling up of development programs in Bangladesh, I believe four factors stand out as key to understanding this phenomenon. First, the charismatic and visionary leadership of our largest development institutions

was integral to convincing skeptical audiences regarding the potential of their models along with building motivated and dedicated teams. There are few social entrepreneurs anywhere in the league of Professor Yunus or Mr. Abed, with the former being the first ever Bangladeshi citizen to be nominated for the

Nobel Prize. Second, the sector welcomed and encouraged competition towards improving service delivery and product choice for the poor. It shared strategies and ideas with other organizations and provided technical inputs and capacity building for those interested in replicating. Third, the sector took calculated risks,

focused on continuous innovation, and learnt from mistakes to further refine and standardise their models. Fourth, organisations understood the importance of investing in human resources and developing systems for greater accountability (e.g. internal controls, audits, computerization). The successful expansion

of micro-finance, in particular, fuelled both the increase in expenditure as well as the decrease in donor dependency of developmental organisations. Access to finances that were not controlled by donors or other agencies allowed NGOs greater freedom. Hence, one witnessed the larger institutions establishing commercia

l ventures to tap the markets and use the derived profits for their social programs. This strategy was of course not without its detractors.Businesses complained of the lack of a level playing field and accused NGOs of using their non-profit status to avoid taxation.There was a public interest litigation filed by an academic challengin

g Brac's establishment of a commercial bank. Others, including some working within the sector, argued that NGOs lacked the know-how for business and that these ventures would distort the social mission. While there may be some merit in these arguments, a number of issues need to be recognised. First, the

revised tax rules do not automatically allow tax exemption for NGOs if they have profit making ventures, and the trend is to separate the business operations from the social sector programs. Second, globally there is an increasing blurring of the boundaries between the social and private sectors with strategies

being transplanted and adapted from one another. Third, the commercial ventures have contributed to making developmental organisations more sustainable while innovating business models that affect the lives of the poor. For example, Grameen-phone has been instrumental in reaching telecommunication services to

rural areas. Final ThoughtThe failure of state and market solutions in dealing with important social problems created the space for NGOs to operate in. Additionally, endemic corruption in poorer countries led to donors searching for alternate channels to direct their aid. NGOs, in countries like Bangladesh, offered this

alternate channel and greatly benefited from their support. Some of them are now sophisticated, multi-million dollar institutions with large employee bases and extensive reach. Yet, they too suffer from two important weaknesses that are reflective of the sector as a whole. Firstly, NGO organisational governance is not

particularly well developed with issues such as board representation and responsibilities, separation of board from management, succession planning and so forth neglected. While part of this can be attributed to limitations within most of the existing legislation and agencies responsible for oversight,

a major consideration is the influence of NGO founders and their possible resistance to addressing these issues. With the sector soon gearing up for transition to the next generation of leaders, this is an area that needs attention. Secondly, certain social problems have been difficult to crack and NGOs need to make

stronger efforts at addressing those. For example, the failure to reduce neo-natal mortality, or the continuing presence of monga each year, or the inability to effectively reach the extreme poor. It is expected that the next generation of NGO leaders, inspired by the dynamic leadership of their first generation counterparts who

paved the way for social entrepreneurship to be a powerful force in our nation's development, will be up for this challenge.

viii. Poverty, Millennium development Go

al (MDG), Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP)

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers:

PRSPs are in many ways the replacement for Structural Adjustment Programs, and are documents required by the IMF and World Bank before a country can be considered for debt relief within the HIPC programme. According to the IMF:

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) are prepared by the member countries through a participatory process involving domestic

stakeholders as well as external development partners, including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.Critics argue that the criteria used to judge PRSPs by the World Bank and IMF are actually used to impose neo-liberal policies along the lines of the Washington Consensus, and that these policies tend to increase poverty rather than decreasing it.

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) are prepared by the member countries through a participatory process involving domestic stakeholders as well as external development partners, including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Updated every three years with annual progress reports, PRSPs describe the country's macroeconomic, structural and social

policies and programs over a three year or longer horizon to promote broad-based growth and reduce poverty, as well as associated external financing needs and major sources of financing. Interim PRSPs (I-PRSPs) summarize the current knowledge and analysis of a country's poverty situation, describe the existing poverty reduction strategy, and lay out the process for

producing a fully developed PRSP in a participatory fashion. The country documents, along with the accompanying IMF/World Bank Joint Staff Assessments (JSAs), are being made available on the World Bank and IMF websites by agreement with the member country as a service to users of the World Bank and IMF websites.

MDGs: Basics

What are

the Millennium Development Goals?

The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are eight goals to be achieved by 2015 that respond to the world's main development challenges. The MDGs are drawn from the actions and targets contained in the Millennium Declaration that was adopted by 189 nations-and signed by 147 heads of state and governments during the UN

Millennium Summit in September 2000.

The eight MDGs break down into 21 quantifiable targets that are measured by 60 indicators.

* Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger* Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education* Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women* Goal 4: Reduce child mortality* Goal 5: Improve

maternal health* Goal 6: Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases* Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability* Goal 8: Develop a Global Partnership for Development The MDGs:* synthesise, in a single package, many of the most important commitments made separately at the international conferences and summits of

the 1990s; * recognise explicitly the interdependence between growth, poverty reduction and sustainable development; * acknowledge that development rests on the foundations of democratic governance, the rule of law, respect for human rights and peace and security; * are based on time-bound and measurable targets accompanied by indicators

for monitoring progress; and * bring together, in the eighth Goal, the responsibilities of developing countries with those of developed countries, founded on a global partnership endorsed at the International Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey, Mexico in March 2002, and again at the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable

Development in August 2002.

Implementation of the MDGs

In 2001, in response to the world leaders' request, UN Secretary General presented the Road Map Towards the Implementation of the United Nations Millennium Declaration, an integrated and comprehensive overview of the situation, outlining potential strategies for action designed to

meet the goals and commitments of the Millennium Declaration.The road map has been followed up since then with annual reports. In 2002, the annual report focused on progress made in the prevention of armed conflict and the treatment and prevention of diseases, including HIV/AIDS and Malaria. In 2003, emphasis was placed on strategies for development and

strategies for sustainable development. In 2004, it was on bridging the digital divide and curbing transnational crime.In 2005, the Secretary-General prepared the first comprehensive five-yearly report on progress toward achieving the MDGs The report reviews the implementation of decisions taken at the international conferences and special sessions on the least developed

countries, progress on HIV/AIDS and financing for development and sustainable development.

Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh:

Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 4 November 1972 and came into force on 16 December of the same year, marking the

Victory Day. The Constitution has 153 Articles arranged under eleven parts and 4 schedules entitled the Republic, Fundamental Principles of State Policy, Fundamental Rights, the Executive, Prime Minister and the Cabinet, the Legislature, Legislative and Financial Procedure, Ordinance Making Power, Judiciary, Elections, Comptroller and Auditor General, Services of

Bangladesh, Public Service Commission, Emergency Provisions, Amendment of the Constitution, and Miscellaneous.

The Constitution has declared Bangladesh a Republic committed to the principles of democracy and human rights; rule of law; freedom of movement, assembly and association; freedom of religion and international peace and harmony. Since 1972,

the Constitution has undergone certain amendments and changes, some by way of constitutional amendments and some under Martial Law Proclamation Orders. The form of government has also undergone changes quite a number of times. Bangladesh began its constitutional journey with an ad hoc constitution under the Proclamation of Independen

ce Order (10 April 1971) investing the PRESIDENT (of the MUJIB NAGAR GOVERNME

NT) with all executive and legislative authority and the power to appoint a PRIME MINISTER. This proclamation order was replaced by the Provisional Constitution of Bangladesh Order, 1972 which declared the members elected to the National Assembly and

Provincial Assemlies of Pakistan in the elections held in December 1970 and March 1971 as the Constituent Assembly of the Republic. The Order changed the form of government to a parliamentary system with a cabinet of ministers headed by the Prime Minister.

The Constitution was fundamentally amended in January 1975. Under the Constitution

(Fourth Amendment) Bill 1975, the parliamentary system was abandoned and a one-party presidential system introduced. From 15 August 1975 to 9 April 1979, there were several rounds of martial laws interspersed with civil governments. The governments, civil or military, during the period had neither abrogated the constitution nor observed it fully. Every

regime ruled partly by decrees, partly by constitution. All the constitutional anomalies were regularised and confirmed under the Constitution (Fifth Amendment) Act, 1979. Under this amendment all Proclamations, Martial Law Regualtions, Martial Law Orders and other laws and tribunals made during the period from 15 August 1975 to 9 April 1979 were ratified and

confirmed. The subsequent Martial Law Proclamation, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law Reugulations and Ordinances were confirmed and ratified by the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act, 1986. The multi-party presidental form of government had continued down to 1991 when the Constitution was again amended in favour of a parliamentary system of

government.

Under the Constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Act, 1991, the Prime Minister became the executive head, and the President the constitutional head. The executive power of the Republic, according to the twelfth amendment, shall be exercised by the Prime Minister and his/her cabinet shall be collectively responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad. However, all

executive actions of the government shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President, though the presidency is vested with practically no executive power. Theoretically, the President has the power to appoint the Prime Minister and the Chief Justice. But such power is formal than actual. The President, like the crown of Britain, holds

dignity and grace, not power. The last and constitutionally very significant amendment to the constitution is the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act, 1996 which provided for a Non-Party CARETAKER GOVERNME

NT which shall work during the period from the date on which the Chief Adviser enters office after Parliament is dissolved till the date on which a new Prime Minister enters upon his or her

office. The Non-Party Caretaker Government, which is headed by a Chief Advisor, is collectively responsible to the President.

Constitutional Amendments:

The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh has been amended several times. The following is a brief account of these acts and orders.

First Amendment

Act The Constitution (First Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 15 July 1973. It amended Article 47 of the constitution by inserting an additional clause which allowed prosecution and punishment of any person accused of 'genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes and other crimes under international law'. After Article 47 it inserted a new Article

47A specifying inapplicability of certain fundamental rights in those cases.

Second Amendment Act The Constitution (Second Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 22 September 1973. This act resulted in the (i) amendment of Articles 26, 63, 72 and 142 of the constitution; (ii) substitution of Article 33 and (iii) the insertion of a new part ie IXA in the constitution. Provisions

were made through this amendment for the suspension of some fundamental rights of citizens in an emergency.

Third Amendment Act The Constitution (Third Amendment) Act 1974 was enacted on 28 November 1974 by bringing in changes in Article 2 of the constitution with a view to giving effect to an agreement between Bangladesh and India in respect of exchange of

certain enclaves and fixation of boundary lines between India and Bangladesh .

Fourth Amendment Act The Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act 1975 was passed on 25 January 1975. Major changes were brought into the constitution by this amendment. The presidential form of government was introduced in place of the parliamenta

ry system; a one-party system in place of a multi-party system was introduced; the powers of the JATIYA SANGSAD were curtailed; the Judiciary lost much of its independence; the SUPREME COURT was deprived of its jurisdiction over the protection and enforcement of fundamental rights. This Act (i) amended articles 11, 66, 67, 72, 74, 76, 80, 88, 95, 98,

109, 116, 117, 119, 122, 123, 141A, 147 and 148 of the constitution; (ii) substituted Articles 44, 70, 102, 115 and 124 of the constitution; (iii) amended part III of the constitution out of existence; (iv) altered the Third and Fourth Schedule; (v) extended the term of the first Jatiya Sangsad; (vi) made special provisions relating to the office of the president

and its incumbent; (vii) inserted a new part, ie part VIA in the constitution and (viii) inserted articles 73A and 116A in the constitution.

Fifth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed by the Jatiya Sangsad on 6 April 1979. This Act amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 18 thereto, which provided

that all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions and omissions made in the constitution during the period between 15 August 1975 and 9 April 1979 (both days inclusive) by any Proclamation or Proclamation Order of the Martial Law Authorities had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground

whatsoever.

Sixth Amendment Act The Sixth Amendment Act was enacted by the Jatiya Sangsad with a view to amending Articles 51 and 66 of the 1981 constitution.

Seventh Amendment Act This Act was passed on 11 November 1986. It amended Article 96 of the constitution; it also amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by inserting

a new paragraph 19 thereto, providing among others that all proclamations, proclamation orders, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law Regulations, Martial Law Orders, Martial Law Instructions, ordinances and other laws made during the period between 24 March 1982 and 11 November 1986 (both days inclusive) had been validly made and would not

be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever.

Eighth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed on 7 June 1988. It amended Articles 2, 3, 5, 30 and 100 of the constitution. This Amendment Act (i) declared ISLAM as the state religion; (ii) decentralised the judiciary by setting up six permanent benches of the High Court

Division outside Dhaka; (iii) amended the word 'Bengali' into 'Bangla' and 'Dacca' into 'Dhaka' in Article 5 of the constitution; (iv) amended Article 30 of the constitution by prohibiting acceptance of any title, honours, award or decoration from any foreign state by any citizen of Bangladesh without the prior approval of the president. It may be noted here that the

Supreme Court subsequently declared the amendment of Article 100 unconstitutional since it had altered the basic structure of the constitution.

Ninth Amendment Act The Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Act 1989 was passed in July 1989. This amendment provided for the direct election of the vice-president; it restricted a person in holding the office of the PRESIDENT

for two consecutive terms of five years each; it also provided that a vice-president might be appointed in case of a vacancy, but the appointment must be approved by the Jatiya Sangsad.

Tenth Amendment Act The Tenth Amendment Act was enacted on 12 June 1990. It amended, among others, Article 65 of the constitution, providing for reservation

of thirty seats for the next 10 years in the Jatiya Sangsad exclusively for women members, to be elected by the members of the Sangsad.

Eleventh Amendment Act This Act was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 21 thereto which legalised the appointment and oath of SHAHABUDD

IN AHMED,

Chief Justice of Bangladesh, as the vice-president of the Republic and the resignation tendered to him on 6 December 1990 by the then President HUSSAIN M ERSHAD. This Act ratified, confirmed and validated all powers exercised, all laws and ordinances promulgated, all orders made and acts and things done, and actions and proceedings taken by the vice-president as

acting president during the period between 6 December 1990 and the day (9 October 1991) of taking over the office of the president by the new President ABDUR RAHMAN BISWAS, duly elected under the amended provisions of the constitution. The Act also confirmed and made possible the return of vice-president Shahabuddin Ahmed to his previous position of

the Chief Justice of Bangladesh.

Twelfth Amendment Act This Amendment Act, known as the most important landmark in the history of constitutional development in Bangladesh, was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended Articles 48, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72, 109, 119, 124, 141A and 142. Through this amendment the parliamentary form of government

was re-introduced in Bangladesh; the president became the constitutional head of the state; the PRIME MINISTER became the executive head; the cabinet headed by the prime minister became responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad; the post of the vice-president was abolished; the president was required to be elected by the members of the Jatiya Sangsad.

Moreover, through Article 59 of the constitution this act ensured the participation of the people's representatives in local government bodies, thus stabilising the base of democracy in the country.

Thirteenth Amendment Act The Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act 1996 was passed on 26 March 1996. It provided for a non-party CARETAKER GOVERNME

NT which, acting as an

interim government, would give all possible aid and assistance to the Election Commission for holding the general election of members of the Jatiya Sangsad peacefully, fairly and impartially. The non-party caretaker government, comprising the Chief Adviser and not more than 10 other advisers, would be collectively responsible to the president and would stand dissolved on the date on

which the prime minister entered upon his office after the constitution of the new Sangsad.

3. Legal

Envir

onme

nt of

Bangl

adesh

a. The

Con

stitu

tion

of

Ban

glad

esh

The Constitution of Bangladesh lays down the basic framework of the Government

of Bangladesh. Part IV deals with the Executive, while Parts V and VI deal with the Legislature and the Judiciary respectively. Article 55(6) of the Constitution empowers the President to make rules for allocation and transaction of the business of the Government.The Minister is the Chief Executive of the Ministry. There is a Minister of State. The Secretary is the overall administrative head of the Ministry. The Law Ministry has two wings, namely, the Law and Justice Wing

and the Legislative Drafting Wing. Each Wing is headed by an Additional Secretary.Ministry of Law is the administrative ministry for the Sub-ordinate Judiciary, Administrative Tribunals, various other special courts and tribunals, Department of Registration, Office of the Attorney-General, the Bar Council, Law Commission, Judicial Administration Training Institute, Office of the Administrator General and Official Trustee (AGOT), Marriage Registration, Government

Pleaders, Public Prosecutors, Notary Public, etc. Apart from this, all legislative matters, be it principal or sub-ordinate legislation, are dealt with by the Ministry of Law. In inter-governmental relations the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs shall be consulted-

on all proposals for legislation;

on all legal questions arising out

of any case;

preparation of important contracts, international agreements, international conventions pronouncing and modifying international law;

on the interpretatio

n of any law;

before the issue of or authorization of the issue of a rule, regulation or bye-law, etc. in exercise of statutory power;

before tendering advice on a mercy

petition against an order of death sentence and pardon, reprieve, respite, remission, suspension or commutation of any sentence;

before involving the Governmen

t in a criminal or civil proceeding instituted in a Court of Law; and

Whenever criminal or civil proceedings are instituted against the Government.

No Ministry shall consult

the Attorney-General except through Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs. If there is disagreement between the Attorney-General and Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, the case shall be submitted to the Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs for decision.

2.2 The Law and Justice Wing of the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs is entrusted with the duty of providing legal advisory

services to other ministries, divisions, departments, and organizations of the Government.ive Management

The administrative control, management or relationship with the sub-ordinate/attached departments or offices, namely, the sub-ordinate Judiciary, Administrative tribunals, various other special Courts and Tribunals, Department of Registration, Office of the Attorney-General, Law Commission, Judicial

Administration Training Institute, Office of the Administrator General and official Trustee (AGOT), Marriage Registration, Government Pleaders, Public Prosecutors, Notary Public, etc. are exercised through this Wing of the Ministry. More specically, this wing has following responsibilities:-

Advice to all

Ministries, Divisions and offices of all

legal and constitutional questions arisin

g out of any case and on the interpretati

on of the Constitution and any law includ

ing international law.

Conventions with o

ther countries in judicial matters includ

ing questions relating to the Internation

al Court of Justice and references from U

nited Nations Organisation relating to tr

affics in women and children and obscene

publications and prevention of crime and

treatment of offenders.

Administration of

justice.

Jurisdiction and powers of all

courts (except revenue courts) and tribun

als; contempt of courts.

Appointments and

terms and conditions of service of chair

man and members of courts and judicial tr

ibunals.

Fees taken in courts and tribuna

ls; Judicial stamps; court-fees and stamp

duties.

Legal-proceedings and advice the

reon.

Matters relating to Government law

officers; appointment and terms and condi

tions of service of attorney-general, add

itional attorney-general, deputy attorney

-general, assistant attorney general, Gov

ernment pleaders, public Prosecutors, Spe

cial prosecutors and legal advisers to al

l statutory corporations and bodies.

Cond

uct of cases on behalf of the Government

in all courts and tribunals.

Appointment

and terms and conditions of service of Ad

ministrator-General and Official Trustee;

Official Receiver.

Reciprocal agreements

with foreign countries for the services

of summons in civil suits and for the exe

cution of decrees of civil courts, for th

e enforcement of maintenance orders and f

or the administration of the estates of f

oreigners dying in Bangladesh.

Authorisat

ion of officers to sign and verify claims

or written statements in suits by or aga

inst the Governments.

Posting, transfer,

etc. of all Judicial Officers.

Administra

tion and control of subordinate offices a

nd organisations under this Ministry.

Lia

ison with International Organisations and

matters relating to treaties and agreeme

nts with other countries and world bodies

relating to subjects 'allotted to this M

inistry.

By and large this wing has some special constitutional responsibilities. These are as follows:-

Appointment of the Atto

rney-General of Bangladesh (Article- 64).

Assignment of duties to the Attorney-Gen

eral, determination of his remuneration a

nd termination of his office (Article- 64

(2) & (4)).

Appointment and resignation o

f the Judges of the Supreme Court of Bang

ladesh (Article- 95 (1)).

Removal of the

Judges of Supreme Court of Bangladesh (Ar

ticle- 96(2)).

Performance of the duties

of the Chief Justice by the next senior J

udge of the Appellate Division of the Sup

reme Court (Article- 97).

Appointment and

resignation of Additional Judges of Supr

eme Court (Article- 98).

Holding of Sessi

ons of High Court Division at places othe

r than the Capital (Article- 100).

Obtain

ing opinion of the Supreme Court on a que

stion of law (Article- 106).

i. Main

Featu

res of

Bangl

adesh

Const

itutio

n

Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 4 November 1972 and came into force on 16 December of the same year, marking the Victory Day. The Constitution has 153 Articles arranged under eleven parts and 4 schedules entitled the Republic, Fundamental Principles of State Policy, Fundamental Rights, the Executive, Prime Minister and the Cabinet, the Legislature, Legislative and Financial Procedure,

Ordinance Making Power, Judiciary, Elections, Comptroller and Auditor General, Services of Bangladesh, Public Service Commission, Emergency Provisions, Amendment of the Constitution, and Miscellaneous.The Constitution has declared Bangladesh a Republic committed to the principles of democracy and human rights; rule of law; freedom of movement, assembly and association; freedom of religion and international peace and harmony. Since 1972,

the Constitution has undergone certain amendments and changes, some by way of constitutional amendments and some under Martial Law Proclamation Orders. The form of government has also undergone changes quite a number of times. Bangladesh began its constitutional journey with an ad hoc constitution under the Proclamation of Independence Order (10 April 1971) investing the PRESIDENT (of the MUJIBNAGAR GOVERNMEN

T) with all executive and

legislative authority and the power to appoint a PRIME MINISTER. This proclamation order was replaced by the Provisional Constitution of Bangladesh Order, 1972 which declared the members elected to the National Assembly and Provincial Assemlies of Pakistan in the elections held in December 1970 and March 1971 as the Constituent Assembly of the Republic. The Order changed the form of government to a parliamentary system

with a cabinet of ministers headed by the Prime Minister. The Constitution was fundamentally amended in January 1975. Under the Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Bill 1975, the parliamentary system was abandoned and a one-party presidential system introduced. From 15 August 1975 to 9 April 1979, there were several rounds of martial laws interspersed with civil governments. The governments, civil or military, during the period had

neither abrogated the constitution nor observed it fully. Every regime ruled partly by decrees, partly by constitution. All the constitutional anomalies were regularised and confirmed under the Constitution (Fifth Amendment) Act, 1979. Under this amendment all Proclamations, Martial Law Regualtions, Martial Law Orders and other laws and tribunals made during the period from 15 August 1975 to 9 April 1979 were ratified and confirmed. The

subsequent Martial Law Proclamation, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law Reugulations and Ordinances were confirmed and ratified by the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act, 1986. The multi-party presidental form of government had continued down to 1991 when the Constitution was again amended in favour of a parliamentary system of government. Under the Constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Act, 1991, the Prime Minister

became the executive head, and the President the constitutional head. The executive power of the Republic, according to the twelfth amendment, shall be exercised by the Prime Minister and his/her cabinet shall be collectively responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad. However, all executive actions of the government shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President, though the presidency is vested with practically no executive power. Theoretically, the President has the power to

appoint the Prime Minister and the Chief Justice. But such power is formal than actual. The President, like the crown of Britain, holds dignity and grace, not power. The last and constitutionally very significant amendment to the constitution is the Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act, 1996 which provided for a Non-Party CARETAKER GOVERNMEN

T which shall work during the period from the date on which the Chief Adviser enters office after Parliament is

dissolved till the date on which a new Prime Minister enters upon his or her office. The Non-Party Caretaker Government, which is headed by a Chief Advisor, is collectively responsible to the President.

ii. Major

Amen

dment

s of

Bangl

adesh

Const

itutio

n.

The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh has been amended

several times. The following is a brief account of these acts and orders.

First Amendment Act The Constitution (First Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 15 July 1973. It amended Article 47 of the constitution by inserting an additional clause which allowed prosecution and punishment of any person accused of 'genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes and other crimes under international law'. After Article 47 it inserted a new Article 47A

specifying inapplicability of certain fundamental rights in those cases.Second Amendment Act The Constitution (Second Amendment) Act 1973 was passed on 22 September 1973. This act resulted in the (i) amendment of Articles 26, 63, 72 and 142 of the constitution; (ii) substitution of Article 33 and (iii) the insertion of a new part ie IXA in the constitution. Provisions were made through this amendment for the suspension of some fundamental rights of citizens in an

emergency. Third Amendment Act The Constitution (Third Amendment) Act 1974 was enacted on 28 November 1974 by bringing in changes in Article 2 of the constitution with a view to giving effect to an agreement between Bangladesh and India in respect of exchange of certain enclaves and fixation of boundary lines between India and Bangladesh .Fourth Amendment Act The Constitution (Fourth Amendment) Act 1975 was passed on 25 January 1975. Major

changes were brought into the constitution by this amendment. The presidential form of government was introduced in place of the parliamentary system; a one-party system in place of a multi-party system was introduced; the powers of the JATIYA SANGSAD were curtailed; the Judiciary lost much of its independence; the SUPREME COURT was deprived of its jurisdiction over the protection and enforcement of fundamental rights. This

Act (i) amended articles 11, 66, 67, 72, 74, 76, 80, 88, 95, 98, 109, 116, 117, 119, 122, 123, 141A, 147 and 148 of the constitution; (ii) substituted Articles 44, 70, 102, 115 and 124 of the constitution; (iii) amended part III of the constitution out of existence; (iv) altered the Third and Fourth Schedule; (v) extended the term of the first Jatiya Sangsad; (vi) made special provisions relating to the office of the president and its incumbent; (vii) inserted a new part, ie

part VIA in the constitution and (viii) inserted articles 73A and 116A in the constitution.Fifth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed by the Jatiya Sangsad on 6 April 1979. This Act amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 18 thereto, which provided that all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions and omissions made in the constitution during the period

between 15 August 1975 and 9 April 1979 (both days inclusive) by any Proclamation or Proclamation Order of the Martial Law Authorities had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever. Sixth Amendment Act The Sixth Amendment Act was enacted by the Jatiya Sangsad with a view to amending Articles 51 and 66 of the 1981 constitution.Seventh Amendment Act This Act was passed

on 11 November 1986. It amended Article 96 of the constitution; it also amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by inserting a new paragraph 19 thereto, providing among others that all proclamations, proclamation orders, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law Regulations, Martial Law Orders, Martial Law Instructions, ordinances and other laws made during the period between 24 March 1982 and 11 November

1986 (both days inclusive) had been validly made and would not be called in question in or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever.Eighth Amendment Act This Amendment Act was passed on 7 June 1988. It amended Articles 2, 3, 5, 30 and 100 of the constitution. This Amendment Act (i) declared ISLAM as the state religion; (ii) decentralised the judiciary by setting up six permanent benches of the High Court Division

outside Dhaka; (iii) amended the word 'Bengali' into 'Bangla' and 'Dacca' into 'Dhaka' in Article 5 of the constitution; (iv) amended Article 30 of the constitution by prohibiting acceptance of any title, honours, award or decoration from any foreign state by any citizen of Bangladesh without the prior approval of the president. It may be noted here that the Supreme Court subsequently declared the amendment of Article 100 unconstitutio

nal since it had altered the basic structure of the constitution.Ninth Amendment Act The Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Act 1989 was passed in July 1989. This amendment provided for the direct election of the vice-president; it restricted a person in holding the office of the PRESIDENT for two consecutive terms of five years each; it also provided that a vice-president might be appointed in case of a vacancy, but the appointment must be approved by

the Jatiya Sangsad.Tenth Amendment Act The Tenth Amendment Act was enacted on 12 June 1990. It amended, among others, Article 65 of the constitution, providing for reservation of thirty seats for the next 10 years in the Jatiya Sangsad exclusively for women members, to be elected by the members of the Sangsad.Eleventh Amendment Act This Act was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution

by adding a new paragraph 21 thereto which legalised the appointment and oath of SHAHABUDDI

N AHMED, Chief Justice of Bangladesh, as the vice-president of the Republic and the resignation tendered to him on 6 December 1990 by the then President HUSSAIN M ERSHAD. This Act ratified, confirmed and validated all powers exercised, all laws and ordinances promulgated, all orders made and acts and things done, and actions and proceedings taken by the vice-

president as acting president during the period between 6 December 1990 and the day (9 October 1991) of taking over the office of the president by the new President ABDUR RAHMAN BISWAS, duly elected under the amended provisions of the constitution. The Act also confirmed and made possible the return of vice-president Shahabuddin Ahmed to his previous position of the Chief Justice of Bangladesh.Twelfth Amendment Act This Amendment

Act, known as the most important landmark in the history of constitutional development in Bangladesh, was passed on 6 August 1991. It amended Articles 48, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72, 109, 119, 124, 141A and 142. Through this amendment the parliamentary form of government was re-introduced in Bangladesh; the president became the constitutional head of the state; the PRIME MINISTER became the executive head; the cabinet headed by the prime

minister became responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad; the post of the vice-president was abolished; the president was required to be elected by the members of the Jatiya Sangsad. Moreover, through Article 59 of the constitution this act ensured the participation of the people's representatives in local government bodies, thus stabilising the base of democracy in the country. Thirteenth Amendment Act The Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act 1996 was passed on 26

March 1996. It provided for a non-party CARETAKER GOVERNMEN

T which, acting as an interim government, would give all possible aid and assistance to the Election Commission for holding the general election of members of the Jatiya Sangsad peacefully, fairly and impartially. The non-party caretaker government, comprising the Chief Adviser and not more than 10 other advisers, would be collectively responsible to the president and would stand dissolved on

the date on which the prime minister entered upon his office after the constitution of the new Sangsad.Fourteenth Amendment Act: Major amendments are as below:The present constitutional amendment incorporates, among others, the following provisions: reservation of 45 seats for women on a proportional representation basis for the next 10 years; increase in the retirement age of Supreme Court Judges from 65 to 67 years; and displaying of portraits of the President

and the Prime Minister in all government, semi-government and autonomous offices and diplomatic missions abroad.

iii. Legal

Practi

tioner

s of

Bangl

adesh

The Government PractitionerLitigation management of all suits and cases in which the government or the Republic is involved, is one of the major functions of the Ministry. For that matter, there

is a Solicitor's Office under the Law and Justice Wing. Solicitor's Office takes care of and monitors litigations by or against the government in different courts of the country including the Supreme Court. This Office is also responsible for appointment and discipline of all Government Pleaders and Public Prosecutors. Appointment of the Attorney General and other Attorneys in the Supreme Court are also processed by this Office. Payment of salaries and

fees of the government law officers and disbursement of all other expenses connected with litigation management are made by the Solicitor's Office. Government Pleaders and Public Prosecutors:

Government Pleaders:

Government Pleaders are appointed by the government i.e. Ministry of Law in each district for a term determined by the government. There are also Associate GP and Asst. GP's to assist the Government Pleaders. Their main

function is to look after the civil cases for and against the government.

Public Prosecutors

Public Prosecutors are appointed by the government i.e. Ministry of Law in each district and Metropolitan Sessions Court and for a term determined by the government. There are also Addl. PP's and Asst. PP's to assist the Public Prosecutors. Their main function is to look after the criminal cases for and against the government.

The Private

Practitioners

The Private practitioners of Law in Bangladesh are controlled and monitored by the Bar Council of Bangladesh1. The Bar Council was reconstituted under the provisions of President's Order of 1972 repealing the Act of 1965.

The Bar Council constituted under the President's Order of 1972 consists of fifteen members, of whom attorney-general for Bangladesh is one. He is the ex-officio chairman. Out of the

1 http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/B_0154.htm

remaining fourteen members, seven are elected by the advocates from amongst themselves, and the remaining seven are elected by advocates and one from amongst the advocates who are members of a local Bar Association included in each of the seven groups. For that purpose, local Bar Associations have been divided into seven groups. The vice chairman is elected by the members of the Bar Council from amongst themselves. The term of the Bar

Council is three years.

The Bar Council has a number of standing committees, namely, the executive committee to look into the administration of the Council, the enrolment committee to conduct examinations for enrolment of advocates, the finance committee to control and administer finances of the Council, the legal education committee to lay down the standard of legal education, and any other committees constituted by the Bar Council from amongst its members for other

purposes.

The Bar Council has constituted more than one tribunals, each consisting of two members of the Bar Council, and another from amongst advocates for hearing complaints of misconduct against advocates, and to recommend action to be taken against them after they are found guilty of misconduct in the enquiry made by the tribunal. A person aggrieved by an order of the tribunal may prefer an appeal to the High Court

Division.

A law graduate or a barrister who is a citizen of Bangladesh and who has completed twenty one years of age and, unless exempted, has completed six months pupilage under an advocate of at least seven years practice, is eligible to sit for the examinations for enrolment of advocates to practice before the courts subordinate to the High Court Division on payment of the fees prescribed. He has also to undergo training conducted by the Legal

Education and Training Institute of the Bar Council after passing the written and viva voce examinations for such enrolment. Unless exempted after completion of two years practice as an advocate in any subordinate court and fulfilment of other conditions, a person is eligible to sit for the examinations for enrolment of advocates of the High Court Division. After passing written and oral examinations conducted by the Bar Council for such

enrolment, and on payment of additional fees, an advocate is enrolled as an advocate of the High Court Division. The Bar Council accords recognition to Bar Associations, and voluntary associations of advocates, on prescribed conditions. After enrolment, an advocate is required to be a member of one of the Bar Associations.

The Bar Council publishes a monthly law journal named Bangladesh Legal Decisions (BLD) in order to disseminate

legal knowledge. This mainly relates to important decisions of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh laying down the law on different questions for the benefit of lawyers and legal scholars.

The Bar Council Rules, 1972 make detailed provisions for election of members of the Bar Council, meetings of the Bar Council and its committees, disciplinary proceedings, powers and functions of the chairman, vice-chairman, chairman of the executive

committee and the secretary appointed by the Bar Council, enrolment of advocates, functions of the committees, finance etc. The Benevolent Fund Rules make detailed provisions for collection of contributions and administration of the fund and payment of grants to retired or disabled advocates or members of the family/nominees of deceased advocates. The Relief Fund Rules make detailed provisions for collection

of contributions and administration of the fund and grant of financial assistance to any distressed advocate or family of any deceased advocate. The rules for the Registration of Advocate's Clerk make provisions for qualification and registration of advocate's clerks, and suspension and cancellations of such registration by the respective Bar Association of which the advocate under whom the clerk works is a member. The

rules relating to the hearing of complaints against advocate's clerks make provisions for following the procedure in hearing a complaint against an advocate's clerk. The rules relating to the hearing of appeals by the executive committee of the Bar Council make provisions for preferring appeal by an aggrieved person from the decision of the registering authority made in connection with a complaint against an advocate's clerk and procedure to be followed in deciding

such appeal. The Bangladesh Bar Council has framed canons of professional conduct and etiquette to be followed by advocates with regard to other advocates, clients and the public in general, and their duty to the court. The Special Fund Rules make provisions for operating and administering special funds, namely the Legal Education Fund, CLEP Fund and Education Reserve Fund.

4. The

Societ

y and

Its

Envir

onme

nt

a. GEO

GRA

PHY

Map of

Banglades

h

i. Lan

d

The physiography of Bangladesh is characterized by two distinctive features: a broad deltaic plain subject to frequent flooding, and a small hilly region crossed by swiftly flowing rivers. The country has an area of 144,000 square kilometers and extends 820 kilometers north to south and 600 kilometers east to west. Bangladesh is bordered on the west, north, and

east by a 2,400-kilometer land frontier with India and, in the southeast, by a short land and water frontier (193 kilometers) with Burma. On the south is a highly irregular deltaic coastline of about 600 kilometers, fissured by many rivers and streams flowing into the Bay of Bengal. The territorial waters of Bangladesh extend 12 nautical miles, and the exclusive economic zone of the

country is 200 nautical miles. Roughly 80 percent of the landmass is made up of fertile alluvial lowland called the Bangladesh Plain. The plain is part of the larger Plain of Bengal, which is sometimes called the Lower Gangetic Plain. Although altitudes up to 105 meters above sea level occur in the northern part of the plain, most elevations are less than 10 meters above sea

level; elevations decrease in the coastal south, where the terrain is generally at sea level. With such low elevations and numerous rivers, water--and concomitant flooding--is a predominant physical feature. About 10,000 square kilometers of the total area of Bangladesh is covered with water, and larger areas are routinely flooded during the monsoon season (see

Climate; River Systems , this ch.). The only exceptions to Bangladesh's low elevations are the Chittagong Hills in the southeast, the Low Hills of Sylhet in the northeast, and highlands in the north and northwest (see fig. 5). The Chittagong Hills constitute the only significant hill system in the country and, in effect, are the western fringe of the northsouth

mountain ranges of Burma and eastern India. The Chittagong Hills rise steeply to narrow ridge lines, generally no wider than 36 meters, 600 to 900 meters above sea level. At 1,046 meters, the highest elevation in Bangladesh is found at Keokradong, in the southeastern part of the hills. Fertile valleys lie between the hill lines, which generally run north-south. West of the Chittagong Hills is a

broad plain, cut by rivers draining into the Bay of Bengal, that rises to a final chain of low coastal hills, mostly below 200 meters, that attain a maximum elevation of 350 meters. West of these hills is a narrow, wet coastal plain located between the cities of Chittagong in the north and Cox's Bazar in the south. About 67 percent of Bangladesh's nonurban land is arable. Permanent crops cover only 2

percent, meadows and pastures cover 4 percent, and forests and woodland cover about 16 percent. The country produces large quantities of quality timber, bamboo, and sugarcane. Bamboo grows in almost all areas, but high-quality timber grows mostly in the highland valleys. Rubber planting in the hilly regions of the country was undertaken in the 1980s, and rubber

extraction had started by the end of the decade. A variety of wild animals are found in the forest areas, such as in the Sundarbans on the southwest coast, which is the home of the worldfamous Royal Bengal Tiger. The alluvial soils in the Bangladesh Plain are generally fertile and are enriched with heavy silt deposits carried downstream during the rainy season.

ii.

e

Bangladesh has a subtropical monsoon climate characterized by wide seasonal variations in rainfall, moderately warm temperatures, and high humidity. Regional climatic differences in this flat country are minor. Three seasons are generally recognized: a hot, humid summer from March to June; a cool, rainy monsoon season from June to October; and a cool, dry winter from

October to March. In general, maximum summer temperatures range between 32°C and 38°C. April is the warmest month in most parts of the country. January is the coldest month, when the average temperature for most of the country is 10°C. Winds are mostly from the north and northwest in the winter, blowing gently at one to three kilometers per hour in northern and central

areas and three to six kilometers per hour near the coast. From March to May, violent thunderstorms, called northwesters by local English speakers, produce winds of up to sixty kilometers per hour. During the intense storms of the early summer and late monsoon season, southerly winds of more than 160 kilometers per hour cause waves to crest as high as 6 meters in

the Bay of Bengal, which brings disastrous flooding to coastal areas. Heavy rainfall is characteristic of Bangladesh. With the exception of the relatively dry western region of Rajshahi, where the annual rainfall is about 160 centimeters, most parts of the country receive at least 200 centimeters of rainfall per year (see fig. 1). Because of its location just south of the foothills

of the Himalayas, where monsoon winds turn west and northwest, the region of Sylhet in northeastern Bangladesh receives the greatest average precipitation. From 1977 to 1986, annual rainfall in that region ranged between 328 and 478 centimeters per year. Average daily humidity ranged from March lows of between 45 and 71 percent to July highs of between 84 and 92 percent,

based on readings taken at selected stations nationwide in 1986 (see fig. 3; table 2, Appendix). About 80 percent of Bangladesh's rain falls during the monsoon season. The monsoons result from the contrasts between low and high air pressure areas that result from differential heating of land and water. During the hot months of April and May hot air rises over the Indian subcontinent, creating

low-pressure areas into which rush cooler, moisture-bearing winds from the Indian Ocean. This is the southwest monsoon, commencing in June and usually lasting through September. Dividing against the Indian landmass, the monsoon flows in two branches, one of which strikes western India. The other travels up the Bay of Bengal and over eastern India and

Bangladesh, crossing the plain to the north and northeast before being turned to the west and northwest by the foothills of the Himalayas (see fig. 4). Natural calamities, such as floods, tropical cyclones, tornadoes, and tidal bores--destructive waves or floods caused by flood tides rushing up estuaries--ravage the country, particularly the coastal belt, almost every year. Between 1947 and

1988, thirteen severe cyclones hit Bangladesh, causing enormous loss of life and property. In May 1985, for example, a severe cyclonic storm packing 154 kilometer-per-hour winds and waves 4 meters high swept into southeastern and southern Bangladesh, killing more than 11,000 persons, damaging more than 94,000 houses, killing some 135,000 head of livestock,

and damaging nearly 400 kilometers of critically needed embankments. Annual monsoon flooding results in the loss of human life, damage to property and communication systems, and a shortage of drinking water, which leads to the spread of disease. For example, in 1988 two-thirds of Bangladesh's sixty-four districts experienced extensive flood damage in the wake of unusually

heavy rains that flooded the river systems. Millions were left homeless and without potable water. Half of Dhaka, including the runways at the Zia International Airport--an important transit point for disaster relief supplies--was flooded. About 2 million tons of crops were reported destroyed, and relief work was rendered even more challenging than usual because the flood made

transportation of any kind exceedingly difficult. There are no precautions against cyclones and tidal bores except giving advance warning and providing safe public buildings where people may take shelter. Adequate infrastructure and air transport facilities that would ease the sufferings of the affected people had not been established by the late 1980s. Efforts by the

government under the Third Five-Year Plan (1985-90) were directed toward accurate and timely forecast capability through agrometeorology, marine meteorology, oceanography, hydrometeorology, and seismology. Necessary expert services, equipment, and training facilities were expected to be developed under the United Nations Development

Programmeiii.

Syst

ems

Gang

es

River

Delta

,

Bang

lades

h and

India

The rivers of Bangladesh mark both the physiography of the nation and the life of the people. About 700 in number, these rivers generally flow south. The larger rivers serve as the main source of water for cultivation and as the principal arteries of commercial transportation. Rivers also provide fish, an important source of protein. Flooding of the rivers during the monsoon season causes

enormous hardship and hinders development, but fresh deposits of rich silt replenish the fertile but overworked soil. The rivers also drain excess monsoon rainfall into the Bay of Bengal. Thus, the great river system is at the same time the country's principal resource and its greatest hazard. The profusion of rivers can be divided into five major networks (see fig. 5). The

Jamuna-Brahmaputra is 292 kilometers long and extends from northern Bangladesh to its confluence with the Padma. Originating as the Yarlung Zangbo Jiang in China's Xizang Autonomous Region (Tibet) and flowing through India's state of Arunachal Pradesh, where it becomes known as the Brahmaputra ("Son of Brahma"), it receives waters from

five major tributaries that total some 740 kilometers in length. At the point where the Brahmaputra meets the Tista River in Bangladesh, it becomes known as the Jamuna. The Jamuna is notorious for its shifting subchannels and for the formation of fertile silt islands (chars). No permanent settlements can exist along its banks. The second system is the Padma-Ganges, which is divided into two

sections: a 258-kilometer segment, the Ganges, which extends from the western border with India to its confluence with the Jamuna some 72 kilometers west of Dhaka, and a 126-kilometer segment, the Padma, which runs from the Ganges-Jamuna confluence to where it joins the Meghna River at Chandpur. The Padma-Ganges is the central part of a deltaic river system with

hundreds of rivers and streams--some 2,100 kilometers in length--flowing generally east or west into the Padma. The third network is the Surma-Meghna system, which courses from the northeastern border with India to Chandpur, where it joins the Padma. The Surma-Meghna, at 669 kilometers by itself the longest river in Bangladesh, is formed by the union of six lesser rivers.

Below the city of Kalipur it is known as the Meghna. When the Padma and Meghna join together, they form the fourth river system--the Padma-Meghna--which flows 145 kilometers to the Bay of Bengal. This mighty network of four river systems flowing through the Bangladesh Plain drains an area of some 1.5 million square kilometers. The numerous channels of the Padma-

Meghna, its distributaries, and smaller parallel rivers that flow into the Bay of Bengal are referred to as the Mouths of the Ganges. Like the Jamuna, the Padma-Meghna and other estuaries on the Bay of Bengal are also known for their many chars. A fifth river system, unconnected to the other four, is the Karnaphuli. Flowing through the region of Chittagong and the Chittagong Hills, it cuts

across the hills and runs rapidly downhill to the west and southwest and then to the sea. The Feni, Karnaphuli, Sangu, and Matamuhari--an aggregate of some 420 kilometers--are the main rivers in the region. The port of Chittagong is situated on the banks of the Karnaphuli. The Karnaphuli Reservoir and Karnaphuli Dam are located in this area. The dam impounds the Karnaphuli River's

waters in the reservoir for the generation of hydroelectric power (see Technological Advances , ch. 3). During the annual monsoon period, the rivers of Bangladesh flow at about 140,000 cubic meters per second, but during the dry period they diminish to 7,000 cubic meters per second. Because water is so vital to agriculture, more than 60 percent of the net arable land,

some 9.1 million hectares, is cultivated in the rainy season despite the possibility of severe flooding, and nearly 40 percent of the land is cultivated during the dry winter months. Water resources development has responded to this "dual water regime" by providing flood protection, drainage to prevent overflooding and waterlogging, and irrigation facilities for the expansion

of winter cultivation. Major water control projects have been developed by the national government to provide irrigation, flood control, drainage facilities, aids to river navigation and road construction, and hydroelectric power. In addition, thousands of tube wells and electric pumps are used for local irrigation. Despite severe resource constraints, the government

of Bangladesh has made it a policy to try to bring additional areas under irrigation without salinity intrusion (see Agriculture , ch. 3). Water resources management, including gravity flow irrigation, flood control, and drainage, were largely the responsibility of the Bangladesh Water Development Board. Other public sector institutions, such as the Bangladesh Krishi Bank, the

Bangladesh Rural Development Board, the Bangladesh Bank, and the Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation were also responsible for promotion and development of minor irrigation works in the private sector through government credit mechanisms

b.

LAT

ION

i.

tion

Stru

ctur

e

and

Settl

eme

nt

Patt

erns

Naturally there is some degree of uncertainty about the population, especially in a developing country such as Bangladesh with a high level of illiteracy

and rural population. Thus the margin of error is such that it is unknown which of Bangladesh and Russia has the larger population. For example the UN's ESA ranks Russia 7th and Bangladesh

8th, whereas the CIA World Factbook ranks Bangladesh 7th and Russia 8th. At any rate, the population of Russia is in decline while that of Bangladesh is growing.

Population pyramid of Bangladesh

Dhaka is one of the fastest-growing cities in the world.Recent estimates of Bangladesh's population range from 142 to 147 million, making it one of the ten most populous countries in the world. With a population similar to Russia's confined to an area of

144,000 square kilometers, it is very densely populated. Bangladesh's population growth was among the highest in the world in the 1960s and 1970s, when the count grew from 50 to 90 million, but with the promotion of birth control in the 1980s, the growth rate slowed. The total fertility rate is now 3.1 children per woman, compared with 6.2 three decades ago. The population is relatively young, with

the 0–25 age group comprising 60%, while 3% are 65 or older. Life expectancy is 63 years for both males and females.[33]

Bangladesh is ethnically homogeneous, with Bengalis comprising 98% of the population. The remainder are mostly Bihari migrants and indigenous tribal groups. There are 13 tribal groups located in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the most populous of

the tribes are the Chakmas. The region has been a source for ethnic tension since the inception of Bangladesh.[34] The largest tribal groups outside the Hill Tracts are the Santhals and the Garos (Achiks). Human trafficking has been a lingering problem in Bangladesh[

35] and illegal immigration has remained a cause of friction with Myanmar[36]

and India.[37]

Population:147,365,352 (July 2006 est.)

Age structure:0-14 years: 32.9% (male 24,957,997/female 23,533,894) 15-64 years: 63.6% (male 47,862,774/female 45,917,674) 65 years and over: 3.5% (male 2,731,578/female 2,361,435) (2006 est.)

Median age:Total: 22.2 years Male: 22.2 years Female: 22.2 years (2006 est.)

Population

growth rate:2.09% (2006 est.)

Birth rate:29.8 births/1,000 population (2006 est.)

Death rate:8.27 deaths/1,000 population (2006 est.)

Net migration rate:-0.68 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2006 est.)

Sex ratio:At birth: 1.06 male(s)/female Under 15 years: 1.06 male(s)/female 15-64 years: 1.04 male(s)/female

65 years and over: 1.16 male(s)/female

Infant mortality rate:Total: 60.83 deaths/1,000 live births Male: 61.87 deaths/1,000 live births Female: 59.74 deaths/1,000 live births (2006 est.)

Life expectancy at birth:Total population: 62.46 years Male: 62.47 years Female: 62.45 ye7hg87iuiars (2006 est.)

Total fertility rate:

3.11 children born/woman (2006 est.)

HIV/AIDS:Adult prevalence rate: less than 0.1% (2001 est.) People living with HIV/AIDS: 13,000 (2001 est.) Deaths: 650 (2001 est.)

Population: Nationality: Noun and adjective--Bangladeshi(s).Population:  146 million.Annual growth rate:  1.8%.Ethnic groups: Bengali 98%, tribal groups, non-Bengali Muslims.

Religions: Muslim 88.3%; Hindu 10.5%; Christian 0.3%, Buddhist 0.6%, others 0.3%.Languages: Bangla (official, also known as Bengali), English.Education: Attendance-- 61%. Literacy-- 62.66.Health: Infant mortality rate (below 1)--56/1,000. Life expectancy--62 years (male), 63 years (female).Work force (60.3 million): Agriculture— 62.3%;

manufacturing and mining-- 7.6%; others—30.1%.

ii.

ion

Although Bangladesh has absorbed several waves of immigrants since the onset of the twentieth century, the overall trend has been a steady emigration of people driven out by political and economic problems. Following the partition of British India in 1947, more than 3

million Hindus may have migrated from East Pakistan; during the same period some 864,000 Muslim refugees immigrated to East Pakistan from India. The operation of the Pakistani military in East Pakistan in 1971 caused an estimated 8 to 10 million refugees to cross the border into India in one of the great mass movements of modern times. After the independen

ce of Bangladesh, most of these refugees returned, although an undetermined number remained in India. After independence, Bangladesh received some 100,000 stranded Bangladeshis from former West Pakistan. About 600,000 non-Bengali Muslims, known as Biharis, who had declared their allegiance to Pakistan during the 1971 war, continued to reside in Bangladesh.

It has been reported that, beginning in 1974, thousands of Bangladeshis moved to the Indian state of Assam, and, in the 1980s, some tribal groups from the Chittagong Hills crossed into the Indian state of Tripura for political reasons, contributing to bilateral problems with India. Bangladeshis also migrated to the Middle East and other regions, where a large

number of skilled and unskilled persons found work. Bangladesh also lost some highly skilled members of the work force to Western Europe and North America. Internal migration indicated several recognizable trends. Because of increasing population pressure, people in the 1980s were moving into areas of relatively light habitation in the Chittagong Hills and in parts of the

Sundarbans previously considered marginally habitable. Agrarian distress caused some movement to urban areas, especially Dhaka. Because of the inhospitable urban environment and the lack of jobs, many newcomers returned at least temporarily to their villages, especially during the harvest season. Unemployment, however, was even higher in the

countryside and was a long-term national problem in the mid-1980s.

iii.

tion

Cont

rol

Bangladesh's working-age population was increasing almost 1.5 million per year in the 1980s. This rate of population growth kept the people poor and the country dependent on foreign aid.

Population control and family planning, therefore, were a top priority of the government and social workers.

In the mid-1980s, there were indications that government and nongovernment agency efforts were beginning to pay off. Population growth had declined from 3 percent to 2.3 percent between 1961 and

1981. Contraceptive practices increased from 12.7 percent of eligible couples in 1979 to 25 percent in mid-1985. Of the methods available, sterilization was the most commonly sought in government plans through fiscal year 1990. A continuous demographic survey also showed a decline in fertility rates and an increase

in the female marriage age. But undercutting this progress was the uneven application of the family planning program in rural areas, which constituted the most populous sections of the nation.

In 1985

there were

reported

only 3,716

family

planning

facilities in

the country

and a total

of 15,619

family

planning

personnel,

of whom

4,086 were

male in a

country

where the

females

were

traditionall

y reserved

when

discussing

sexual

matters

with men.

Even when

they were

physicians,

men were

reluctant to

discuss

sexual

matters

with

women.

From 1980

to 1985,

only about

55 percent

of national

family

planning

goals were

achieved.

Population Structure and Settlement Patterns

In the 1980s,

Bangladesh faced no greater problem than population growth. Census data compiled in 1901 indicated a total of 29 million in East Bengal, the region that became East Pakistan and eventually Bangladesh. By 1951, four years after partition from India, East Pakistan had 44 million people, a number

that grew rapidly up to the first postindependence census, taken in 1974, which reported the national population at 71 million. The 1981 census reported a population of 87 million and a 2.3 percent annual growth rate. Thus, in just 80 years, the population had tripled. In July 1988 the population, by then the

eighth largest in the world, stood at 109,963,551, and the average annual growth rate was 2.6 percent. According to official estimates, Bangladesh was expected to reach a population of more than 140 million by the year 2000.

Bangladesh's population density provided further evidence of the problems

the nation faced. In 1901 an average of 216 persons inhabited one square kilometer. By 1951 that number had increased to 312 per square kilometer and, in 1988, reached 821. By the year 2000, population density was projected to exceed 1,000 persons per square kilometer.

The crude

birth rate per 1,000 population was 34.6 in 1981. This rate remained unchanged in 1985, following a 20-year trend of decline since 1961, when it had stood at 47 per 1,000. The rural birth rate was higher than birth rates in urban areas; in 1985 there were 36.3 births per 1,000 in the countryside versus 28 per 1,000 in urban areas. The

crude death rate per 1,000 population decreased from 40.7 in 1951 to 12 per 1,000 in 1985; the urban crude death rate was 8.3, and the rural crude death rate was 12.9. The infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births was 111.9 in 1985, a distinct improvement from as recently as 1982, when the rate was 121.9. Life expectancy

at birth was estimated at 55.1 years in 1986. Men and women have very similar life expectancies at 55.4 and 55, respectively. With an average life expectancy of 58.8 years, urban dwellers in 1986 were likely to live longer than their rural counterparts (average life expectancy 54.8 years). The sex ratio of

the population in 1981 was 106 males to 100 females.

In the late 1980s, about 82 percent of the population of Bangladesh (a total of 15.1 million households) resided in rural areas. With the exception of parts of Sylhet and Rangamati regions, where settlements occurred in nucleated or clustered

patterns, the villages were scattered collections of homesteads surrounded by trees. Continuous strings of settlements along the roadside were also common in the southeastern part of the country.

Until the 1980s, Bangladesh was the most rural nation in South Asia. In 1931 only 27 out of every

1,000 persons were urban dwellers in what is now Bangladesh. In 1931 Bangladesh had fifty towns; by 1951 the country had eighty-nine towns, cities, and municipalities. During the 1980s, industrial development began to have a small effect on urbanization. The 1974 census had put the urban population of Banglades

h at 8.8 percent of the total; by 1988 that proportion had reached 18 percent and was projected to rise to 30 percent by the year 2000.

In 1981

only two

cities,

Dhaka and

Chittagong

, had more

than 1

million

residents.

Seven

other

cities--

Narayanga

nj, Khulna,

Barisal,

Saidpur,

Rajshahi,

Mymensin

gh, and

Comilla--

each had

more than

100,000

people. Of

all the

expanding

cities,

Dhaka, the

national

capital and

the

principal

seat of

culture,

had made

the most

gains in

population,

growing

from

335,928 in

1951 to 3.4

million in

1981. In

the same

period,

Chittagong

had grown

from

289,981 to

1.4

million. A

majority of

the other

urban areas

each had

between

20,000 and

50,000

people.

These

relatively

small

towns had

grown up

in most

cases as

administrat

ive centers

and

geographic

ally

suitable

localities

for inland

transportati

on and

commercia

l facilities.

There was

no

particular

concentrati

on of

towns in

any part of

the

country. In

fact, the

only large

cities close

to each

other were

Dhaka and

Narayanga

nj.

iv.

ity

and

Ling

uisti

c

Dive

rsity

Banglades

h is noted for the ethnic homogeneity of its population. Over 98 percent of the people are Bengalis, predominantly Bangla-speaking peoples. People speaking Arabic, Persian, and Turkic languages also have contributed to the ethnic characteristics of the region.

A member of the Indo-European

family of languages, Bangla (sometimes called Bengali) is the official language of Bangladesh. Bangladeshis closely identify themselves with their national language. Bangla has a rich cultural heritage in literature, music, and poetry, and at least two Bengali poets are well known in the West: Rabindranath Tagore, a Hindu

and a Nobel laureate; and Kazi Nazrul Islam, a Muslim known as the "voice of Bengali nationalism and independence." Bangla has been enriched by several regional dialects. The dialects of Sylhet, Chittagong, and Noakhali have been strongly marked by Arab-Persian influences. English, whose

cultural influence seemed to have crested by the late 1980s, remained nonetheless an important language in Bangladesh.

Biharis, a group that included Urdu-speaking non-Bengali Muslim refugees from Bihar and other parts of northern India, numbered about 1 million in 1971 but

had decreased to around 600,000 by the late 1980s. They once dominated the upper levels of Bengali society. Many also held jobs on the railroads and in heavy industry. As such they stood to lose from Bangladesh independence and sided with Pakistan during the 1971 war. Hundreds of thousands

of Biharis were repatriated to Pakistan after the war.

Bangladesh's tribal population consisted of 897,828 persons, just over 1 percent of the total population, at the time of the 1981 census. They lived primarily in the Chittagong Hills and in the regions of Mymensingh, Sylhet, and Rajshahi. The majority of the tribal

population (778,425) lived in rural settings, where many practiced shifting cultivation. Most tribal people were of SinoTibetan descent and had distinctive Mongoloid features. They differed in their social organization, marriage customs, birth and death rites, food, and other social customs from the people of the rest of

the country. They spoke Tibeto-Burman languages. In the mid-1980s, the percentage distribution of tribal population by religion was Hindu 24, Buddhist 44, Christian 13, and others 19.

The four largest tribes were the Chakmas, Marmas (or Maghs), Tipperas (or Tipras), and Mros (or

Moorangs). The tribes tended to intermingle and could be distinguished from one another more by differences in their dialect, dress, and customs than by tribal cohesion. Only the Chakmas and Marmas displayed formal tribal organization, although all groups contained distinct clans. By far the largest

tribe, the Chakmas were of mixed origin but reflected more Bengali influence than any other tribe. Unlike the other tribes, the Chakmas and Marmas generally lived in the highland valleys. Most Chakmas were Buddhists, but some practiced Hinduism or animism.

Of Burmese ancestry,

the Marmas regarded Burma as the center of their cultural life. Members of the Marma tribe disliked the more widely used term Maghs, which had come to mean pirates. Although several religions, including Islam, were represented among the Marmas, nearly all of the Marmas were

Buddhists.

The Tipperas were nearly all Hindus and accounted for virtually the entire Hindu population of the Chittagong Hills. They had migrated gradually from the northern Chittagong Hills. The northern Tipperas were influenced by Bengali culture. A small southern section known as the Mrungs

showed considerably less Bengali influence.

The Mros, considered the original inhabitants of the Chittagong Hills, lived on hilltops and often fortified their villages. They had no written language of their own, but some could read the Burmese and Bangla scripts. Most of them claimed to be Buddhists, but their

religious practices were largely animistic.

Tribal groups in other parts of the country included Santals in Rajshahi and Dinajpur, and Khasis, Garos, and Khajons in Mymensingh and Sylhet regions. Primarily poor peasants, these people all belonged to groups in the adjoining tribal areas

of India.

Tribal population The tribal population in 1991 was 1.2 million, which was about 1.13% of the total population. The major tribes are CHAKMA (252,258 persons), MARMA (157,301), TRIPURA (79,772), MANIPURI (24,882), SANTAL (202,162), GARO (64,280), MURONG (22,178), TANCHANG YA (21,639) and RAKHAIN (16,932). The tribal population has a high

concentration in the KHAGRACH HARI (13.9% of the total tribal population) and BANDARBA N (9.15%) districts of the CHITTAGON G HILL TRACTS . Major tribes living in these two districts are Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Murong, Tanchanghya and Rakhain. Most Manipuris live in SYLHET , while Garos and HAJONG s live mainly in the MYMENSING H area and

Santals in DINAJPUR and RAJSHAHI districts.Tribal Culture  There are many tribes in Bangladesh and each tribe has its own unique culture. Some tribes may even have cultural distinctions within their different clans. But some traits are generally common among most tribes. For instance, originally most tribes are animists. Celebrations and Festivals Most tribes

have festivities which include dancing and singing. Most of these testivals take place after the consumption of alcoholic beverages. A very popular festival of the MANIPURI s is a type of Gopi dance celebrating the love of RADHA and KRISHNA . In spring, Manipuris, SANTALS and ORAON s celebrate Holi when they drench each other with colour. The Oraons count their year from

the month of Falgun. Young Oraon men and women celebrate the first night of the year dancing around a fire. Drums, cymbals and flute provide the music.Most religious rites and festivities of the Manipuris and the GARO s are based on the seasons of the year. For a whole month, starting with the midnight of the Holi full moon, young Manipuri men and women

dance in the open. They also celebrate the rice harvest through singing contests. The youths and maidens of the Malpahari tribe also spend the night in festivities, singing, dancing, and consuming alcohol. Santals celebrate the harvest or sahrai festival for three to four days. Like the Manipuris, young Santal men and women dance and sing to the accompaniment of

cymbals and flute. Like Manipuri and Santal youths, Garo ones also sing and dance collectively at the oyanggala festival, which is connected with sowing of seeds and harvesting of crops. These celebrations take place at night when the young Garo men and women drink and dance. Buffalo horns are blown on the occasion. As night advances, the music and dancing become wilder, as

alcohol is consumed freely. The wild dancing at Garo oyamgala is intended to appease evil spirits. Food is also offered to the spirits then. The MAGH s spend the first three days of the Maghi year singing, dancing and drinking.Religious beliefs and taboos Except for the Sangsarek of the Garos and BUDDHISM of some tribes of Chittagong and the Chittagong Hill Tracts, all other

tribes have no specific religion. They regard their ancient rites, beliefs and customs as their religion. The Samsarek of the Garos is also close to extinction. Most of them have by now become Christians. However, they still follow certain rites of Samsarek. Most Santals are Christians now but they observe their own tribal rites. The periods of the full moon and the dark of the moon

are of special significance to the Oraons, Manipuris and Buddhist tribes. Many religious and cultural rites take place during the full moon.The Oraons believe in the sayings of DAK and KHANA . They have many superstitions regarding journeys. For example, Oraons will not undertake a journey if they stumble at the start, someone beckons from

behind, a house-lizard calls out, a message is delivered about someone's death, a corpse appears on the way, a crow caws on a dry twig, or an empty pitcher comes in view. When Oraons start tilling the field, they will do so from the east. They will wait for an auspicious day to begin building a house. They believe that it is inauspicious to comb hair at night, to throw women's

hair outside, to sweep a house at sunset, to give something to someone after dusk, to hear an owl hooting, or a dog weeping at night. Oraons also have certain superstitions about cows. Thus they give away the first yield of milk from a lactating cow, and will not let a menstruating woman or a woman who has not completed the period of confinement after childbirth enter a cowshed.

Women must not take the name of the husband's elder brother. Oraons believe that magic can be used to enthrall women. They also believe in the power of spells and charms. For protection against witches they go to Ayurvedic physicians. The Garos do not believe in witches. However, they do believe that some men become tigers at night and attack and kill cattle.

They also believe that those who are killed by wild animals are reborn as animals. The Oraons believe that the spirit of a still-born child is reborn and that some Ayurvedic physicians have the power to prevent the appearance of evil spirits.There are many superstitions and taboos regarding women. Thus, a pregnant Oraon woman will not to eat rats or eels for fear of making her child

hideous. After childbirth she is forbidden to eat khesari (a type of lentils), potatoes, or stale food. She is not allowed to drink cold water. Manipuris do not allow their pregnant women to go out in the open with their hair loose; they are also not allowed to go far at night, nor to cross a river or a bridge. Malpaharis believe that spirits may possess a woman at her wedding and that they may possess both

mother and newborn at childbirth. They are always on the lookout for danger. KHASIA s and MUNDA s believe that the spirits of dead children and of one's ancestors may visit a house and therefore they erect a stone platform for these spirits. All tribes believe in household gods that regulate their well being. Concept of Creation According to the Garos, a woman named Nastunpant

u created the earth from soil brought up by a tortoise from the bottom of the sea and then dried it with the help of the sun god to make it habitable. Manipuris legends narrate how the world was composed entirely of water. Then the great guru Shidara made 9 gods and 7 goddesses. The gods threw soil from the heavens and the goddesses danced on the soil and flattened it to create the

earth. The Khasias believe Thyu Blauu first created the earth and then a man and woman from whom the entire human race descended.Farm work Some tribes regard the earth as mother; so they worship the earth-mother before sowing crops. Oraons revere the cropland and believe that it is the earth-mother's menstruation that produces crops. This is why they observe a

number of ceremonies where the earth is treated as a menstruating or pregnant woman. Some tribes give the land special food, as is the custom in the case of a pregnant woman. The Oraons and the Santals reverently apply vermilion spots on their farm implements. Among Garos, Manipuris, Santals and a few other tribes men and women work together in fields. The men clear the jungles

and till the soil while the women, as symbols of fertility, sow seeds and do the transplanting. All tribes celebrate seed planting and crop harvesting in their own colourful ways. Young men and women sing and recite rhymes as they carry the ripe crops home.Marriage There are similarities as well as dissimilarities in the wedding rites of different tribes. Most tribal marriages are based on

love matches, with the bridal couple getting to know each other before marriage. Oraons do not allow child marriage, nor weddings during the months of Chaitra, Bhadra and Paus. Grooms have to pay a bride price. Pre-wedding ceremonies include seeing a bride, panchini (confirmation of a match) and GAYE HALUD (applying turmeric paste on the

bodies of both groom and bride). Women of both sides sing nuptial songs on the day of wedding. Oraons and Manipuris put up colourful wedding pandals. Oraons install mangalghat, a vessel of water, as a symbol of divine blessings in the wedding pandal. At the wedding ceremony which takes place in the pandal, the groom and the bride daub each other's forehead with vermilion as women of

both parties raise uludhvani (a sound produced by quickly turning the tongue in the mouth). Among both Oraons and Manipuris, the bridal couple go round the pandal to be greeted with paddy and durva grass. Among the Manipuris the groom is welcomed by lighting a pradip (oil lamp) and his feet are washed by a young boy. At this time KIRTAN is sung and music is played. Two women from both sides release a pair of

taki fish symbolising the groom and the bride into water. It is a good omen if the pair of fish move side by side in the water. In a similar ceremony among the Garos, a cock and hen, with throats slit, are thrown to the ground. It is a good omen if, while they are in their death throes, the two come together to die. Otherwise, it is an ill omen and must be remedied through prayer and incantation

by a khamal (mendicant). The gods are offered special food on the occasion so that they may bless the couple. A Manipuri bride comes to visit her parents for the first time on the fifth day after marriage, providing an occasion for a lavish feast. According to tribal custom, all members of the clan are invited to this ceremony and they come with presents of rice, meat, fowls, pigs, money or alcohol.

Among the Magh, young men and women get an opportunity to know each other closely at the new year festival. This is the time they choose their partners, subject to the approval of their parents. Girls of the Garo, Khasia, Tippra and Magh tribes go to the market to buy and sell goods. This again provides an opportunity for boys and girls to know each other more closely and select

partners and then marry with the approval of their parents. Young men and women among the Santal, Garo and Manipuri tribes work together in the fields, giving them an opportunity to select their life partners. CHAKMA s cannot marry during the dark of the moon, full moon, or eclipse. Oraons, Santals, Khasias, Garos and Manipuris cannot marry within their own clans.

Manipuris are forbidden to marry close relations. Members of the same Garo clan regard each other as brothers and sisters, and so cannot marry within the clan. However, Maghs marry within their clan as they discourage inter-clan marriages. Marriage between cousins is, however, forbidden, as is marriage between a man and his father's sister or mother's sister. A Santal

wife becomes part of her husband's clan. Magh men cannot marry again unless the wife is barren or mentally ill. Divorced and widowed women are permitted to remarry among both Maghs and Oraons. Divorce is permitted on the grounds of incompatibility, impotence or the wife's infidelity. However, though divorce is allowed among the Oraons, Khasias, Chakmas and Maghs,

it is rather rare. At times a young Garo woman chooses a Garo boy, marries him and keeps him at her parents' home. Such marriages are rare these days. However, some tribes, such as the Oraon, allow their boys and girls to elope and marry, with subsequent parental approval. Oraon and Santal wives put vermilion on their forehead or in the parting of their hair. Except among the

Maghs, marriage within the clan is considered disgraceful and the guilty are expelled from the village.It is a sin for the Khasias not to marry. Khasia women may have more than one husband at a time on grounds of the first husband's impotence or debauchery, desire to have more children or strong sexuality but this rarely happens. A Khasia woman cannot

marry someone from another tribe. A Khasia girl may invite home a chosen boy from an approved clan, live together for a few days and, if she finds him acceptable, may marry him with the approval of both families. In Khasia weddings, women cannot accompany the groom's party to the bride's house. Among the Oraons, however, women can do so. After being blessed by

his mother and elders, the Khasia groom leaves his mother's house wearing dhuti and turban and accompanied by the bridal party. Khasia wedding feasts consist of rice and dry fish, followed by alcohol. Three pieces of dry fish are offered to the gods to seek divine blessings for a new couple. Among the matriarchal Khasia and Garo tribes, the groom becomes a ghar jamai (part of his

in-laws' house). Chakma weddings take place at the bride's house after the two sides have exchanged alcoholic drinks. A Manipuri groom wears dhuti and turban and the bride wears the traditional gathered skirt, blouse, and peaked head dress.While some tribes allow divorce, it is rare. In case a divorce becomes inevitable, both husband and wife have to give their consent as do the

elders of the clan. The party responsible for the divorce has to pay compensation to the other party. Among the Chakmas and Maghs, the cost of maintenance of minor children has to be borne by the husband. Among the Khasias, either the couple or someone else has to notify the clan chief about the divorce. The chief allows the couple time for reconciliation. If this does not work, an

announcement is made of the breakup of the marriage. The person responsible for divorce has to pay the other party some compensation. Among the Khasias it is usually the wife who is held responsible for divorce. If the husband is responsible, he is caned or given a beating with shoes; his face is smeared with lime and black paint and his head is shaved. A pregnant woman cannot be divorced. A

widow may marry a year after her husband's death.Dresses The men of Oraon and many other tribes commonly wear dhutis and their women wear saris. There was a time when some tribes used to wear tree leaves to cover the lower part of the body. The Garos used to wear barks of trees, which had been pounded and softened to resemble thin cloth. Lower-class Garos still

wear nengti or a tiny piece of cloth which merely cover the genitals. Some tribes living in the deep forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts still wear tree leaves as their only dress. Santal dresses are called panchi, panchatat and matha. The main dress of the Chakmas is the lungi, worn with a shirt. Their women wear a red and black sarong, called pindhan, plus a blouse called

silum. Magh women cover their body from chest to knees with a thami (sarong) over a full-sleeved blouse.Ornaments and cosmetics There is very little variety in the ornaments that tribal women wear. In north Bengal they wear almost identical ornaments. Santal and Oraon women wear ornaments on their hands, feet, nose, ears and neck. Oraon women

peak up their hair on the head and wear a tikli on the forehead. Chakma women wear bangles and anklets, as well as coin earrings and necklaces. Garo women do up their hair in buns, which they then adorn with flowers. Magh women use a herbal powder or wood paste to lighten their faces.Food and drink The tribals eat everything except their totems. The Garos do not eat cats as the cat is

their totem. Maghs, Chakmas and Khasias do not eat beef, and Garos do not drink milk. Magh and Chakma men and women are fond of smoking. Their favourite dishes are those that are sour and are made of rotten prawns. Oraons eat rats, eels, potatoes and khesari pulse. Alcohol made of fermented rice is every tribe's favourite drink.Social rites In matriarchal tribes, men

do not inherit property. Men are neglected in their mothers' homes as well as in the houses of their wives. Among the Garos, after a mother's death, the daughters do not bear any responsibility for their father. However, among the Khasias, the daughters must fulfill that responsibility. The chief of the tribes of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Santals is called Raja, while the

Khasias call him mantri or minister. Almost all tribes condemn adultery. If a couple has pre-marital sex it is obligatory for them to marry each other. Oraons give goat milk or mother's milk to a newborn to drink; others give honey. The new mother is given turmeric water to drink. Most tribes build a thorny fence around the house to protect the mother and the newborn from evil spirits; ojhas or

vaidyas put the house under a protective spell and attempt to rid the mother and the child of any evil spell by incantation of mantras. Oraons keep an iron knife or an arrow near the head of the child and at times fling arrows. New mothers among the Chakma and Magh tribes do not bathe for a few days after delivery. On the sixth day after the birth, Manipuris clean the newborn, the mother

and the hut where the delivery has taken place. A child's ear lobes are pricked immediately after birth. Garos avoid giving a baby an attractive name in order to avoid the evil eye. Usually on the fifth day of its birth or of the day of the week of its birth, an Oraon child is given a name in keeping with the names of its forefathers. Pigs, dogs and cocks are the favourite pets of tribal people.

Oraons take great care of cows. At some festivals they wash the cows and then rub them with oil. On the day following the dark of the moon, they paint their courtyard with rice paste, burn incense in the cowsheds, wash farm implements, and put vermilion on them for good luck. Disposing of the dead Tribal people sacrifice animals and weep to propitiate their dead so that their

angry souls do not create trouble for the living. They then dispose of the body with gifts according to their capacity and later hold shraddha (feast) for the relatives of the dead. There was a time when they used to sacrifice human beings to appease the spirit of the dead. There is a basic uniformity in these rites despite some variations from tribe to tribe. The aborigines of Kushtia quickly bury their

dead. The pallbearers take a dip in the river before returning home. Maghs and Chakmas cremate their dead two or three days after death. A priest's body is kept upto two or three months. Manipuris keep the dying person outside the house, on a banana leaf, while kirtans are chanted. Dead bodies are washed with the head of the corpse pointed northward. As the funeral procession

proceeds to the cremation ground, kirtan is chanted. Earlier Manipuris used to bury their dead, but now they bury bodies of adolescents and cremate bodies of older persons. After disposing of the body, the pallbearers take a bath and dry their hands by holding them above a fire before entering their house. The heir to the dead person carries a chopper in his or her hand for

some time as protection against any evil spirit. The members of the family of the dead eat vegetables for twelve days and milk and banana for two days before the sraddha and sangkirtan. Sraddha is held every year and tarpan (offering water to the deity) in the month of Bhadra. Among the Oraon, family members shave their heads after the funeral rites are over.Houses All

hill tribes build bamboo houses on raised platforms. They use ladders which are withdrawn at night so that wild animals cannot climb up. Maghs build houses on the flat ground. Oraons smear their houses with a plaster made of mud and cow dung. Usually their houses are made of earth, with thatched roofs, but they also build houses with fence made of shola (sponge

wood). They draw leaves and vines on the mud walls of their houses. In general it can be said that the tribal folk culture of Bangladesh has similarities with that of many other Southeast Asian countries. [Ali Nawaz]

Tribal group Chakma 1956 1981 Buddhism 140,000 230,000 Taungchengya Buddhism 15,000 20,000 Marma Buddhism 80,000 120,000 Sak Buddhism 2,000 1,500 Khyeng Community religion 1,000 1,500 Tripura Hinduism 30,000 40,000 Riang/Brong Hinduism 7,000 10,000 Mru Community Religion 17,000 20,000 Khumi Community Religion 2,500 1,000 Bawm Christianity 3,500 8,000 Pangkhua Christianity 1,500 2,000 Lushai/Mizo Christianity 500 1,000 Tribal total   300,000 455,000 Bangali Islam 30,000 290,000 CHT Total   330,000 745,000

c. SOCIAL SYSTEM

i. Transition to a New Social Order

Bangladesh did not exist as a distinct geographic and ethnic unity until independence. The region had been a part of successive Indian empires, and during the British period it formed the eastern part of a hinterland of Bengal, which was dominated by the British rulers and Hindu professional, commercial, and landed elites. After the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, present-day Bangladesh came under the hegemony of the non-Bengali Muslim elites of the West Wing of Pakistan. The establishment of Bangladesh, therefore, implied the formation of both a new nation and a new social order.

Until the partition of British India in 1947, Hindus controlled about 80 percent of all large rural holdings, urban real estate, and government jobs in East Bengal and dominated finance, commerce, and the professions. Following partition, a massive flight of East Bengali Hindus effectively removed the Hindu economic and political elite and cut the territory's ties to Calcutta. After the emigration of the Hindus, Muslims moved quickly into the vacated positions, creating for the first time in East Bengal an economy and government predominantly in Muslim hands. These vastly increased opportunities, especially in the civil service and the professions, however, soon came to be dominated by a West Pakistani-based elite whose members were favored by the government both directly and indirectly. Soon after independence in 1971, an ill-prepared Bangladeshi elite moved into the areas vacated by West Pakistanis. Except for members of small non-Bengali caste-like Muslim groups known as "trading communities," Bangladeshi Muslims almost immediately established control over all small- and medium-

sized industrial and commercial enterprises. The 1972 nationalization of non-Bengali-owned large industries accelerated the establishment of control and influence by the indigenous community.

The sudden rise of a new managerial class and the expansion of the civil and military bureaucracy upset the balance in both the urban and the rural sectors. Party affiliation, political contacts, and documented revolutionary service became the main prerequisites for admission to the rapidly growing new elite of political and industrial functionaries; the established middle class and its values played lesser roles. In the countryside, new elites with links to the villages bought property to establish their sociopolitical control. Also taking advantage of the situation, the rural political elite amassed fortunes in land and rural-based enterprises. The result was the growth of a new, land-based, rural elite that replaced many formerly entrenched wealthy peasants (in Bangla, jotedars).

Ageing  is a normal biological phenomenon and refers to a slow imperceptible, progressive degenerative process advancing with chronological age, leading to increased functional deterioration and vulnerability, ultimately culminating in extinction of life. Ageing often refers simply to the process of growing older. It is a biological reality, which (despite medical interventions) has its own dynamic, and is largely beyond human control. It is also subject to the constructions by which each society makes sense of old age.There is no hard and fast rule about the age beyond which a person should be considered old. In developed societies, chronological age plays a paramount role and the age of 65, roughly equivalent to retirement age, is said to be the beginning of old age. But in developing countries, chronological age has little importance in defining old age. It is seen to begin at the point when active contribution is no longer possible. However, the age of 60 years is a realistic statistical definition for ageing in Asian and Pacific regions, particularly taking into account average retirement age, legislation,

health conditions and so on. Actually 60 is generally the age at which governments and agencies start defining 'old age' but life expectancies are different in different places and there are many things which affect a person's ageing process. A small proportion (around 6%) of the total population of Bangladesh constitute the elderly population, but the absolute number of them is quite significant (about 7.2 million) and the rate of their increase is fairly high. The elderly population (aged 60 years and above) in Bangladesh in 1911, 1951, 1981 and 1991 were 1.37, 1.86, 4.90 and 6.05 millions respectively and the projected figures for 2000, 2015 and 2025 are 7.25, 12.05 and 17.62 millions. This change in population characteristics will have serious consequences on society as well as on the overall socio-economic development of the country.As an Asian country, Bangladesh has a long cultural and religious tradition of looking after the elderly and it is expected that families and communities will care for their own elderly members. But rapid socio-economic and demographic transformations, mass POVERTY , changing social and religious values, influence of western culture, and other factors, have broken down the traditional extended FAMILY and community care system. Most of the elderly people in Bangladesh suffer from some basic human problems, viz poor financial support, senile diseases and absence of proper health and medicare facilities, exclusion and negligence, deprivation and socio-economic insecurity. About 80% of the aged live in rural areas. Their sufferings are the cumulative effects of a lifetime. The following is a brief description of the characteristics of the country's elderly people of different societal groups:Rural and urban poor they live in absolute poverty and ill health, do not have regular sources of income and therefore, are highly dependent on others for food, clothing, shelter and healthcare. Interestingly, these people do not complain about major psycho-social problems and rather, show total faith and dependence on supernatural power and religion. The elderly urban poor, however, have some access to general urban facilities. But they are worse-off in terms of support and assistance from neighbours and community organisations, while in rural areas, the elderly poor get some

sympathy and assistance from near and distant relatives or neighbouring well-to-do families. Rural affluent elderly people of this group are mid-level and big farmers, traders and members of the traditional and elevated cultural levels. They live in extended families and receive sufficient regard, care and significance.Urban middle-class older persons of this class are socially, culturally and economically better-off. They comprise groups of retired mid-level officials or businessmen and often possess a secured place of residence. Most live in extended families and enjoy facilities almost similar to those enjoyed by the rural affluent group. But they may also face urban political and administrative complexities, anxiety, exclusion, economic hardship etc. They try to overcome these situations through some social service activities. Urban rich these are mostly retired senior employees of reputed organisations, high government officials, or owners of big trading houses. This group of older persons rarely faces any financial problems. Members of their families as well as the community usually have high regards for them and pay importance to their opinions. But older persons of this group often feel isolated, lonely, and neglected, as their descendants usually do not live with them and remain busy in their own circles and activities. Elderly people of this group enjoy the privilege of providing community leadership or keep themselves busy in religious activities and social assignments. In addition to the above groups, there are other types of elderly people. These are physically, mentally or socially handicapped old people, aged widows, widowers or single or old persons without any close friends or relatives. They encounter old age problems more acutely. Total dependency, insecurity, inferiority, helplessness, fatalism and increased observance of religious activities are their common features. This category of older people needs and deserves special care and attention from the community. The aged persons in an average Bangladeshi family are often treated as a burden. Many old men are often seen begging in streets or asking for charity. Not a few are seen in risky work, despite their broken health. Old people live in frustration and suffer from illness and pains without care and company.

Currently, two types of care and service systems are available in Bangladesh for the elderly people - traditional or indigenous, and modern. Modern services are offered by both governmental and non-governmental initiatives. Traditional services include care by the family or relatives, charity or alms giving, and permission to live in religious premises such as mosques, graveyards, mazars, and dargas. Government programmes designed for the aged are mainly in the form of pensions, introduced since 1924, but available only for a handful of retired government and industrial employees. Recently, in mid 1998, the government introduced a new pension programme 'bayaska bhata' (allowance for the aged), under which the 10 poorest and the most vulnerable old persons (five men and five women) of each union/ward are given a monthly allowance of Tk 100 each. There is, however, no public safety net for all poor elderly people living either in urban or rural areas of Bangladesh. A few NON- GOVERNMENT ORGANISATION s have programmes directed specifically at old people. However, their services are confined to outdoor and indoor medicare, maintenance of oldman's home, recreation facilities for the old people and seminars, workshops, training, research and publication activities. Bangladesh Association for the Aged and Institute of Geriatric Medicine are the oldest and largest of all organisations working for the wellbeing of the elderly since 1960. Some universities are expanding their curricula to include courses that focus on ageing. [A S M Atiqur Rahman]

ii. Rural Society

The basic social unit in a village is the family (paribar or gushti), generally consisting of a complete or incomplete patrilineally extended household (chula) and residing in a homestead (bari). The individual nuclear family often is submerged in the larger unit and might be known as the house (ghar). Above the bari level, patrilineal kin ties are linked into sequentially larger groups based on real, fictional, or assumed relationships. A significant unit larger than that of close kin is the voluntary religious and mutual benefit association known as the "the society" (samaj or millat). Among the functions of a samaj might be the maintenance of a mosque and support of a mullah. An informal council of samaj elders (matabdars or sardars) settles village disputes. Factional competition between the matabdars is a major dynamic of social and political interaction. Groups of homes in a village are called paras, and each para has its own name. Several paras constitute a mauza, the basic revenue and census

survey unit. The traditional character of rural villages was changing in the latter half of the twentieth century with the addition of brick structures of one or more stories scattered among the more common thatched bamboo huts. Although farming has traditionally ranked among the most desirable occupations, villagers in the 1980s began to encourage their children to leave the increasingly overcrowded countryside to seek more secure employment in the towns. Traditional sources of prestige, such as landholding, distinguished lineage, and religious piety were beginning to be replaced by modern education, higher income, and steadier work. These changes, however, did not prevent rural poverty from increasing greatly. According to the FY 1986 Household Expenditure Survey conducted by the Ministry of Planning's Bureau of Statistics, 47 percent of the rural population was below the poverty line, with about 62 percent of the poor remaining in extreme poverty. The number of landless rural laborers also increased substantially, from 25 percent in 1970 to 40 percent in 1987.

The silent revolution in rural Bangladesh:

Important changes are taking place in rural Bangladesh. Several factors are creating positive conditions for women and girls and empowering them to play a more significant role within the emerging social matrix. Civil society representatives involved in rural development activities have recently presented some interesting facts in different workshops. They have referred to the expansion of physical infrastructure in rural Bangladesh -- roads and bridges, rural electrification and the growth of marketing outlets. They have pointed out how such factors are urbanising the rural landscape in terms of opportunities. Options of earning livelihood are also undergoing changes and expanding in terms of scope -- particularly in the non-farm sector. Apparently, this has been facilitated to a large extent by increase in remittances received from abroad. Petty savings of expatriate Bangladeshis working in the Gulf, in Saudi Arabia and in parts of Europe have enabled many marginalised rural family units to get a fresh lease of life. This is reflected in better housing and the steady growth not only in the number of small shops but also in the variety of services that these shops are dealing in throughout the rural landscape. Now there are more small enterprises in the villages. These include petty trading, tailoring, embroidery work, handicrafts based on reeds, cane and bamboo. There has also been a steady increase in the number of rickshaws and in rickshaw-pullers in the rural services sector. This has been facilitated by a growing network of rural feeder roads.

Expansion of micro-credit has also created other small enterprises. These small units include poultry farming, pisci-culture, agro-processing, handicrafts and dairy farming. Many women have also availed of such credit to buy mobile phones and set up mini-telecommunication centres in villages. This has enabled expatriate Bangladeshis to access to their relatives back home (without telephone connections). Such a facility is particularly useful during family emergencies. This has been repeatedly demonstrated during the recent floods. One sector of rural society has been particularly influenced by these gradual changes. Girls, specially women, are slowly beginning to acquire their own identities by taking advantage of new opportunities. Rural Bangladesh has traditionally been very conservative and the central role of women have over the years been restricted to a life cycle of early marriage, motherhood (most often in the teens) and need for drastic adjustment with husbands (who are usually about eight to twelve years older) and in-laws. DFIDB research in Bangladesh has indicated that restrictions on social inter-function are also clearly evident in female-headed households, whether de jure (widowed, divorced or abandoned) or de facto (where the man of the house is absent from the home for periods of time). Such a situation has, quite understandably, led to women in rural Bangladeshi society struggling to achieve authority, status and access to opportunities. It is this aspect which is slowly changing and that too for the better. There is a silent revolution taking place in the rural heartland of Bangladesh. The changes that rural women are bringing across in the economic front, as human capital, are re-writing the socio-cultural dimension. Women in Bangladesh, particularly those living in small mofussil towns and in villages have always worked very hard. However, till now, most of this labor was unpaid. Surveys carried out recently demonstrate that there has been a drastic change. A growing number of women -- both rural and urban -- have undertaken paid work, particularly occupations outside their homes. Such activity has in turn increased their spending power and their ability to exert more influence within their households, specially in decision making. The emergence of garment and other factory work alongwith professional jobs like health workers and NGO workers have facilitated this process. A study undertaken by the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies in 2003 revealed that the participation of women in the employed labour force has been increasing in absolute and relative terms. The female share of increase in the labour force was 23 per cent between 1983-84 and 1989. It rose to 48 per cent between 1989 and 1995-96 and rose again to 72 per cent between 1995-96 and 1999-2000.

Two important facts were also clear from the study. This growth was not restricted only to the urban sector. It was also evident that there was substantial rural to urban migration of rural women looking for formal employment with a regular wage and more secure workers' rights. In addition, sociologists in separate studies also concluded that this growth of association of women in the external work force in a largely Muslim country is creating a more secular approach to women's lives. Today, women are active in all the three main sources of economic growth in this country -- ready made garments, crop production and informal agro-processing related to poultry farming, dairy farming, pisci-culture and the production of various kinds of conserved food items like achar, morobba and dried sweets. According to the BGMEA, the RMG sector alone employs nearly two million people of whom 80 per cent are women. Significant numbers, estimated at around four million are also working openly in the fields as agricultural labour, particularly in the labour intensive sector of horticultural crops. In rural areas, growing awareness of dignity of labour is also encouraging women to seek work as domestic labour or even as common labour associated with earthworks or food for work. This is a basic change in survival strategy. It is a big step forward. Some conservative and fundamentalist elements have at times been critical of such exposed work for women and have claimed that it increases their vulnerabilities. Results have, however, demonstrated that such a view becomes inconsequential given the positives that flow out from such an involvement. It provides the women with necessary self-confidence and enables them to inter-act more effectively within a male dominated traditional society. I believe that these changes in the social norm are effectively 're-negotiating' the extent to which the negative elements of culture applies in rural society. The income derived from these opportunities is today going a long way in improving nutritional intake and ensuring health care for children in poor families. Their participation in the external environment is also opening doors and windows and giving them their own voice. It is enhancing their ability to initiate required activities like family planning, to affect late marriages for their daughters and facilitate the education of their children (irrespective of gender) at least till primary or junior secondary levels. These factors are acting as catalysts not only towards their personal well-being but also for their families. This is generating hope for the erosion of poverty in the rural economy.

iii. Urban Society

One major transformation that is bound to occur in Bangladesh over the next 25 years is the spread of urbanization. Where as approximately four out of five inhabitants are now country people, by 2020 nearly every other man, woman and child will live in an urban area. That transformation can bring either prosperity or decline, depending largely on the degree to which the two megacities, Dhaka and Chittagong, the existing metropolitan areas of Rajshahi and Khulna and roughly a score of small towns that are due to mushroom manage a host of monumental challenges.]Urbanization and the EconomyWhile geography and investment in physical infrastructure are important factors guiding spatial development, the vigor of the urban economy -- both its structure and growth -- will be a major influence on the character, location and resulting distribution of urbanization. Given the imminent macroeconomic transformation of Bangladesh, growth must come primarily from sources other than agriculture, i.e., industry and services -- the mainstays of the urban economy

In 1988 about 18 percent of the population lived in urban areas, most of which were villages or trade centers in rural areas. Urban centers grew in number and population during the 1980s as a result of an administrative decentralization program that featured the creation of subdistricts. In appearance these small urban areas were generally shabby. Most of the urban population merely congregated in ramshackle structures with poor sanitation and an almost total lack of modern amenities. Towns were populated mostly by government functionaries, merchants, and other business personnel. Most dwellings contained nuclear families and some extended family lodgers. A few households or a neighborhood would constitute a para, which might develop some cohesiveness but would have no formal leadership structure. With the exception of a small number of transients, most town populations consisted of permanent inhabitants who maintained connections with their ancestral villages through property or family ties. Most towns had social and sporting clubs and libraries. Unlike in the rural areas, kinship ties among the town population were limited and

fragile.

iv. Family, Household, and Kinship

Family and kinship were the core of social life in Bangladesh. A family group residing in a bari would function as the basic unit of economic endeavor, landholding, and social identity. In the eyes of rural people, the chula defined the effective household--an extended family exploiting jointly held property and being fed from a jointly operated kitchen. A bari might consist of one or more such functional households, depending on the circumstances of family relationship. Married sons generally lived in their parents' household during the father's lifetime. Although sons usually built separate houses for their nuclear families, they remained under their fathers' authority, and wives under their mothers-in-law's authority. The death of the father usually precipitated the separation of adult brothers into their own households. Such a split generally caused little change in the physical layout of the bari, however. Families at

different stages of the cycle would display different configurations of household membership.

Patrilineal ties dominated the ideology of family life, but in practice matrilineal ties were almost as important. Married women provided especially important links between their husbands' brothers' families. Brothers and sisters often visited their brothers' households, which were in fact the households of their deceased fathers. By Islamic law, women inherited a share of their fathers' property and thus retained a claim on the often scanty fields worked by their brothers. By not exercising this claim, however, they did their brothers the important service of keeping the family lands in the patrilineal line and thus ensured themselves a warm welcome and permanent place in their brothers' homes.

Marriage is a civil contract rather than a religious sacrament in Islam, and the parties to the contract represent the interests of families rather than the direct personal interests of the prospective spouses. In Bangladesh, parents ordinarily select spouses for their children, although men frequently exercise some influence over the choice of their spouses. In middle-class urban families men negotiate their own marriages. Only in the most sophisticated elite class does a woman participate in her own marriage arrangements. Marriage generally is made between families of similar social standing, although a woman might properly marry a man of somewhat higher status. Financial standing came to outweigh family background in the late twentieth century in any case. Often a person with a good job in a Middle Eastern country was preferred over a person of highly regarded lineage.

Marriages are often preceded by extensive negotiations between the families of the prospective bride and groom. One of the functions of the marriage negotiations is to reduce any

discrepancy in status through financial arrangements. The groom's family ordinarily pledges the traditional cash payment, or bride-price, part or all of which can be deferred to fall due in case of divorce initiated by the husband or in case the contract is otherwise broken. As in many Muslim countries, the cash payment system provides women some protection against the summary divorce permitted by Islam. Some families also adopt the Hindu custom of providing a dowry for the bride.

Of the total population in 1981, an estimated 34 million were married. A total of 19 million citizens of marriageable age were single or had never married, 3 million were widowed, and 322,000 were divorced. Although the majority of married men (10 million) had only one wife, there were about 580,000 households, between 6 and 10 percent of all marriages, in which a man had two or more wives.

Although the age at marriage appeared to be rising in the 1980s, early marriage remained the rule even among the educated, and especially among women. The mean age at marriage in 1981 for males was 23.9, and for females 16.7. Women students frequently married in their late teens and continued their studies in the households of their fathers-in-law. Divorce, especially of young couples without children, was becoming increasingly common in Bangladesh, with approximately one in six marriages ending in this fashion in the 1980s.

Typical spouses knew each other only slightly, if at all, before marriage. Although marriages between cousins and other more distant kin occurred frequently, segregation of the sexes generally kept young men and women of different households from knowing each other well. Marriage functioned to ensure the continuity of families rather than to provide companionship to individuals, and the new bride's relationship with her

mother-in-law was probably more important to her well-being than her frequently impersonal relationship with her husband.

A woman began to gain respect and security in her husband's or father-in-law's household only after giving birth to a son. Mothers therefore cherished and indulged their sons, while daughters were frequently more strictly disciplined and were assigned heavy household chores from an early age. In many families the closest, most intimate, and most enduring emotional relationship was that between mother and son. The father was a more distant figure, worthy of formal respect, and the son's wife might remain a virtual stranger for a long time after marriage.

The practice of purdah (the traditional seclusion of women) varied widely according to social milieu, but even in relatively sophisticated urban circles the core of the institution, the segregation of the sexes, persisted. In traditional circles, full purdah required the complete seclusion of women from the onset of puberty. Within the home, women inhabited private quarters that only male relatives or servants could enter, and a woman properly avoided or treated with formal respect even her father-in-law or her husband's older brother. Outside the home, a woman in purdah wore a veil or an enveloping, concealing outer garment.

The trappings of full purdah required both a devotion to traditional practice and the means to dispense with the labor of women in the fields. For most rural families the importance of women's labor made full seclusion impossible, although the idea remained. In some areas, for example, women went unveiled within the confines of the para or village but donned the veil or the outer garment for trips farther from the community. In any case, contact with men outside the immediate family was avoided.

The segregation of the sexes extended into social groups that

had rejected full purdah as a result of modern education.

Although urban women could enjoy more physical freedom

than was traditional and the opportunity to pursue a

professional career, they moved in a different social world

from their husbands and often worked at their professions in a

specifically feminine milieu.

v. Women's Role in Society

Available data on health, nutrition, education, and economic performance indicated that in the 1980s the status of women in Bangladesh remained considerably inferior to that of men. Women, in custom and practice, remained subordinate to men in almost all aspects of their lives; greater autonomy was the privilege of the rich or the necessity of the very poor. Most women's lives remained centered on their traditional roles, and they had limited access to markets, productive services, education, health care, and local government. This lack of opportunities contributed to high fertility patterns, which diminished family well-being, contributed to the malnourishment and generally poor health of children, and frustrated educational and other national development goals. In fact, acute poverty at the margin appeared to be hitting hardest at women. As long as women's access to health care, education, and training remained limited, prospects for improved productivity among the female population remained poor.

About 82 percent of women lived in rural areas in the late 1980s. The majority of rural women, perhaps 70 percent, were in small cultivator, tenant, and landless households; many

worked as laborers part time or seasonally, usually in post-harvest activities, and received payment in kind or in meager cash wages. Another 20 percent, mostly in poor landless households, depended on casual labor, gleaning, begging, and other irregular sources of income; typically, their income was essential to household survival. The remaining 10 percent of women were in households mainly in the professional, trading, or large-scale landowning categories, and they usually did not work outside the home.

The economic contribution of women was substantial but

largely unacknowledged. Women in rural areas were

responsible for most of the post-harvest work, which was done

in the chula, and for keeping livestock, poultry, and small

gardens. Women in cities relied on domestic and traditional

jobs, but in the 1980s they increasingly worked in

manufacturing jobs, especially in the readymade garment

industry. Those with more education worked in government,

health care, and teaching, but their numbers remained very

small. Continuing high rates of population growth and the

declining availability of work based in the chula meant that

more women sought employment outside the home.

Accordingly, the female labor force participation rate doubled

between 1974 and 1984, when it reached nearly 8 percent.

Female wage rates in the 1980s were low, typically ranging

between 20 and 30 percent of male wage rates.

vi. Social Classes and Stratification

Definition of Society:A society is a grouping of individuals, which is characterized by common interest and may have distinctive culture and institutions. "Society" may refer to a particular people, such as to a nation state, such as Switzerland, or to a broader cultural group, such as Western society. Society can also be explained as an organized group of people associated together for religious, benevolent, cultural, scientific, political, patriotic, or other purposes.[ From Wikipedia]Social structure:The term social structure, used in a general sense, refers to entities or groups in definite relation to each other, to relatively enduring patterns of behaviour and relationship within social systems, or to social institutions and norms becoming embedded into social systems in such a way that they shape the behaviour of actors within those social systems.[Wikipedia]Social Structure a term loosely applied to any recurring pattern of social behaviors, or, more specifically, to ordered interrelationships between different elements of a society. Social structure comprises different KINSHIP , religious, economic, political and other institutions as well as of norms, values and social roles of the members of a society. The development of the social structure in any society is historically conditioned. The social structure of Bangladesh, therefore, needs to be analyzed in that context. [Banglapedia]

Social stratification:Social stratification is a sociological term for the hierarchical arrangement of social classes, castes, and strata within a society. While these hierarchies are not universal to all societies, they are the norm among state-level cultures (as distinguished from hunter-gatherers or other social arrangements). The social arrangement of the society from lower class to upper class men (M.L. Tubo, 2006).Class stratification:Class stratification is a form of social stratification. Class stratification is the tendency of classes to divide into separate classes. An economic and cultural rift usually exists between different classes. People are usually born into their class, though through social mobility allows for some individuals to be promoted to a higher class level or demoted to a lower class level.

Process of class stratification:Usually, class stratification begins with people who are on the same economic and cultural level, with only a few people much more wealthy or less wealthy than others. As time goes on, wealth and status begins to concentrate around a small number of the population. As wealth

concentrates more, pockets of people with less wealth may develop, or wealth may just move more and more into concentration until it is sharply imbalanced between rich and poor. As people spread out more from one another economically, classes are created. When a physical gap is added, a cultural rift between the classes comes into existence, an example being the perception of the well-mannered, "cultured" behavior of rich people versus the curt, "uncivilized" behavior of poor people. With the cultural divide, chances for classes to intermingle become less and less likely, and mythos becomes more and more common between them (i.e. "the wrong side of the railroad tracks"). The lower class loses more of its influence and wealth as the upper class gains more influence and wealth, further dividing the classes from one another.Common classification of the society of Bangladesh :Rural affluent elderly people of this group are mid-level and big farmers, traders and members of the traditional and elevated cultural levels. They live in extended families and receive sufficient regard, care and significance.Urban middle-class older persons of this class are socially, culturally and economically better off. They comprise groups of retired mid-level officials or businessmen and often possess a secured place of residence. Most live in extended families and enjoy facilities almost similar to those enjoyed by the rural affluent group. But they may also face urban political and administrative complexities, anxiety, exclusion, economic hardship etc. They try to overcome these situations through some social service activities. Urban rich these are mostly retired senior employees of reputed organizations, high government officials, or owners of big trading houses. This group of older persons rarely faces any financial problems. Members of their families as well as the community usually have high regards for them and pay importance to their opinions. But older persons of this group often feel isolated, lonely, and neglected, as their descendants usually do not live with them and remain busy in their own circles and activities. Elderly people of this group enjoy the privilege of providing community leadership or keep themselves busy in religious activities and social assignments. In addition to the above groups, there are other types of elderly people. These are physically, mentally or socially handicapped old people, aged widows, widowers or single or old persons without any close friends or relatives. They encounter old age problems more acutely. Total dependency, insecurity, inferiority, helplessness, fatalism and increased observance of religious activities are their common features. This category of older people needs and deserves special care and attention from the community.

The aged persons in an average Bangladeshi family are often treated as a burden. Many old men are often seen begging in streets or asking for charity. Not a few are seen in risky work, despite their broken health. Old people live in frustration and suffer from illness and pains without care and company.

Social Classes and Stratification of Bangladesh:Society in Bangladesh in the 1980s, with the exception of the Hindu caste system, was not rigidly stratified; rather, it was open, fluid, and diffused, without a cohesive social organization and social structure. Social class distinctions were mostly functional, however, and there was considerable mobility among classes. Even the structure of the Hindu caste system in Bangladesh was relatively loose because most Hindus belonged to the lower castes. Ostensibly, egalitarian principles of Islam were the basis of social organization. Unlike in other regions of South Asia, the Hindu caste-based social system had a very limited effect on Bangladeshi Muslim social culture. Even the low-caste jolhas (weavers) had improved their social standing since 1971. Although several hierarchically arranged groups--such as the syeds (noble born) and the sheikhs, or shaykhs (also noble born)--were noticeable in Bangladesh Muslim society, there were no impenetrable hereditary social distinctions. Rather, fairly permeable classes based on wealth and political influence existed both in the cities and in the villages. Traditional Muslim class distinctions had little importance in Bangladesh. The proscription against marriage between individuals of high-born and low-born families, once an indicator of the social gap between the two groups, had long ago disappeared; most matrimonial alliances were based on wealth and power and not on the ties of family distinction. Also, many so-called upper class families, because of their traditional use of the Urdu language, had become alienated in independent Bangladesh. Although Hindu society is formally stratified into caste categories, caste did not figure prominently in the Bangladeshi Hindu community. About 75 percent of the Hindus in Bangladesh belonged to the lower castes, notably Namasudras (lesser cultivators), and the remainder belonged primarily to outcaste or untouchable groups. Some members of higher castes belonged to the middle or professional class, but there was no Hindu upper class. With the increasing participation of the Hindus in nontraditional professional mobility, the castes were able to interact in wider political and socioeconomic arenas, which caused some erosion of caste consciousness. Although there is no mobility between Hindu castes, caste distinctions did not play as important a role in Bangladesh as in they did in the Hindu-dominated Indian state of West Bengal. Bangladeshi Hindus seemed to

have become part of the mainstream culture without surrendering their religious and cultural distinctions.

d. RELIGION

i. Religion and SocietyNearly 83 percent of the population of Bangladesh claimed Islam as its religion in the 1980s, giving the country one of the largest concentrations of Muslims in the world. Although initially Bangladesh opted for a secular nationalist ideology as embodied in its Constitution, the principle of secularism was subsequently replaced by a commitment to the Islamic way of life through a series of constitutional amendments and government proclamations between 1977 and 1988. In spite of a history of religious strife, Bangladeshi Muslims tended to be accommodating toward adherents of other religions. The Muslim community in the Bengal region developed independent of the dominant Islamic trends in India. The preservation of pre-Islamic cultural elements from Buddhist and Hindu periods made the commitment to Islam uniquely Bangladeshi. Features of Bangladeshi Hinduism, which differed in some respects from Hinduism in other parts of South Asia, influenced both the practices and the social structure of the Bangladeshi Muslim community. In spite of the general personal commitment to Islam by the Muslims of Bangladesh, observance of Islamic rituals and tenets varies according to social position, locale, and personal considerations. In rural regions, some beliefs and practices tend to incorporate elements that differ from and often conflict with orthodox Islam. Islamic fundamentalists, although a rather limited force in the past, had begun to gain a following, especially among the educated urban youth, by the 1980s. Estimated to make up 18.5 percent of East Pakistan's population in 1961, the Hindu proportion of the population had shrunk to about 13.5 percent by 1971. Steady Hindu emigration to India and Burma throughout the 1960s accounted for most of the decline. Although the Hindu population increased in size after 1971 and had reached 10.6 million by 1981, its relative proportion of the total population continued to decrease. In 1987 Hindus represented nearly 16 percent of the population. Other minority religious groups counted in the 1981 census included approximately 538,000 Buddhists, about 275,000 Christians, and nearly 250,00 categorized as "others," probably members of tribal religions.

Religions: Muslim 88.3%; Hindu 10.5%; Christian 0.3%, Buddhist 0.6%, others 0.3%.[1991 census]

Table 7.2: Percentage Distribution of Population by Religious Communities (1901-1991). |CensusYear |Total | Muslim | Hindu| Buddhist| Christian| Others||--------|----|------|-----|-------|--------|----|| 1901 | 100.0 | 66.1 | 33.0 | .. | .. | 0.9 || 1911 | 100.0 | 67.2 | 31.5 | .. | .. | 1.3 || 1921 | 100.0 | 68.1 | 30.6 | .. | .. | 1.3 || 1931 | 100.0 | 69.5 | 29.4 | .. | 0.2 | 1.0 || 1941 | 100.0 | 70.3 | 28.0 | .. | 0.1 | 1.6 || 1951 | 100.0 | 76.9 | 22.0 | 0.7 | 0.3 | 0.1 || 1961 | 100.0 | 80.4 | 18.5 | 0.7 | 0.3 | 0.1 || 1974 | 100.0 | 85.4 | 13.5 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.2 || 1981 | 100.0 | 86.7 | 12.1 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.3 || 1991 | 100.0 | 88.3 | 10.5 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.3 |

Table Distribution of Tribal population by religion, 1991

Religion Population Rural

Both sex Male Female Both sex Male FemaleTotal 1205,978 79,693 78,507 988,354 74,807 73,639 % 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Muslim 18.0 18.4 17.6 14.4 14.5 14.3 Hindu 21.2 21.0 21.3 22.5 22.4 22.7 Buddhist 36.7 36.9 36.5 35.8 36.2 35.5 Christian 11.0 10.8 11.2 12.2 12.1 12.4 Others 13.1 12.9 13.3 15.1 14.9 15.2

ii. Islam

Muslims constitute 88 percent [1] of the population of Bangladesh, most of them Sunnis. The remainder of the population follow Hinduism (11%), Buddhism and Christianity. There are also small populations of Sikhs, Bahá'ís, animists and Ahmadis. Religion has always been a strong part of identity, but this has varied at different times. A survey in late 2003 confirmed that religion is the first choice by a citizen for self-identification; atheism is extremely rare. [2]

iii. Tenets of Islam

In the Arabian town of Mecca in A.D. 610, the Prophet Muhammad preached the first of a series of divine revelations. Muhammad, an uncompromising monotheist, made himself unpopular with his fellow Meccans, who benefitted from the town's thriving pilgrimage business and numerous polytheist religious sites. Censured by Mecca's leaders, in 622 Muhammad and a group of his followers were invited to the town of Yathrib, which came to be known as Medina (from Madinat an Nabi, meaning the Prophet's City), and made it the center of their activities. This move, or hijra, marked the beginning of the Islamic era and of Islam as a historical force. The Muslim calendar, based on a 354-day lunar year, begins in 622. In Medina, Muhammad continued to preach, eventually defeating his opponents in battle and consolidating the temporal and spiritual leadership of Arabia before his death in 632. After Muhammad's death, his followers compiled his divinely inspired speeches in the Quran, the scripture of Islam. Other sayings and teachings of Muhammad and the examples of his personal behavior became the hadith. Together they form the Muslim's comprehensive guide to spiritual, ethical, and social living. The shahadah, or testimony, succinctly states the central belief of Islam: "There is no god but God [Allah], and Muhammad is his Prophet." This simple profession of faith is repeated on many occasions; recital in full and unquestioning sincerity makes one a Muslim. Islam means "submission to God," and he who submits is a Muslim. The God whom Muhammad preached was not unknown to his countrymen, for Allah is the Arabic word for God rather than a particular name. Instead of introducing a new deity, Muhammad denied the existence of the minor gods and spirits worshiped before his ministry. Muhammad is called the "seal of the Prophets"; his revelation is said to complete for all time the series of biblical revelations received by the Jews and the Christians. Prophets and sages of the Judeo-Christian tradition, such as Abraham, Moses, and Jesus (Ibrahim, Musa, and Isa, respectively, in the Arabic Islamic canon) are recognized as inspired vehicles of God's will. Islam, however, reveres as sacred only God's message, rejecting Christianity's deification of the messenger. It accepts the concepts of guardian angels, the Day of Judgment, the general resurrection, heaven and hell, and the immortality of the soul. The duties of the Muslim, which form the "five pillars" of the faith, are recitation of the shahadah (kalima in Bangla), daily prayer (salat; in Bangla, namaj), almsgiving (zakat; in Bangla, jakat), fasting (sawm; in Bangla, roja), and pilgrimage (hajj). The devout believer prays after purification through ritual oblations at dawn, midday, mid-afternoon, sunset, and nightfall. Prescribed genuflections and prostrations accompany

the prayers that the worshiper recites while facing Mecca. Whenever possible, men pray in congregation at a mosque, led by a prayer leader; on Fridays they are obliged to do so. Women may attend public worship at mosques, where they are segregated from men, although most women commonly pray at home. A special functionary, the muezzin, intones a call to prayer to the entire community at the appropriate hours; those out of earshot determine the prayer time from the position of the sun. Public prayer is a conspicuous and widely practiced aspect of Islam in Bangladesh. Almsgiving consists of a variety of donations to the poor, debtors, slaves, wayfarers, beggars, and charitable organizations. Once obligatory, although not strictly a tax, almsgiving in modern times is voluntary but usually expected. The ninth month of the Muslim calendar is Ramadan, a period of obligatory fasting in commemoration of Muhammad's receipt of God's revelation. During the month all but the sick, the weak, pregnant or lactating women, soldiers on duty, travelers on necessary journeys, and young children are enjoined, as appropriate to their state in life, from eating, drinking, smoking, and sexual intercourse during daylight hours. The wealthy usually do little or no work during this period, and some businesses close for all or part of the day. Since the months of the lunar calendar revolve through the solar year, Ramadan falls at various seasons in different years. Summertime fasting imposes considerable hardship on those who must do physical work. Id al Fitr, a feast celebrated throughout the Islamic world, marks the end of the month of fasting. Gifts, the wearing of new garments, exchanges of sweetmeats, almsgiving, and visits to friends and relatives are some of the customs of this great religious festival. Islam dictates that at least once in his or her lifetime every Muslim should, if possible, make the hajj to Mecca to participate in special rites held there during the twelfth month of the Muslim calendar. The Prophet instituted this requirement, modifying pre-Islamic custom to emphasize the significance of the sites associated with the history of Abraham, the founder of monotheism and the father of the Arabs through his son Ishmail (Ismail in the Arabic Islamic Canon). The pilgrim, dressed in a white seamless garment, abstains from sexual relations, shaving, haircutting, and nail-paring. Highlights of the pilgrimage include kissing a sacred black stone; circumambulating the Kaabah shrine (the sacred structure reportedly built by Abraham that houses a stone sacred to Islam); running between the hills of Safa and Marwa in imitation of Hagar, Ishmail's mother, during her travail in the desert; and standing in prayer on the Plain of Arafat. The permanent struggle for the triumph of the word of God on earth--the jihad--represents an additional duty of all Muslims. Although this concept continues to be used to justify holy wars, modernist Muslims see the jihad

in a broader context of civic and personal action. In addition to specific duties, Islam imposes a code of ethical conduct that encourages generosity, fairness, honesty, and respect and that forbids adultery, gambling, usury, and the consumption of carrion, blood, pork, and alcohol. A Muslim stands in a personal relationship to God; there is neither intermediary nor clergy in orthodox Islam. Those who lead prayers, preach sermons, and interpret the law do so by virtue of their superior knowledge and scholarship rather than any special powers or prerogatives conferred by ordination. During his lifetime, Muhammad was both spiritual and temporal leader of the Muslim community. He established the concept of Islam as a total and all-encompassing way of life for both individuals and society. Muslims believe that God revealed to Muhammad the rules governing decent behavior. It is therefore incumbent on the individual to live in the manner prescribed by revealed law and on the community to perfect human society on earth according to the holy injunctions. Islam recognizes no distinction between religion and state. Religious and secular life merge, as do religious and secular law. In keeping with this conception of society, all Muslims traditionally have been subject to religious law.

iv. Early Developments in Islam

After Muhammad's death in A.D. 632 the leaders of the Muslim community chose Abu Bakr, the Prophet's father-in-law and one of his earliest followers, to succeed him as caliph (from khilafa; literally, successor of the Prophet). At that time, some persons favored Ali, the Prophet's cousin and husband of his daughter Fatima, but Ali and his supporters recognized the community's choice. The next two caliphs, Umar and Uthman, enjoyed the recognition of the entire community, although Uthman was murdered. When Ali finally succeeded to the caliphate in 656, Muawiyah, governor of Syria, rebelled in the name of his kinsman Uthman. After the ensuing civil war Ali moved his capital to Kufa (present-day Karbala in Iraq), where a short time later he too was assassinated.

Ali's death ended the last of the so-called four orthodox caliphates and the period in which the entire Islamic community recognized a single caliph. Muawiyah then proclaimed himself caliph of Damascus. Ali's supporters, however, refused to recognize Muawiyah or his line, the Umayyad caliphs; they withdrew in the first great schism of Islam and established a dissident faction known as the Shias (or Shiites), from Shiat Ali (Party of Ali) in support of the claims of Ali's line to the caliphate based on descent from the Prophet. The larger faction of Islam, the Sunnis, claims to follow the orthodox teaching and example of Muhammad as embodied in the Sunna, the traditions of the Prophet. The Sunni majority was further developed into four schools of law: Maliki, Hanafi, Shafii, and Hanbali. All four are equally orthodox, but Sunnis in one country usually follow only one school.

Originally political in nature, the difference between the Sunni

and Shia interpretations took on theological and metaphysical

overtones. Ali's two sons, killed in the wars following the

schisms, became martyred heroes to Shia Islam and

repositories of the claims of Ali's line to mystical preeminence

among Muslims. The Sunnis retained the doctrine of leadership

by consensus. Despite these differences, reputed descent from

the Prophet still carries great social and religious prestige

throughout the Muslim world. Meanwhile, the Shia doctrine of

rule by divine right grew more firmly established, and

disagreements over which of several pretenders had the truer

claim to the mystical power of Ali precipitated further schisms.

Some Shia groups developed doctrines of divine leadership,

including a belief in hidden but divinely chosen leaders. The

Shia creed, for example, proclaims: "There is no god but God:

Muhammad is the Prophet of God, and Ali is the Saint of God.

v. Islam in Bangladesh

The wholesale conversion to Islam of the population of what was to become Bangladesh began in the thirteenth century and continued for hundreds of years. Conversion was generally collective rather than individual, although individual Hindus who became outcastes or who were ostracized for any reason often became Muslims. Islamic egalitarianism, especially the ideals of equality, brotherhood, and social justice, attracted numerous Buddhists and lower caste Hindus. Muslim missionaries and mystics, some of whom were subsequently regarded as saints (usually known as pirs in Bangladesh) and who wandered about in villages and towns, were responsible for many conversions. Most Muslims in Bangladesh are Sunnis, but there is a small Shia community. Most of those who are Shia reside in urban areas. Although these Shias are few in number, Shia observance commemorating the martyrdom of Ali's sons, Hasan and Husayn, is widely observed by the nation's Sunnis. The tradition of Islamic mysticism known as Sufism appeared very early in Islam and became essentially a popular movement emphasizing love of God rather than fear of God. Sufism stresses a direct, unstructured, personal devotion to God in place of the ritualistic, outward observance of the faith. An important belief in the Sufi tradition is that the average believer may use spiritual guides in his pursuit of the truth. These guides--friends of God or saints--are commonly called fakirs or pirs. In Bangladesh the term pir is more commonly used and combines the meanings of teacher and saint. In Islam there has been a perennial tension between the ulama--Muslim scholars--and the Sufis; each group advocates its method as the preferred path to salvation. There also have been periodic efforts to reconcile the two approaches. Throughout the centuries many gifted scholars and numerous poets have been inspired by Sufi ideas even though they were not actually adherents. Sufi masters were the single most important factor in South Asian conversions to Islam, particularly in what is now Bangladesh. Most Bangladeshi Muslims are influenced to some degree by Sufism, although this influence often involves only occasional consultation or celebration

rather than formal affiliation. Both fakirs and pirs are familiar figures on the village scene, and in some areas the shrines of saints almost outnumber the mosques. In some regions the terms fakir and pir are used interchangeably, but in general the former connotes an itinerant holy man and the latter an established murshid, a holy man who has achieved a higher spiritual level than a fakir and who has a larger following. Ever since Sufism became a popular movement, pious men of outstanding personality reputed to have gifts of miraculous powers have found disciples (murids) flocking to them. The disciple can be a kind of lay associate earning his living in secular occupations, consulting the pir or murshid at times, participating in religious ceremonies, and making contributions to the support of the murshid. In addition, he may be initiated into a brotherhood that pledges its devotion to the murshid, lives in close association with him, and engages in pious exercises intended to bring about mystical enlightenment. The Qadiri, Naqshbandi, and Chishti orders were among the most widespread Sufi orders in Bangladesh in the late 1980s. The beliefs and practices of the first two are quite close to those of orthodox Islam; the third, founded in Ajmer, India, is peculiar to the subcontinent and has a number of unorthodox practices, such as the use of music in its liturgy. Its ranks have included many musicians and poets. Pirs do not attain their office through consensus and do not normally function as community representatives. The villager may expect a pir to advise him and offer inspiration but would not expect him to lead communal prayers or deliver the weekly sermon at the local mosque. Some pirs, however, are known to have taken an active interest in politics either by running for public office or by supporting other candidates. For example, Pir Hafizi Huzur ran as a candidate for president in the 1986 election. The pirs of Atroshi and Sarsina apparently also exerted some political influence. Their visitors have included presidents and cabinet ministers. Although a formal organization of ordained priests has no basis in Islam, a variety of functionaries perform many of the duties conventionally associated with a clergy and serve, in effect, as priests. One group, known collectively as the ulama, has traditionally provided the orthodox leadership of the community. The ulama unofficially interpret and administer religious law. Their authority rests on their knowledge of sharia, the corpus of Islamic jurisprudence that grew up in the centuries following the Prophet's death. The members of the ulama include maulvis, imams, and mullahs. The first two titles are accorded to those who have received special training in Islamic theology and law. A maulvi has pursued higher studies in a

madrasa, a school of religious education attached to a mosque. Additional study on the graduate level leads to the title maulana. Villagers call on the mullah for prayers, advice on points of religious practice, and performance of marriage and funeral ceremonies. More often they come to him for a variety of services far from the purview of orthodox Islam. The mullah may be a source for amulets, talismans, and charms for the remedying of everything from snakebite to sexual impotence. These objects are also purported to provide protection from evil spirits and bring good fortune. Many villagers have implicit faith in such cures for disease and appear to benefit from them. Some mullahs derive a significant portion of their income from sales of such items. In Bangladesh, where a modified Anglo-Indian civil and criminal legal system operates, there are no official sharia courts. Most Muslim marriages, however, are presided over by the qazi, a traditional Muslim judge whose advice is also sought on matters of personal law, such as inheritance, divorce, and the administration of religious endowments (waqfs). In the late 1980s, the ulama of Bangladesh still perceived their function as that of teaching and preserving the Islamic way of life in the face of outside challenges, especially from modern sociopolitical ideas based on Christianity or communism. Any effort at modernization was perceived as a threat to core religious values and institutions; therefore, the ulama as a class was opposed to any compromise in matters of sharia. Many members of the ulama favored the establishment of an Islamic theocracy in Bangladesh and were deeply involved in political activism through several political parties. Most members of the ulama were also engaged in carrying on the tabliqh (preaching movement), an effort that focuses on the true sociopolitical ideals of Islam and unequivocally discards all un-Islamic accretions. Tabliqh attracted many college and university graduates, who found the movement emotionally fulfilling and a practical way to deal with Bangladesh's endemic sociopolitical malaise. A number of Islamic practices are particular to South Asia, and several of them have been subject to reforms over the years. For example, the anniversary of the death of a pir is observed annually. Popular belief holds that this anniversary is an especially propitious time for seeking the intercession of the pir. Large numbers of the faithful attend anniversary ceremonies, which are festive occasions enjoyed by the followers of the pir as well as orthodox Muslims. The ceremonies are quite similar in form and content to many Hindu festivals. Several nineteenth- and twentieth-century fundamentalist reform movements, aimed at ridding Islam of all extraneous encroachments, railed against these and similar practices. Nevertheless, the practice of pir worship continued unabated in the 1980s.

Nonorthodox interpretations of Islamic beliefs and practices pervaded popular religion in Bangladesh in the 1980s. Hindu influences can be seen in the practice of illuminating the house for the celebration of Shabi Barat (Festival of the Bestowal of Fate), a custom derived from the Hindu practices at Diwali (Festival of Lights). Rituals to exorcise evil spirits (jinni) from possessed persons also incorporated Hindu influence. Often, villagers would fail to distinguish between Hindu and Muslim shrines. For example, shrines called satyapir, which dot rural Bangladesh, are devoted to a Hindu-Muslim synthesis known as Olabibi, the deity for the cure of cholera. This synthesis is an intriguing superimposition of the Hindu concept of divine consort on the stern monotheistic perception of Allah. Post-1971 regimes sought to increase the role of the government in the religious life of the people. The Ministry of Religious Affairs provided support, financial assistance, and endowments to religious institutions, including mosques and community prayer grounds (idgahs). The organization of annual pilgrimages to Mecca also came under the auspices of the ministry because of limits on the number of pilgrims admitted by the government of Saudi Arabia and the restrictive foreign exchange regulations of the government of Bangladesh. The ministry also directed the policy and the program of the Islamic Foundation, which was responsible for organizing and supporting research and publications on Islamic subjects. The foundation also maintained the Bayt al Mukarram (National Mosque), and organized the training of imams. Some 18,000 imams were scheduled for training once the government completed establishment of a national network of Islamic cultural centers and mosque libraries. Under the patronage of the Islamic Foundation, an encyclopedia of Islam in the Bangla language was being compiled in the late 1980s. Another step toward further government involvement in religious life was taken in 1984 when the semiofficial Zakat Fund Committee was established under the chairmanship of the president of Bangladesh. The committee solicited annual zakat contributions on a voluntary basis. The revenue so generated was to be spent on orphanages, schools, children's hospitals, and other charitable institutions and projects. Commercial banks and other financial institutions were encouraged to contribute to the fund. Through these measures the government sought closer ties with religious establishments within the country and with Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. Although Islam played a significant role in the life and culture of the people, religion did not dominate national politics because Islam was not the central component of national identity. When in June 1988 an "Islamic way of life" was proclaimed for Bangladesh by constitutional amendment, very little attention was paid outside the intellectual class to the meaning

and impact of such an important national commitment. Most observers believed that the declaration of Islam as the state religion might have a significant impact on national life, however. Aside from arousing the suspicion of the non-Islamic minorities, it could accelerate the proliferation of religious parties at both the national and the local levels, thereby exacerbating tension and conflict between secular and religious politicians. Unrest of this nature was reported on some college campuses soon after the amendment was promulgated.

vi. Hinduism

Hinduism is the second largest religious affiliation in Bangladesh, covering about 10.5% of the population as of 1991 census. Bangladeshi Hinduism closely resembles the forms and customs of Hinduism practised in neighbouring West Bengal, with which Bangladesh was united until the partition of India in 1947.Unlike Islam, Hinduism lacks a single authoritative scripture and a historically known founder. In a sense Hinduism is a synthesis of the religious expression of the people of South Asia and an anonymous expression of their worldview and cosmology, rather than the articulation of a particular creed. The term Hinduism applies to a large number of diverse beliefs and practices. Although religion can best be understood in a regional context, the caste system, beliefs, rituals, and festivals of the Hindus in Bangladesh -- about 16 percent of the population--are peculiarly Bengali. A distinction has sometimes been made between the religion of the "great tradition" and the popular religion of the "little tradition." The great (or Sanskritic) tradition, sometimes called Brahmanism, developed under the leadership of Hinduism's highest caste group, the Brahmans, who as the traditional priests, teachers, and astrologers enjoy numerous social privileges. The great tradition preserves refined and abstract philosophical concepts that exhibit very little regional variation. At this level, there is emphasis on unity in diversity and a pervasive attitude of relativism. Hindu philosophy recognizes the Absolute (Brahma) as eternal, unbounded by time, space, and causality and consisting of pure existence, consciousness, and bliss. The highest goal is release (moksha) from the cycle of birth and rebirth and the union of the individualized soul (atman) with Brahma. To attain this goal, a person may follow one of several methods or paths of discipline depending on his or her own temperament or capacity. The first of these paths is known as the way of works (karma marga). Followed by most Hindus, it calls for disinterested right action--the performance of one's caste duties and service to others--without personal involvement in the consequences of action. The way of knowledge (jnana

marga) stresses union by eliminating ignorance; mental error rather than moral transgression is considered the root of human misery and evil. The way of devotion (bhakti marga) advocates union by love; its essence is a complete and passionate faith in a personal deity. For most of its adherents, Hinduism encompasses a variety of devotions and sects that center on one or more of the great gods and are expressed at least partly in a regional context. The great tradition recognizes a trinity of gods, who are actually forms of absolute Brahman: Brahma the creator, Vishnu the preserver, and Shiva the destroyer. Brahma receives little notice; everyday devotion tends to center on the worship of Vishnu and Shiva (known by a variety of names) and their countless respective consorts. The worship of Shiva has generally found adherents among the higher castes in Bangladesh. Worship of Vishnu more explicitly cuts across caste lines by teaching the fundamental oneness of humankind in spirit. Vishnu worship in Bengal expresses the union of the male and female principles in a tradition of love and devotion. This form of Hindu belief and the Sufi tradition of Islam have influenced and interacted with each other in Bengal. Both were popular mystical movements emphasizing the personal relationship of religious leader and disciple instead of the dry stereotypes of the Brahmans or the ulama. As in Bengali Islamic practice, worship of Vishnu frequently occurs in a small devotional society (samaj). Both use the language of earthly love to express communion with the divine. In both traditions, the Bangla language is the vehicle of a large corpus of erotic and mystical literature of great beauty and emotional impact. On the level of the little tradition, Hinduism admits worship of spirits and godlings of rivers, mountains, vegetation, animals, stones, or disease. Ritual bathing, vows, and pilgrimages to sacred rivers, mountains, shrines, and cities are important practices. An ordinary Hindu will worship at the shrines of Muslim pirs, without being concerned with the religion to which that place is supposed to be affiliated. Hindus revere many holy men and ascetics conspicuous for their bodily mortifications. Some people believe they attain spiritual benefit merely by looking at a great holy man. Hindu ethics generally center on the principle of ahimsa, noninjury to living creatures--especially the cow, which is held sacred. The principle is expressed in almost universally observed rules against eating beef. By no means are all Hindus vegetarians, but abstinence from all kinds of meat is regarded as a "higher" virtue. High-caste Bangladeshi Hindus, unlike their counterparts elsewhere in South Asia, ordinarily eat fish. Common among Hindus is the acceptance of the caste system as the structure of society. For virtually all Hindus, even those in revolt against some aspects of the system, caste is taken for granted as the way of life. To be considered Hindu, a group must identify itself in some way as a unit in

the caste hierarchy. One cannot join a caste; one is born into it and lives, marries, and dies in it. Hindus in Bangladesh in the late 1980s were almost evenly distributed in all regions, with concentrations in Khulna, Jessore, Dinajpur, Faridpur, and Barisal. The contributions of Hindus in arts and letters were far in excess of their numerical strength. In politics, they had traditionally supported the liberal and secular ideology of the Awami League (People's League). Hindu institutions and places of worship received assistance through the Bangladesh Hindu Kalyan Trust (Bangladesh Hindu Welfare Trust), which was sponsored by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Government-sponsored television and radio also broadcast readings and interpretations of Hindu scriptures and prayers.

The Goddess (Devi) – usually venerated as Durga or Kali – is widely revered, often alongside her consort Shiva. The worship of Shiva has generally found adherents among the higher castes in Bangladesh. Worship of Vishnu (typically in the form of his avatars Rama or Krishna) more explicitly cuts across caste lines by teaching the fundamental oneness of humankind in spirit. Vishnu worship in Bengal expresses the union of the male and female principles in a tradition of love and devotion. This form of Hindu belief and the Sufi tradition of Islam have influenced and interacted with each other in Bengal. Both were popular mystical movements emphasizing the personal relationship of religious leader and disciple instead of the dry stereotypes of the brahmins or the ulama. As in Bengali Islamic practice, worship of Vishnu frequently occurs in a small devotional society (samaj). Both use the language of earthly love to express communion with the divine. In both traditions, the Bangla language is the vehicle of a large corpus of erotic and mystical literature of great beauty and emotional impact.Bangladeshi Hinduism admits worship of spirits and patron deities of rivers, mountains, vegetation, animals, stones, or disease. Ritual bathing, vows, and pilgrimages to sacred rivers, mountains, shrines, and cities are important practices. An ordinary Hindu will worship at the shrines of Muslim pirs, without being concerned with the religion to which that place is supposed to be affiliated. Hindus revere many holy men and ascetics conspicuous for their bodily mortifications. Some people believe they attain spiritual benefit merely by looking at a great holy man.The principle of ahimsa is expressed in almost universally observed rules against eating beef. By no means are all Bangladeshi Hindus are vegetarians, but abstinence from all kinds of meat is regarded as a "higher" virtue. High-caste Bangladeshi Hindus, unlike their counterparts elsewhere in South Asia, ordinarily eat fish. This is similar to the Indian state of West

Bengal, which being climatologically similar to Bangladesh, has led Hindus to consume fish as it is the only major source of protein (regardless of caste).

vii. Buddhism

Buddhism in various forms appears to have been prevalent at the time of the Turkish conquest in 1202. The invading armies apparently found numerous monasteries, which they destroyed in the belief that they were military fortresses. With the destruction of its centers of learning, Buddhism rapidly disintegrated. In subsequent centuries and up through the 1980s nearly all the remaining Buddhists lived in the region around Chittagong, which had not been entirely conquered until the time of the British Raj. In the Chittagong Hills, Buddhist tribes formed the majority of the population, and their religion appeared to be a mixture of tribal cults and Buddhist doctrines. According to the 1981 census, there were approximately 538,000 Buddhists in Bangladesh, representing less than 1 percent of the population. The ethical teachings of the Buddha, Siddartha Gautama (ca. 550-486 B.C.), stress a middle path between physical indulgence and ascetic mortification. The practice of Buddhism is concerned with salvation rather than with metaphysical speculation. Salvation consists of freeing oneself from the cycle of rebirth into lives of evil, pain, and sorrow; to accomplish this, one must renounce society and live a simple life of self-discipline. Those who renounce society often are organized into one of the many monastic orders. There are several monasteries in the Chittagong Hills area, and in most Buddhist villages there is a school (kyong) where boys live and learn to read Burmese and some Pali (an ancient Buddhist scriptural language). It is common for men who have finished their schooling to return at regular intervals for periods of residence in the school. The local Buddhist shrine is often an important center of village life. Essentially tolerant, Buddhism outside the monastic retreats has absorbed and adapted indigenous popular creeds and cults of the regions to which it has spread. In most areas religious ritual focuses on the image of the Buddha, and the major festivals observed by Buddhists in Bangladesh commemorate the important events of his life. Although doctrinal Buddhism rejects the worship of gods and preserves the memory of the Buddha as an enlightened man, popular Buddhism contains a pantheon of gods and lesser deities headed by the Buddha. The Ministry of Religious Affairs provides assistance for the maintenance of Buddhist places of worship and relics. The ancient monasteries at Paharpur (in Rajshahi Region) and Mainamati (in Comilla Region), dating

from the seventh to ninth century A.D., are considered unique for their size and setting and are maintained as state-protected monuments.

viii. Christianity

Christianity arrived in what is now Bangladesh during the late sixteenth to early seventeenth century CE, through the Portuguese traders and missionaries. Christians account for less than 1% of the total population. The total Christian population is around 370,000, out of which 221,000 are Roman Catholics, the rest being Orthodox and non-denominational.Christianity's first contact with the Indian subcontinent is attributed to the Apostle Thomas, who is said to have preached in southern India. Although Jesuit priests were active at the Mughal courts in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the first Roman Catholic settlements in what became Bangladesh appear to have been established by the Portuguese, coming from their center in Goa on the west coast of India. During the sixteenth century the Portuguese settled in the vicinity of Chittagong, where they were active in piracy and slave trading. In the seventeenth century some Portuguese moved to Dhaka. Serious Protestant missionary efforts began only in the first half of the nineteenth century. Baptist missionary activities beginning in 1816, the Anglican Oxford Mission, and others worked mainly among the tribal peoples of the Low Hills in the northern part of Mymensingh and Sylhet regions. Many of the Christian churches, schools, and hospitals were initially set up to serve the European community. They subsequently became centers of conversion activities, particularly among the lower caste Hindus. The Ministry of Religious Affairs provided assistance and support to the Christian institutions in the country. In the late 1980s, the government was not imposing any restrictions on the legitimate religious activities of the missions and the communities. Mission schools and hospitals were well attended and were used by members of all religions. The Christian community usually enjoyed better opportunities for education and a better standard of living. In the late 1980s, Christianity had about 600,000 adherents, mainly Roman Catholic, and their numbers were growing rapidly.Christians contributed immensely in the field of Bengali literature. Portuguese missionary Fr. Manuel da Assumpsao wrote Kripar Shastrer Orthobhed, which was printed in 1743 in Lisbon, Portugal, in the Roman alphabet. It was a catechism in the question-answer form. He also wrote a 40-page Bengali grammar book and a 529-page Bengali-Portuguese and Portuguese-Bengali dictionary, called Vocabulario em Idioma Bengulla-e-

Portuguez, divided em duas Partes. Dom Antonio da Rozario, a local Hindu prince converted by the Portuguese, was successful in making mass conversions (20,000 to 30,000) among low-caste Hindus in the region north of Dhaka. He wrote Brahman-Roman Catholic Sambad, where a Roman Catholic dialogues with a Hindu Brahmin (priest) and tries to show the superiority of Christianity over Hinduism.Baptist missionary William Carey translated and printed the Bible in Bengali, wrote many other books and a dictionary, called A Dictionary of the Bengali Language. He also helped develop Bengali type faces for printing and established Serampore Mission and College besides publishing newspapers and periodicals. His colleagues Dr. John Thomas, William Ward, Felix Carey (his son), John Pearson, and others also left their contributions in Bengali literature. Carey also developed the Bengal school system. Recently, two Catholic Italian Xaverian missionaries—Fathers Marino Rigon and Silvano Garello—have been translating many works of 1913 Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Jasimuddin and others into Italian. Their books have created an increasing intrerest of the Italians for Bengali literature and Bangladesh.The Churches in Bangladesh have worked in the fields of merciful activities such as education and medicare for all mainly the poor, underprivileged, and helpless. In a country where almost 85% of the people are Muslims, running such educational and welfare institutions and organizations under a Christian banner remains difficult.After the Bangladesh Liberation War, the missionaries controlled by Mother Teresa were the first organizations to enter Bangladesh after 1971 to help the victims. Many of these missionaries have established offices in Bangladesh and still operate independently. These missionaries along with many other contribute actively during flood and various cyclones in the coastal region.

e. EDUCATION

i. The British Legacy

At the beginning of the nineteenth century a system of liberal English-language schools based on the British model was instituted in the region that now constitutes Bangladesh. The emphasis on British education led to the growth of an elite class that provided clerical and administrative support to the colonial administration but did not develop practical skills or

technical knowledge. The new elite became alienated from the masses of the people, who had no access to the new education system.

During the Pakistan period, there was a general awareness of

the need to restructure the education system to meet the needs

of the new nation. A 1959 report by Pakistan's National

Commission on Education recommended a series of reforms

that would reorganize the structure of education. These reforms

included emphasis on broadbased and technical education. In

the successive five-year plans and other national economic

policy documents developed during the Pakistan period, a need

was articulated to shift the focus of education away from rote

memorization and to expand facilities for scientific and

technological education. But the impact of such policies was

not felt in East Pakistan, and, with only a few exceptions, a

liberal elite-based education system with very little awareness

of life in the countryside was in place when Bangladesh

became independent.

ii. Education System

In the 1981 census only 19.7 percent of the total population was counted as literate. The literacy rate was 17 percent in rural areas and 35 percent in urban areas. The urban-rural gap shrank slightly between 1961 and 1981, primarily because of the influx of rural Bangladeshis to urban areas. The adult literacy rate in 1988 remained about equal to the 1981 level,

officially given as 29 percent but possibly lower. The education system also had had a discriminatory effect on the education of women in a basically patriarchal society. The female literacy rate in 1981 (13.2 percent) was about half the literacy rate among men (26 percent) nationally. The gap was even greater in rural areas, where 11.2 percent women and 23 percent of men were literate. (In 1988 the literacy rate was 18 percent for women and 39 percent for men.) The national school attendance rate in 1982 was 58.9 percent for ages 5 to 9; 20.9 percent for ages 10 to 14; and 1.9 percent for ages 15 to 24. The estimated 1988 student-teacher ratio was fifty-four to one in primary schools, twenty-seven to one in secondary schools, and thirteen to one in universities. Approximately 10 million students of all ages attended school in 1981.

The base of the school system was five years of primary education. The government reported a total of nearly 44,000 primary schools enrolling nearly 44 million students in 1986. Recognizing the importance of increasing enrollments and improving quality, the government made universal primary education a major objective of its educational development plans, which focused on increasing access to school, improving teacher training, and revising the primary school curricula. As a result, the share of primary education by the mid-1980s increased to about 50 percent of the public education expenditure. Although enrollment in the entry class rose over time, the ability of the primary education sector to retain students in school and increase the literacy rate did not match government goals. Throughout the system a high annual dropout rate of 20 percent existed in 1988. Studies suggested that no more than 10 to 15 percent of those attending primary schools retained a permanent ability to read and write. The Third Five-Year Plan (1985-90) envisaged reducing the rural-urban gap in education, establishing facilities for the

enrollment of 70 percent of children of primary-school age, and placing emphasis on keeping children in school longer.

Bangladesh had 8,790 secondary schools with 2.7 million students in 1986. Secondary education was divided into two levels. The five years of lower secondary (grades six through ten) concluded with a secondary school certificate examination. Students who passed this examination proceeded to two years of higher secondary or intermediate training, which culminated in a higher secondary school examination after grade twelve. Higher secondary school was viewed as preparation for college rather than as the conclusion of high school. Development efforts in the late 1980s included programs to provide low-cost vocational education to the rural populace. Efforts also focused on the establishment of science teaching facilities in rural schools, as compulsory science courses were introduced at the secondary level. The government also had provided training for science teachers and supplies of scientific equipment. In spite of many difficulties over the years, the number of both secondary schools and students, particularly females, increased steadily. For example, whereas there were 7,786 secondary schools for boys and 1,159 for girls in 1977, the number of boys' schools had decreased to 7,511 while girls' schools had increased to 1,282 by 1986. The number of students increased as well. In 1977 there were 1.3 million boys and 450,000 girls in secondary schools; by 1986 there were 1.9 million boys and 804,000 girls. Enrollment in technical and vocational schools increased in a similar manner. Secondary education for the most part was private but was heavily subsidized by the state budget. Nationalization of private schools was a standing government policy.

Development of the education system depended largely on the supply of trained teachers. In 1986 about 20 percent of the

estimated 190,000 primary-school teachers were adequately trained; at the secondary-school level, only 30 percent of the teachers were trained. Contributing to the shortage of trained teachers was the low socioeconomic standing of educators. The social image of teachers had been gradually eroded, making it difficult to recruit young graduates to the profession. The high proportion of poorly trained teachers led to lower standards of instruction. Despite these problems, the number of secondary-school teachers increased from 83,955 in 1977 to 99,016 in 1986, according to government figures.

In 1986 there were forty-nine primary-school teacher training institutes and ten secondary-school teacher training colleges. In addition to regular degree, diploma, and certificate programs, various crash programs and correspondence courses also were available. The Bangladesh Institute of Distance Education also had started an experimental program of teacher training under the auspices of Rajshahi University.

At the postsecondary level in 1986, there were 7 universities, 758 general colleges, and 50 professional (medical, dental, engineering, and law) colleges. More than 25 percent of the colleges were government managed; the rest were private but received substantial government grants. The private colleges were gradually being nationalized. In the 1980s, emphasis was being placed on the development of science teaching facilities in nongovernment colleges. Twelve government colleges were selected to offer graduate courses during the Third Five-Year Plan.

In addition to four general-curriculum universities--the University of Dhaka, Rajshahi University, Chittagong University, and Jahangir Nagar University--there were the University of Engineering and Technology in Dhaka, the Agricultural University in Mymensingh, and the Islamic

University in Tongi (near Dhaka). The total enrollment in the 7 universities in 1986 was estimated at 27,487, of which 80 percent were male. Universities were selfgoverning entities with 95 percent of their total expenditures paid through government block grants. The University Grants Commission, created in 1973, coordinated the funding and activities of the universities. A large number of scholarships and stipends were offered to students in education institutions at all levels.

The number of college students increased from 238,580 in 1980 to 603,915 in 1986, according to government statistics. During that period, female enrollment increased from 29,000 to 115,000. Qualitative improvement, enrollment stabilization, interuniversity rationalization of departments, and controlled expansion were some of the government objectives for college education in the mid- and late 1980s.

Curricula in nongovernment institutions of higher education focused mostly on the humanities and social sciences. Many government colleges and universities, however, offered advanced courses in natural, physical, and biological sciences. Sophisticated courses in language and literature, philosophy and philology, fine arts, and folk culture also were offered at the universities. Advanced research degrees, including doctorates, were offered in several disciplines of science, the arts, the humanities, and the social sciences. Faculty members at the government colleges and universities were usually well qualified, but research facilities were limited.

To remove the heavy bias toward liberal arts education, greater attention was being focused in the late 1980s on technical education, which received the third highest allocation, after primary and secondary education, in the Third Five-Year Plan. In addition to four engineering colleges, Bangladesh had eighteen polytechnic institutes, four law colleges, two

agricultural colleges, a graphic arts institute, an institute of glass and ceramics, a textile college, a college of leather technology, sixteen commercial institutes, and fifty-four vocational institutes in 1986. The nation also had ten medical colleges and one dental college, offering both graduate and postgraduate training. In addition, there were twenty-one nursing institutes, a music college, and a college of physical education.

Because secondary and higher education benefited the small

middle and upper classes and because the government defrayed

a portion of the costs of private higher institutions through

grants, the poor in effect subsidized the education of the

affluent. This situation was most evident at the university level,

where about 15 percent of the education budget was devoted to

less than 0.5 percent of the student population. The technical

education sector, which experienced some growth in the late

1980s, nevertheless failed to provide the numbers and kinds of

personnel required for economic development. Most university

training also failed to equip its recipients with marketable

professional skills.

iii. Religious Education

The national government supported Islamic education at several levels. In the late 1980s, efforts were being made to modernize the madrasa (school of religious education attached to a mosque) system and to introduce secular subjects in the madrasa curriculum under the Bangladesh Madrasa Education Board. In 1986 there were 4,118 madrasas and 638,926

students under the aegis of the government-supervised system. By 1985 forty madrasas had been established for female students. There were primary, secondary, and postsecondary madrasas, which, except for one in Sylhet run directly by the government, were attached to mosques and dependent on public charity and endowments. Most of these institutions had poor physical facilities and equipment. The objective of madrasa education during the Third Five-Year Plan was to modernize the system through the introduction of science courses. The program included the provision of science laboratories and equipment to 200 madrasas as part of the ongoing scheme for development of secondary education. In addition, similar facilities were to be provided in a limited way to another 125 madrasas. Furthermore, financial benefits to the madrasa teachers were raised so they would achieve parity with teachers at secular secondary schools.

Madrasa graduates usually assumed posts as imams at

mosques or became teachers at nominally secular schools.

Traditionally, they often would take up both occupations, since

many primary schools were located in village mosques.

iv. Role of English and Arabic in Education

Following the birth of Bangladesh, Bangla came to replace English as the medium of instruction. Bangla also became the sole national language and the standard language of communications. The initial shortage of Bangla textbooks and other instructional materials was alleviated by the accelerated production of textbooks in the vernacular under the patronage of government education departments. The Bangla Academy also played a pioneering role in this area. In the 1980s, British education was maintained marginally through private English-language institutions attended by upper class children. English

continued to be offered as an elective subject in most institutions of higher education and was offered as a subject for bachelor's and master's degrees.

Initially, Arabic also lost ground in independent Bangladesh.

This trend ended in the late 1970s, however, after Bangladesh

strengthened its ties with Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich,

Arabicspeaking countries. An unsuccessful attempt was made

in 1983 to introduce Arabic as a required language in primary

and secondary levels. In the late 1980s, Arabic was studied in

many Muslim homes in Bangladesh as an integral part of

religious instruction. Aside from courses in religious schools,

however, Arabic was not a popular subject at the college and

university level.

v. Education Planning and Policy

Public expenditures for education were very low in Bangladesh. As a percentage of the gross domestic product, the level of expenditure for education in 1983 was approximately 1.3 percent, a figure that did not rise substantially through 1988. On the average, the sectoral share of education in the total development expenditure of the government between 1973 and 1983 was only 4.1 percent; in 1985 it was only 3.1 percent.

The Third Five-Year Plan included efforts to improve quality by restructuring higher secondary and college education, making it more cost effective, and introducing management controls and performance evaluations. Community-based nonformal education approaches seemed to hold promise as an

alternative means of providing basic arithmetic and reading skills. For instance, the Bangladesh Rural Development Board has been able to achieve low dropout rates, especially for females, in nonformal primary schooling, keeping operating costs fairly low and capital expenditures at a minimum.

The Ministry of Education and Culture was responsible for

planning, financing, and managing education at all levels. The

ad hoc Bangladesh Education Commission was appointed in

1972 to investigate and report on all major aspects of

education. In 1987 another high-level body--the National

Education Commission--was instituted. Its August 1988

recommendations were for compulsory free education; reforms

in madrasa, medical, and law education; and removal of

student politics from the campus. It was expected that the

commission's recommendations would be addressed in the

fourth and fifth five-year plans covering the period up to the

year 2000.

f. HEALTH

i. Disease and Disease Control

Although Bangladesh had a basic health care infrastructure in

the 1980s, much remained to be done, particularly in rural

areas, where the majority of the people faced critical health

problems. The main dangers to health in the late 1980s were

much the same as they were at the time of independence. The

incidence of communicable disease was extensive, and there

was widespread malnutrition, inadequate sewage disposal, and

inadequate supplies of safe drinking water. The fertility rate

was also extremely high. Only 30 percent of the population had

access to primary health care services, and overall health care

performance remained unacceptably low by all conventional

measurements. Life expectancy at birth in FY 1985, according

to official Bangladesh statistics was estimated at 55.1 years, as

opposed to 61 years in comparable developing countries.

Morbidity and mortality rates for women and children were

high. Infant mortality rates exceeded 125 deaths per 1,000 live

births, the maternal mortality rate was 6 per 1,000 live births,

and 56.1 percent of infants suffered from chronic malnutrition.

More than 45 percent of rural families and 76 percent of urban

families were below the acceptable caloric intake level. About

two-thirds of all families received insufficient protein and

vitamins.

ii. Health Care Facilities

Communicable diseases were the major health hazards in the 1980s. Poor nutrition and sanitation fostered the spread of infections. Infectious diseases--cholera, dysentery, diarrhea, measles, diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, and poliomyelitis--and parasitic diseases such as malaria, filariasis, and helminthiasis-- were responsible for widespread illness and numerous deaths. Although not reported among government statistics, tuberculosis was believed to be an increasingly serious health problem, with 90,000 deaths and 110,000 new cases occurring

annually. Disease in the late 1980s was most prevalent in rural areas; treatment was more readily available in the cities. A mid-1980s survey indicated that deaths due to diarrheal diseases, malnutrition, and pneumonia accounted for 16.3 percent, 13.1 percent, and 10.8 percent of all deaths, respectively. The percentages for other diseases were as follows: prematurity and birth injury (8.6 percent), cardiovascular accidents (4.5 percent), tetanus (4.4 percent), pulmonary tuberculosis (3.3 percent), measles (2.7 percent), and other causes (36.3 percent).

Young children suffered disproportionately from diseases, and they accounted for 40 percent of deaths annually. Major killers of young children were severe diarrhea and neonatal tetanus caused by unsanitary treatment of the umbilicus. Until the mid-1980s, only 3 percent of Bangladeshi children received immunization against common infectious diseases. Consequently, potentially avoidable illnesses like tetanus, pertussis, and measles accounted for nearly half of infant deaths and more than a third of childhood deaths.

By the late 1980s, a massive immunization program had eliminated smallpox, and highly effective treatments had contained cholera. Malaria, however, once thought to have been eradicated, again had became a major health problem by 1988. The ongoing malaria control program needed to be strengthened by improving indigenous scientific knowledge of the disease and by spraying wider areas with effective chemicals. Several national and international research facilities were involved in disease control research.

Noncommunicable diseases such as diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, mental illness, gastrointestinal disorders, cancer, rheumatoid arthritis, respiratory disease, and urogenital diseases were increasing in frequency in the 1980s. Cases of

vitamin A deficiency causing night blindness and xerophthalmia, iron deficiency anemia, iodine deficiency, protein-calories deficiency, and marasmus also were on the increase.

Although no incidence of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) had been reported in Bangladesh through mid-1988, the National Committee on AIDS was formed in April 1986. The committee drew up a short-term action plan that called for public awareness programs, augmented laboratory facilities, training of relevant personnel, publication of informational booklets, and health education programs.

Before the mid-1980s, disease control programs focused mainly on Western-style curative services, but the emphasis was shifting in the late 1980s toward a larger role for prevention. The government's main preventive health program--the Universal Immunization Program--was initiated in 1986 with the assistance of the World Health Organization and the United Nations Children's Fund in eight pilot subdistricts. The government aimed to provide protection through immunization against six major diseases for children under two years of age and to vaccinate women of childbearing age against tetanus. The program helped to increase the rate of full immunization of children below 1 year of age from less than 3 percent to 36.5 percent, and of children between 12 and 24 months from less than 3 percent to 55.8 percent.

In the case of maternal health care, a national program to train and supervise traditional birth attendants (dhais) was started in 1987. In addition, a long-range program to improve maternal and neonatal care, which addressed issues of health care delivery and referral on a national scale, was approved in 1987. The government in 1988 upgraded its nutrition policy-making capacity by creating the National Nutrition Council, but

planning and implementation of specific programs remained insufficient. Other programs with nutrition implications include food-for-work, "vulnerable-group feeding," and vitamin A distribution programs.

Alternative systems of medicine, including the traditional

Hindu ayurvedic medical system based largely on homeopathy

and naturopathy, the Muslim unani (so-called "Greek"

medicine) herbal medical practice, and Western allopathic

medicine were available. For most villagers, the most

accessible medical practitioner was the village curer (kobiraj).

It is estimated that 70 percent of the rural population did not

have access to modern medical facilities in the late 1980s.

iii. Medical Education and Training

In 1986 Bangladesh had about 16,000 physicians, 6,900 nurses, 5,200 midwives, and 1,580 "lady health visitors," all registered by the government. The annual output of new physicians (both graduate and postgraduate) and dentists, despite some annual fluctuations, helped improve health care in the 1978-86 period. In 1978 there were 822 graduates. A high of 1,848 was reached in 1982, but the number of graduates slumped to 985 in 1986.

Medical education and training was provided by ten medical

colleges and eight postgraduate specialized medical institutes.

One dental college, twenty-one nursing institutes, eight

medical assistant training schools, and two paramedical

institutes trained ancillary medical personnel. The quality of

medical education and training was considered satisfactory by

observers. The Third FiveYear Plan incorporated several

measures to expand facilities for the training of specialists and

for in-service training of health administrators in management

skills. For example, eight fieldtraining subdistrict health

complexes had been developed to impart education and

training in community medicine. Schemes for improving

education in indigenous systems of medicine were taken up,

and their implementation was continued as the 1990s

approached. The general shortage of physicians and nurses was

aggravated by their emigration to the oil-rich countries of the

Middle East and to the industrialized countries of the West.

Immediately after independence, about 50 percent of the

medical graduates sought employment abroad; this trend was

later arrested, but special incentives had to be provided to keep

medical professionals in the country.

iv. Medicinal Drugs and Drug Policy

The per capita consumption of Western drugs in Bangladesh was about US$1 per year in the late 1980s. According to a government statement in 1982, although most people had no access to lifesaving drugs, a large number of wasteful and undesirable medicinal products were manufactured and marketed mostly under commercial pressure. A national drug policy promulgated in 1982 was aimed at simplifying the range of drugs available and at improving the logistics of drug distribution at reasonable prices. The policy identified sixteen

guidelines for the evaluation of medicinal products for the purpose of registration. The registration of more than 1,700 products was canceled and these were gradually withdrawn from use. Unani, ayurvedic, and other homeopathic medicines were also brought under this policy.

Under the new policy, in order to promote local enterprise, foreign companies were no longer allowed to manufacture antacid and vitamin preparations. The policy identified 150 essential drugs for therapeutic purposes. Attempts to increase local production of drugs continued, and the government provided Bangladeshi firms with generous industrial loans and other assistance. Some essential drugs were also being manufactured at government plants.

As the 1980s came to a close, Bangladeshi society had made

some remarkable advances in social development, education,

and health care. Severe national disasters, however, in addition

to political discontent, contributed to the negation of any net

advances. Ever optimistic, Bangladeshis continued their age-

old struggle against the land and sought ways to accommodate

the burgeoning society.

5. Politics and Governance in Bangladesh

a. The Political Development and role of Political Parties

Politics of Bangladesh takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Bangladesh is the head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament.

The Constitution of Bangladesh was written in 1972 and has undergone thirteen amendments.[1]

Executive branchMain office holdersOfficeNamePartySincePresident Zillur Rahman Bangladesh Awami League 12 February 2009Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Bangladesh Awami League 6 January 2009

The President is the head of state , a largely ceremonial post. The real power is held by the Prime Minister, who is the head of government. The president is elected by the legislature every five years and has normally limited powers that are substantially expanded during the tenure of a caretaker government, mainly in controlling the transition to a new government. Bangladesh has instituted a unique system of transfer of power; at the end of the tenure of the government, power is handed over to members of a civil society for three months, who run the general elections and transfer the power to elected representatives. This system was first practiced in 1991 and adopted to the constitution in 1996.[2]

The prime minister is ceremonially appointed by the president and must be a member of parliament (MP), commanding the confidence of the majority of the MPs. The cabinet is composed of ministers selected by the prime minister and appointed by the president.

Legislative branch

The 300 members are elected by universal suffrage at least every 5 years. There is universal suffrage for all citizens at the age of 18.

"On [16 May 2004, the Jatiyo Sangshad (the National Parliament) passed the 14th constitutional amendment to reintroduce quotas for women (article 65)[3]. The number of seats in parliament is to be raised to 345, 45 (15%) of which will be reserved for women in the next parliament. The seats will be allocated to parties in proportion

to their overall share of the vote. This quota system replaces the previous quota law which expired in 2001. Until 2001 a system of reserved seats for women was used, where 30 seats out of 330 were reserved to women (chosen by indirect election by the 300 directly elected MPs). This provision of guaranteeing women reserved seats expired in April 2001. This quota system was first introduced by the 1972 Constitution (originally providing for 15 reserved seats for women, out of 315 seats, for a period of 10 years). In 1978 a presidential proclamation enlarged the number of reserved seats to 30 and extended the period of reservation to 15 years from the date of promulgation of the constitution of the Republic in December 1972. The constitutional provision lapsed in 1987 and was re-incorporated in the constitution by an amendment in 1990 to be effective for 10 years from the first meeting of the legislature next elected. This provision also lapsed in 2001. The Parliament elected in October 2001 does not have reserved seats for women. Women's groups are lobbying for these seats to become directly elected positions and for the number of reserved seats to be increased." International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance

The 8th Parliament had its first sitting on 28 October 2001.

Political parties and elections

The two major parties in Bangladesh are the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Bangladesh Awami League. BNP finds its allies among Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh while the Awami League aligns itself traditionally with leftist and secularist parties. Another important player is the Jatiya Party, headed by former military ruler Hossain Mohammad Ershad. The Awami League-BNP rivalry has been bitter and punctuated by protests, violence and murder. Student politics is particularly strong in Bangladesh, a legacy from the liberation movement era. Almost all parties have highly active student wings, and students have been elected to the Parliament.

Two radical Islamist parties, Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) and Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), were banned

in February 2005 by the BNP. Since then, a series of bomb attacks took place in the country and have been blamed on those groups, and hundreds of suspected members have been detained in numerous security operations, including the head the of those two parties in 2006. The first recorded case of a suicide bomb attack in Bangladesh took place in November 2005.

Judicial branch

The highest judiciary body is the Supreme Court. Until recently, Chief Justice and judges were recommended by the Prime Minister and formally appointed by the President. Since 1991 political parties during their tenure in government have initiated the separation of the judiciary. The separation by presidential promulgation acts have signed and passed. Acts on the separation of Judiciary Administration, Remuneration, Pay and Leave, etc have all been completed. The Supreme Court have now judiciary and administrative authority over all lower courts.

History

Provisional government

Bangladesh's first government took oath of office in Meherpur Kushtia on April 10 1971. President of the RepublicThe provisional government of the new nation of Bangladesh was formed in Dhaka with Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhury as President, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ("Mujib")--who was released from Pakistani prison in early 1972--as Prime Minister.

1972-1975 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Mujib came to office with immense personal popularity, but had difficulty transforming this popular support into the political strength needed to function as head of government. The new constitution, which came into force in December 1972, created a strong executive prime minister, a largely ceremonial presidency, an independent

judiciary, and a unicameral legislature on a modified Westminster model. The 1972 constitution adopted as state policy the Awami League's (AL) four basic principles of nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy.

The first parliamentary elections held under the 1972 constitution were in March 1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority. No other political party in Bangladesh's early years was able to duplicate or challenge the League's broad-based appeal, membership, or organizational strength. Relying heavily on experienced civil servants and members of the Awami League, the new Bangladesh Government focused on relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the economy and society. Economic conditions remained precarious, however. In December 1974, Mujib decided that continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder required strong measures. After proclaiming a state of emergency, Mujib used his parliamentary majority to win a constitutional amendment limiting the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, establishing an executive presidency, and instituting a one-party system, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), which all members of Parliament were obliged to join.

Despite some improvement in the economic situation during the first half of 1975, implementation of promised political reforms was slow, and criticism of government policies became increasingly centered on Mujib. In August 1975, Mujib, and most of his family, were assassinated by mid-level army officers. His daughter, Sheikh Hasina, happened to be out of the country. A new government, headed by former Mujib associate Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed.

1975-1981 Ziaur Rahman

Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ziaur Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by President Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law.

Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration (MLA), Zia sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs, and to emphasize family planning. In November 1976, Zia became Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) and assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement 5 months later, promising national elections in 1978.

As President, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform and began dismantling the MLA. Keeping his promise to hold elections, Zia won a 5-year term in June 1978 elections, with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his government removed the remaining restrictions on political party activities in time for parliamentary elections in February 1979. These elections, which were contested by more than 30 parties, marked the culmination of Zia's transformation of Bangladesh's Government from the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional one. The AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), founded by Zia, emerged as the two major parties. The constitution was again amended to provide for an executive prime minister appointed by the president, and responsible to a parliamentary majority.

In May 1981, Zia was assassinated in Chittagong by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup never spread beyond that city, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new president within 6 months--an election Sattar won as the BNP's candidate. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet, but the army stepped in once again.

1982-1990 Hussain Mohammed Ershad

Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Hussain Mohammed Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982. Like his predecessors, Ershad suspended the constitution and--citing pervasive corruption,

ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement--declared martial law. The following year, Ershad assumed the presidency, retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the opposition parties' participation in local elections under martial law. The opposition's refusal to participate, however, forced Ershad to abandon these plans. Ershad sought public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership in March 1985. He won overwhelmingly, although turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad held elections for local council chairmen. Pro-government candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the President's ambitious decentralization program. Political life was further liberalized in early 1986, and additional political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiya (People's) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established.

Despite a boycott by the BNP, led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, parliamentary elections were held on schedule in May 1986. The Jatiya Party won a modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the national assembly. The participation of the Awami League--led by the late Prime Minister Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wazed--lent the elections some credibility, despite widespread charges of voting irregularities.

Ershad resigned as Army Chief of Staff and retired from military service in preparation for the presidential elections, scheduled for October. Protesting that martial law was still in effect, both the BNP and the AL refused to put up opposing candidates. Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a turnout of more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far lower percentage and alleged voting irregularities.

Ershad continued his stated commitment to lift martial law. In November 1986, his government mustered the necessary two-thirds majority in the national assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime. The

President then lifted martial law, and the opposition parties took their elected seats in the national assembly.

In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of Parliament. Passage of the bill helped spark an opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum, uniting Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the country's Special Powers Act of 1974. Despite these arrests, opposition parties continued to organize protest marches and nationwide strikes. After declaring a state of emergency, Ershad dissolved Parliament and scheduled fresh elections for March 1988.

All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these polls, maintaining that the government was incapable of holding free and fair elections. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded. The ruling Jatiya Party won 251 of the 300 seats. The Parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as scheduled, and passed a large number of bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial constitutional amendment making Islam Bangladesh's state religion.

By 1989, the domestic political situation in the country seemed to have quieted. The local council elections were generally considered by international observers to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. However, opposition to Ershad's rule began to regain momentum, escalating by the end of 1990 in frequent general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order.

On December 6, 1990, Ershad offered his resignation. On February 27, 1991, after 2 months of widespread civil unrest, an interim government oversaw what most observers believed to be the nation's most free and fair elections to date.

1991-1996 Khaleda Zia

The center-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a coalition government with the Islamic party Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of Prime Minister. Only four parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1991 Parliament: The BNP, led by Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia; the AL, led by Sheikh Hasina; the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), led by Golam Azam; and the Jatiya Party (JP), led by acting chairman Mizanur Rahman Choudhury while its founder, former President Ershad, served out a prison sentence on corruption charges. The electorate approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.

In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. Efforts to mediate the dispute, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Secretariat, failed. After another attempt at a negotiated settlement failed narrowly in late December 1994, the opposition resigned en masse from Parliament. The opposition then continued a campaign of Marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for February 15, 1996.

In February, Khaleda Zia was re-elected for the second term by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the three main opposition parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to assume power conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice

Mohammed Habibur Rahman was named Chief Advisor (a position equivalent to prime minister) in the interim government. New parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and were won by the Awami League; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.

1996-2001 Sheikh Hasina

Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996, which included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantric Dal, a very small leftist party. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement, and party president H.M. Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997. Only three parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1996 Parliament: The Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party president, Ershad, was released from prison on bail in January 1997.

Although international and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, the BNP protested alleged vote rigging by the Awami League. Ultimately, however, the BNP party decided to join the new Parliament. The BNP soon charged that police and Awami League activists were engaged in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. At the end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the ruling party. The BNP asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another walkout in August 1997. The BNP returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998.

In June 1999, the BNP and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament. Opposition parties have staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from 6 days of general strikes in 1997 to 27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral fairness. The government did not take

these steps, and the opposition has subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January 2000. The opposition demands that the Awami League government step down immediately to make way for a caretaker government to preside over paliamentary and local government.

2001-2006 Khaleda Zia

Khaleda led four-party aliiance wins two third of total parliamentary seats while BAL wins only 62 seats that represent the smallest opposition after 1991. Khaleda Zia won a second term in 2001. Her coalition included several Islamist parties, a fact which was criticized by those who feared post-9/11 Islamic radicalism and de-secularization in Bangladesh. Islamist violence targeting courts and imposing social strictures became a serious problem as Zia's term wore on. It came to a head in 2005 with the first suicide bombing and a coordinated bombing. This problem abated as two parties were outlawed and the leaders of the movement were rounded up.

2006-2009 caretaker government

An election was scheduled for the end of 2006, however it did not take place. The caretaker government was accused of BNP bias by Hasina and her coalition, who fomented nationwide protests and shutdowns. In January 2007, the head of the caretaker government stepped down, many believe under pressure from the military.

Fakhruddin Ahmed, former World Bank economist, was selected to replace him and has committed himself to rooting out corruption and preparing a better voter list. Emergency law was declared and a massive campaign to crack down on corruption is underway. By July 2007 some 200,000 people had been arrested. The government says it will hold elections before the end of 2008.

In April, Ahmed's administration attempted to reform the political parties by exiling Hasina and Zia, but they backed down amid domestic and international protestations. Hasina, who had been visiting her children in the US, was allowed to return but she faced serious charges, including involvement in the assassination of four political rivals. In July, she was taken into custody after two businessmen testified that she had extorted 80 million taka (US$1.16 million) from them.[11] This provoked angry protests from her supporters; even her bitter rival Khalida Zia, as well as six British MPs and MEPs, called for her release.[12] Khaleda herself faces charges of tax evasion.

Administrative divisions

At the local government level, the country is divided into divisions, districts, subdistricts (Upazila), unions, and villages. The lowest level of local government representative are Local officials of union council those who are elected at the union level election. All larger administrative units are run by members of the civil service.

b. Problems of Democratization

c. Problems of Governance

d. The Process of Globalization and its impact on Bangladesh

6. Foreign Policy of Bangladesh

The image of an independent and sovereign state depends on its foreign relations or foreign policy. However, these relations, which are considered important to a country, are subject to change for the sake of the country's interests. Bangladesh has pursued its foreign relations or foreign policy since its emergence as an independent state in 1971, although the policy underwent remarkable changes during the last 25 years. The provisional government formed during the WAR OF LIBERATION drew up an outline of the foreign relations of Bangladesh before the country came into being as an independent state. According to this outline Bangladesh declared the principles of non-alignment, peaceful coexistence, and opposition to colonialism, racialism and imperialism as the main aspects of

its foreign policy. Immediately after the country's independence these principles of Bangladesh were reiterated by the then Foreign Minister during his first visit to India in January 1972. In following these principles of foreign policy Bangladesh took a different stand on the issues of colonialism, imperialism, racialism and non-alignment in contrast with the foreign policy of the Pakistan period.It is worth mentioning that from the very beginning Pakistan considered it important to seek close relations with the western countries including the United States, and it also joined the military alliances called SEATO and CENTO formed through the initiative of the United States. As a result, the foreign policy of Pakistan was regarded as pro-western and vitiated with cold-war attitudes by India, a founder member of the Non-Aligned Movement, as well as by other countries. At that time AWAMI LEAGUE was a supporter of this foreign policy, and Prime Minister HUSEYN SHAHEED SUHRAWARDY, an Awami League leader, was of the opinion that it was sensible of Pakistan to side with the mighty United States in pursuing its foreign policy. However, East Pakistan Awami League amended its political manifesto, and in the party's constitution published in 1969 it pronounced its unequivocal support to an independent and non-aligned foreign policy, a policy of peaceful coexistence, and to all the movements of the world against imperialism, colonialism and autocratic rule. A progressive section of the main party and its students' front played a key role in shifting the party's position with regard to foreign policy.

Constitutional provisions and declaration on foreign policy The CONSTITUTION provides that the foreign policy of Bangladesh would be guided by a number of fundamental principles. These principles were stated in the Articles 25(a), (b) and (c) of the Constitution. These are as follows: The State shall base its international relations on the principles of respect for national sovereignty and equality, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, peaceful settlement of international disputes, and respect for international law and the principles enunciated in the United Nations Charter, and on the basis of those principles shall (a) strive for the renunciation of the use of force in international relations and for general and complete disarmament; (b) uphold the right of every people freely to

determine and build up its own social, economic and political system by ways and means of its own free choice; and (c) support oppressed peoples throughout the world waging a just struggle against imperialism, colonialism or racialism'.

The amendment to the Constitution introduced through Martial Law proclamation by ZIAUR RAHMAN, who came into power after the fall of Awami League and Mostaq government in August 1975 and November 1975 respectively, made an addition to it. A newly appended Sub-article 25(2) stated: 'The State shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity'. The policy on declaration of war was mentioned in Article 63 of the Constitution which states that war shall not be declared, and the Republic shall not participate in any war except with the assent of the JATIYA SANGSAD (Parliament). Article 145(a) on foreign treaty states: 'All treaties with foreign countries shall be submitted to the President who shall cause them to be laid before Parliament, provided that any such treaty connected with national security shall be laid in a secret session of Parliament'. As regards foreign policy it was declared at the outset that Bangladesh would be the Switzerland of the East, that is to say, it would seek friendly relations with all the states. From these statements it can be assumed that there were endeavours to build up an impartial image of the state so far as foreign relation is concerned. These pronouncements resulted from an idealistic point of view, and it was not possible for the post-Awami League governments to implement them. As Bangladesh could not remain as impartial as Switzerland with regard to different international issues (which is also not possible in reality), nor it could establish diplomatic relations with the Arab countries and Israel at the same time. Besides, such a concept of impartiality on the part of a small and economically dependent country can be taken as a mere theoretical concept.

a. Goals and Objectives of Bangladesh Foreign Policy

Goals of foreign policy As for the goals of foreign policy, in the beginning it was as necessary to get international recognition as an independent state as it was essential to obtain foreign loan and assistance for economic reconstruction. In three and a half years' time following the country's liberation no countries except Saudi Arabia, Libya and China considered the reality of Bangladesh as unacceptable. The stand taken by these three countries with regard to Bangladesh were influenced by their own ideology and regional policy on South Asia.

After the overthrow of the government of SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN in August 1975, the short-lived Mostaq government declared that the goal of its foreign policy would be to seek relations with the countries which had not yet recognized Bangladesh or established diplomatic relations with it. As the goal of the foreign policy of the country the government headed by Ziaur Rahman (1977-1981) emphasized the importance of creating an environment of peace and stability as a prerequisite for improving the standard of living of the people through economic and social progress. The foreign policy of the short-lived Mostaq government, unlike other national policies, did not possess any special aspects which deserve mention. However, although the theoretical aspects of the foreign policies of the Mujib and the Zia governments were identical, there were differences in their ideological inclinations and in selecting their priorities. The Zia government did not abandon the policies of 'opposition to imperialism, colonialism and racialism' which were put in the Constitution by the Mujib government as part of the country's foreign policy, but nevertheless it adopted a policy of establishing relations with the Muslim countries on the basis of Islamic solidarity through appending a new article (Article 25(2)) to the Constitution. Besides, as regards foreign relations, his government discarded the pro-Indian and pro-Soviet attitudes of the previous government and aligned itself with the United States, China and the Muslim world.

On the other hand, after the Zia government the policies adopted by BANGLADESH NATIONALIST PARTY (BNP) with regard to foreign policy continued to be pursued by the military government of

HUSSAIN MUHAMMAD ERSHAD and the government of JATIYA PARTY established by him (1982-1990). However, as regards relations with the neighbouring India, the plan of regional cooperation followed under the South Asian cooperation initiative taken towards the end of the BNP regime, reduced the tension between India and Bangladesh, and the situation remained unchanged during the time of the government of Jatiya Party.

Increasing the number of allies within the international community including South Asia is regarded as one of the important goals of the foreign policy of Bangladesh. The concept of regional stability and security was viewed in different ways by the governments before and after 15 August 1975. Bangladesh and India held the same opinion about the sources of threats to the security or stability of this region. At that time diplomatic moves were made in order to resolve bilateral problems with India for the maintenance of national security. At the same time attempts were made to dispel the fear of India through seeking close relations with other countries of this region as well as with countries outside the region.

Immediately before the emergence of Bangladesh the movement of warships of the big powers, including the superpowers, in the Indian Ocean increased, and, as a result, the states bordering the Indian Ocean felt threatened with the possibility of nuclear warfare in the waters of this ocean. Against this backdrop a resolution adopted in the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 1971 urged to declare the Indian Ocean as a 'peace zone'. Bangladesh expressed its wholehearted support to it. However, as regards turning the Indian Ocean into a peace zone, there were distinct differences between the viewpoints of those who ruled Bangladesh before and after August 1975. The government that came to power after August 1975 kept on urging to regard the concept of peace zone in a broader perspective than what was in the original proposal. According to the fresh explanations, in addition to preventing the military presence of the extra-regional powers and dispelling threats, the maintenance of national security of the regional countries was also urged in order to create a peace zone. At the same time the need for destroying conventional weapons along with nuclear weapons in order to

declare the Indian Ocean as a peace zone was also emphasized. Bangladesh was aware of the importance of the later against the backdrop of the increasing military activities of India and its extensive preparations for war.

Towards the mid 1970s when Pakistan regarded itself as threatened because of the first atomic explosion by India, Bangladesh continued to support the Indian explanations and justification as to using atomic power in the South Asian region for peaceful purposes. But during the period following August 1975 Bangladesh accepted the concept of disarmament as a whole. At that time Bangladesh was of the opinion that considering arms race as the deadliest threat to world peace total disarmament (nuclear and conventional weapons) should be carried out.

In 1980, a concept of South Asian regional cooperation was put forward to six other states of this region on behalf of Bangladesh, and the SOUTH ASIAN ASSOCIATION FOR REGIONAL COOPERATION (SAARC) came into being in 1985. Bangladesh considered that an economic, social and cultural cooperation among the countries of this region could dispel their mutual distrust. At the time Bangladesh put forward this concept of cooperation, there were some conditions to meet in order to create an environment in favour of it in South Asia. Bangladesh aimed at directing this framework of cooperation towards a few well-defined goals through producing economic benefit. These goals included gaining of combined bargaining opportunities for the countries in South Asia, and on the other hand creating an advantageous position for the small countries of this region with regard to India. Although these goals are yet to be materialized, the establishment of SAARC can be regarded as one of the major political goals of the foreign policy of Bangladesh.

The economic goal is still being pursued as a goal of the foreign policy of Bangladesh. Since the Pakistan regime, the issue of foreign loans and grant was one of the major concerns of the government against the backdrop of the overall economic backwardness of the country. Because of poor internal savings on account of low rate of per capita income and lower export earnings compared to import

expenditure it was not possible to invest necessary capital for the economic development of the country. Lack of technological knowledge made the situation worse. Against this backdrop each of the governments that have come into power till now has explored sources of foreign assistance. Although after the country's liberation the government adopted socialist economy to expedite inflow of foreign assistance, it attempted to make the internal policies acceptable to the western donors in order to satisfy them. At this time the government, for the satisfaction of the United States, removed the Foreign Minister and Finance Minister who were regarded as 'leftists', and appointed people known as 'pro-Western' to those positions. The investment ceiling for the private sector was at first set at taka 25 lakh, but later it was raised to taka 3 crore in order to win the favour of the donors. As regards nationalization of industries, it was later declared that no more nationalization would take place in the future.

In addition to maintaining good relations with the donors the later governments had to discard the policy of 'socialism' followed by the previous government, and to bring about changes in the economic policies in order to facilitate and expedite receiving of foreign assistance. There were no alternatives but to go for this change to comply with the World Bank policy of framework harmonization.

Since the 1990s the foreign policy makers of Bangladesh gave top priority to economic goal as the principle aim of diplomacy. As proponents of 'economic diplomacy' they meant to say that development of trade and attracting foreign investment were the prime objectives of diplomacy in the post-cold-war situation. As regards foreign trade, with a view to coping with the serious imbalance between the country's imports and exports, attempts were made to increase the export of conventional goods as well as non-conventional commodities (garments, fish, ceramics); and at the same time steps were taken to minimise the imbalance through setting up industries with foreign investment and exporting the goods produced.

Bangladesh wanted its ideological goals to be reflected in its foreign policy through adopting the policy of non-alignment and establishing warm relations with the Islamic world. Moreover, a pronouncement supporting the principle of 'abolition of imperialism and colonialism' was made immediately after the independence. During his visit to the Soviet Union in 1972 Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman pronounced his support to the struggle of the peoples of Laos and Cambodia for establishing their right to control their own destinies without any external interference. Besides, in his speech at COMMONWEALTH Conference held in 1973 in Canada, he demanded proper implementation of the Paris Peace Treaty on Vietnam.

The governments who came to power after August 1975 put special emphasis on establishing relations with Islamic Ummah. Although relations with the Islamic world were opened during the period of Sheikh Mujib government, the ties were strengthened later on. With this end in view, the governments in power kept on taking steps to establish Islamic religious values. The Zia government repealed Article 12 of the Constitution which upheld secularism, and added instead 'Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim' to the Preamble of the Constitution. Next, the Ershad government declared Islam to be the 'State Religion' through the Eighth Amendment. Apart from the objective of enhancing the acceptability of the government to the majority of people, the intention of attracting predominantly the Muslim countries especially the Arab states, and the attraction for petro-dollar, had also been active behind these steps.

b. Major Achievements of Bangladesh Foreign Policy

The national interest of Bangladesh is interpreted in terms of the aims of the foreign policy of the country. As regards choice of countries for seeking foreign relations with, Bangladesh has mainly picked out South Asia, the predominantly Muslim countries including the Middle East, the United States, the industrialised European countries, Japan and the People's Republic of China. Foreign relations with chiefly these countries were pursued and strengthened by all the governments who came to power till now.

However, the foreign policy of each government did not attach equal importance to these countries or regions; the government in power determined its preference on the basis of its ideology and the interpretation of its 'national interest'. The Awami League government put India and the Soviet Union at the top of its list of preferences. The issue of the 'special friendship' between India and Bangladesh assumed importance because of India's assistance during the War of Liberation against Pakistan, and the ideological unanimity between the leaderships of the two countries. On the other hand, Bangladesh was interested in strengthening its relations with the Soviet Union in view of the country's support in the War of Liberation, and the contemporary global situation.

BNP government, according to its own judgement, considered the United States, China and the Muslim world to be important with regard to foreign policy. Its foreign policy makers endeavoured to develop dynamic relations with the industrialized countries considering the possibility of getting increasing economic assistance, and with the predominantly Muslim countries in order to bring about better balance in foreign relations. Despite China's opposition to War of Liberation, the Zia government was interested in winning friendship of the country on account of its cold relations with India. Although Pakistan recognized Bangladesh during the term of the previous government, diplomatic relations between the two countries were opened during the rule of the Zia government.

Later on, the governments of Jatiya Party and BNP basically retained the preferences of the Zia government with regard to foreign relations. After Awami League came into power for the second time in 1996 it gave priority to strengthening relations with India. The meeting of the Foreign Ministers of four countries (Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Bhutan) held in April 1997 in Kathmandu resolved to form South Asian Growth Quadrangle (SAGQ). The concept was supported by Bangladesh. In the Ninth SAARC Summit held in Male on 12 May 1997, a resolution in support of this concept was also adopted in favour of regional cooperation between two or more SAARC countries.

Apart from bilateral relations, Bangladesh got the membership in various international organisations like the United Nations, Non-Aligned Movement, Commonwealth, SAARC and Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), and continued to associate itself with their activities. The country obtained the membership of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1973 immediately after independence. But it failed to get the membership of the United Nations in 1972 because of China's veto on the issue. However, with the normalization of relations with Pakistan, and with China's concurrence Bangladesh was granted admission to membership in the United Nations in 1974. As Bangladesh got the membership of the Commonwealth after independence, Pakistan withdrew itself from this organisation. On the other hand, after Pakistan announced its recognition of Bangladesh in February 1974 Bangladesh participated in the second summit of the OIC held in Lahore and obtained the membership of the organisation. In 1975 Bangladesh played its role as a founder-member of the Islamic Development Bank (IDB), an associate institution of the OIC. As the concept of SAARC was put forward by Bangladesh, it became a founder-member of the organisation. As a founder member of D-8 and BIMST-EC Bangladesh brought these two regional organisations into being in 1997. Bangladesh was elected member in different organs of the United Nations. The country had been a temporary member of the Security Council for a term of two years (1979-1980).

Evolution of foreign relations Bangladesh gives the highest priority to South Asia region with regard to establishing foreign relations. South Asia comes first if issues like geographical location, common historical background, economic condition, and, above all, territorial integrity and the security issues are taken into consideration. In 1980 Bangladesh presented the idea of forming SAARC in association with six other countries of this region, namely India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Maldives. Cooperation in ten sectors out of the twelve mentioned in the plan prepared by Bangladesh, excepting joint investment and introduction of a common market, started at the outset of SAARC.

Apart from the SAARC set-up, relations between Bangladesh and the other countries of the region were also established within bilateral frameworks. As Bangladesh is bounded by India on its three sides, India remains a permanent factor that effects the foreign policy of the country. Despite India's immense contribution towards the War of Liberation Bangladesh soon found itself in dispute with the country about a number of issues. After independence, the bilateral relations between the two countries at the state level cooled because of clash of interests regarding border trade agreement, sharing of water of the Ganges, balance of trade, and defining the limits of territorial waters. Especially the INDIA-BANGLADESH FRIENDSHIP TREATY signed by India and Bangladesh turned into a controversial issue. Later on, owing to change of government in Bangladesh different viewpoints of the governments of the two countries on resolving disputes together with their ideological differences resulted into clash of interests which eventually made the bilateral relations strained. The problem of sharing of the Ganges water was the most critical among the disputed issues, and Bangladesh was badly in need of immediate settlement of the problem.

Since Independence a number of agreements with the close and friendly state of India on sharing of the Ganges water were signed in succession, and a historic 30-year treaty, the Ganges Water Sharing Treaty, was signed in 1996 which is still in force.

Apart from the Farakka problem, there was a long-standing unsettled problem between India and Bangladesh regarding the transfer of the 'Tin Bigha' corridor to Bangladesh in order to connect Dahagram and Angarpota, two enclaves situated within Indian territory, to mainland of Bangladesh. With a view to resolving this problem India handed Tin Bigha over to Bangladesh in 1992 on condition that Bangladesh citizens would use this corridor for every other two hours. Later on the time-span was changed to one hour. There are two other issues to be settled with India which still carry importance with regard to bilateral relations. Bangladesh has been in dispute with India about the ownership of the South Talpatti Island located in the estuary of the Hariabhanga River. On the other hand, the limits of the territorial waters of the two countries are yet to be defined. At times

Bangladesh also confronts problems with 'push back' from the Indian side.

As for other countries in South Asia, Bangladesh's relations with Pakistan had not been normal since the beginning. The disputes over the repatriation of the Pakistani citizens stranded in Bangladesh (the Urdu-speaking people who opted for the citizenship of Pakistan after independence) and the claim of Bangladesh to the assets from the period of undivided Pakistan, which exists since the very beginning, are yet to be settled. The changes in the bilateral relations with Pakistan that took place after August 1975 were influenced by the bitterness with India which developed at this point.

As Nepal is very close to Bangladesh border, some common interests brought the two countries closer. Apart from trading, Bangladesh is in need of Nepal's cooperation with respect to increasing the flow of the Ganges water for itself and controlling floods. On the other hand, there is a prospective alternative for Nepal of using the ports in Bangladesh which can reduce its dependence on the Port of Calcutta. Occasional strains in the relations of these two countries with India drove them to come closer. As for Bangladesh's relations with other states of this region, beyond the bilateral trade relations there are opportunities for cooperation with Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Maldives within the scope of SAARC.

The makers of foreign policy of Bangladesh sought close relations with the United States from the very beginning. Despite the country's negative role in the War of Liberation various initiatives in establishing normal relations with it were taken right from the period of the first government of Bangladesh. The socialist policies of the first government or its intimacy with the Soviet Union at first made the government of the United States unhappy about Bangladesh. In spite of that Bangladesh grew interested in getting project aid, commodity aid and food aid from the United States as soon as diplomatic relations with the country were established. The food aid was the main among all, and it was supplied through PL-480. As Bangladesh decided to export jute-bags to Cuba in 1974, the United States suspended its food aid, and as a result Bangladesh was

compelled to cancel its trade agreement with Cuba. Especially, as the export of readymade garments from Bangladesh began, the United States soon became the biggest buyer of this commodity. At present the export of readymade garments plays a key role in keeping the balance of trade with the United States in favour of Bangladesh. In the recent years in view of the bright prospect of obtaining oil and natural gas the United States has been taking more interest in Bangladesh.

Apart from economic consideration, political reasons also made the two countries come closer. During the cold-war era Bangladesh was of importance to the United States as the country was expected to help reduce Soviet influence in the South Asia. Besides, the United States was in need of gaining Bangladesh's support for its foreign policy. On the other hand, the governments who have so far been in power in Bangladesh have sought political and security relations with the United States in view of its influence in the international arena. The combined military exercise of the United States and Bangladesh in the past few years, and the frequent visits from the officers of the US armed forces to Bangladesh bear witness to this. Towards the middle of 1998 the United States proposed entering into an agreement called SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement) in order to gain the right to free movement within Bangladesh for the American soldiers, but finally it was not signed because of the opposition by a section within the government and strong resistance by the masses. However, although SOFA was not signed, Bangladesh signed the agreement called HANA (Humanitarian Assistance Needs Assessment).

Bangladesh has economic relations of varying degrees with the countries of Western Europe. Among them Britain, Germany and Scandinavian countries are involved with projects dealing with technical training, infrastructure development, flood control and rural development.

Owing to the role of the Soviet Union in the War of Liberation Bangladesh formed special relations with the country. Sheikh Mujib picked out the Soviet Union as the destination for his first visit

abroad. Things included in the joint communiquE9 issued during Mujib's visit to Moscow (support to the 7-point manifesto of the revolutionary government of Vietnam, European Security and Cooperation Conference, etc) gave such an impression that Bangladesh was pursuing a pro-Moscow principle in its foreign policy. Although the Soviet assistance to Bangladesh did not match up to the country's expectations, Bangladesh was thoroughly dependent on the Soviet Union during the regime of Sheikh Mujib. After the overthrow of Sheikh Mujib the dependence diminished drastically, and the political relations weakened at the same time. Recently steps were taken to improve relations with Russia and to purchase military equipment from it.

Immediately after independence, a bold initiative was taken in order to form relations with the predominantly Muslim countries including the Arab states. This was specially important against the backdrop of Pakistan's continuous propaganda against Bangladesh. These countries gradually accepted the reality of Bangladesh and announced their recognition. The oil producing countries of the Arab world came into possession of huge amounts of surplus money by selling oil at high prices during the oil blockade in 1973. As they decided to assist the developing countries in Asia and Africa with this money, Bangladesh availed itself of the opportunity. Bangladesh also managed to secure employment for its skilled and unskilled workers in the newly-created labour markets of these countries. This way the Muslim world, or the Arab states for that matter, assumed importance in the foreign policy of Bangladesh not only because of religious consideration but also due to economic reasons. During different political crisis Bangladesh took active roles in favour of these countries. Apart from playing an important role in the OIC, Bangladesh has rendered strong support for various bilateral issues like Palestine issue, the interference in Afghanistan by the Soviet Army, Iraq-Iran War, the end of Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, etc.

The relations between Japan and Bangladesh are mainly based on economy. The emergence of Japan as the single donor country in 1979-80 was an important event. Japan stands second in terms of the assistance Bangladesh receives from different donor countries and

agencies. Together with receiving economic assistance Bangladesh also aimed at introducing its own products in the Japanese market and attracting Japanese investment. Besides, Bangladesh procures a huge portion of its imports from Japan. The relations between these two countries are gradually improving against the backdrop of the increasing Japanese interest in South Asia. As regards Japanese investment in Bangladesh, although no remarkable undertaking other than KAFCO (Karnafuli Fertiliser Company) is noticed, Bangladesh has been trying to attract Japan as well as other industrialized countries to its market.

Bangladesh's relations with China, a country with whom it had no formal relations till August 1975, started to grow warmer after this point. China, like the United States, opposed to the War of Liberation of Bangladesh mainly on account of its dislike of India and the Soviet Union. However, although the United States recognized Bangladesh, China did not do so; moreover, in unison with Pakistan, it continued to refer to Bangladesh as a land under Indian occupation. All possible means were tried by Bangladesh to normalise its relations with China. China did not respond to any of those efforts; moreover, it vetoed Bangladesh's admission to UN membership in 1972. Although it did not recognize Bangladesh during the rule of the Mujib government, after a tripartite agreement was signed between Pakistan, India and Bangladesh on 28 April 1974, China no longer objected to Bangladesh's inclusion as a UN member.

China announced its recognition of Bangladesh on 31 August 1975. From this point on, the relations between the two countries continued to improve rapidly. China also supported Bangladesh in raising the Farakka issue in the United Nations. Apart from political matters, Bangladesh entered into cooperation with China in the fields of military and economic affairs. China came forward to provide the armed forces and the navy with weapons and training. The relations between these two countries continued to evolve in harmony with the interstate relations in South Asia.

As is the case with any other country, foreign relations of Bangladesh flourished in the country's own interest. The reason that the foreign policy of Bangladesh has not attached equal importance to all the countries can be explained by the reality that its rulers have established foreign relations entirely on the basis of the estimates of benefits that the country expected to receive.

Bangladesh pursues a moderate foreign policy that places heavy reliance on multinational diplomacy, especially at the United Nations and WTO. Bangladesh's diplomacy is characterized by its essentially reactive nature. It recognises the United States as the principal determinant of world politics, China as a strategic partner, India as a difficult neighbour and Muslim countries as potential source of support. It has a good relationship with Japan. However, as a member of the Non-aligned Movement Bangladesh never took any position in line with big powers with the exception of voting at the United Nations against North Korea, under pressure from Japan, in December 2008. Such a profile notwithstanding, the government of Khaleda Zia firmly declined US requests to send troops to Iraq to participate in stablising the war-torn country.

Bangladesh's foreign relations is also characterised by influence of donor agencies like the World Bank, the IMF and the ADB. It has no plan to engage in any aggressive diplomacy. Also, it has registered little interest in building up relations with African and South American countries. Although recognized as the most prosperous Least Developed Country (LDC), Bangladesh has not as yet taken any notable initiative to establish itself as a LDC leader. Consequently Bangladesh can secure nil or only very limited support in international diplomatic elections. Its approach is increasingly conservative in nature except for the Look East policy pursued during 2001-06, albeit with insignificant success. Officially Banglaeshfollows 'Friendship with all, enmity with none' policy while in effect its policy is "Friendship with none, enmity with none"

c. THE MEDIAFOREIGN POLICY

One of the most effective means for the ruling political party to control the nation was through manipulation of the news media. In the 1980s, the government's National Broadcasting Authority monopolized telecommunications within the country. Thus the party that controlled the government effectively decided the content of the country's broadcasts. Until the early 1980s, the government also ran a number of daily and weekly newspapers. Such newspapers printed the ruling party's version of the news. As part of Ershad's policy of divesting government-owned properties, however, these official sources of propaganda were removed from government control, thus ending a legacy left over from the Mujib period. Each major political party in the late 1980s had one or more newspapers that supported it, and each used its own newspapers to publish its official views.

Bengali society has the longest tradition of freedom of the press in South Asia, and its dozens of weekly and daily newspapers, press associations, and publishers guarantee that almost any opinion finds expression. Ruling regimes have countered this independence by exercising press censorship. Repression of the media has varied from banning certain publications for extended periods of time to officially pressuring publishers to regulate the content of news articles. For example, the English-language Bangladesh Observer was banned for three months in 1987, and the weekly Banglar Bani (Bengal's Message) was banned through much of 1987 and 1988. The weekly Joyjatra (Victory March) was banned in February 1988 for publishing "objectionable comments" referring to the possibility of Ershad's resignation. In 1988 the government closed the Dainik Khabor (Daily News) for ten weeks under the Special Powers Act of 1974 because the newspaper had released an article with a map making Bangladesh look like part of India, thus inflicting "injury to the independence and sovereignty of the country." In addition, the

operations of the British Broadcasting Corporation were banned under the Special Powers Act from December 14, 1987, to May 2, 1988, and one of its correspondents was jailed for allegedly having manufactured "continuing hostile and tendentious propaganda."

Bangladeshi journalists are unionized, and they sometimes strike back at government censorship. During the 1988 parliamentary elections, journalists staged a walkout to protest attempts by the government's Press Information Department to restrict news and photographic coverage of election violence and opposition demonstrations. The continuing struggle between the press and the government regularly kept at least six newspapers on the list of banned publications in the late 1980s.

With a 29-percent literacy rate, newspapers and journals are not widely read in Bangladesh. For example, despite the publication of 62 daily newspapers, only 22 percent of all urban households in 1982 reported regularly reading them; a dismal 2.5 percent was reported for rural areas.

Both Radio Bangladesh and Bangladesh Television were established in 1971, and both came under state control in 1972. In 1984 they merged to form the National Broadcasting Authority. In 1988 the twelve home service stations and twelve FM stations of Radio Bangladesh offered a total of eighty-five hours of daily programming. Radio Bangladesh also transmitted to Southeast Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Western Europe via its shortwave station at Dhaka. Seven and one-half hours of daily programming were broadcast in six languages: Bangla, English, Arabic, Hindi, Urdu, and Nepali. The television service operated two channels, with eight and one-half hours of daily programming, relayed by twelve stations for reception throughout the country. However, outside

Dhaka the number of television sets was very small, and television was not yet a significant medium when compared with radio, press, and word-of-mouth communications. Statistics from the early 1980s indicated that about 29 percent of the country's urban households had radios, and only 6.7 percent had television sets. In the countryside, broadcast communications were even less available: 13 percent of all rural households had radios, and only 0.2 percent had televisions. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/104.htm

The foreign policy of Bangladesh is tied closely to the realities of its economic condition. Since independence the country has required a great deal of foreign assistance in the effort to keep its people fed and to build, for the first time, a modern society. Under these circumstances, it has been important for successive regimes to seek good relations with all nations and to attract economic aid from every possible source. Bangladesh has therefore cultivated good relations with both the United States and the Soviet Union, and their respective allies, but it has remained unaligned with either superpower. In an attempt to stimulate regional development plans, Bangladesh has been instrumental in organizing regional economic cooperation in South Asia. It has also been active in international organizations, especially in those dedicated to solving the economic problems of the poorer countries of the world.

Despite its poverty and small military capability, Bangladesh

has not hesitated to defend its sovereignty and to take strong

stands on many international issues. Any hint that India might

try to intimidate Bangladesh or encroach on its territorial rights

has quickly elicited a powerful, nationalistic response from all

levels of society. Furthermore, Bangladesh has annoyed both

superpowers by standing against them on various major issues,

and relations with both the United States and the Soviet Union

have gone through difficult periods. A major component of

Bangladesh's self-assertiveness has been evident in its efforts

to focus on its Islamic heritage and its quest for fraternity with

the worldwide Muslim congregation. The friendly relations it

has enjoyed with Islamic nations have led to the receipt of

economic aid from wealthy Arab countries.

i. South and Southeast Asia

ii. India

Relations between Bangladesh and India have often been difficult. There was considerable hostility on both sides of the border when East Pakistan was established in 1947 in the midst of intense communal struggles among various ethnic groups. As part of Pakistan, East Pakistan was at war with India in 1947 and 1948 and again in 1965. During the 1971 war of independence, Bangladeshi freedom fighters were aided by India, but the country's distrust of its giant neighbor reemerged as soon as the fighting ended. In general, a considerable body of Bangladeshi public opinion has viewed India as a bully, throwing its weight around and threatening the sovereignty of its smaller neighbors. The fact that the two nations are so closely intertwined--with 2,400 kilometers of border, common river systems, and numerous transborder cultural or economic contacts--has provided numerous opportunities for bilateral disputes that often reinforce Bangladeshi fears. Conversely, the fact that the two countries are so closely interconnected has sometimes forced them to come to terms with each other, and as of mid-1988 bilateral problems had not escalated into a

major armed conflict. Indeed, relations between Bangladesh and India have been diplomatically proper, with a trend toward increasing cordiality and cooperation over time.

Mujib's government, which lasted from 1971 to 1975, owed a large debt to India for aid to Bangladesh during its independence struggle, and relations were initially positive. In March 1972, the Indo-Bangladeshi Treaty of Cooperation, Friendship, and Peace pledged each nation to consultations if either were attacked. This was an important safeguard for the new nation, but critics have pointed out that the treaty does not specify the external threats to either nation, suggesting the possibility that India could use the treaty as an excuse for intervention in Bangladesh. The series of coups that replaced Mujib's government brought bilateral relations to their lowest level and led many Bangladeshis to fear Indian intervention. The Indian government, then controlled by Indira Gandhi's Indian National Congress, looked with misgivings on the anti-Indian and anti-Soviet stance of the new military regimes. For several years, pro-Mujib guerrilla forces operating along the Indian border reportedly received covert support from Indian sources. In 1977, however, Gandhi's government fell, the new Janata Party leadership took a more accommodating stance toward Bangladesh, and Zia's government stabilized. Indian forces cooperated with the Bangladesh military in disarming Bangladeshi rebels in the summer of 1977, and a number of bilateral agreements were signed shortly thereafter. When Gandhi again became prime minister in 1979, she continued a policy of accommodation with Zia's regime. Subsequently, she recognized Ershad's government, and she met with Ershad in October 1982. After Gandhi's assassination in 1984, her son and successor as prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, encouraged cooperative agreements with Bangladesh and enjoyed a good relationship with Ershad.

Events during the 1980s suggested the prospect of a new era in Indo-Bangladeshi relations. In 1981 both countries drew up the Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Cooperation. In 1982 the first meeting of the Joint Economic Commission was held, and in 1987 the bilateral Cultural and Exchange Programme was renewed for two years. A bilateral trade pact was extended from 1986 until October 1989. In addition, an inland trade and transit protocol, allowing Indian vessels to pass through Bangladesh, exemplified a maturing cooperative relationship, necessitated by Bangladesh's geographical position. The original protocol was signed in November 1972, renewed in 1984, and extended in 1986 on a quarterly basis. The agreement was later renegotiated and, according to its provisions, stayed effective until October 1989. India agreed to pay transit charges and port fees, while Bangladesh agreed to maintain its own waterways. The ability of both governments to compromise on economic issues boded well for the possibility of future bilateral agreements.

Despite considerable progress in expanding contacts between the two countries, a number of serious issues concerning river waters and borders continued to stir up anti-Indian emotions in Bangladesh during the late 1980s. These issues involved national honor and sovereignty--strongly charged topics in both nations--and progress toward resolving them was extremely slow. Every delay in resolving bilateral problems provided fuel for a steady stream of anti-Indian editorials in the Bangladeshi press and for statements by political parties of all persuasions condemning Indian foreign policy. The most difficult long-term bilateral problems revolved around water disputes. These problems surfaced during the 1950s and 1960s, when the major Indian port of Calcutta on the Hooghli River experienced siltation problems. The Indian government decided that the solution was to divert the Ganges River water into the Hooghli River during the dry season, from January to June, in order to

flush out the accumulating silt. By 1974 the Indians had built a major barrage, or dam, across the Ganges at Farakka, near the Bangladeshi border. Before the Farakka Barrage went into operation, the Bangladeshi government repeatedly expressed concern that the diversion would adversely affect water resources along the course of the Ganges through Bangladesh. After the Farakka Barrage began operating in 1975, dry-season water levels dropped precipitously in western Bangladesh, and studies showed that salinized water from the Indian Ocean was creeping inland. In 1976, despite Indian opposition, Bangladesh managed to place the dispute on the agenda of the UN General Assembly; this strategy resulted in a consensus statement in which both parties agreed to resolve the issue according to international law.

A bilateral agreement signed in 1977 set up a schedule for sharing the dry-season flow of water controlled by the Farakka Barrage, and it arranged for continuing consultations by the Joint Rivers Commission. The mandate of the commission was to monitor the water availability and needs of the two countries and to study proposals for a more comprehensive plan for water control in Bangladesh and northeast India. A Bangladeshi proposal concentrated on the enormous potential of untapped rivers in Nepal; dams there, it was argued, could provide adequate hydroelectric power well into the twenty-first century and regulate water levels throughout northeastern India and Bangladesh. The Indian proposal concentrated on controlling the wild Brahmaputra River and called for a major canal to divert water from the Brahmaputra to the Ganges, west of the Farakka Barrage; this, the Indians claimed, would help to regulate water levels throughout Bangladesh. India was slow to involve Nepal in what it viewed as a bilateral issue, while Bangladesh refused to agree to the construction of a large canal that would obliterate valuable land and dislocate hundreds of thousands of people. In the absence of an agreement on a

comprehensive plan, the two nations were forced to renew previous agreements on the flow of the Ganges at Farakka for periods of six months or two years at a time. In 1986, however, Indian negotiators invited Nepali officials to tripartite planning conferences, opening up the possibility of a future agreement.

Water-sharing disputes have arisen with regard to other rivers as well. India has constructed and operated on the Tista River a barrage similar to the one on the Ganges. India and Bangladesh drew up interim agreements on the sharing of Tista River waters beginning in July 1983. These agreements were renewed in 1985 and 1987, without a final allocation of waters to either party.

In 1974 the borders between India and Bangladesh were settled in a treaty that became the Third Amendment to the Bangladesh Constitution. Since that time, questions over small pieces of territory not covered by the 1974 treaty--such as silt-formed islands (chars) that have emerged in frontier waters and Bangladeshi enclaves accessible only from India--have grown into minor military confrontations.

In the late 1980s, the unauthorized movement of people across Indo-Bangladeshi borders continued to cause tensions. In 1979 two days of communal rioting in the Indian state of West Bengal forced 20,000 Indian Muslims to flee into Kushtia District in Bangladesh. Although they were later repatriated, the incident rekindled transborder communal hatreds. During the 1980s, attempts by Bangladesh military and paramilitary forces to pacify tribal groups in the Chittagong Hills forced thousands of Chakmas to flee into Indian territory. Bangladesh accused India of sheltering tribal guerrilla forces and preventing the voluntary return of the Chakmas. India, in turn, accused Bangladesh of harboring guerrilla bands of the Tripura National Volunteers, a secessionist organization fighting for

independence from India. A more significant long-term movement of people across the Indo-Bangladeshi border has involved thousands of Bangladeshis who have illegally moved to neighboring Indian states in search of land and employment. By 1982 the steady influx of Bangla speakers sparked a major ethnic backlash in the Indian state of Assam, leading to the slaughter of thousands of non-Assamese. In order to placate Assamese public opinion, the governments of Indira and Rajiv Gandhi promised to stem illegal immigration, and in order to do so India constructed barbed-wire fencing along the Indo-Bangladeshi border in the area. The fence was seen as an outrage among the Bangladeshi public, and the government of Bangladesh has made repeated protests to the Indian government over the matter. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/106.htm

iii. Pakistan

Pakistan was hostile to Bangladesh in the early 1970s, but by 1974 it was apparent that the new nation would stand on its own, and in February Pakistan recognized Bangladesh. Diplomatic relations were established in January 1976, followed by the reestablishment of communications and transportation links later in the year. As Bangladesh subsequently adopted a cooler stance toward India, began to move closer to China and the West, and stressed its Islamic cultural heritage, its interests became increasingly similar to those of Pakistan.

Throughout the 1980s, Bangladesh consistently supported Pakistan's policy of opposing Soviet actions in Afghanistan. In 1983 Pakistan's foreign minister signaled the end of an era of animosity when he visited Bangladesh's National Martyrs' Monument at Savar, near Dhaka, which commemorates those killed by Pakistan's armed forces during the war of

independence. Pakistan's president Mohammad Zia ul Haq later presented Ershad with the country's highest civil award during the Bangladeshi president's visit to Islamabad in 1986.

After the establishment of diplomatic ties, Bangladesh and Pakistan entered into a wide variety of bilateral agreements. A 1979 cultural agreement arranged for the exchange of teachers, scholars, musicians, folklore troupes, art works, films, and books. Joint economic, commercial, and technical pacts signed after 1978 provided for the exchange of major exports of both countries: jute and tea from Bangladesh, and cotton and cloth from Pakistan.

Two major areas of disagreement remained between

Bangladesh and Pakistan as of mid-1988, and both stemmed

from the dislocations resulting from the independence struggle.

The first issue concerned the finances of united Pakistan. After

the war, Bangladesh claimed that it deserved a share of the

US$4 billion worth of preindependence exchange, bank credit,

and movable assets protected in West Pakistan during the war.

In a 1975 agreement, Bangladesh accepted half of Pakistan's

pre-1971 external debt, but assetsharing issues remained

unresolved. The second issue concerned the emigration of large

numbers of people, mostly Biharis (non-Bengali Muslims), to

Pakistan. After the war, the International Red Cross registered

nearly 540,000 people who wanted to emigrate to Pakistan. By

1982 about 127,000 had been repatriated, leaving about

250,000 people still demanding repatriation. Thousands of

people who desired to emigrate lived in poor conditions in so-

called "Pakistani Relief Camps," where they received monthly

food allotments. In 1985 there was some progress in this area

when Zia ul Haq agreed to accept the "stranded Pakistanis." In

1986 Pakistan arranged for their immigration as soon as

Ribatat al Alam al Islami (Union of the Islamic World), a

voluntary organization based in Saudi Arabia, could mobilize

sufficient funds.

iv. China and Other Asian Nations

China firmly supported Pakistan during Bangladesh's war of independence, and for several years thereafter it remained, along with Pakistan, hostile to the new state. In the years immediately following independence, Bangladesh was close to India and the Soviet Union--two foes of China--and as a result it was grouped with them by Beijing as an enemy state. In 1972, for example, a Chinese veto blocked Bangladesh's entry into the UN, but by the mid-1970s China and Bangladesh had developed proper relations. When Pakistan formally recognized Bangladesh in 1974, the Chinese were able to move closer to Bangladesh without antagonizing their ally. After Mujib's death in 1975, when Bangladesh distanced itself from India and the Soviets, it left the camp of China's adversaries. A preliminary agreement to establish relations in late 1975 led to an exchange of diplomatic missions in 1976. The trend in China toward a more open foreign policy during the 1970s also paralleled the Bangladeshi move toward neutralism under Zia, who visited Beijing in 1977.

By the 1980s, the domestic and foreign policies of China and Bangladesh had become somewhat similar. The governing

parties of both countries opposed ultra-left and ultra-right political systems, while at the same time opposing "bourgeois" economics. Each country called for an international dialogue on debt problems between the developed and developing nations, and each expressed concern over Soviet policies in Afghanistan and Cambodia. By the mid-1980s, China had become the staunchest international friend of Bangladesh, cementing the relationship with numerous trade and cultural agreements, construction projects, and military transfers. In addition, Ershad was warmly received during his visit to Beijing in July 1987.

Friendly political relations with Japan and the Republic of Korea (South Korea) accompanied steadily increasing economic ties with both nations. Bilateral trade and joint economic projects with South Korea increased during the late 1980s. Japan was a prominent source of economic aid as early as 1973, when Mujib traveled to Tokyo to conclude arrangements for a substantial loan and to discuss trade issues. By 1980 Japan had become the largest aid donor to Bangladesh. After the devastating floods of 1988, Japan was a major relief contributor, providing an emergency contribution for food assistance of US$13 million. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/108.htm

v. The Islamic World

In the immediate aftermath of the war of independence, the Muslim nations of the world mourned the blow to the sundered Pakistan, an avowedly Islamic state. For several years thereafter, Pakistan threatened to cut off diplomatic relations with nations that recognized Bangladesh, thus discouraging other Muslim states from helping the new nation. Mujib's socialist policies were not in tune with the viewpoints of most Muslim states, especially the conservative Arab states of the

Middle East. Malaysia and Indonesia recognized Bangladesh in 1972, and after Pakistan did so in 1974, other Muslim countries eventually granted recognition and provided aid. The growing role of Islam in Bangladesh, symbolized by the adoption in 1988 of a constitutional amendment recognizing it as the state religion, indicated a major effort to widen ties with the Islamic world.

Bilateral ties between Bangladesh and the oil-rich Arab states were becoming increasingly important in the mid- and late 1980s. These ties had both economic and political components. The Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia, had become a growing source of development funds (mostly loans) since 1975, with much of the aid channeled into Islamic education and culture. The Saudis donated money for the construction of an Islamic university, mosques, and other religious centers, and Bangladesh exported labor to several Middle Eastern countries.

Politically, Bangladesh supported the international policies of the Islamic nations of the Middle East. For example, Bangladesh strongly condemned Israeli policies and favored the creation of a Palestinian state. It supported the Palestine Liberation Organization under the leadership of Yasir Arafat, whose visit to Bangladesh in 1987 elicited a warm welcome from Ershad and other major government figures, as well as favorable press coverage. In 1987 the government reported that 8,000 Bangladeshi youths had volunteered to fight for the Palestine Liberation Organization. The government of Bangladesh, however, had made no official moves to send arms or personnel to Palestine as of mid-1988.

Bangladesh has expanded its ties with the worldwide Islamic community through the Organization of the Islamic Conference, a group of forty-five Muslim countries and eleven other nations with Muslim minorities. Bangladesh became a

member of the conference in February 1974 and thereafter played a prominent role in setting up economic programs. The sixth annual meeting of the Islamic Development Bank and the Islamic Finance Ministers' Conference were held in Dhaka in 1985. In addition, Ershad attended the 1987 meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in Kuwait, where nineteen Bangladeshi economic initiatives were accepted as joint ventures. Bangladesh was also part of a three-member committee trying to mediate an end to the Iran-Iraq War, and Ershad made several trips to the Middle East in an attempt to achieve peace. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/109.htm

vi. The Superpowers

vii. Soviet Union

Relations with the Soviet Union were cordial in the years immediately following independence. The Soviet Union supported Indian actions in aiding the war of independence, and after the war the Soviet Navy sent a floating workshop to Bangladesh for clearing Pakistani mines from the Chittagong and Chalna harbors. Mujib visited Moscow in 1972, and high-level officials from both countries made numerous reciprocal visits until 1975. The Soviets supported the socialist programs of the Mujib government and its close ties with India. Early Soviet aid was limited, however. During the first four months of its existence, Bangladesh received economic aid worth US$142 million from India, but only US$6 million from the Soviet Union.

After the 1975 coup, relations with the Soviet Union rapidly cooled. The military regimes of Zia and Ershad deemphasized socialist policies and encouraged closer ties with the United States, Arab states, Pakistan, and China--all of which were politically distant from the Soviet Union. Bangladesh

condemned Soviet support for Vietnam's occupation of Cambodia and Soviet military actions in Afghanistan. A low point in Bangladeshi-Soviet relations came after the expulsion of nine Soviet diplomats from Dhaka in December 1983 and January 1984. Moscow, in turn, refused to accept the new Bangladeshi ambassador and canceled a Bangladeshi trade mission visit to Moscow.

Bangladeshi-Soviet relations rapidly improved in 1984 and regained a level of cordiality in the mid- and late 1980s. In 1985 the Soviet Cultural Centre reopened in Dhaka. In 1986 a Soviet special envoy visited Dhaka, and later the Bangladeshi foreign minister visited Moscow. Although Soviet aid to Bangladesh was still small compared with assistance from Japan, the United States, or even China, by 1987 Bangladesh had entered into sixteen different economic accords with the Soviet Union. Soviet assistance has concentrated on the energy sector, especially several power plants at Ghorasal, near Dhaka. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/110.htm

viii. United States

The United States and Pakistan were allies when Bangladesh became independent in 1971. The Pakistan Army used United Statessupplied military equipment, and the movement of the United States Seventh Fleet into the Bay of Bengal during the war signaled support for Pakistan. Because Pakistan was closely tied to the economic policies of the United States and its allies, the Awami League saw a link between the economic collapse of East Pakistan and United States policies. Under these circumstances, the United States had a negative image in independent Bangladesh. After April 1972, when the United States formally recognized Bangladesh, relations remained cool, and there were frequent public anti-American

demonstrations, including the burning of the United States Information Service library in Rajshahi in December 1972.

After Mujib's asassination, the government of Khondakar Mushtaque Ahmed was closely tied to the United States, and there was increased cordiality during the Zia and Ershad administrations, as denationalization widened the economic linkages between the two nations. Bangladesh's positions on some international issues, including the China-Vietnam border war of 1978, Cambodia, and Afghanistan, came to resemble those of the United States. In 1979 Bangladesh signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, clearing the way for United States help in setting up a nuclear research reactor near Dhaka. During the 1980s, a new level of cooperation began, signaled by the visits to Washington of Zia in 1980 and Ershad in 1983.

By the late 1980s, the United States had become one of the closest international friends of Bangladesh, a major international donor, and a partner in 133 different accords. United States agencies operated a wide variety of development projects in Bangladesh, including programs to increase agricultural production, create new employment opportunities, and reduce population growth. Only disagreements on Bangladeshi garment exports to the United States clouded bilateral relations. http://countrystudies.us/bangladesh/111.htm

ix. Western Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand

Bangladesh has cultivated close ties with West European

nations, which have been major sources of economic aid.

Britain continued to be its most important friend in Western

Europe. Britain has supported a number of transportation and

communication projects, educational exchange programs, and

the activities of several British voluntary aid organizations.

Two examples of the close state of Bangladeshi-British

relations were the 1983 visit to Bangladesh by Queen Elizabeth

II and Britain's speedy pledge of US$750,000 in emergency

assistance after the 1988 floods. After Britain, the Federal

Republic of Germany (West Germany) and Italy were

Bangladesh's most important trading partners in Western

Europe. Canada, Australia, and New Zealand also provided

economic aid and engaged in educational exchange programs

with Bangladesh.

d. International Organizations

After Pakistan and China entered into friendlier relations with Bangladesh in 1974, the way was open for its admission into the UN in September of that year. In 1978 Bangladesh was elected to a twoyear term on the Security Council, and during this period it took strong stands, reiterated on many occasions, concerning Vietnam's involvement in Cambodia, Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, Israeli policies in the Middle East, the Iran-Iraq War, and apartheid in South Africa. Bangladesh was elected as a member of the Security Council's Human Rights Commission in 1985 and as president of the forty-first session of the UN General Assembly (1986-87). In 1987 Ershad received the UN Population Award on behalf of his government.

Before its formal admission into the UN, Bangladesh had been admitted to all of its specialized agencies, and after formally joining the world body, it adopted a high profile in these agencies. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has

operated projects in Bangladesh since 1975, in areas ranging from irrigation to rubber production to mangrove afforestation. Bangladesh became a member of the forty-nine-member FAO Council in 1977, served on the FAO's Finance Committee from 1975 to 1979, and has participated in a number of FAO commissions. It was elected vice chairman of the FAO in November 1987. Representatives of Bangladesh also have participated in various specialized UN conferences. Bangladesh joined the Commonwealth of Nations in 1972--a move that prompted Pakistan to withdraw from the organization--and has remained prominent at its meetings ever since. Along with other South Asian members of the Commonwealth, Bangladesh has used its meetings to push for sanctions against apartheid and South African's occupation of Namibia, and it has even offered military training facilities to anti-South African guerrillas.

Keenly aware of his nation's economic problems and observing the benefits of regional economic cooperation in Western Europe, Zia began to seek opportunities for multilateral development among the nations of South Asia in 1977. In 1981 the foreign secretaries of the seven nations of South Asia met in Sri Lanka to set up the basic framework of a regional development organization that was formally founded in New Delhi in August 1983. With continuous effort by Bangladeshi diplomats, these preliminary steps culminated in December 1986 in the first summit conference of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which was convened in Dhaka. The choice of this site was in recognition of Bangladesh's crucial role in forming the SAARC. Subsequent summits in Bangalore, India, in 1986 and in Kathmandu, Nepal, in 1987 established the SAARC as a functioning international body.

The agenda of the SAARC specifically removes bilateral issues and political programs from the organization's debates, confining committee and summit discussions to areas where member nations may find common ground for achieving mutual economic benefit. However, no large-scale economic projects had emerged from SAARC discussions as of mid-1988. Because many of the most difficult economic problems in South Asia involve long-standing political differences at the bilateral level (for example, Bangladesh's Ganges water dispute with India), the SAARC has not been an effective mechanism for solving problems. Nevertheless, through the mid- and late 1980s, the SAARC's summits have provided its members with a forum in which to exchange ideas and positions and discuss bilateral issues.

Bangladesh's presence in the Nonaligned Movement has

provided it with an international reputation as a voice of

moderation and compromise. Bangladesh's prime minister,

Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury, was elected vice chairman of

the Nonaligned Movement summit held in Havana in 1986.

This international reputation served Bangladesh well in

courting the goodwill of potentially hostile neighbors and

attracting economic aid from donor countries with diverse

political systems. Although the Ershad regime was politically

repugnant to many opposition leaders and was looked at

critically by some foreign governments, the regime had

brought a new sense of stability to Bangladesh as it made a

tenuous transition to civilian rule in the late 1980s.

i. SAARC and Bangladesh

Bangladesh, officially the People's Republic of Bangladesh, is a country in South Asia. It is bordered by India on three sides and Myanmar to the southeast; the Bay of Bengal forms the southern coastline. Together with the Indian state of West Bengal, it comprises the ethno-linguistic region of Bengal. The name Bangladesh means "Country of Bengal" and is written as

বাং�লা�দে�শ and pronounced IPA: ['baŋlad̪�eʃ]. The exact origin of the word Bangla or Bengal is unknown.

The borders of Bangladesh were set by the Partition of India in 1947, when it became the eastern wing of Pakistan (East Pakistan), separated from the western wing by 1,600 km (1,000 miles). Despite their common religion, the ethnic and linguistic gulf between the two wings was compounded by an apathetic government based in West Pakistan. This resulted in the independence of Bangladesh in 1971 after a bloody war, supported by India. The years following independence have been marked by political turmoil, with thirteen different heads of government, and at least four military coups.

The population of Bangladesh ranks seventh in the world, but its area of approximately 144,000 sq km is ranked ninety-third. It is the third largest Muslim-majority nation, but has a slightly smaller Muslim population than the Muslim minority in India. It is also one of the most densely populated countries in the world. Geographically dominated by the fertile Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta, the country has annual monsoon floods, and cyclones are frequent. Bangladesh is one of the founding members of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), BIMSTEC, and a member of the OIC and the D-8. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portal:SAARC/Bangladesh/Intro

History

In the late 1970s, Bangladeshi President Ziaur Rahman proposed the creation of a trade bloc consisting of South Asian countries. The idea of regional cooperation in South Asia was again mooted in May 1980. The foreign secretaries of the seven countries met for the first time in Colombo in April 1981. The Committee of the Whole, which met in Colombo in August 1981, identified five broad areas for regional cooperation. New areas of cooperation were added in the following years.[1]

The objectives of the Association as defined in the Charter are:[2]

to promote the welfare of the people of South Asia and to improve their quality of life;

to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region and to provide all individuals the opportunity to live in dignity and to realize their full potential;

to promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia;

to contribute to mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another's problems;

to promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, technical and scientific fields;

to strengthen cooperation with other developing countries;

to strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of common interest; and

to cooperate with international and regional organisations with similar aims and purposes.

The Declaration on South Asian Regional Cooperation was adopted by the Foreign Ministers in 1983 in New Delhi. During the meeting, the Ministers also launched the Integrated Programme of Action (IPA) in nine agreed areas, namely, Agriculture; Rural Development; Telecommunications; Meteorology; Health and Population Activities; Transport; Postal Services; Science and Technology; and Sports, Arts and Culture. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established when its Charter was formally adopted on 8 December 1985 by the Heads of State or Government of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.[2]

Afghanistan was added to the regional grouping at the behest of India on 13 November 2005,[3] and became a member on 3 April 2007.[4] With the addition of Afghanistan, the total number of member states were raised to eight (8). In April 2006, the United States of America and South Korea made formal requests to be granted observer status. The European Union has also indicated interest in being given observer status, and made a formal request for the same to the SAARC Council of Ministers meeting in July 2006.[5][6] On 2 August 2006 the foreign ministers of the SAARC countries agreed in principle to grant observer status to the US, South Korea and the European Union.[6] On 4 March 2007, Iran requested observer status.[7] Followed shortly by the entrance of Mauritius. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Asian_Association_for_Regional_Cooperation

Dhaka 2005 Summit

The summit accorded observer status to People's Republic of China, Japan, South Korea and United States of America. The nations also agreed to organize development funds under a

single financial institution with a permanent secretariat, that would cover all SAARC programs and also ranging from social, to infrastructure, to economic ones.