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Shiite Lebanon: Transnational Religionand the Making of National IdentitiesEyal ZisserPublished online: 11 Jun 2009.

To cite this article: Eyal Zisser (2009) Shiite Lebanon: Transnational Religion and the Making ofNational Identities, Middle Eastern Studies, 45:3, 517-523, DOI: 10.1080/00263200902781663

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Book Reviews

Shiite Lebanon: Transnational Religion and the Making of National IdentitiesRoschanack Shaery-EisenlohrNew York: Columbia University Press, 2008, Pp.288, 26.95, ISBN 978-0-231-14426-1

Paul Bremer, Director of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance for post-warIraq (i.e. governor of Iraq) following the spring 2003 American invasion, stated sometime after he nished his task that before he arrived in Baghdad he had never heardanything about the Shiite community, which constituted, and still constitutes, overhalf the population of Iraq. However, very quickly Bremer, like many otherAmericans, was to learn the hard way about the existence of the Shiites in Iraq,and elsewhere in the Middle East.The occupation of Iraq by the Americans, in the view of many people, let the

Shiite genie out of the bottle, turning the Shiite community into an inuential, andeven leading factor locally and in other Middle Eastern countries as well. The forceand depth of this process of increasing power accruing to the Shiites has led manypeople to assert that the twenty-rst century is likely to enter the history books of theMiddle East as the Shiite century, like the tenth century 1000 years earlier. Afterall, Iran, the largest and most important Shiite state, has become a leading power,inuencing the region around it, from the Persian Gulf, to Iraq, Syria, and the shoresof the Mediterranean, beginning in Lebanon and even reaching as far as the GazaStrip. In Iraq the leaders of the Shiite community managed to take control of thegovernment thanks to the democratic system introduced by the American occupiers.The Iraqi Shiites have thus succeeded in achieving what none of their predecessorsmanaged during 1,400 years of Arab-Muslim hegemony over the Iraqi region. TheSyrian state, meanwhile, has been ruled for nearly four decades by members of theAlawite community, whose origin is in the Shiite version of Islam, even if manyShiites even now refuse to recognize the Alawites as part of the Shiite world. InLebanon too, the Shiites are greatly increasing their power. In recent years, for therst time in the history of the Lebanon, they have become the largest and mostinuential local community.The Shiites rise to power all over the Middle East has roused sleeping demons,

and in the Sunni Arab world there are gures who hastened to issue warnings aboutthe emergence of a Shiite crescent, ranging from Teheran to Beirut, which casts amenacing shadow over the Sunni Arab region.The emergence of the Shiites as a leading factor in the Middle East has taken

place against a more general background of increasing religiosity, a tendency thathas been conspicuous in recent decades. The religion of Islam has been pushing asidethe secular nationalism that dominated the Arab world for many years, and certainly

Middle Eastern Studies,Vol. 45, No. 3, 517536, May 2009

ISSN 0026-3206 Print/1743-7881 Online/09/030517-20 2009 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/00263200902853595

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from the middle of the twentieth century onward. This tendency toward greaterreligiosity also rouses concern, this time in the West, which is inclined to identify theincreasing power of religion with the increasing popularity of Islamic radicalism, oneof whose prominent manifestations is the appearance of radical movements like al-Qaida, led by Usama bin Ladin. The trend toward greater religiosity in the Muslimworld has naturally also found expression in the Shiite communities. Iran, thelargest and most important Shiite state, has fallen into the hands of clergymen whoin fact hold opinions that are radical even for many Shiite religious leaders andexperts in Islamic law.The connection between these two tendencies the increasing popularity of

Islam and the rising power of the Shiites, led today by clergymen with a radicalworld view has tended to cause many observers in the West to demonize anyconcept or expression that falls into the category of Shiite Islam and to becomeincreasingly worried about the future of the Middle East. It turns out thatRoschanack Shaery-Eisenlohrs book, Shiite Lebanon. Transnational Religion andthe Making of National Identities, seeks to deal with these worries, and perhapseven to moderate them and calm people down. Lebanon was chosen to serve as atest case, in light of which these issues, under whose shadow the Middle East hasfound itself in recent decades, can be examined. Indeed, Lebanon is of specialinterest, since the tendencies noted, which encompass the whole Middle East, haveespecially far-reaching signicance in that country. This is because the process ofthe Islamization of the Lebanese Shiite community, which began over fourdecades ago, has reached a peak in recent years.Anyone who has followed recent scholarship will know that the Shiites of

Lebanon, in the wake of their recent dramatic leap to prominence and power, havebecome the subject of many scholarly studies. These have sought to investigate theroots of the process of the Shiites rise, the various stages of the process, and itssignicance for Lebanons future. Representative of such studies are the followingbooks published in the last few years: Tamara Chalabi, The Shiis of Jabal Amil andthe New Lebanon: Community and Nation-State, 19181943 (New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2006); Rodger Shanahan, The Shia of Lebanon: Clans, Parties andClerics (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005); Houchang Chehabi (ed.), Distant Relations: Iranand Lebanon in the Last 500 Years (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006).Besides these studies, many others, as might be expected, have been devoted to the

Hizballah organization, the leading force today among Lebanons Shiite commu-nity. Among the studies that may be mentioned are the following: Magnus Ranstorp,Hizballah in Lebanon: The Politics of the Western Hostage Crisis (New York: St.Martins Press, 1997); Ahmad Nizar Hamzeh, In the Path of Hizballah (SyracuseUniversity Press, 2004); Jamal Sankari, Fadlallah: The Making of a Radical ShiiteLeader (London: Saqi, 2005); Judith Palmer Harik, Hezbollah: The Changing Face ofTerrorism (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004); Hala Jaber, Hezbollah: Born with aVengeance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); Amal Saad-Ghorayeb,Hizbullah: Politics and Religion (London: Pluto Press, 2002); and nally, WaddahSharara, Dawlat al-Hizballah, Lubnan Mujtama Islami [the Hizballah State Lebanon an Islamic Society] (Beirut: 1996). These studies naturally focused onsuch issues as religious ideology, organization and structure, political and militarybehaviour, the web of relations with Iran of the Shiites in general and the Hizballah

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organization in particular, since Iran extended its backing to them, and the struggleagainst Hizballahs sworn and bitter enemy, the neighbour to the south Israel.In the book under review, Roschanack Shaery-Eisenlohr focuses on very dierent

issues, having to do with questions of education and social and political activity, andalongside all this and deriving from it, questions of religious, communal, andnational identity among the Lebanese Shiites. By means of these questions Shaery-Eisenlohr seeks to raise doubts about the validity of several of the fundamentalassumptions lying at the base of most of the studies devoted to the Shiites ofLebanon. As she says in the rst pages of her book:

In this book I show how certain social, political, and religious activities ofLebanese Muslim Shiites since the 1960s, though often viewed as promoting so-called sectarianism, are not antagonistic to the discourse of Lebanesenationalism. Far from posing an opposition to the nation, Shiite activitieshave centered on a set of practices and ideologies that seek to break thehegemony of Christian (mainly Maronite) narratives of Lebanon as a nation, toplace the historically marginalized Shiites in the center of Lebanese nationalpolitics and self-imagining, and to change sectarian power relations, grantingShiites more prominent positions. These alternative visions of nationhoodportray Shiites as ideal Lebanese competing for political inuence andrepresentation. In this context, transitional Shiite relations between Iran andLebanon have helped articulate a new Shiite-centered Lebanon nationalnarrative. (p.2)

The author adds:

By asking these questions, I wish to address two main concerns in modernMiddle Eastern Studies in light of the growing importance of religion and ofglobalization in the area. First, I intend to contribute to the study ofnationalism in the Middle East. I analyze the nexus of religion and nationalism,showing how religion is in fact an integral part of national imaginations. Shiiteactivism in Lebanon since the 1960s cannot be explained as only instrumentallymotivated by a desire for more access to economic and political resources. Itneeds also to be framed as part of the production of a specic nationalism inwhich Lebanese Shiites break with the dominant national narrative ofMaronite Lebanon, with which most of them do not identify, and aim toestablish a national narrative dominated by a Lebanese Shiite vision ofmorality, themes, and symbolism. (p.3)

There is no doubt that the uniqueness of the book under review, and therefore itsimportance and contribution to scholarship, lie rst of all in its being a view fromwithin.First, the book oers a view from within insofar as the author herself is concerned.

She tells us that while she was born in Germany and graduated from an Americanuniversity, she is the daughter of an Iranian family that lived for a while in Iran. Assuch, she is able to identify with and feel part of the Shiite milieu in Lebanon, eventhough she is not Lebanese by origin. And to a large extent she was also able to be

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accepted in that milieu. This was so despite the fact that, as she testies, every timeshe presented herself as a graduate of an American university doing research in anacademic framework, the people she was speaking with referred back to her Iranianorigins (p.13).Second, the book oers a view from within insofar as it is based upon eld trips

and on-the-spot research in Lebanon. Shaery-Eisenlohr resided in Beirut for 14months in 2000, 2002 and 2003. She is thus able to infuse her research with the directimpressions of what she saw.Third, the book oers a view from within insofar as it focuses on the struggles of

the Shiite community, and, even more, on the struggles of individual persons overquestions of identity, education, culture, and society, as these issues arose in dailylife.Indeed, in this connection the author notes:

This study describes the production of three distinct Shiite Lebanesenationalisms backed by Amal, Hizballah, and Fadlallah in light of theirdierent relationships with the Iranian government. Their nationalism is to alarge degree a product of competition among them. As such, their nationalvisions and the logic of their actions come to life when contextualized against abackground of this competition. (p.3)

The book thus portrays the character of the Shiite community in Lebanon in all itscomplexity and examines the web of relations within the community and between itsdierent parts. It also examines the relationships and developing tensions betweenreligious faith, communal identity, and national identity within the Shiitecommunity. Finally, the book examines the tensions experienced between Shiiteidentity and Lebanese identity, and between Lebanese Shiite identity and Iranian-inuenced Shiite identity.By discussing these aspects of the life of the Shiites and the Shiite faith in

Lebanon the author is able to piece together the dierent parts of the Shiite puzzle,or perhaps it should be called a mosaic, one which includes the Amal movement, theHizballah organization, and nally, the prominent Shiite cleric Husayn Fadlallah,who stands alone and acts as an independent factor within the Shiite community.The way in which the dierences and tensions between the various Shiitemovements, organizations, and gures are discussed in the book, as well as theimpact of these dierences on the actors political and social behaviour, is absorbingand instructive. One of the authors conclusions is that the Shiite community is notin Irans pocket, and while Hizballah may talk with Iran and may even be inpartnership with it, the organization is in no way Irans client. The author alsoconcludes that the Iranian presence and even the increasing inuence of the Iranianregime in Lebanon do not turn the Shiites into a faceless collective. She notes,furthermore, that the dierences between the various Lebanese Shiite bodies arebased upon nuances in the manner in which they dene themselves and theirrelationships to others, others within the Shiite community, others inside Lebanon,and even the others who are the Iranians. In this way she distinguishes between theseforces in connection with the main issue that was and still is on their agenda, orwhich characterizes them and their activities (and sometimes presents a challenge

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they must face, as suggested by the subtitles the author chose for the paragraphswhich deal with these Shiite forces): Sadr and the Maronite state; Amal:the Bourgeois Mahrumin; Muhammad Mahdi Shamsaldin: the time for changehas not come yet; Hizbullah: The most Loyal Citizens with intense transitional ties(pp.3037).Shaery-Eisenlohr makes the same argument, incidentally, in connection with Iraq,

which fell into the hands of the Shiites following the occupation of that country bythe United States. She notes quite correctly that the Shiites in Iraq are not made ofone cloth, and in any case they have their own unique character which clearlydistinguishes them from Iran and the Iranian version of the Shiite faith. This is avery interesting observation, especially in light of the calls of distress being heardthroughout the Arab world over the possibility that Iran might soon gain controlover Iraq. Shaery-Eisenlohr raises this issue in connection with her brief discussionof the question of the study of the Persian language among the Lebanese Shiitecommunity. The background to the decision to teach that language, the establish-ment of the Centre for the Study of Persian, and the process of the Shiitization andIslamization of the study of Persian are each portrayed. Finally, as the bottom line,the authors conclusions were that the attempt to spread the Persian language amongthe Lebanese Shiites ultimately failed and that the latter did not show very muchinterest in Persian (pp.58, 16471). This exposition is a good example of the closeconnection in the book between discussions of daily life and social and culturalmatters, on the one hand, and far-reaching conclusions about the character of theLebanese Shiites that allegedly emerge from the analysis of these factors, on theother.In many ways this is a relevant book, because it portrays and gives concrete

examples of the diversity existing within the Lebanese Shiite community. It alsohelps explain in a stimulating fashion the Islamic radicalism characterizing thatcommunity, and it enables the reader to place this radicalism in a certain context.Having said this, we note that in regard to the Lebanese Shiites it has been

claimed over the years that they have been a missing presence in the history ofLebanon. In Shaery-Eisenlohrs book, however, with its intense concentration on thestory of the Lebanese Shiites, things have been turned around somewhat, and it isnot the Shiites who are the missing presence, but the members of the other Lebanesecommunities. The Shiites are denitely not alone in Lebanon, and it must beremembered that their story takes place in a certain context, in which Sunnis, Druze,and Maronites live side by side with them. Thus, for example, when portraying thehistory of Lebanon, it is impossible to ignore the interesting alliance that has existedbetween Maronites and Shiites, beginning with Musa al-Sader and Fuad Shihab,continuing with Nabih Barri and Elias Sarkis, and even Bashir Jumayyil and endingtoday with Hasan Nasrallah and Michel Aoun. The close ties between Maronitesand Shiites makes it necessary to examine the claim in Shaery-Eisenlohrs book thatthere is an alliance of the deprived which encompasses the Shiites amongthemselves and the Shiites with the Palestinians, and the claim that the story or thenarrative of the Shiites contradicts fundamentally the narrative of the Maronites(Chapter 1, Two Nations and One State: Shiite and Maronite Lebanon). Theclaims made about the ShiitePalestinian connection also need to be examinedcarefully. (Chapter 3, Shiite Piety and the Palestinian Cause: The History of a

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Discourse). It is, of course, important to note the main competitors of the Shiitestoday in Lebanon, the Sunnis. This competition takes place in the shadow of thetension existing between the Sunnis and the Shiites in general, which one can tryto explain, and perhaps even diminish in signicance, but one certainly cannotignore.In connection with the discussion of Hizballah, it should be noted that that

organization speaks very highly about accepting others, but in general those writingabout Hizballah, including, for example, Waddah Sharara in his book on theHizballah State, have come to the conclusion that the organization is one thatpresents itself as an alternative to the state, and perhaps has already established astate within the state. To be sure, Shaery-Eisenlohrs books presentation oftheoretical background material together with vivid descriptions of everydayLebanese life is important and relevant. However, it should be remembered thatno matter what the motives and explanations of Shiite activism might be, and nomatter how many dierent faces the Shiites might assume, the bottom line is still therise of Hezbollah to a powerful and dominant position in todays Lebanon. Theorganization is very closely tied to Iran and maintains unprecedented military power,which could lead it to take steps far beyond what even most of the Lebanese Shiitesexpect and hope for.It is impossible to ignore, for example, the important role Iran played in the

establishment of Hizballah and the array of ties Iran maintains with theorganization. Shaery-Eisenlohrs observations about Hizballahs putting o andrejecting clerics sent from Iran (pp.1956) are important and interesting, even thoughthey are not backed up with any references. However, the book does not represent aserious investigation into the military and political aspects of IranianHizballahcooperation. Such studies have been made in recent years, and they indicate a muchdeeper connection than was assumed and appeared on the surface. After all, how canone possibly ignore the military dimension of Hizballahs activity? It is the strongestarmed organization in Lebanon, in possession of 50,000 rockets. This military mightis not the only important thing about Hizballah, but neither can it be ignored. Itsimplications must be taken into account when assessing the Lebanese politicalsituation. Only time will tell whether Lebanon the society, the system, and the setof arrangements will be able to survive and integrate the Hizballah organizationjust as it was able to survive and integrate other organizations in the past. Or perhapsHizballah is a unique phenomenon, just as the process aecting the Lebanese Shiitecommunity is unique, among other things, on account of the demographic aspect,which grants the Shiites and, of course, the Hizballah organization special power.Incidentally, the demographic issue deserves to be studied in greater detail, for it willimpact heavily on the future of Lebanon. In this context, it would be instructive toexamine whether the character of the Shiite community is changing and in whatdirection its is headed, in light of the conicting reports about a decline in the birthrate of Shiites living in the large cities of Lebanon.In sum, Shaery-Eisenlohrs book is important and interesting, and even refreshing.

It adds to our knowledge and understanding of the Lebanese Shiite community inareas and aspects that are generally neglected in historical research. It is possible toderive from the book some positive encouragement about what may be expected forLebanon in the future, especially in light of the argument that the tendencies lying

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under the surface and the motivations at the base of these tendencies are dierentthan they seem at rst glance.The book proves the importance of eld work, and of addressing issues such as

education and society and questions of identity, for ultimately it is these thatdetermine the worldview and behaviour of the individual person. Shaery-Eisenlohwrites with an air of great optimism and with the feeling that she has a mission todefend the Shiites. One might venture to say that this circumstance does not detractfrom her book, but rather adds to its value.In this connection, it is tting to sum up by quoting the authors own words:

A willingness to share power across sectarian lines should be followed byacknowledging the diversity among Shiites and accepting that there is noinherent logic that Iran is the center of Shiism and that the Shiites from otherparts of the world coordinate their activities with Iran.Every appeal for transitional religious solidarity and for postnationalism is

rooted somewhere in a nationalist agenda.The future power struggles in the Middle East might then not be cast in the

familiar tensions between secularists and Islamists or Sunnis versus Shiites, butdened in new, unexpected alliances across the lines.

Shaery-Eisenlohrs Shiite Lebanon constitutes an important contribution tohistorical research on Lebanon, and along with other studies it will help in piecingtogether the extremely complicated Lebanese mosaic puzzle.

Eyal Zisser 2009 Eyal Zisser

The New Turkish Republic. Turkey as a Pivotal State in the Muslim WorldGraham E. FullerWashington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2008, Pp.180, indices, $14.95,ISBN 1-6012-7019-4

The New Turkish Republic is the rst book in a series which seeks to introducepolitical hacks and policymakers to several pivotal states in the Muslim world. Itdiscusses the dierent foreign policy strategies which are currently open to Turkey,and considers the prospects for Turkeys changing relationship with the USA. Thecentral thesis of the book is that Turkey is now entering into a new period of closeengagement with the Middle East, once again assuming an inuential role in theregion after a long period of self-imposed isolation from its neighbours.Fullers analysis of Turkeys foreign policy is informed by years spent working

both in Turkey and elsewhere in the Middle East. However, his analysis is not onlyshaped by his long experience, but also by the particular nature of his work in theregion. Fuller is an ex-CIA ocer, and has also worked for the RAND Corporation(a think tank linked to the US armed forces). It is not surprising then that Fullerpresents a picture of Turkish politics as viewed from an emphatically Americanperspective. This approach seems tailored to the requirements of Fullers target

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