buddhism and cultural consumption in contemporary korea

126 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Diagloue

❚Special Issue❚Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue

□ ISSN (Print) 1225-4924, ISSN (Online) 2508-3104 Catholic Theology and Thought, Vol. 79, July 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.21731/ctat.2017.79.126

Buddhism and Cultural Consumption in Contemporary Korea: From ‘Nation Protecting Buddhism’ to ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’*

1

Fr. Eamon F. Adams

〔Missionary Society of Saint Columban〕

1. The Ven. Hyongak and His Criticisms 2. Some Underlying Issues 3. The Contemporary Religious Landscape 4. The Complex Buddhist Reality 5. The Buddhist Experience during the Joseon Dynasty 6. The Coming of Japan 7. Post-Liberation Years 8. Korean Buddhism on the Globalising Trail 9. Buddhism as a Cultural Ambassador 10. The Birth of ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’ 11. Conclusion

All institutions face challenges in adapting to changing situations and

times. In this regard, religions are no exception. However, unlike other

institutions and organisations, religions often attempt to screen their pol-

* This research paper is commissioned, supported, and originally published by the Founda-tion of Theology and Thought, 2017.

127 Eamon F. Adams / Buddhism and Cultural Consumption […]

icies and decisions under a veil of mystical and theological reasoning.

Apple, Samsung and Standard Chartered Bank make decisions purely on a

financial basis so as to increase dividends for shareholders and owners.

Religious organisations are usually much more guarded when speaking

about choices made in their attempts to remain popular and relevant, using

expressions such as creating a contemporary spirituality, engaging with

society, making traditional teachings more applicable, and the like. How-

ever, even though spiritual and theological reasoning can drive decision-

making, from a sociological perspective religious institutions, too, must

make political and economic choices in their everyday planning. In stu-

dies of religious traditions these mundane decisions are often overlooked

in favour of more spiritual ones. Or, at least, they are dressed up in more

religious and theological clothing.

Religions in Korea have, over the past one hundred years, met with

many challenges and difficulties in responding to changing circumstances:

modernity, Japanese colonial rule, war, national division, dictatorship, de-

mocratisation and neo-liberal globalisation. In his analysis of the 1980s,

1990s and the early 2000s, Sukman Jang highlights two changes in Kore-

an society that have forced religions to grapple with their roles, identities

and administrative structures. Many changes implemented by religions

were, Jang writes: “made in response to the political and social changes

affected in Korean society at the time, namely a transition from authoritar-

ianism to democracy and expanded consumerism.”1 Although these two

changes do not account for all the challenges facing religions in Korea

they do point towards fundamental and far-reaching components of

change. For example, the movement towards democratisation has influ-

1 Sukman Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions in Context”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, p. 6.

128 Understanding God in the Context of Interreligious Dialogue

enced the expectations of lay believers in Korea, encouraging them to

seek more involvement with and input into their religious traditions.2

Consumerism is, in turn, linked with the neo-liberal project of globalisa-

tion which has led religious institutions to become much more business

like both in structure and planning. As Jang describes it: “Korea’s transi-

tion into a consumer society prompted religions to commercialize them-

selves.”3

The aim of this paper is to investigate some of Buddhism’s responses

to the changes that have occurred in modern and contemporary Korean

society.4 Unfortunately, not all those responses can be looked at; however,

the one which will be investigated in this paper is highly significant. One

of Buddhism’s responses to the current situation has been to create an

identity by, to a degree, presenting itself as a Korean cultural asset with a

key role to play in the current drive to globalise the Korean heritage and

culture industry, known as the ‘Korean Wave’ (hallyu: 한류).5 Because of

the Korean state’s involvement in this relationship it will also be

necessary to delve into the history of state-Buddhist relations in Korea so

2 From a Buddhist perspective see Florence Galmiche, “A Space of Mountains within a For-est of Buildings? Urban Buddhist Monasteries in Contemporary Korea”, in Annual Review of the Sociology of Religion Volume 5: Sociology and Monasticism, between Innovation and Tradition, Isabelle Jonveaux, eds. by S. Palmisano / E. Pace, 2014, pp. 227-239. 3 S. Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions”, p. 6. 4 Although this paper focuses on Buddhism, all the other religious traditions in Korea have been faced with similar challenges. Their answers have however, differed due to their various cultural, social, philosophical and theological backgrounds. For example, it seems that the Catholic Church in Korea expends much energy in presenting itself as a leading actor in the field of social welfare. 5 For an insightful study of the heritage industry highlighting the political implications of it see Hyung Il Pai, Heritage Management in Korea OECD and Japan: The Politics of Antiquity and Identity, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2013. See also Gunjoo Jang and Won K. Paik’s study on the use of the ‘Korean Wave’ as a form of soft power on the part of the Kore-an Government: “Korean Wave as Tool or Korea’s New Cultural Diplomacy”, in Advances in Applied Sociology, 2012, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 196-202. Available online at http://dx.doi.org/ 10.4236/aasoci.2012.23026 (accessed 20/03/2017).


as better to understand the existing situation.

It is my hypothesis that Buddhism in twenty-first century Korea,

through its efforts to build a new and modern identity, is gradually be-

coming rebranded6 as a Korean cultural commodity as opposed to a living

religious tradition.7 By selectively remembering and emphasising one

aspect of its past over others, Korean Buddhism is attempting to craft an

alternative future for itself. The past I refer to is the concept of Buddhism

as ‘protector of the nation’ (護國佛敎). Traditionally this concept has been

understood in a defensive manner ― protecting the country from inva-

sion and natural disasters; however, today there is a tendency to reinter-

pret this notion as playing a part in Korea’s globalisation project and as a

result Buddhism is becoming a ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’. Such a

development raises questions, on a practical level, concerning the ramifi-

cations for Buddhism in Korea and, on a more theoretical level, about the

interactions between religions, globalisation and the state. This study con-

clude by drawing together different strands of our discussion to attempt an

answer to an important question: if Buddhism continues to present itself

as a cultural ambassador for Korea, to what degree can Korean Buddhism

successfully function as an active and global religion?

First, let me give concrete expression to the type of difficulty which

can easily arise as a consequence of the above intertwined relationships

between national culture, religion and the state. For this we turn to a story

which made headlines in the national during 2016.

6 A noteworthy article examining the concept of ‘branding Buddhism’ and spiritual tourism can be found in David Geary’s “Enlightenment: Branding Buddhism and Spiritual Tourism in Bodhgaya, Bihar”, in Anthropology Today, Vol. 24, No. 3 (June 2008), pp. 11-14. 7 It is important to remember that it is possible simultaneously to be viewed and understood in several different ways. Buddhism can at one and the same time be looked upon as a cultural asset and an active religious tradition. The important thing is which aspect receives most rec-ognition.


1. The Ven. Hyongak and His Criticisms

At first glance the following story may seem out of place, but it serves

a valuable purpose by situating and bringing to light some of the issues

such as globalization, the heritage industry, cultural commodification, and

their interactions with Buddhism in Korea that will be dealt with later in

this paper.

In the summer of 2016, the Ven. Hyongak,8 a Buddhist monk from the

USA, caused a commotion when he announced his intention to severe

links with Buddhism in Korea and instead concentrate his efforts in other

countries.9 For his twenty-five year sojourn in Korea, Hyongak became

one of the country’s best known monks, among Buddhist and non-Bud-

dhists alike. His 1999 bestselling Korean language book, Manheang:

From Harvard to Hwagye Temple10 was of interest to a broad cross-sec-

tion of Koreans and played a role in raising his profile. Over the years,

Hyongak made frequent appearances on TV and radio shows, was much

in favour for lectures and Dharma talks, and was promoted by the Jogye

Order as one of the modern faces of Korean Buddhism. Because of his

celebrity status when Hyongak announced his reasons for breaking from

Korean Buddhism it made headline news throughout the nation and drew

comments, both positive and negative, from many sectors of society. One

notable and critical reaction was posted on Facebook by a well-known

and respected Korean Buddhist monk, Jahyeon (자현스님). In order better

8 For a brief introduction to the Ven. Hyongak see https://terebess.hu/zen/mesterek/HyonGak. html (accessed 31/03/2017). 9 The Facebook posting referred to was deleted soon after being published, but reports of the posting can be found at: The Hankyoreh newspaper website http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/engli sh_edition/e_entertainment/755201.html (accessed 20/03/2017) and on the Bulgyo Shinmun (『불교신문』) at http://www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=150399 (accessed on 25/03/2017). 10 현각스님, 『만행 ― 하버드에서 화계사까지』, 열림원, 1999.


to understand this exchange and some of the issues it raised both of itself

and for this paper I will present a brief summary.

When Hyongak announced his decision to leave Korea he succinctly

outlined the reasoning behind the decision. Some of his central critiques

of Korean Buddhism ― in this case the Jogye Order11 ― were: 1) the

degree to which worldly blessings are emphasised (祈福佛敎); 2) the

authoritarian style of administration functioning within the order; 3) for-

eign monks being used solely for decorative purposes; 4) too focused on

monks to the detriment of lay participation, especially that of women. And

thus, Hyongak contended that as it stands the planned project to globalise

Korean Buddhism will be extremely difficult if not impossible to bring to

completion.12 In response to these claims Jahyeon set about defending

Korean Buddhism through comparisons with other religions and their

shortcomings, and by attacking foreign monks whom, he claimed, had

been spoon fed by the Jogye Order and who were ignorant to the values of

Korean culture.13

Regrettably, the clear majority of debate that surrounded this issue was

carried out on social media at a superficial and reactionary level, and it

seems the opportunity to deal with the issues raised failed to engender a

more reflective engagement. However, an exception to this can be found

in a thoughtful article penned by Jason Lim which appeared as an opinion

11 The Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism (大韓佛敎曹溪宗) in its present form it was founded in 1962 and is by far the largest in Korea. The Jogye Order presents itself as the nation’s representative Buddhist order with over ten thousand monks and nuns. As is common practice in Korea, the term Korean Buddhism as employed in this paper refers to the Jogye Order of Buddhism. 12 To understand this plan for globalisation, see the article of 02/10/2011, “Jogye head vows to further globalization of Korean Buddhism”, The Korea Times at http://www.koreatimes.co. kr/www/news/art/2011/10/135_95858.html (accessed on 01/04/2017). 13 Jahyeon’s response can be found on the Bulgyo Shinmun (『불교신문』) website at http:// www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=150399 (accessed 23/03/2017).


piece in The Korea Times.14 In it Lim, although acknowledging some

shortcomings in Hyongak’s position, reserved his harshest criticism for

Jahyeon’s line of thought. Jahyeon’s argument can be characterised, Lim

claimed, as “one of ‘Us vs. Them’. He views Hyongak as the ‘Other’ who

has benefitted from Korean culture’s generosity but is now turning his

back on Korea by daring to criticize it”. Lim continued by portraying the

type of Buddhism defended by Jahyeon as a form of “cultural tradition”

and “cultural artefact” rather than a spiritual vehicle.

2. Some Underlying Issues

As alluded to, the clash between Hyongak and Jahyeon and, in turn,

Lim’s analysis reveal an underlying, but frequently overlooked, tension

which lies at the heart of Korean Buddhism’s engagement with contem-

porary society and the role it is attempting to carve out for itself within

that society. It seems that Korean Buddhism, rather than attempting to

create an inclusive identity in the form of a universal Buddhism with roots

in Korea, prefers to interact with global trends and actors in a manner

similar to the Korean state and its project of globalising Korean culture as

part of its heritage and tourism industry. A crude but nevertheless effective

comparison may be drawn with K-Pop and the sponsorship it receives

from the state.15 Regarding Buddhism, Chin Hong Chung bluntly sums

14 Lim’s article titled “Health and wealth Gospel of Korean Buddhism” appeared in The Korea Times on 5/8/2016 at http://www2.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2017/01/352_ 211217. html (accessed on 30/03/2017). 15 There is much material and statistics available detailing Korean state sponsorship of K-Pop, but a very accessible article, “Korea’s soft power: Soap, sparkle and pop” can be found in The Economist of August 9, 2014. Online version available at http://www.economist.com/news/ books-and-arts/21611039-how-really-uncool-country-became-tastemaker-asia-soap-sparkle-a nd-pop (accessed 10/04/2017).


up the situation: “the specific pursuit of globalizing Korean Buddhism

rather than Buddhism as a whole is a nationalistic idea […].”16

Pori Park, a scholar of Buddhism, has spoken of the challenge facing

Korean Buddhism as being an attempt to “bridge the gap between identity

and responsiveness […]”.17 In a globalising world, Korean Buddhism,

along with other religious traditions, is striving to build an identity which

portrays it as a modern, relevant and global actor. Stuart Hall speaking of

the challenge of establishing and nurturing identity in what he calls ‘late-

modernity’ highlighted a central danger for actors in such situations: “the

greatest danger now arises from forms of national and cultural identity ―

new and old ― which attempt to secure their identity by adopting closed

versions of culture or community and by refusal to engage […] with dif-

ferent problems that arise from trying to live with difference.”18 On recent

evidence, it appears that Korean Buddhism is displaying a tendency to-

wards becoming more intertwined with a ‘closed versions of culture’.

Close, it would seem, to the position articulated by Jahyeon in his re-

sponse to Hyongak.

However, the situation, namely this tendency towards a static form of

culture, is further complicated by the introduction of globalisation into the

equation. Where globalisation would tend to imply an openness and out-

ward trajectory, ‘closed culture’ leans towards a certain exclusivity and

inward gaze. In what way and to what extent is it possible to align these

seemingly opposite positions? Here some pointers can be drawn from the

ongoing debate regarding the compatibility of nationalism and globalisa-

16 Chin Hong Chung, “Profiles of Contemporary Korean Religions: The Emergence of Neo-Ethnicity”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, p. 30. 17 Park, Pori, Trial and Error in Modernist Reforms: Korean Buddhism under Colonial Rule, Berkley: University of California, 2009, p. 11. 18 Stuart Hall as quoted in Bauman, Z., Identity, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004, p. 98.


tion. As Natalie Sabanadze has demonstrated in her study, Globalization

and Nationalism: The Cases of Georgia and the Basque Country, these

two mighty forces can at times work together, with nationalists frequently

employing globalism to further their aims.19 This seems to be true of the

South Korean state, as pointed out by Gi-Wook Shin, “Korea’s strong na-

tionalist character is not a paradox but rather a major feature or ‘paradigm’

of Korean globalization”.20 In other words, Korea’s nationalist tendencies,

far from blocking efforts to globalise, actually play a fundamental role in

the nation’s ongoing globalising policies.

In the case of Buddhism, this nexus of nationalism and globalisation

can be readily discerned. What, as we will see later, the Jogye Order

understands itself to be sending out into the wider world is ‘Korean Bud-

dhism’ and not Buddhism with Korean cultural trappings that have been

picked-up over the centuries.21

19 Natalie Sabanadze, Globalization and Nationalism: The Cases of Georgia and the Basque Country, Budapest: Central University Press, 2010. This work can also be accessed online at: http://aparc.fsi.stanford.edu/publications/paradox_of_korean_globalization_the. 20 Gi-Wook Shin, “The Paradox of Korean Globalization”, Stanford: Shorenstein APARC, 2003, p. 18. 21 In Korea, this tendency to nationalise religious traditions is not exclusively a Buddhist trait. For example, in the case of the Catholic Church ― universal by definition ― the title ‘Ko-rean Catholic Church’ is frequently favoured over the term ‘Catholic Church in Korea’. For some more detailed discussions on this practice and its link to nationalist tendencies within the Buddhist tradition see: Jae-ryong Shim’s essay “General Characteristics of Korean Bud-dhism”, in Korean Buddhism: Tradition and Transformation, Seoul: Jimoondang Publishing Company, 1999, pp. 171-182. And Robert Buswell, “Imagining “Korean Buddhism: The In-vention of a National Religious Tradition”, in Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identity, eds. by I. P. Pai / T. Tangherlini, Berkley: Institute of East Asian Studies, 1998, pp. 73-107.


3. The Contemporary Religious Landscape

An unfortunate truth about religions in Korea, including Buddhism, is

that internationally there is a dearth of information and knowledge about

them. Therefore, to make the subject matter of this paper more accessible

to those without a background in Korean Buddhism it will prove helpful

to provide a brief outline of both the contemporary religious reality in the

country and a brief history of Buddhism in Korea. Although this may

seem to be a cumbersome approach, it will, pay dividends.

Within contemporary Korean society there exists not only a vibrant

religious atmosphere, but also a competitive one where different religious

traditions actively vie for new members and encourage full participation

on the part of their adherents.22

The most recent statistics on the religious make-up of South Korea are

from the 2015 Population and Housing Census. It records the population

distribution by major religions as: Buddhist 15.5%, Protestant 19.7% and

Catholic 7.9%, with a 56.1% group claiming no religious affiliation.23

Interestingly, the figures for 2015 show a marked decrease in levels of

religious affiliation when compared to 2005: Buddhist 22.8%, Catholic

10.9%, Protestant 18.3%, and an overall percentage of 46.9 claiming no

religious affiliation. The ten-year period between 2005 and 2015 wit-

nessed an across the board decrease in religious believers except for the

Protestant churches which displayed a slight growth of 1.4%. In the case

of Buddhism there was a significant decrease of 7.3%.

Since the results of the 2015 survey were only released in late 2016

22 From a scholarly viewpoint, James Grayson describes Korea as “a unique religious labora-tory”, J. Grayson, Korea: A Religious History, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, p. 277. 23 Census information is from the Korean government’s Office of Statistics (KOSTAT), www. kostat.go.kr.


there remains much research to be carried out so as better to understand

the indicated changes.24 That said, the downward trend in religious affili-

ation demonstrates a marked shift away from institutional religions. With

the exception of the Protestant churches, these figures provide worrying

reading for both Buddhism and Catholicism. However, since Buddhism is

the focus of this paper, let us examine more closely the figures as they

apply to Buddhism.

If we include the census results for 1995 into the comparison, there is

a discernible pattern of decrease in the number of Buddhist believers: in

1995, the percentage of the total population self-identifying as Buddhist

was 23.2%; in 2005, this decreased slightly to 22.8%; in 2015, a fall to

15.5% was registered. Factoring in population growth, from a figure of

almost 45 million in 1995 to just over 51 million in 2015, we have a hard

figure for self-identifying Buddhists of 10,321,012 in 1995; 10,726,463 in

2005; and about 7,619,000 in 2015.

Bearing in mind that over the documented period of twenty years

Korea has witnessed a population growth of roughly 5 million, the de-

crease to just over seven and a half million persons self-identifying as

Buddhist is significant. However, these figures seem to be anomalous in

one respect. Over the past number of years Buddhism’s active presence in

society has grown and developed in many ways and the religion now

seems to carry more influence within Korean society, including politics,

than has been the case for many years. In fact, it would not, I think, be an

exaggeration to speak of a renaissance of Buddhism in Korea.25 To grasp

24 An interesting analysis comparing the 1985, 1995 and 2005 religious affiliation statistics can be found in Jibum Kim, Y. Lee, J. Son / Tom W. Smith, “Trends of Religious Identifica-tion in Korea: Changes and Continuities”, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol. 48, No. 4 (Dec. 2009), pp. 789-793. 25 Today, Buddhism is involved in many varied types of work and ministries including organ-ic farming, hospices, military chaplaincy and media. There is also marked growth in attempts


the complexity of this Buddhist anomaly ― at the same time falling

numbers but rising profile ― a short detour into the history of Buddhism

is required. Without an understanding of Buddhist history in Korea, espe-

cially twentieth century history, it is difficult to delve deeper into the

world of Korean Buddhism.

4. The Complex Buddhist Reality

From its arrival in Korea (372 CE) Buddhism, faced with competition

from the Confucian tradition, endeavoured to court favour with the coun-

try’s rulers by putting itself forward as protector of the country. A symbi-

otic relationship between Buddhism and the court eventually grew up with

Buddhism acting as spiritual protector in return for financial backing and

security.26 Among the most famous of Buddhism’s efforts to protect the

country were the production of the wood carved Tripitakas (Palman Dae-

janggyeong, 八萬大藏經) in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries and

later the mobilization of monks to form a militia to defend the country

against the invading Japanese armies (1592-1598). However, by the late

Goryeo dynasty (918-1392) Buddhism was beginning to fall out of favour.

Accused of placing a strain on state coffers by draining much needed re-

sources criticisms of Buddhism, under the influence of neo-Confucianism,

to promote ‘Korean Buddhism’ overseas by establishing branch temples and producing Eng-lish language materials, both academic and popular (Two well-known ecological undertakings are Indra’s Net Life Community and the Ecological Village of the Fourfold Community). For information see, Yoo Jung-gil’s “Korea’s Buddhist Communities and the Future of Buddhism”, in The Crisis of Modern Society and the Role of Religious Communities, Seoul: Bulkwang Research Institute, 2013, pp. 144-148. 26 R. Buswell, The Korean Approach to Zen: The Collected Works of Chinul, Honolulu: Uni-versity of Hawaii Press, 1983, p. 2.


widened to include both its philosophical and moral teachings.27 Against

this background the rulers of the newly formed Joseon dynasty (1392-

1897) began to institute the anti-Buddhist policies that led to a weakening

of Buddhism’s position within Korean society.28

5. The Buddhist Experience during the Joseon Dynasty

Because of the anti-Buddhist policies of the Joseon rulers, Buddhism

became a financially poorer and more scattered religious tradition. Bud-

dhism, prohibited from urban areas and excluded from the social life of

the elite, gradually lost touch not only with the political power centres of

the country but also with many of the intellectual and cultural trends of

the time. During the Joseon dynasty Buddhism became a rurally based

religion, serving those who made up the lower and less well educated

sectors of Korean society.29 Pori Park describes the state of Buddhism at

the time: “Chosŏn Buddhism earned several epithets after all those years

of political persecution: mountain Buddhism (san’gan Pulgyo), Buddhism

for monks (sŭngnyŏ Pulgyo), Buddhism for women (ch’ima Pulgyo),

27 These topics are covered in Han, U-gŭn’s “Policies Toward Buddhism in Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn”, in Buddhism in the Early Chosŏn: Suppression and Transformation, eds. by Lewis Lancaster / Chai-Shin Yu, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996, pp. 1-58. 28 For a detailed account of these persecutions see An Gyehyeon’s [안계현] Research into the History of Korean Buddhism, Seoul: Donghwa Publishing, 1986 [韓國佛敎史硏究, 同和出版

公社], pp. 288ff; also, Robert Buswell, “Buddhism Under Confucian Domination: The Syn-thetic Vision of Sosan Hyujong” in Culture and the State in Late Choson Korea, eds. by Kim Haboush, JaHyun / Deuchler, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999, pp. 134-159. For a study of the early years of Confucian persecution of Buddhism see, J. L. Goulde, Anti-Buddhist Polemic in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century Korea: The Emergence Of Confu-cian Exclusivism, Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard, 1985. 29 L. Lancaster’s “Introduction” to Buddhism in the Early Chosŏn, p. xiii.


Buddhism for securing worldly desires (kibok Pulgyo).”30

There can be no denying that Buddhism suffered as a consequence of

prolonged oppression during the Joseon dynasty. However, this is not the

entire story. Although Buddhism was subjected to persecution during the

Joseon dynasty, a corollary of this difficult experience was that Buddhism

began to build stronger links with different sections of the population,

particularly with peasants and the female population. Hitherto a royal and

predominantly urban religion, Buddhism became a rural religion closely

linked to the lower classes. It was this shift from being a major political

and institutional player to becoming a peripheral and minor player that

has clouded much of the research into Joseon dynasty Buddhism. This has

led many, if not most, scholars to label Buddhism of the time as a

degenerate, superstitious, and dead tradition.31

There are, of course, exceptions to this trend: two of the leading and

most influential scholars are Lewis Lancaster and Robert Buswell. These

two scholars have demonstrated that even though Buddhism underwent

drastic changes during the Joseon dynasty its influence did not completely

vanish. On the contrary, Buddhism during this period became “[…] a vital

part of the rural life of Korea […]” and “[…] a monastic system that re-

30 Pori Park, The Modern Remaking of Korean Buddhism: The Korean Reform Movement during Japanese Colonial Rule and Han Yongun’s Buddhism (1879-1944), Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1998, p. 49f. 31 There has been a tendency to completely disregard Buddhism of the late Joseon period, or worse still, to categorise it simply as a corrupt form of Buddhism. This questionable approach tends to equate popular religiosity with superstition and ignorance. Sadly, this understanding of Joseon Buddhism has become the unquestioned norm, at least until recent times. An ex-ample of this can be found in Kim, Young-ho, “Buddhism In Korea: Traditions In Syncretic Thought And Self-Enlightenment”, in Reader In Korean Religions, ed. by Kim, Chongsuh, Songnam-si: Academy of Korean Studies, 1993, pp. 1-61. Kim’s summation of Buddhism in the Joseon dynasty is thus: “The effect of the severe anti-Buddhist policy for such a long period left Buddhism in the forms of ‘mountain Buddhism’ and ‘blessing-seeking Buddhism’, from which it is still struggling to free itself”, p. 58.


tained many of the ancient patterns of the nomadic and Han dynasties”.32

What is more, in the field of scholarship, Buswell speaks of the existence

of vitality which “[…] contrasts strikingly with the gloom and doom

portrayals of the era in the scholarly literature”.33

6. The Coming of Japan

As the nineteenth century was ending and the twentieth century be-

ginning Korean Buddhism, in common with other institutions of the day,

experienced the double-edged sword that was the coming of modernity:

crisis and opportunity. Buddhism, during these years, was attempting to

reinsert itself into a rapidly changing social and political landscape.

In addition to the demands of modernity, Buddhism also had to face

other specific challenges. At the time the most ‘advanced’ Buddhist nation

in East Asia, Japan, not only provided Korea with a model to be imitated

but also with a menace to be feared. And on another front, Buddhism had

to cope with a very new and highly threatening competitor in the shape of

the newly arrived Protestant Christianity. Thus, at this point it is possible,

I think, to pinpoint three major concerns for the Buddhist community as it

emerged into the twentieth century: modernity, Japan and Japanese Budd-

hism, and Protestant Christianity.

Contrary to the views of many scholars, it seems that Buddhism was

not only alive and well but was, in fact, awaiting its opportunity to engage

with modernity and reengage with the state.34 Such an opportunity was

32 L. Lancaster, “The Buddhist Tradition in Late Choson: A Reappraisal”, Review of Korean Studies, Vol. 1, 1998, p. 123. 33 R. Buswell, “Buddhism Under Confucian Domination”, p. 135. 34 Satona Suzuki thinks that Korean Buddhism during this period was able to maintain its


soon to arise when Buddhists again played a vital role in defence of the

nation by taking part in the independence movement of 1919 against the

colonising Japanese. However, from the end of the Joseon dynasty in

1897 through to the last days of the colonial period, 1945, the situation

was demanding, with Buddhism both striving to modernize while also at-

tempting to retain its identity in the face of colonising Japanese Buddhism.

Since Japanese Buddhism had already come to terms with a significant

number of the demands of modernity, many Korean Buddhists, in turn,

looked upon it as providing an example to be learned from.35 In their eyes,

Japanese Buddhism had the necessary experience and vision to provide

help and support to a Korean Buddhist tradition attempting to face up to

many of the same challenges that Japanese Buddhism had already over-

come. Even those Koreans who were suspicious of Japanese Buddhism

would have been aware of its efforts and successes in coming to terms

with modernity. These factors helped to make Japanese Buddhism not

only a challenge for Korean Buddhists to react to, but also a model for

them to imitate.

Vladimir Tikhonov goes so far as to claim that up until 1910 Japanese

Buddhism became Korean Buddhism’s ‘significant Other’ in its efforts to

modernise.36 With annexation in 1910 this relationship changed, but it did

not completely disappear. Although many Buddhists in post-annexation

religious integrity as a consequence of its detachment from the state and its seclusion from society. See S. Suzuki, Japanese Buddhist Missionary Activities in Korea, 1877-1910, Doc-toral dissertation, London University (SOAS), 2000, p. 109. 35 Two particularly informative studies outlining Buddhism’s progress in Japan during the nineteenth century are: James, E., Ketellar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993; Martin Collcutt, “Buddhism: the Threat of Eradication”, in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji, eds. by Marius Jansen / G. Rozman, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986, pp. 143-167. 36 V. Tikhonov, “The Japanese Missionaries and Their Impact on Korean Buddhist Devel-opments (1876-1910)”, in International Journal of Buddhist Thought and Culture, Feb. 2004: Vol. 4, pp. 7-48.


Korea developed a much more critical and negative stance vis-à-vis Japa-

nese Buddhism, it remained Korean Buddhism’s best role model as far as

interaction with the modern world was concerned.

In fact, the roots of contemporary Korean Buddhism can in many

ways be traced back to this period of Japanese rule and Buddhism’s inter-

actions with it. These roots include not only the lessons learned from Jap-

anese Buddhism, but also the beginnings of a controversy that has shaped

and dominated much of Korean Buddhism’s trajectory in the subsequent

decades: to what degree did or did not Korean Buddhists comply and col-

laborate with the Japanese coloniser?

7. Post-Liberation Years

In the years after liberation the situation for Buddhism grew more

difficult and convoluted. Questions regarding Buddhist collaboration with

the Japanese coloniser and its attempt to portray itself once again as

‘protector of the nation’ led to the monastic community being torn asunder,

with both violence and litigation employed to displace married monks and

return major properties to those of the celibate tradition. This so-called

purification drive, which started in 1954 under the direction of the South

Korean president Syngman Rhee (이승만), had the stated aim of cleansing

Korean Buddhism of any remaining Japanese influences.37 Unfortunately,

during this period the issue of collaboration became a potent ideological

weapon of cleansing: in the name of nationalism married clergy were

equated with collaborationists and celibate clergy with patriots. This split

37 Henrik Sorensen, “‘Protecting the Nation’: Korean Buddhism under the rule of Park Chung Hee, 1961-1979”, in Papers of the British Association for Korean Studies, ed. by Susan Pares, Vol. 9, 2004, p. 5.


in the Buddhist community, encouraged by the government of the day,

eventually led to the setting up of the largest two Buddhist orders in Korea:

the Jogye Order in 1962 and the Taego Order in 1970.38 These internal

struggles not only shaped Korean Buddhism in the period after liberation,

they also helped shape public opinion in a negative fashion. Many in the

wider society, on viewing the unsavoury scenes of violent confrontation

and legal litigation, formed the opinion that a modern nation such as

Korea would be better off without such a seemingly disruptive and back-

ward looking religion.

Apart from Buddhism’s divisive infighting during the post-liberation

period, another reality which did its popularity no good what-so-ever was

its support for ― or at least failure to oppose ― the dictatorship of

Chung-hee Park (박정희, 1961-1979). Park, while in power, set about

building a form of nationalism which not only rejected all legacy of

Japanese colonial rule, but also promoted a brutal anti-communist and

totalitarian ideology which resulted in the imprisonment of thousands and

the deaths of a great many. Park looked upon Buddhism as a foundational

element of ‘pure’ Korean culture and identity. Through his policies he lent

support to Buddhism, helped celibate monks in their efforts to displace the

married clergy and latched on to the historical notion of ‘nation protecting

Buddhism’ as a pillar in his nationalist ideology. This nationalist ideology

Park bolstered by sponsoring scholarship which emphasized and manu-

factured a new type of Buddhist nationalism.39 In short, Park simultane-

38 For a detailed chronology of these events see Chanju Mun, “Purification Buddhist Move-ment, 1954-1962: The Recovery of Traditional Monasticism from Japanized Buddhism in South Korea”, in Hsi Lai Journal of Humanistic Buddhism, pp. 285-287 at: https://sites.googl e.com/site/foguangpedia/foguangpedia-collection/a01_academic-papers/hsi-lai-journal-ofhum anistic-buddhism (accessed 04/04/2017). 39 And in so doing, I believe, Park’s influence not only emasculated critical Buddhist scholar-ship of that period, but also set it back decades. See Shim Jae-ryong, “An Overview of 50 Years Research on Korean Buddhism”, in Korea Journal, Vol. 30, No. 1, Spring 1999, pp.


ously manipulated as well as supported Korean Buddhism to help con-

solidate his position, reinforce his nationalist ideology, and strengthen

himself and his regime through the establishment of a patriotic narrative

meshed with a long established religious tradition.

On the Buddhist side of the relationship, Henrik Sorensen sums up the

situation well: “[…] it appears that the vast majority ― lay and clergy

alike ― were relatively content with the military government.”40 During

Park’s dictatorship there were some dissenting voices from within the

Buddhist community; however, the position adopted by the majority,

particularly those in leadership roles, was predominantly content with the

status quo. As a result, the public image of Buddhism was tainted for

many years especially in the eyes of those who were involved in the

democracy movement.41 It was not until Doo Hwan Chun (전두환) took

over the reins of control, after Park’s assassination in 1979, that Buddhism

began to play an active part in the democracy movement.42

From the 1980s onwards, another phenomenon appeared within the

Buddhist community: minjung Buddhism (민중불교). Though this form of

socially engaged Buddhism never enjoyed majority support, for a period

in the 1980s, it did present an alternative vision for Buddhism to follow.

Among the issues it tackled was a challenge to the accepted interpretation

of the concept ‘nation protecting Buddhism’. This it did by suggesting

173-197. 40 Sorensen, “Protecting the Nation”, p. 13. 41 For a detailed study of participation in the pro-democracy movement over the years see, South Korea’s Democracy Movement (1970-1993): Stanford Korea Democracy Project Report, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007. Chapter 2 deals with the social make-up of the dif-ferent groups who participated. 42 It should be noted however, Chun was a devout Christian who had a mistrust of Buddhism and as a result withdrew much state support for Buddhism. This fact did, it seems, play a large part in rousing the Buddhist community’s animosity towards the government during Chun’s presidency. Cf. Sorensen, “Protecting the Nation”, p. 13.


that nation ought not to be viewed as the state or government, but rather

as the masses/people, or alternatively by replacing ‘nation’ with ‘Dharma’

thus becoming ‘Dharma protecting Buddhism’ (護法佛敎).43 This project

of socially engaged/liberation Buddhism was short lived and has all but

disappeared in contemporary Korea.44

As Buddhism’s brief attempt to reinterpret the definition of ‘nation

protecting Buddhism’ in a socially engaged and radical manner faded

there grew-up a more traditional grouping which emphasised the reform

of Buddhism. Seung Yong Yoon has described this reform orientated

movement as being, “preoccupied with its [Buddhism’s] identity confu-

sion and the institutionalization of religious power”.45 This reform orien-

tated movement emphasised traditional teachings and a monk-centric

(clerical) form of Buddhism.46

Here, it is appropriate to call attention to the fact that since the disap-

pearance of minjung Buddhism and its influences, Buddhism in Korea has

played a predominantly passive role in both radical politics and economic

justice issues. Jorgensen describes the post-1980s situation thus: “There-

after, the movement dissolved and diffused into various directions, and the

Marxist theme was gradually eliminated as new moderate Buddhist organ-

izations appeared and the South Korean political and economic condition

improved.”47 For better or for worse, it was this ‘new moderate Buddhism’

which, since the 1990s, has become the representative form of Buddhism

43 Pop Song, Research into People’s Buddhism (『민중불교의 탐구』), Seoul: Minjok Publish-ing, 1989, p. 266. 44 Cf. J. Jorgensen, “Minjung Buddhism: A Buddhist Critique of the Status Quo — Its History, Philosophy, and Critique”, in Makers of Modern Korean Buddhism, ed. by Jin Park, New York: Sunny Press, 2010, pp. 275-313. 45 Seung Yong, Yoon, “The Movement to Reform Korean Buddhism and the Limits Thereof”, in Korean Journal, Vol. 52, No. 3, 2012, p. 54. 46 Ibid., p. 55. 47 J. Jorgensen, “Minjung Buddhism”, p. 293.


in Korea.

Buddhism, since its entrance into Korea, has consistently endeavoured

to remain close to the state and those in positions of power, as even this

brief overview of its history makes clear.48 This Buddhism has done suc-

cessfully, apart from a period in the Joseon dynasty when it was expelled

from the political and social centre of Seoul. Even today, many of the

criticisms, from a Buddhist perspective, made of the Joseon dynasty are

centred around the fact that its rulers exiled Buddhism from the centre of

power and influence. The expectation that Buddhism ought to, by default,

occupy a special place within Korean society seems to have remained

unchanged even up to the present-day. Yoon Seung Yong describes this

unique state of affairs thus: “Korean Buddhism still identifies itself as the

protector of national culture and defines itself as national Buddhism.”49

This self-identification as a form of ‘national Buddhism’ underpins many

of the developments that are happening within the world of Korean

Buddhism today.

8. Korean Buddhism on the Globalising Trail

In this section, I will focus on some of the concrete ways in which this

new moderate and national form of Buddhism is engaging with Korean

society, globalisation and the state in order to promote itself and its

48 David Loy has spoken frequently about how Buddhism has historically been subordinate to rulers and the state in many Asian countries. Often this has not been a matter of choice, but one of pure necessity when in oppressive situations. This has often resulted in Buddhism nat-urally taking a conservative and pro-status quo stance. See David Loy, “Pave the Planet or Wear Shoes? A Buddhist Perspective on Greed and Globalization”, in Subverting Greed: Re-ligious Perspective on the Global Economy, eds. by P. Knitter / C. Muzaffar, New York: Orbis Books, 2002, pp. 58-76. 49 Yoon, “The Movement to Reform”, p. 56


message in twenty-first century Korea.

In 2010, the President of the Jogye Order, Ven. Jaseung (자승스님)

visited New York, and Paris in 2011, as well as Sydney in 2013 with the

express intention of promoting Korean Buddhism to a wider audience.

These visits were held in conjunction with and sponsored by the Korean

Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism (문화체육관광부, hereafter

MCST). During his visits Jaseung made some telling statements, includ-

ing sharing Korean Buddhism’s intention to become a globalised religion.

However, as often happens, the devil is in the detail. In some of his press

conferences and presentations, Jaseung explained how globalisation of

Korean Buddhism would not only promote Korean Buddhism but also the

Korean national brand, status, national economy, tourist industry and

Korean culture.50 Though the primary purpose of these trips was to pro-

mote Korean Buddhism, the above examples make it clear that this under-

taking was done in conjunction with the Korean government. As Jaseung

explained in Paris: “If Korean Buddhism is known to the world, the

national brand and status can be spontaneously uplifted together.”51 Such

an approach to globalising Korean Buddhism offers a clear example of the

‘national Buddhism’ mentioned above. In such situations, Buddhism is si-

multaneously working to promote both its own religious tradition and the

Korean state’s globalisation hopes.52

50 Cf. news reports from the visit: Bulgyo Focus (『불교포커스』) at http://www.bulgyofocus. net/news/articleView.html?idxno=64016 (accessed 21/04/2014); The Korea Times http://www. koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/art/2011/10/135_95858.html (accessed 21/04/2014); Bulgyo Shin mun (『불교신문』), http://www.ibulgyo.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=105718 (accessed 26/ 02/2016); see the Jogye Order homepage http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php? bo_ table=0010&wr_id=409 (accessed 02/3/2017). 51 Cf. The Korea Times (2011/10/02), referenced above. 52 As an aside, the above message demonstrates the extent to which minjung Buddhism’s ef-fort to move away from the traditional concept of ‘nation protecting Buddhism’ has been for-gotten, or ought to be rejected?


This state of affairs has continued to develop. In 2016 there was ano-

ther major series of events hosted in Paris and attended by roughly fifty

monks from Korea promoting Buddhism and temple style food. The Jogye

Order’s website describes the event thus, “In celebration of the 130th anni-

versary of the diplomatic ties between France and Korea, the Jogye Order

of Korean Buddhism held the event of promoting Korean Buddhism to

people in Paris, from Oct. 25 to Nov. 9 2016”.53 Again, the link with the

Korean state is obvious.

As pointed out above, such promotional events are hosted by both

Korean government agencies and by Buddhist organizations. From a Bud-

dhist perspective the benefits of such an arrangement are many: financial

backing; access to high-level overseas agencies and government organiza-

tions; inclusion in the ‘Korean Wave’ phenomenon; a governmental seal

of approval for Korean Buddhism when presenting overseas; on the level

of logistics, too, organisation of events becomes much easier with govern-

ment help. On the other side of the relationship, in what ways might the

government benefit from nurturing such a relationship?

Imagining things from the standpoint of the Korean state, this nur-

turing of a strong relationship with Buddhism is understandable and, in-

deed, desirable. Three central reasons spring to mind: 1) Politically, the

ruling Grand National Party (later Saenuri Party) had fences to mend with

Buddhism after being accused of harbouring a pro-Christian bias during

the presidency of Lee Myung-bak, from 2008 onwards.54 2) On the inter-

national stage, there has been much made of the success of the ‘Korean

53 Cf. http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/board.php?bo_table=0010&wr_id=556&page=3(a ccessed 20/03/2017). 54 This played heavily in the Korean press, but was also reported by the international media. Cf. The New York Times report of 14/10/2008 at http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/14/world/ asia/14iht-buddhist.1.16935374.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0 (accessed 21/03/2016).


Wave’; however, the initial strategy of relying heavily on K-Pop, Korean

movies and dramas seems to be running out of steam and new ways to

promote Korea overseas are being sought, one of these is through culture

and heritage promotion. Here Buddhism has been very willing to play an

active role. 3) In a rapidly changing and globalising world it appears that

the Korean state is attempting to rehash its nationalist ideology in a more

acceptable form ― through a form of ethnic-cultural nationalism. Gi

Wook Shin casts light on such an approach: “Ethnic nationalism is also

the underlying principle of current globalization processes in [South

Korea].”55 Buddhism provides an ideal vehicle for such an undertaking.

An important example of the enthusiastic manner by which the Korean

government has entered into this reciprocal relationship with Buddhism

can be found through a brief examination of some of the financial backing

provided by the state to Buddhism. The best known Buddhist undertaking

which receives government sponsorship is that of the Temple Stay Pro-

gram (hereafter TSP). Over a three-year period, from 2012-2014, the gov-

ernment provided backing for the TSP in the region of ₩60,000,000,000

(approximately $52,798,000).56 The budget granted in 2016 to the same pro-

gram was very much in line with that of previous years: ₩24,810,000,000

(approximately $21,830,100).57

An event which has grown consistently over recent years is the Lotus

55 Gi Wook Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006, p. 230. 56 These figures were released as part of an answer to a question on the funding of religions in the National Assembly and quoted in a paper presented at the Korean Institute for Religious Freedom sponsored 2014 conference on government funding of religions in Korea. Paper by Hwang Pyeong-u entitled, “Research into Separation of Religion and State and Funding of Religions”, p. 30 (「종교자유정책연구원 학회: 정부의 종교문화재 예산자원 어디까지 해야 하나?」, 2014. 논문: 황평우, 「정교분리정책과 종교예산책정 문제에 대한 연구」). www. kirf.or.kr (accessed 10/04/2017). 57 Statistics released by the Korean Ministries of Culture, Sports and Tourism (문화체육관광

부) and available at www.mcst.go.kr (accessed 10/04/2017).


Lantern Festival (Yeon Deung Hoe: 연등회). This festival occurs around

the time of the commemoration celebrations for Buddha’s birth and trad-

itionally took the form of a lotus lantern parade. It too draws extensive

financial support from government sources. Over the period 2008 to 2013

the Seoul festival alone received in excess of ₩2,900,000,000 (over

$2,500,000), and in 2016 it received approximately $792,000.58 However,

essential as financial health is for the management of events, what is of

more interest in the case of the Lotus Lantern Festival is the obvious

marriage of religion’s tradition and tourist industry. Even a fleeting glance

at the official website for the Lotus Lantern Festival reveals the logos of

several sponsoring organisations: MCST, Visit Seoul: Imagine Your Korea,

and the Cultural Heritage Administration.59 Consequently, although the

festival is religious in nature, it has, of late, taken on a new dimension and

become orientated towards tourists and families enjoying a day out in

Seoul.

To conclude this look at the new relationship which exists between

Buddhism and the state, I would like to highlight the recently signed, De-

cember 2016, memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the MCST

and the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. The MOU plans, over the next

few years, to increase cooperation between the two parties by hosting

joint events in New York, Shanghai, Russian cities, Germany, Spain and

Italy. A quotation from a Ministry of Culture official sums up the situation:

“So far, Korean pop culture such as K-pop and K-dramas have been popu-

lar overseas but through this MOU we hope to introduce our traditional

culture, thereby contributing to the diversification of the spread of Korean

culture.”60

58 Ibid. 59 The official site found at www.llf.or.kr. 60 The Korea Times of December 7, 2016 at http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/culture/2017/


Before analysing the above state of affairs, I would like to make it

clear that my reason for providing a detailed examination of the financial

backing provided to these various Buddhist undertakings is not to single

them out for criticism, but to highlight the extent of backing which they

have drawn from the government and, importantly, under which cat-

egories it was received: culture and tourism.61 Other religious traditions

do receive financial support from the Korean state under the category of

culture, but in the cases of the Protestant and Catholic Churches more aid

is received under the budget for social work and education.62 This said,

funding for the Buddhist tradition, especially the TSP, has been a target

for criticism from some sectors of the Protestant churches, which strongly

object to what they see as the preferential treatment of Buddhism by some

government agencies.63 But that is a study for another day.

9. Buddhism as a Cultural Ambassador

Having examined the government’s position, let us now see where

03/293_219710.html (accessed 13/02/2017). 61 This conclusion drawn by the MCST sums up the government understanding: “In conclu-sion, the Temple Stay Programme as a cultural attraction in qualitative environmental settings creates a destination’s distinct profile and generates visitors. Temple Stay Programme is a cul-tural asset to enhance attractiveness of local territories, contributing to the national tourism improvement in terms of the provision of cultural richness, diversification and differentiation of tourism resources, and suggestion for best public private partnership.” Cf. The Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, “Temple Stay Programme, Korea”, in The Impact of Culture on Tourism, ed. by OECD, Paris: OECD, 2009, p. 11. 62 A comprehensive analysis of this funding and the ideology behind it would be of signifi-cant help in better understanding the religious situation in Korea. 63 An example of this can be found in the article, “Hidden Religious Bias in the Government Budget” in the Protestant newspaper Hanguk Gido Kongbo (『한국기독공보』: 「정부 예산안 속 숨겨진 종교 편형」) at http://www.pckworld.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=70561 (accessed 11/02/2017).


Buddhism stands in this relationship. On the website of the Jogye Order

there are many references to Korean Buddhism as one of the central pil-

lars of Korea and Korean culture. For example, one section of the site

states: “Korean Buddhist temples have been the bedrock on which bril-

liant Korean culture has been blooming over the past 1,700 years since

Buddhism was first introduced to Korea.”64 Other Buddhist publications

tend to emphasize the cultural aspect of Buddhism, often playing down

religious dimensions65 and many monasteries and temples now conduct

cultural programs such as tea making, temple food preparation, and

classes in Korean culture. Recently, another interesting dimension, more

in the area of tourism, has begun to appear in relation to the TSP, where

temples offer the opportunity for people to escape from the pressures of

everyday life by resting in a secluded temple with very few religious de-

mands.66

It appears that for Buddhism this movement towards becoming a

guardian and promoter of Korean culture found its strongest impetus in

the TSP. Initially the TSP got off to an uncertain start, when, in 2002 in

the lead-up to the World Cup, the MCST mooted the idea of opening

temples to foreigners as places to stay and experience temple life. Under-

standably the Jogye Order was not overly enthusiastic. However, permis-

sion was granted and it went ahead with some small degree of success.

This experiment was subsequently repeated for the 2002 Asian Games in

Busan and, later, in 2003 for the Daegu World University Games. As

experience of the program grew so too did the number of participants and,

64 Found on the Jogkye Order’s website promoting the TSP. https://eng.templestay.com/reserv _temple_rest.aspx?ProgramId=3201 (accessed 12/04/2017). 65 For example, the English language magazine Buddhism and Culture published by the Korean Buddhist Promotion Foundation, Seoul. 66 See report from the Maeil Shinmun (『每日新聞』) of 01/07/2016 (accessed 01/04/2017). http://www.imaeil.com/sub_news/sub_news_view.php?news_id=31910&yy=2016.


it would seem, the degree of interest shown by the Buddhist institution.67

In 2004 the Jogye Order established its Cultural Corps of Korean Bud-

dhism (한국불교문화사업단) which was tasked to produce materials,

administer the TSP, the Lotus Lantern Festival, and, indeed, most activ-

ities relating to the promotion of Buddhism with relation the MCST. With

a newfound seriousness, Buddhism thus set about strengthening ties with

the government agencies, eventually becoming wholly involved in the

heritage and tourism industry. Kaplan sums-up the situation: “Temples, in

this way, are becoming inclusive heritage centers, where monks turn into

tour guides and curators of an eclectic, traditional, ‘authentic’ Korean-

ness.”68

Over the years, the Cultural Corps has broadened its goals, domes-

tically and internationally, by opening the TSP to Koreans and by throw-

ing its weight behind the goal of ‘globalising Korean Buddhism’. A good

example as to how these two characteristics have been wedded together

can be seen in the annual Seoul International Buddhism Expo (서울국제

불교박람회). Held at the Seoul Trade Exhibition and Convention Center,

this is a huge marketing operation hosting everything from performances

to sound systems. In keeping with what we have seen so far, the opening

greeting of the Expo’s website begins with the confident statement:

“Korean Buddhism is the cradle of traditional Korean culture that per-

sisted for 1,700 years.”69 The website goes on to speak of the importance

of the promotion and globalisation of Korean Buddhism. However, in this

undertaking we also see a much more explicit statement of commercial

67 For a good summary and analysis of the TSP and its development see Uri Kaplan’s, “Images of Monasticism: The Temple Stay Program and Re-branding of Korean Buddhist Temples”, in Korean Studies, Vol. 34, 2010, pp. 127-146. 68 Ibid., p. 140. 69 Cf. website at http://en.bexpo.kr/bbs/content.php?co_id=01_01 (accessed 10/04/2017).


intent when one of the goals is stated as: “To systematize traditional and

Buddhist culture and form a market through business promotion.”70

Although included in all the examples provided, the case of the Bud-

dhism Expo highlights some of the difficulties resulting when a religious

tradition ― be it Buddhism, Protestantism, Catholicism ― becomes

closely associated with the heritage/tourism industries and government

agencies. As Sukman Jang pointed out in his analysis of contemporary

Korean religions, there is a tendency for them to “commercialize them-

selves”.71 Such a state of affairs can easily lead to a religion becoming so

closely associated with the state, state policies and commercial concerns

that the religion’s identity becomes weakened and is eventually called into

question. In the case of Korean Buddhism, I wonder, has its role as an

ambassador for Korean culture and the globalisation of that culture jeop-

ardised its religious identity and authority? Galmichie re-echoes this con-

cern when she states, “The place and meaning of the [Buddhist] monastic

tradition today is ambiguous”.72

10. The Birth of ‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’

Having outlined the historical and contemporary situation regarding

Buddhism’s links with the state and, more recently, the tourism and heri-

tage industry, let me now return to the question raised in the introduction

above: if Buddhism continues to present itself as a cultural ambassador

for Korea, to what degree can Korean Buddhism successfully function as

an active and global religion?

70 Ibid. 71 S. Jang, “Contemporary Korean Religions”, p. 6. 72 Galmichie, “A Space of Mountains”, p. 234.


An answer to this important question demands a short excursion to a

period already visited, the Joseon Dynasty. During the Joseon Dynasty,

Buddhism was de-centred from its previous position of power and forced

to interact with the rural and powerless of the time. However, contrary to

much of the usual rhetoric this enforced move did not result in the death

knell for Buddhism. Instead, it opened-up a different constituency for

Buddhism in the shape of women, farmers, peasants and those on the

periphery of society. This remained the case until, with the coming of Jap-

anese colonial rule, opportunities again arose to re-engage with the power

centres of society. After liberation in 1945, the Buddhist community was

thrown into disarray because of difficulties, with roots in the colonial era,

which inhibited development. But from the time of the so called ‘Purifi-

cation Movement’ onwards it is possible to discern a concerted effort on

the part of Buddhism, especially the Jogye Order, to once again claim a

place at the top echelon in the social and political life of Korea.

This endeavour, to again become a religion of power and influence in

political and social circles, has led to the reinterpretation of the traditional

concept of ‘nation protecting Buddhism’ in a more contemporary and con-

sumeristic manner resulting in a form of ‘nation globalising Buddhism’.

The ideal of ‘protection’ has been married with the ideology of ethno-

nationalism resulting in Korean Buddhism taking-up an active role in the

Korean state’s efforts to encourage and develop the ‘Korean Wave’. Nat-

urally, this is a two-way relationship.

As a direct result of Buddhism’s cooperation with the MCST relations

with the state have been strengthened, financial support received, overseas

movement and development facilitated and, overall, Buddhism’s public

persona raised. However, here within lies the anomaly mentioned earlier:

simultaneously, as Buddhism in Korea is claiming a more significant and


influential role in the social and political world, the number of people

self-identifying as Buddhists is steadily declining. In other words, al-

though there is a marked increase in the social and political influence of

Buddhism, its numbers are falling.

I wonder, in a time of great political, economic and ecological uncer-

tainty, as is being and has been experienced recently in Korea, if people

seem to be more concerned with solving some of these challenges on a

spiritual and psychological level rather than through Buddhism’s deter-

mination to globalise a ‘national Korean Buddhism’ and Korean culture in

conjunction with the MCST. Although a definitive answer to the question

we began this section with is beyond us and needs further research, I

would hazard a guess that Buddhism’s insistence on forging ahead with its

globalisation project is having an adverse effect on its ability to engage

with people, especially those in Korea, at a more fundamental level. And

on the international level, even though Korean Buddhism’s close ties with

the MCST and the tourism industry provide access to a global market, it

does so in a manner which gives priority to Buddhism’s Korean cultural

dimensions at the expense of its religious identity.

To return to the story of Buddhism in the Joseon Dynasty, out of ne-

cessity Buddhism in this period engaged with those on the periphery of

society and emphasised traditional monastic disciplines. These things, it

should be noted, Buddhism did with quite a degree of success. However,

in twenty-first century Korea, free of coercion, Buddhism’s institutional

leaders seem to have decided that Buddhism’s place is at the centre of

society, a position from where Buddhism can, as in days of old, wield

power and influence. Where this choice will lead Korean Buddhism in the

future is difficult to discern, but it will have far reaching implications.


11. Conclusion

In many ways, the above study raises more questions than it answers.

These questions relate both to Korean Buddhism and, more generally, all

religious traditions. The world of 2017 is in a precarious state, with

heightened military tensions, ecological destruction and continuing ob-

scene levels of poverty. In the face of these issues, our question must

surely be: what role can religions play in such a world to counter some of

these threats and present an alternative lifestyle, both on collective and

individual levels?

Internationally, Buddhism has been playing a significant role in iden-

tifying some alternatives, especially regarding conflict resolution, Bud-

dhist economics as an answer to consumerism, and ecological ethics.73

Though these responses differ in many ways, it is possible to discern some

common features in their approaches. Most basic among these similarities

is a rejection of consumerism, deep suspicion of the neo-liberal globalisa-

tion project, and promotion of the ‘Sufficiency Economy’.74 Radical Bud-

dhist thinkers such as Sulak Sivaraksa are adamant that the present dom-

inant economic system is fatally flawed because of its encouragement of

our addictions to materialism and consumption.75

Korean Buddhism, at least on an institutional level, is at odds with the

above described movement. Through its participation in the globalisation

73 Studies such as: Richard K. Payne (ed.), How Much Is Enough: Buddhism, Consumerism, and the Human Environment, Somerville, MA: Wisdom Publications, 2010; Stephanie Kaza (ed.), Hooked! Buddhist Writings on Greed, Desire, and the Urge to Consume, Boston: Sham-bhala, 2005; Clair Brown, Buddhist Economics: An Enlightened Approach to the Dismay Science, New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2017. 74 Juliana Essen, “Sufficiency Economy and Santi Asoke: Buddhist Economic Ethics for a Just and Sustainable World”, in Journal of Buddhist Ethics, Vol. 17, 2010, pp. 70-99. 75 Sulak Sivaraksa, The Wisdom of Sustainability: Buddhist Economics for the 21st Century, Kihei, Hawaii: Koa Books, 2009.


of cultural consumerism,76 Korean Buddhism seems to be favouring the

Korean state’s policies of tourism, heritage promotion, globalisation and

consumption over the more radical approach of some other Buddhist trad-

itions. In this respect, it is possible, I think, to speak of the predominant

form of Buddhism in contemporary Korea as ‘National Korean Buddhism’

rather than a form of universal Buddhism.

76 Literature on the debate around ‘cultural consumption’ is plentiful; however, a balanced article worthy of attention from a Native American perspective is Alexis Celeste Bunten’s “Sharing Culture or Selling Out? Developing the Commodified Persona in the Heritage In-dustry”, American Ethnologist, Vol. 35, No. 3 (Aug. 2008), pp. 380-395.


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Korean Institute for Religious Freedom, www.kirf.or.kr Received: 30 March 2017 Reviewed and Edited: 9 May 2017 Finalized for Publication: 16 June 2017


❚Abstract❚

□

This study deals with Buddhism in contemporary South Korea and its

attempts to strengthen its identity as ‘Korean Buddhism’ in-tune with the

twenty-first century. The approach adopted to investigate this topic is a

marriage of historical and sociological methodologies so as better to

understand both how the present situation came about and how it is being

manifested in contemporary Korea.

The basic hypothesis of this study is that Buddhism in Korea, by

drawing on and reinterpreting its long history of close relationship with

the state, is creating a new niche for itself in Korean society. This rap-

prochement takes the form of Buddhism rebranding itself as a type of

‘Nation Globalising Buddhism’. In this way, Buddhism in Korea positions

itself favourably in relation to the Korean government’s policy of global-

ising Korean culture through the phenomena known as the ‘Korean Wave’.

By so doing, Korean Buddhism places itself in a strong position to receive

financial sponsorship and support from state agencies such as the Ministry

of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

This new Buddhist role in contemporary Korea raises important ques-

tions on two levels: 1) by presenting itself as a Korean cultural asset is

Korean Buddhism in danger of losing some of its religious identity?, 2) To

what extent can religious traditions coalesce with state and heritage indus-

try policies on cultural consumption and globalisation without losing au-

thenticity?

▶ Key Words: Buddhism, Korean Culture, Globalisation, Consumerism, Heritage Industry, Korean

Wave, Nation.


❚국문 초록❚

□

현대 한국의 불교와 문화적 소비

에몬 F. 애덤스 신부

〔성골롬반외방선교회〕

본 연구는 현대의 대한민국의 불교와, 21세기에 걸맞는 ‘한국 불

교’의 정체성을 강화하려는 시도에 대한 점검이다. 이러한 주제를 조

사하기 위해 역사적 방법론과 사회적 방법론을 혼합한 접근 방법을

채택했다. 그럼으로써 현 상황이 어떻게 도출되었으며, 현재 한국 사

회에서 어떻게 발현되고 있는지를 보다 잘 이해하고자 한다.

본 연구는 오랫동안 국가와 밀접한 관계에 있었던 불교의 역사를

재해석함으로써 불교가 한국 사회에서 스스로 새로운 위치를 창출하

고 있음을 전제로 한다. 이러한 호혜적 관계로 말미암아 불교는 ‘민

족 세계화의 불교’라는 새로운 형태를 띠게 된다. 이러한 방식으로,

한국 불교는 ‘한류’로 알려진 현상을 통해 한국 문화를 세계화하려는

한국 정부의 정책과 호의적인 입지에 놓인다. 그렇게 함으로써, 한국

불교는 문화체육관광부와 같은 국가 기관으로부터 재정적 후원과 지

원을 받을 수 있는 튼실한 입지를 구축하게 되었다.

현 시대 한국 불교의 새로운 역할은 다음의 두 가지 측면에서 매

우 중요한 질문을 제기한다. 1) 스스로를 한국의 문화 자산으로 제시

함으로써, 종교적 정체성을 상실할 위험에 처해 있진 않은가? 2) 종

교적 전통은 종교적 순수성을 상실하지 않으면서 어느 정도까지 문

화 소비와 세계화에 대한 국가나 문화유산산업 정책과 공조할 수 있


는가?

▶ 주제어: 불교, 한국 문화, 세계화, 소비주의, 문화유산산업, 한류, 민족.

buddhism and cultural consumption in contemporary korea

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