JANUARY 2015

Building Peace and Developmentin the Sahel: Enhancing the PoliticalParticipation of Women and Youth

MIREILLE AFFA'A MINDZIE

Cover Photo: Students attend class at a

public school in Taliko, a neighborhood

of Bamako, Mali. October 24, 2013. UN

Photo/Marco Dormino.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this

paper represent those of the author

and not necessarily those of the

International Peace Institute. IPI

welcomes consideration of a wide

range of perspectives in the pursuit of

a well-informed debate on critical

policies and issues in international

affairs.

IPI Publications

Adam Lupel, Director of Research andPublications

Marie O’Reilly, Editor and ResearchFellow

Marisa McCrone, Assistant ProductionEditor

Suggested Citation:

Mireille Affa'a Mindzie, “Building Peace

and Development in the Sahel:

Enhancing the Political Participation of

Women and Youth,” New York:

International Peace Institute, January

2015.

© by International Peace Institute, 2015

All Rights Reserved

www.ipinst.org

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

MIREILLE AFFA'A MINDZIE is Policy Specialist in the Peace

and Security Section of UN Women.

Email: M.AffaaMindzie@UNWomen.org

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This report stems from field research carried out in Mali,

Niger, and Senegal from May 9–23, 2014, and from a

symposium that brought together women, youth, elders,

and representatives of the private sector from across the

Sahel and Maghreb on June 16 and 17, 2014, in Rabat,

Morocco. The regional meeting in Rabat was co-organized

by the International Peace Institute (IPI), Hassan Premier

University of Morocco, the Moroccan Association for

Economic Intelligence (AMIE), and the Centre for

Strategies and Security in the Sahel Sahara (Centre 4S).

IPI owes a debt of gratitude to its partners in this project

and to all of its donors for their generous support. In

particular, IPI is grateful to the Bill and Melinda Gates

Foundation, the government of Finland, and the

Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie. The author

would also like to thank Youssef Mahmoud, Maureen Quinn,

and Priscilla Nzabanita for their valuable inputs.

CONTENTS

Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Challenges to Political Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

POLITICAL FACTORS

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FACTORS

CULTURAL OBSTACLES

SPECIFIC CHALLENGES FACED BY THE YOUTH

Responding to Political Marginalization . . . . . . . . . . . 8

LOCAL RESPONSES: WOMEN

LOCAL RESPONSES: YOUTH

ASSESSING THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY

Enhancing the Political Participationof Women and Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

NORM IMPLEMENTATION AND INSTITUTIONSTRENGTHENING

CAPACITY BUILDING

STRENGTHENING WOMEN’S AND YOUTHS’MOVEMENTS

SOCIAL SERVICE DELIVERY ANDTHE PRIVATE SECTOR

MULTISECTORAL APPROACHES AND THE MEDIA

BUILDING BRIDGES ACROSS GROUPS ANDCOMMUNITIES

ADVANCING THE WOMEN, PEACE, ANDSECURITY AGENDA

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

1

Executive Summary

The twin security and political crises that erupted inMali in 2012 revealed the complex and multilayeredchallenges that threaten peace and stability anddelay development across the Sahel. Poorgovernance was one of the key driving factors, asreflected in many groups’ political, economic, andsocial marginalization. Women and youthrepresent the vast majority of the population inmost countries in the Sahel. Yet the exclusion ofmost women and young people from decision-making processes persists, maintained by a range offactors that widen the gap between elected leadersand their constituencies, weaken institutions ofgovernance, and increase social tensions.In Mali, Niger, and Senegal—the three countries

examined in this report—there are a number ofbarriers to the participation of women and youngpeople in politics. On the political level, thepredominantly male and older elites havemaintained their monopoly on power, the practiceof tokenism as opposed to meaningful representa-tion of women is common, and women and youngpeople often lack key skills needed to participate informal politics. Social and economic factorsinclude both women’s and youths’ economicmarginalization and limited access to education,especially for girls, which excludes these groupsfrom decision-making roles in the public sphere.At a cultural level, patriarchal attitudes and conser-vative religious beliefs, manifested in religiousleaders’ growing influence on political leaders andprocesses, also contribute to restricting women’saccess to public spaces. For young people, thesefactors are compounded by the absence of specificrepresentation quotas, age restrictions on theirformal political engagement, limited experience,and the high cost of politics. Furthermore,unemployment and underemployment renderyouth particularly vulnerable to recruitment intoradical armed groups, as well as increasinglyperilous migration to Europe.A number of initiatives have sought to increase

women’s and youths’ political participation. Theseinitiatives include the adoption of a gender quotalaw in 2000 in Niger and a parity law in 2010 inSenegal. In Mali, advocates for a formal genderquota and those seeking gender parity have yet to

coalesce around one strategy. In Mali, Niger, andSenegal, civil society actors have devised variousstrategies to increase the participation of women inelections, as candidates and voters, often withsupport from government and regional andinternational partners. In Senegal and Mali, theseefforts saw the establishment of election-monitoring platforms that encourage women tovote, facilitate their participation as electoralobservers, and involve them in conflict preventioninitiatives to ease election-related tensions. InNiger, women’s political participation is enhancedby the recognition of their role in the country’sstrategy for security and development in the Sahel-Saharan zones, and the implementation ofprograms by the national High Authority forPeacebuilding. In all three countries, youths frompolitical parties and civil society have alsomobilized to encourage their involvement inpolitics, by voting and by monitoring governanceprocesses.Despite many promising initiatives, civil society

organizations’ efforts are also hindered by anumber of weaknesses, such as excessive competi-tion, politicization, and poor internal governanceand transparency. As such, the exclusion of mostwomen and youth from politics continues. Toincrease the political participation of women andyouth, the report offers the following sevenrecommendations, which can benefit fromstronger national and international support:1. Implement existing norms and strengtheninstitutions to improve democratic governanceand political participation. Innovative strate-gies should be developed to close the persistentgap between norms and implementation andensure that the various standards and principlesthat have been formulated to advancedemocracy and inclusive governance practices,including gender equality and the politicalparticipation of women and youth, are fullyrealized.

2. Build the capacity of women and youth. Toensure the meaningful participation of womenand youth involved in decision-makingprocesses, their skills should be developed inareas including advocacy, leadership, publicadministration, conflict management, andgender mainstreaming.

2 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

3. Strengthen existing women’s and youths’movements. Stronger solidarity and synergiesamong female leaders across political party linesand between young political elites and theirexcluded counterparts can help widen thepolitical space available to women and youngpeople.

4. Improve social service delivery and supportprivate sector initiatives. Girls’ education is akey factor for individual and communityempowerment, and for women’s politicalparticipation. Quality jobs for young people canprevent their recruitment into extremist groups,making it more likely that they will channelgrievances through the political system ratherthan resorting to violence.

5. Promote multisectoral approaches and engagethe media. Beyond political rights, innovativestrategies need to address women’s economicand social status, and seek to advance broadercommunity development. As part of amultipronged approach, the media can play animportant role in shifting attitudes aroundgender equality and the political participation ofwomen and youth.

6. Build bridges across groups and communities.To counter conservative narratives that restrictwomen’s public participation, women’s groupsneed to connect with religious leaders whoadvocate for inclusive politics on the basis of atolerant and progressive interpretation of thesharia law.

7. Advance the women, peace, and securityagenda. The involvement of women in conflictprevention and peace initiatives across the Sahelis a key condition for sustainable peace, stability,and development in the region, which calls forthe effective implementation of the women,peace, and security agenda formalized by UNSecurity Council Resolution 1325.

Introduction

Insecurity in the Sahel is compounded by apersistent socioeconomic crisis. The people of theSahel, who have been affected by recurringrebellions, inflows of weapons following the Libyanrevolution in 2011, and increasing drug traffickingand violent extremism, also endure chronicunderdevelopment, recurrent food insecurity,hazardous weather, and new threats posed byundocumented and increasingly perilousmigration to Europe. Moreover, the disconnectbetween the citizenry and a distant and, at times,predatory ruling elite is further weakening thesocial fabric and hindering sustainablepeacebuilding and development efforts across theregion. This situation is reflected in the endemicpolitical and economic marginalization of signifi-cant portions of the population, which mostlyaffects women and youth.1

Across Africa and the Sahel, women and youthhave often been mobilized in support of the mainpolitical actors, who are mostly men, without thismobilization necessarily transforming into moremeaningful political participation. As politicalparties controlling access to power have tended notto provide these groups the requisite space toparticipate effectively, women have tended to usetheir mobilization capacity to get involved in andlead civil society organizations instead.2 Yet, inMali, Niger, and Senegal—the three countriesexamined in this report—persistent legal, socioeco-nomic, and cultural challenges result in theexclusion of women from political decision-making processes that affect their lives and theircommunities.Women and youth constitute the large majority

of the population in most countries in the Sahel. InMali, for example, 5 million of the country’s 15.4million people were between ten and twenty-fouryears old in 2010, and this number is projected to

1 The definition of youth is taken from the African Youth Charter, which considers youth as being every person between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five, availableat http://pages.au.int/sites/default/files/African%20Youth%20Charter%20English_0.pdf .

2 European Union, Office of the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for the Sahel, and UN Women, synthesis report from the high-level conference “Femmes, stabilitéet développement au Sahel,” Brussels, April 9, 2013.

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 3

3 UN Population Fund and Population Reference Bureau, “Status Report: Adolescents and Young People in Sub-Saharan Africa, Opportunities and Challenges,”2012, available at www.prb.org/pdf12/status-report-youth-subsaharan-Africa.pdf .

4 Isabel Ortiz and Matthew Cummins, “When the Global Crisis and Youth Bulge Collide: Double the Jobs Trouble for Youth,” Social and Economic Policy WorkingPaper, UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), New York, February 2012.

5 GC33 will serve as a virtual forum for the thirty-three civil society participants who gathered in Rabat to share information; produce studies and recommendationson issues affecting the Sahel and Maghreb; serve as a link to the media; and act as a consultation mechanism for the selection of themes, objectives, and content offuture meetings.

increase to 7.9 million by 2025 and to 13 million by2050.3 Despite this youth bulge, defined as “ademographic trend where the proportion ofpersons aged fifteen to twenty-four in the popula-tion increases significantly compared to other agegroups,”4 the involvement of young men andwomen in democratic, political, and governanceprocesses remains marginal. As a result, dispropor-tionately underemployed and undereducatedyouth, particularly men, are vulnerable to radical-ization and can easily become a source of social andpolitical instability.This report seeks to contribute to a better

understanding of the gap that exists betweenelected leaders and civil society, specifically womenand youth in the Sahel-Saharan region (referred toas the Sahel, for short), and to identify ways tobetter harness the current youth dividend andwomen’s contributions in local, national, andregional peacebuilding and development efforts. Itdraws on interviews with women, youth, govern-ment officials, and representatives from local andinternational organizations that were carried out inMali, Niger, and Senegal in May 2014. The reportalso draws on the views expressed in a regionalsymposium on the issue held in Morocco in June2014. At the end of the symposium, the partici-pants agreed on the creation of an independentplatform for reflection and exchange called leGroupe citoyen des 33 (GC33), or the CitizenGroup of 33.5

In the first section, this report identifies the mainpolitical, social, economic, and cultural factors thatact as barriers to women’s and young people’sparticipation in politics in the Sahel. The reportthen examines the various initiatives undertaken bywomen and youth groups, with the support ofgovernments and regional and internationalpartners, to overcome political participationchallenges. It then considers innovative approachesthat are being developed across the Sahel to enhancethe political participation of women and youth.

Challenges to PoliticalParticipation

The breakdown of trust between elected leadersand citizens that pervades state-society relation-ships across the world has resulted in the rejectionof politics by a number of citizens. This is especiallytrue of youth in the Sahel region, where politics iswidely perceived as a corrupt activity and, in somecases, as a means to quick enrichment. At the sametime, in most countries across the Sahel, years ofpoor governance and an absence of the rule of lawhave led to a blurring of the lines between the entityof the state and the government that runs it. As aresult, the stability of the state is at risk with eachchange of government. In this context, the continual weakening of state

institutions and their failure to restore socialcohesion when tensions increase demonstrates theneed for citizens’ meaningful participation in thepublic sphere—in particular women and youth—for sustainable national and regional peace,security, and development. Women and youth play a significant role in

mobilizing support for political candidates.However, they remain mostly excluded from, orhave limited access to, formal decision-makingpositions and processes. In addition, althoughwomen are disproportionately affected by conflict,their protection in conflict-affected contexts andtheir participation in conflict prevention and peaceinitiatives remain marginal at best. Variouspolitical, socioeconomic, and cultural factorscontinue to hinder the participation of women andyouth in both political and peace processes, whichperpetuate the existing gap between citizens’expectations and governance practices andoutcomes.POLITICAL FACTORS

Despite relative gains in the educational andprofessional spheres that advance political careers,

4 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

women remain under-represented at the highestpolitical levels across the world, including in theSahel.6 One major barrier to meaningful politicalparticipation by women and youth is the domina-tion of politics by male and older elites. Due tomen’s virtual monopoly on political power, whichis long established, women and youth find itdifficult to make themselves heard. In Mali, forexample, a system of gender quotas that could haveincreased women’s representation was first rejectedby the parliament in 2006.7 As a result, womenrepresent only 10 percent of members of parlia-ment, a representation that has declined over thecourse of the last three legislatures. Women alsocontinue to be marginalized in government. Theyrepresent 16 percent of the cabinet, and the govern-ment appointed in April 2014 comprised fivewomen out of thirty-one ministers. Other stateinstitutions, such as the Economic and SocialCouncil, are also dominated by men. In thiscontext, the limited budget allocated to theMinistry for the Promotion of Women, Children,and the Family (0.25 percent of the nationalbudget) appears insufficient.In Senegal, the adoption of a parity law in 2010

may not have led to parity, but it did contribute toa record number of women being elected to parlia-ment in July 2012. A woman, Aminata Touré,became prime minister in September 2013, but wasthen relieved of her duties by the president in June2014. Five women were part of Touré’s thirty-two-member cabinet, and eight women were membersof the thirty-three-member cabinet appointed inJuly 2014 and led by Mahammed Boun AbdallahDionne. Parity is also yet to be achieved in severalstate institutions, including the National AssemblyBureau (the office charged with setting theassembly’s deliberations and managing itsservices). Much remains to be done to ensure thatgender parity becomes a reality for Senegalesewomen. Likewise, youth represent 2–3 percent ofparliament, a minimal level of participation thatnegatively impacts the consideration given to theirpriorities and concerns by the legislators. In Niger, national and international observers

interviewed during the author’s field research

conducted in Niamey in May 2014 suggested thatthe political elite in the country is composed ofapproximately 400 key players who have takenturns in government since the first democraticelections in 1993, and that this group is dominatedat the top by older men. Despite long-establishedpolitical participation and the adoption of a genderquota law in 2000, Nigerien women’s representa-tion in parliament remains disproportionately low.Women comprised just 13 percent of parliamentmembers after the 2011 election. In government,women constituted seven of the thirty-seven-member cabinet in 2014. Older men, who hold the reins of political

parties, also tend to be the ones drafting andcontrolling electoral lists, a vicious circle thatperpetuates marginalization. In Mali, for example,women reported being excluded from politicalmeetings where important decisions were madelate at night. In some cases, this resulted in thealteration of agreed electoral lists. In other cases,women were presented as candidates on a list inpositions that simply prevented them from beingelected. Moreover, some women reported beingasked to make a payment to be enlisted ascandidates, while more-established malecandidates received campaign subventions fromtheir political parties. Women candidates did notalways have the resources to cover these expendi-tures, which further increased their marginaliza-tion. These limitations were worsened by practicesof vote buying. In some areas of Mali and Niger,women candidates reported facing politicalopponents who did not hesitate to distribute goodssuch as soap, salt, and fabrics to voters, transgres-sions that could not always be sanctioned. Women and youth have often been co-opted for

token participation, which raises questions aboutthe quality of their representation. In Mali andNiger, women expressed the concern that thosewho had been selected by parties to stand forelection in parliament or to be appointed to cabinetoften did not have the capacity and experience toparticipate meaningfully in political debates anddecision-making processes. As such, womenconsulted for this report did not feel effectively

6 Inter-Parliamentary Union, “Women in Politics Map: 2014,” available at www.ipu.org/pdf/publications/wmnmap14_en.pdf . 7 University of Florida Center for African Studies and Department of Political Science, “Le quota des femmes et la question de la representation: Mali,” Trans-

Saharan Elections Project, available at http://sahelresearch.africa.ufl.edu/tsep/themesissues/femmes-representation/mali/?lang=fr .

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 5

represented by them. This concern also was sharedfollowing legislative elections in June 2014 in Libya,where some women felt that among the thirtyfemale representatives elected to the Council ofRepresentatives, some had been imposed upontheir constituents by political parties and did nothave popular support.8 Both in Mali and Niger,women political leaders also indicated that thewomen selected on some electoral lists were oftenthose dancing to the tunes of male leaders.Women’s expertise remains marginalized, andthose who are able to defend their own prioritiesare often left aside.The failure to implement various domestic and

international policies that would facilitate women’spolitical participation provides further evidencethat those holding power have little interest insharing it with women. In Mali, interviewees attrib-uted this lack of implementation to the fact that thecountry’s higher institutions are led by men.Despite comprehensive decentralization policies,for example, aimed at increasing democracy andaccountability, the reality is that women remainmostly excluded from local governance. As a result,limited consideration is given to their concerns orthose of other vulnerable populations. In addition, despite the adoption of UN Security

Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 and thesubsequent resolutions that strengthened theinternational women, peace, and security agenda,women’s participation in conflict prevention andpeacebuilding efforts still lags behind. In WestAfrica and particularly in the Sahel, women’s civilsociety groups expressed the view that countries inthe region had so far failed to implement theseresolutions, a failure that calls for additional strate-gies. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC FACTORS

In addition to the political barriers in Mali, Niger,and Senegal, social and economic considerationsfurther hinder the political participation of womenand youth. Due to persistent patriarchal attitudes,women from rural regions, particularly in Mali andNiger, often remain in the background because

their husbands oppose their participation aspolitical leaders. For most women and youth, financial constraints

linked to widespread poverty, a lack of financialautonomy, and economic marginalization preventtheir meaningful involvement in politics. InSenegal and across the Sahel, women’s revenuesoften represent half of men’s. Women also facepersistent discrimination when seeking access toeducation and are more likely to be illiterate. Foryoung men and women who have had access toeducation, their experience at school is oftendisconnected from the job market, offering limitedprospects to find gainful employment. Thiseconomic marginalization makes political partici-pation difficult and further excludes young menand women of all ages from other forms of socialdialogue and influence as workers and employers. With limited prospects for women in the formal

job sector, in Senegal it is estimated that womenform more than 80 percent of the workers in theinformal sector, where they face violence, harass-ment, and low salaries, while their employersremain exempted from implementing the relevantlaws and policies that could protect and empowerthem. In Mali, the draft Family Code of 2009 wouldhave granted women more rights by recognizingsecular marriages, increasing the legal age formarriage to eighteen, giving girls inheritancerights, and recognizing women as equal with theirhusbands in the home. However, it was not signedinto law by then president Amadou ToumaniTouré, who was under pressure from Islamistgroups to reject it. Women reported that thebacklash against the proposed code also impactedon their employment, and more women left theformal employment market, took on precariousjobs, and were deprived of any form of socialprotection.9

Education remains a top concern in all threecountries. While Senegal now has a higher numberof girls than boys attending primary school,10 thesituation remains the reverse in both Mali andNiger. In some areas of Mali, nearly 80 percent of

8 Discussion at the regional meeting on “Stability in the Sahel and the Maghreb: The Roles of Women, Youth, and the Elders,” Rabat, Morocco, June 16, 2014.9 Interview with International Labour Organization officials, Dakar, Senegal, May 2014. The draft code recognized only secular marriages, increased the legal

marrying age to eighteen, gave girls inheritance rights, and made women equal with their husbands at home. 10 59.6 percent of boys and 63.4 percent of girls attended primary school between 2008 and 2012. For secondary school, the attendance was 34.9 percent of boys and

32.3 percent of girls. See UNICEF, “Senegal: Statistics,” December 27, 2013, available at www.unicef.org/infobycountry/senegal_statistics.html#117 .

6 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

women are reported to be illiterate despite growingnumbers of girls who are accessing education.11Early marriage and early pregnancies, whichnegatively impact on girls’ education and health, aswell as gender-based violence, also hinder women’sactive political participation. In Niger, girls’education is further weakened by the growingconservative religious trend, whose advocateslobbied the government to reject a bill calling for anincrease in the minimum age for completion ofcompulsory education. These threats to girls’ rightto education appear to be intensifying while formaleducation is also losing its credibility. As such,amid high unemployment, parents are alsoquestioning the value of sending their children toschool.These barriers to education negatively impact

women’s access to information and their analyticaland communication skills, in turn preventingmany from offering strong and clear alternatives tolong-standing political programs. Women alsoreported being impeded by their lack of confidenceand public speaking skills. As a result, even ifwomen are represented in small numbers in parlia-ment and government, they rarely establish theleadership necessary to promote issues of commonconcern. CULTURAL OBSTACLES

More than 90 percent of the population in Mali,Niger, and Senegal identifies as Muslim, andreligion plays a critical role in shaping social andcultural values and attitudes. Conservative clericsprevent or limit women’s public participation,whether due to ignorance, patriarchal traditions, ormisogynistic interpretations of religious precepts.Politics is widely perceived as a masculine sphere,and in some areas, women are discouraged fromengaging in it. This is becoming more commonsince, as governments continue to be discredited,conservative religious organizations have steppedup their communication strategies. In Senegal, where a parity law was adopted in

2010, observers reported that parity exists “only onpaper.” The reality remains starkly different, and

this contrast is even starker in rural areas. Whilesome women have proven very active andsuccessful in advancing gender equality, forexample, by participating in peacebuilding activi-ties in the Casamance region or in efforts to fightpoverty in their communities, they still faceobstacles to their formal political participation. Inthe Touba region of Senegal that traditionally hoststhe Mourid religious community, conservativereligious leaders succeeded in preventing women’sparticipation in the June 2014 local elections. Somewomen belonging to the Mourid brotherhood alsoexpressed their unwillingness to participate in theelections. However, for many Senegalese women,the “Touba issue” goes beyond the status ofwomen; they cite the state’s responsibility inspecifying the legal status of this religious city.In Niger, where 70 percent of the population

would like to see sharia law implemented,12 conser-vative religious and traditional beliefs haveprevented the adoption of a more progressivefamily code for the past twenty years. Nigerincluded a substantial number of reservationswhen it ratified the UN Convention on theElimination of All Forms of Discrimination againstWomen in 1999. In 2006, the country’s parliamentrejected a motion seeking the ratification of theAfrican Union Protocol on the Rights of Women inAfrica. And in late 2012, conservative religiousgroups, including Muslim students’ and women’sassociations, succeeded in blocking the adoption ofa bill that sought to increase the age of compulsoryeducation completion from twelve to sixteen, andthus protect student girls from early marriage. It isestimated that 51 percent of Nigerien girls betweenten and fifteen years old have never been to school,while one-third of girls are married before theyreach fifteen, the minimum legal age for a girl tomarry.13 High illiteracy rates, poverty, and conser-vative religious and traditional beliefs increasegirls’ exposure to early marriages and earlypregnancies and often prevent women fromaccessing information and basic social services,limiting their ability to express themselves andparticipate fully in public spheres.

11 UNICEF, “Mali: Statistics,” December 27, 2013, available at www.unicef.org/infobycountry/mali_statistics.html#117 . 12 Afrobarometer, “Results of the Fifth Series of Surveys in Niger: Fourth Dissemination,” January 2014, available at

www.afrobarometer.org/files/documents/media_briefing/ngr_r5_presentation4.pdf .13 UNICEF, “Ending Child Marriage: Progress and Prospects,” New York, 2014, available at

http://data.unicef.org/corecode/uploads/document6/uploaded_pdfs/corecode/Child-Marriage-Brochure-7_17-HR_164.pdf .

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 7

14 See Government of Senegal, Modified Law No. 2014-18 on electoral code, Article LO.152 (April 15, 2014), available at www.gouv.sn/Loi-no-2014-18-du-15-avril-2014.html ; and Government of Senegal, Constitution of the Republic of Senegal, Article 28, available at www.gouv.sn/Titre-III-Du-President-de-la.html .

15 Henrik Urdal, “The Demographics of Political Violence: Youth Bulges, Insecurity and Conflict,” in Too Poor for Peace? Global Poverty, Conflict, and Security inthe 21st Century, edited by Lael Brainard and Derek Chollet (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2007), pp. 90–100. See also “Understanding the Causes ofViolent Extremism in West Africa,” Irin News, May 10, 2013, available at www.irinnews.org/report/98012/understanding-the-causes-of-violent-extremism-in-west-africa .

In Mali, even before the 2012 military coup andthe crisis in the country’s north, a revision of theFamily Code failed due to religious pressure. Whilethe northern region of Mali has long been consid-ered the one under the strongest religiousinfluence, insecurity linked to the crisis has furtheraggravated recurrent social and cultural challengesthere. In the region of Tessalit, for example, awoman running for the 2013 parliamentaryelections needed the UN Mission in Mali(MINUSMA) to ensure her security during thecampaign. Following the crisis, religious groups areincreasingly organizing themselves to infiltratepolitical parties and participate in politics. For oneMalian observer, the mix between the religious andpolitical spheres raises new concerns, as religionhas always been considered the population’s lastresort against injustice.As Islamist groups continue to build alliances

across the Sahel region, participants in the fieldstudy emphasized that governments and civilsociety are failing to denounce these movementsand take the appropriate steps to counter religiousextremism while it can still be defeated.SPECIFIC CHALLENGES FACED BY THEYOUTH

Youth participation is often hindered by standardelectoral rules that place age limits on who can voteand hold office. In Senegal, for example, one mustbe twenty-five years of age to run for parliamentand thirty-five for president.14 In addition, unlikewomen who might benefit from quota or paritysystems, youth do not enjoy any affirmative policygeared toward their increased participation.Instead, it appears that the lack of considerationgiven to them by older members of society, theirdisconnection from political power, and theeducation challenges they face have led to theirmarginalization across the Sahel. In Niger, thesechallenges are compounded by the limited numberof political parties, limited financial resources, andthe high cost of politics. These factors, combinedwith the presence of entrenched political elites,perpetuate the absence of youth from decision-

making processes and fuel frustration. In addition, more established politicians often

argue that young political leaders lack experience,which justifies their marginalization. On theground, however, youth are often the ones helpingwith voter mobilization and the day-to-dayrunning of political parties. Their limited involve-ment in decision-making processes has led to agrowing disinterest in politics among many youth,who do not feel adequately represented by thepolitical elite. Evidence of this is higher in contextswhere political leaders have disregarded theirelectoral promises, further eroding their credibility.In addition, despite the establishment of institu-tions such as youth ministries, national youthcouncils, or state structures dealing with youthemployment, the politicization of these institutionsand the ensuing lack of trust in them limit theireffectiveness.Insecurity and risks of violence are often associ-

ated with youth unemployment. The majority ofyouth in the region remains excluded from qualityemployment and income-generating activities,and, more generally, from any sustainable socialand economic integration. In the context of anenduring economic crisis, youth unemploymentand underemployment could be very dangerous ifleft unaddressed. Unemployed and underemployedyouth are at risk of political manipulation andrecruitment by extremist groups, and involvementin violence.15

In fact, rebel and Islamist groups across the Sahelhave exploited three regional deficits to recruityouth: limited citizen participation in politics;underdevelopment and the inequitable sharing ofresources; and weak educational systems.Insecurity and violence at work, for youth who aremostly employed in the informal sector, could alsolead to their recruitment into illicit and violentactivities. Finally, uneducated and socioeconomically

marginalized youth from countries in the Sahel aretaking increasing risks to cross the MediterraneanSea, in search of greener pastures in Europe, or to

8 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

16 UNHCR, “UNHCR Calls for Urgent European Action To End Refugee and Migrant Deaths at Sea,” July 24, 2014, available at www.unhcr.org/53d0e2d26.html .17 Alice Kang, “The Effect of Gender Quota Laws on the Election of Women: Lessons from Niger,” Faculty Publications: Political Science, Paper 56, University of

Nebraska–Lincoln, April 2013, available at http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1057&context=poliscifacpub .

cross the borders to countries such as Côte d’Ivoireand Ghana, or Algeria and Libya to the north. Themultiple security incidents, which caused the deathof 600 migrants at sea in 2013—a figure that hadincreased to 800 in the first half of 2014—call for adeeper reflection on the issues raised by unregu-lated African migration and the challenges thisimmigration poses to the continent’s long-termdevelopment.16

Responding To PoliticalMarginalization

LOCAL RESPONSES: WOMEN

Given their political marginalization, women havedeveloped alternative strategies to maximize theirparticipation by turning to civil societymovements, and they are actively involved inassociations dealing with issues such as education,health, and development. These experiences serveas a useful springboard for the greater involvementof women in politics. Niger: Increasing Political Participation

In Niger, though less visible than men, womenhave a long track record of public participation andhave found innovative ways of carving out space toparticipate in the political discourse. Traditionally,first ladies and other women related to politicalleaders have played influential roles as counselors,educators, and defenders of social causes. Duringthe country’s rebellions in 1990 and 2007, and inoccasional community conflicts between pastoral-ists and farmers, women played active roles not justby supporting their families as breadwinners butalso by collecting information and makingfinancial contributions to purchase arms. Morerecently, Nigerien women served as unionmembers and as political party activists. Thesekinds of activities gradually facilitated their formalpolitical engagement, and more women havebecome actively involved in politics. Two womenare heads of political parties, and former foreignminister Aïchatou Mindaoudou Souleymane wasappointed UN special representative of thesecretary-general for Côte d’Ivoire in 2013. HadizaSouna, who plays a leading role in one of Niger’s

political parties, explained the creation of her partyby her will to encourage women to vote and todemonstrate that women could hold high-leveldecision-making positions. A number of initiatives are increasing women’s

political participation and economic empower-ment in Niger. Alternative espaces citoyens, a civilsociety group that runs several radio stations and anewspaper, has been mobilizing its media outlets insupport of women candidates since the 2009 parlia-mentarian and local elections. Of the sixteenwomen candidates whose campaigns weresupported then, ten were elected to parliament.Women’s associations also provided microcreditsto women candidates to encourage their participa-tion. Development partners implemented trainingprograms to strengthen the capacity of womenelected to parliament and local councils. Forexample, the National Democratic Institute (NDI)supported women in parliament to raise awarenessof gender in budgetary and other legislativeprocedures. These capacity-building initiativesfurther helped women to strengthen their positionswithin their political parties.Niger adopted a gender quota law in June 2000,

which sets a 10 percent quota requirement for theelection of women in parliament, and a 25 percentquota for their appointment to government andhigh-level positions in public administration.17 As aresult, women’s representation in parliamentincreased from 1.2 percent in 1999 to 12.4 percentin 2004, and to 13 percent after the last election in2011. In 2014, there were fifteen women in parlia-ment, and seven women in government. Thisgreater participation has contributed to anincreased number of laws protecting women fromviolence. Women have also used NationalWomen’s Day, celebrated annually on May 13th, tolobby the government to increase the current 10percent gender quota to a 30 percent quota. Thegovernment’s pledge to heed this call is yet to berealized.Niger is one of the countries in the region that

has developed a national strategy that takes intoaccount the role of women in security and develop-ment, for example, by putting emphasis on their

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 9

18 Republic of Niger, Cabinet of the Prime Minister, “Strategy for Development and Security in Sahel-Saharan Areas of Niger,” October 2011, available athttp://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/sds_version_english.pdf .

access to employment opportunities and to socioe-conomic assistance.18 In addition, the country’sHigh Authority for Peacebuilding, established inOctober 2011 to foster a culture of peace, trust,dialogue, and tolerance among the country’sdiverse communities, supports activities to increasewomen’s participation in peace initiatives.Campaigns have been organized to raise awarenessabout women’s roles in conflict prevention.Assistance is also provided through trainingprograms and income-generating activities.Despite these initiatives, the issue of women’smeaningful representation, especially in parlia-ment, remains unaddressed, and their participationin national and regional conflict prevention andpeacebuilding efforts requires strengthening. Senegal: Advocating for PeacefulElections

Senegal adopted a national gender policy in 2008.Following years of mobilization, public informa-tion, and awareness activities in urban and ruralareas, women also lobbied successfully for theadoption of a parity law in May 2010. The law hasfacilitated greater representation of women inparliament. As a result, sixty-four female represen-tatives were elected to the 150-seat parliament in2012, increasing women’s representation from 18to 43 percent. The requirement of parity lists forthe June 2014 local elections further increasedwomen’s political representation. However, thesedemocratic gains remain fragile, and Senegalesewomen agree that more awareness raising and apermanent dialogue among all members of societyare needed to enhance gender equality andwomen’s participation.In that regard, Senegalese women established an

election-monitoring platform to prevent electoralfraud and conflict during both the presidential andparliamentary elections in 2012. The platform wasestablished in response to attempts by the govern-ment to modify electoral rules. The mechanismresulted from combined efforts by an internal andspontaneous women’s movement that wished toadvance peace in the country, and by the AfricanUnion’s Gender is My Agenda Campaign, seekingto encourage greater women’s participation in

continental peace processes. The Senegaleseplatform is comprised of approximately sixtymembers, mostly women’s associations, under theleadership of Femmes Africa Solidarité, a pan-African organization with wide experience inconflict management across the continent. A number of activities were undertaken both

during and after the elections, which includedtraining and consultations. The consultationsrolled out a “3-M strategy”—namely, mobilization,mediation, and monitoring. Women and youthwere mobilized, at grassroots level, to activelyparticipate in the electoral process. As politicians’wives, sisters, and daughters, women also weremobilized to relay messages from society topolitical leaders and appease tensions. Moreover, amonitoring room was established during theelections and facilitated by women who hadreceived the appropriate training and equipment.These initiatives were revived ahead of the June2014 local elections.The election-monitoring platform and the

presence of trained female electoral observersproved useful in appeasing tensions and encour-aging women to go out and vote. By speaking outon potential fraud, such as vote buying, theplatform also played a dissuasive role that benefitedfrom the support of the national authorities. Theplatform facilitated the signature of a covenantbetween women political leaders and civil society,marking their joint commitment to peace.Experiences were shared with women from acrossWest Africa, including Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia,Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, and SierraLeone. Moreover, empowered by the training theyhad received to support the platform, some youngwomen found a new interest in politics and wenton to run for elections in 2014.In addition to the platform, Senegalese women

organized peaceful demonstrations to preventelectoral violence and appease social tensionsahead of the 2012 presidential election, namelythrough the “white movement.” Dressed in whiteclothes, nearly 2,000 women conducted peacecaravans in various regions of the country.

10 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

Mali: Supporting Women in Politics

Although Malian political parties have adopted avoluntary quota system to increase women’s partic-ipation, women still occupy only 10 percent of seatsin parliament, a percentage that further decreasesin local government. This is despite women’sinvolvement in efforts to end the 2012 crisis:women organized demonstrations to claim theirrights; they traveled to Burkina Faso and lobbiedthe various actors to be involved in theOuagadougou peace negotiations;19 and they alsolobbied West African heads of state and the UNSecurity Council to raise awareness of theirsituation. Understanding that achieving genderequality is primarily an endogenous process,Malian women sought to make use of the postcon-flict context to speed up change. Government andlocal and international organizations haveprovided support to women’s efforts to enhancetheir political participation. In regard to government efforts, the Malian

Ministry for the Promotion of Women, Children,and the Family identified a number of priorities forthe year 2014. These included a review of thenational action plan for the implementation of UNSecurity Council Resolution 1325, and a 2014–2018action plan linked to the national gender policy.The Malian gender policy was drafted with thesupport of civil society and adopted in 2010. Thepolicy provides a conceptual and operationalframework to accelerate Mali’s human andeconomic development by advancing genderequality. It has the potential to bring a response towomen’s concerns and was complemented by theestablishment of a fund for female empowerment in2011, which will serve as its main financing instru-ment. However, for civil society, no clear politicalwill has been demonstrated to promote theimplementation of the national gender policy,challenges that have been reinforced by the 2012crisis. Moreover, new demands emerged in thepostconflict context that need to be addressed,including women’s participation in the nationaldialogue and mediation process. Focusing on women’s political participation, the

gender ministry endeavored to make women’s

right to run for elections into a reality. This wasdone by assisting candidates with training, throughthe preparation and distribution of brochures, andby supporting campaigns to mobilize women andcivil society groups. The ministry also supportedthe organization of study visits to neighboringcountries, such as Senegal, where Malian womenobserved the functioning of the Senegaleseelection-monitoring platform.Complementing the government’s initiatives, the

Malian Center for Inter-Party Dialogue andDemocracy (CMDID), a platform that bringstogether more than sixty political parties from bothgovernment and opposition, works toward thepolitical emergence of women and youth. CMDIDstrengthened women’s political capacity, helpedmobilize citizens, and accompanied femalecandidates, including by facilitating their access toresources and supporting the distribution of votingcards in rural areas. As a result, it was reported thatthe number of women candidates to local electionsincreased. Women were more conscious of theirrole, and they more easily engaged in advocating fortheir priorities. With assistance from UN Women,CMDID launched various advocacy programswithin political parties, ahead of the municipalelections scheduled for April 2015. With thecommitment of political parties, these programs aimto encourage women’s positions on electoral lists.Civil society organizations, including the Malian

chapter of the Women in Law and Development inAfrica (WILDAF), a pan-African networkpromoting women’s rights, also initiated programsto raise awareness about the need for women’sinvolvement. Training was provided to womencandidates. WILDAF also mobilized its membersto support several female candidates’ campaigns byorganizing radio programs, printing posters, andbuying T-shirts. WILDAF’s approach was toincrease women’s participation in all decision-making positions, including ones related to themanagement of schools, health centers, and waterpoints, for example. To ensure the success of thisapproach, a number of focus groups were held,among religious and traditional leaders, youthgroups, and women themselves, to build support.

19 Signed between the government of Mali and the Tuareg groups of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad and the High Council for the Unity ofAzawad, the June 18th Ouagadougou agreement provided for an immediate ceasefire, paved the way for the holding of presidential elections in July 2013, andcommitted the parties to discussing sustainable peace through an inclusive dialogue that was to take place after the election. See Institute for Security Studies, “ATenuous Solution in Mali: Between Internal Constraints and External Pressures,” ECOWAS Peace and Security Report Series, Issue 5, July 2013.

During the crisis in 2012, the organizationprovided assistance to women in northern Maliwho had experienced violence, and a legal aid unitwas established to advise and support the victims.Other initiatives to increase women’s political

participation saw the establishment of an election-monitoring platform supported by MINUSMAtogether with former members of parliament andother groups. Local organizations, includingWILDAF and a network that focuses on the protec-tion of women and children’s rights called Groupepivot droit et citoyenneté des femmes, facilitatedthe recruitment of coaches who accompaniedwomen candidates. UN Women provided financialand technical support to thirty women candidates,and Groupe Pivot supported five other womencandidates. As a result, of the fourteen women whowere elected to parliament in November 2013,eleven had been supported by the electoralplatform. Such joint support should be sustained,including for local elections that have a strongpotential for increased women’s representation dueto the close proximity between candidates andvoters. In addition, Malian women requestedstronger pressure by development partners on thegovernment, to ensure that their political involve-ment receives support beyond repeated trainingprojects. Partners themselves were asked toincrease their financial assistance for womencandidates to meet their campaign expenses andaugment their parti cipation.In relation to the recent crisis, the National

Democratic Institute (NDI) provided technicalsupport to the Consultative Framework forWomen in the Malian Political Parties, a coalitionbringing together women from approximately fiftypolitical parties that proved to be an importantmediator during the crisis. In the postconflictcontext, NDI is accompanying the Malian chapterof the Economic Community of West AfricanStates (ECOWAS) Network on Peace and Securityfor Women to ensure that women actively partici-pate in ongoing national reconciliation efforts. Inthat regard, a project is being implemented thatseeks to collect women’s concerns and prioritiesacross the country, and to present its findings to the

future Truth, Justice, and ReconciliationCommission. Through this project, and in additionto traditional capacity-building approaches, NDIseeks to facilitate women’s interventions that willenhance their overall image and role in society.

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 11

20 International IDEA, Stockholm University, and Inter-Parliamentary Union, “QuotaProject: Global Database of Quotas for Women,” available at www.quotaproject.org/aboutQuotas.cfm .

21 African Union, “Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa,” Third Ordinary Session, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, July 6–8, 2004, available athttp://wgd.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Solemn%20Declaration%20on%20Gender%20Equality%20in%20Africa%20(SDGEA)%20-%20English.pdf .

Parity versus Gender Quota in MaliIn devising strategies to increase women’s politicalparticipation, women in the Sahel, and in Mali inparticular, have yet to decide whether aiming forgender parity or a gender quota—two mechanismsto fast track gender balance in politics20—is the beststrategy to increase their national and localrepresentation. Considering both the previoussetbacks for women’s rights and the main politicalactors in Mali, advocates of gender quotas feel thetime is not ripe for a change that remained at oddswith social and political realities. Parity may beformalized on paper, but it would not beimplemented in practice, they argue. As a result, itseems more strategic to lobby for a quota law toimprove women’s representation in politics. Thisposition is supported by the Malian genderministry, which suggested a 35 percent quota forwomen’s representation, with alternativepositioning of men and women on the electorallists. This process is seen as a bridge that could leadto parity by the year 2018. However, in view of the poor results yielded by

the decades-long campaign to advance women’spolitical participation, other Malian women believethere is no other choice than to demand a paritylaw. For this group, Malian women bear the cost ofthe recent crisis. As the country emerges fromconflict and decisions are made on defining “a newMali,” they believe the time has come to fight forparity. Malian activists advocating for a parity lawalso referred to the 2004 African Union SolemnDeclaration on Gender Equality, which commitsAfrican leaders to expand and promote the genderparity principle to all organs of the AU, to theregional economic communities, and at thenational and local levels in collaboration withpolitical parties and national parliaments.21 On this

12 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

* * *More generally in West Africa, following

Femmes Africa Solidarité’s establishment of awomen, peace, and security group in 2009, the UNencouraged the establishment of group representa-tions in each country. Facilitated by the UnitedNations Office for West Africa (UNOWA), aregional database was established. Video telecon-ference meetings are held every two months tostrengthen networking and information sharing. Inaddition to capacity-building programs, theseinitiatives promote the effective implementation ofthe various provisions of the international women,peace, and security agenda, their propermonitoring at national, regional, and internationallevels, and their periodic review. The networkfurther seeks to enhance opportunities for womento participate in conflict prevention and peaceprocesses across West Africa and the Sahel. WithUNOWA’s support, women in the regionadvocated for the adoption of a subregional actionplan for UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Ofthe fifteen ECOWAS countries, only Benin, CapeVerde, and Niger have yet to adopt a nationalaction plan for implementing the landmark resolu-tion.These efforts to enhance women’s participation

in political and peacebuilding processes in theSahel are complemented by initiatives to enhancethe involvement of youth.LOCAL RESPONSES: YOUTH

To counter the frustrations caused by politicalexclusion and the risks that extremist ideologies,terrorist groups, and arms, drug, and humantraffickers pose to youth across borders in theSahel, efforts have been increased to enhance youthparticipation in democracy and governance. In Mali, the establishment of the youth group

Democracy 101 provided young activists with aplatform to mobilize ahead of the 2013 electionsand facilitate voters’ registration by distributing

voter cards, confirming registration on electorallists, and encouraging people to cast their ballots.During the election, the organization also operateda telephone line to provide voters with informa-tion, which reportedly received and addressedmore than 14,000 calls. Youth participationincreased from 9 to 13 percent during the lastpresidential election, a result Democracy 101 alsocredited to its advocacy work.22 Following theelection, Malian youth launched petitions andorganized demonstrations calling upon the newgovernment to fulfill its electoral promises and toensure their participation in the implementation ofrelevant programs. Increasingly, a youth socialforum called the “grin” is being used to discusspolitical issues, including the role of elected leaders.Having concluded that better management of the

underlying conflict factors could have averted the2012 crisis in Mali, young political leaders cametogether to establish a multiparty network thatpursues the vision of a democratic state and servesas a dialogue platform on issues of nationalinterest. Among these issues, young politiciansidentified advocacy for higher numbers of youthregistration on electoral lists, efforts to promote thepolitical emergence of youth, and capacity-buildinginitiatives from the ground up to promotetolerance, patriotism, and a secular state.Furthermore, in the postconflict context, thenetwork aims to facilitate the participation ofMalian youth in ongoing national reconciliationefforts. In this regard, an advocacy document forpeace and reconciliation was developed, in whichplans were made that included peace education,conflict early warning, and citizenship education.In Niger, youth have traditionally avoided

involvement in politics. However, the youthinterviewed in Niamey in June 2014 displayed anawareness of the importance of their politicalengagement and were participating in capacity-building programs, which sought to enhance theirpolitical engagement. Several organizations thatwork with youth have been established in the fieldsof education, health, and peace, among others,many of which aim to increase youth participationin interconnected peace and development efforts.For instance, the Niger High Authority forPeacebuilding is implementing a program focusing

22 Interview with representatives of Democracy 101, Bamako, Mali, May 2014.

basis, governments should be held accountable forthe commitments they voluntarily agreed to,together with their international partnerssupporting national implementation efforts.

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 13

on short-term stability, which seeks to support andstrengthen the capacity of vulnerable groupsincluding women and youth. Through its Youth,Peace, and Development program, the HighAuthority for Peacebuilding provides support forincome-generating activities. The Mouvement desjeunes pour le développement et l’educationcitoyenne (MOJEDEC), a network bringingtogether more than 120 youth organizations ofthose between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five,facilitates peer-to-peer training on topics includingcitizenship, leadership, nonviolent conflict resolu-tion, and building a culture of peace across thecountry. In addition, MOJEDEC has developedliteracy and management programs.Youth in Niger also have developed spaces that

allow for social and artistic forms of expression thatare used for citizen governance monitoring. Radioprograms provide platforms for young leaders aswell as uneducated youth to discuss issues such aspolitics, current affairs, and reproductive health,for example. Alternative espaces citoyens, a civilsociety group in Niger, organizes writing andanalytical skills training for youth, who can makeuse of the organization’s newspapers to raise issuesof concern. Nigerien youth further participate incivil society training programs that seek to increasecitizen participation in budget preparation andimplementation at the community level. Efforts topromote good governance include the organizationof anticorruption caravans and training workshopson how to fight corruption. Youth are increasinglyinvolved in activities related to better naturalresource management and environmentalchallenges, such as reforestation, communitysanitation, and the use of solar energy. In Senegal, a mass demonstration in 2011 called

the June 23 Movement that coalesced around thetheme “Do not touch my constitution” under -scored the desire for change by youth and civilsociety. The movement brought together variousgroups of men, women, and youth, includinghuman rights NGOs, unions, and developmentorganizations. For one Senegalese human rightsactivist, the success of the June 23 Movement lay inthe unity of all the actors involved, their ability tobuild mutual trust, the democratic nature of themovement with regular consultations, and the

respect by all of the nonpartisan nature of the civilsociety mandate.23

Building on this mobilization, the “Y’en a marre”(“We’ve had enough”) movement initiated byyoung journalists and musicians used music andpoetry to rally the youth against former presidentAbdoulaye Wade’s attempts to run for a third termin 2012. It encouraged them to vote and sought topersuade young citizens to contribute to theircommunities’ efforts to advance democracy andgood governance. “Y’en a marre” is credited withthe registration of 380,000 youth on electoral listsahead of the 2012 presidential election. This effortprovided an opportunity for the youth to partici-pate in the political debate aimed at strengtheningthe democratic process in the country, consoli-dating democratic gains, and putting citizens’concerns at its center. Following the elections, themovement evolved into a monitoring and advocacygroup speaking up on the multiple challengesfacing Senegalese citizens, such as food insecurity,youth unemployment, education, and streetchildren. Additional networking and awareness-raising

activities have been implemented by the Youth,Population, and Development Network toencourage youth participation in decision-makingprocesses and foster generational parity. Thenetwork helped to create high school clubs acrossSenegal that offer leadership training to youth. Thetrainees are organized into “citizen juries” whoprovide monitoring and early warning tools fortransparency and accountability. A committee forconflict prevention also was established to raiseawareness and inform the youth. In partnershipwith the government and organizations focusingon youth and girls, the youth network promotesgirls’ participation in campaigns related to topicssuch as education, empowerment and leadership,the use of new technologies, and the eradication offemale genital mutilation.ASSESSING THE ROLE OF CIVILSOCIETY

By serving as a bridge between the state and itscitizens, civil society organizations can play animportant role in women’s and youths’ empower-ment and the promotion of a message of peace

23 Interview conducted in Dakar, Senegal, May 2014.

14 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

across the Sahel. Diverse strategies havedemonstrated promise in promoting themeaningful participation of women and youth,such as advocacy for the implementation of clearand concrete policy recommendations, activeengagement of the media, and coordination amongorganizations to increase effectiveness. In Senegal,best practices shared by leaders of the June 23Movement highlighted the importance of agreeingon a concrete strategy, defining clear objectives,and building broad and strong alliances. Inaddition, dialogue and consultation were presentedas critical tools for any successful democraticmovement. In Niger, civil society organizations have

developed strategies to monitor the adoption andimplementation of budgets by local governments.A citizen budget session is organized annually,which provides an opportunity to analyze budgetimplementation for the previous year and calls onthe government to explain established gaps, todefine budget projections, and to make recommen-dations to the budget ministry. At the local level,young people are encouraged to participate inbudget preparation. Alternative espaces citoyensalso seeks to increase gender mainstreaming inlocal and national budgets by assessing popula-tions’ expectations and conducting gender analysesof budgets. The organization conducted trainingand awareness-raising programs, including intraditionally marginalized regions such as Agadez,Diffa, and Zinder, to inform local populationsabout the stakes and the importance of theirinvolvement, as well as the need for gender-sensitive budgets.Despite these models, civil society’s impact on

political participation, peace, and developmentacross the Sahel continues to show mixed results.For example, in Niger, numerous associations workto promote women’s and children’s rights andwelfare; however, these organizations faceconstraints due to poor internal governance andlack of transparency. Many nongovernmentalorganizations also lack the capacity to purposefullyengage in development and peacebuildingprograms, and competition is high for funding.Moreover, some organizations are highly politi-cized, a phenomenon that is compounded by local“brain drain” and the co-opting of development

experts into better-resourced international organi-zations. In some cases, tensions were reported between

civil society organizations and governments, whichconsider vocal civil society actors—rightly orwrongly—as aligned with the opposition and thus athreat. In Mali, the politicization of civil society wasidentified as a factor in the 2012 crisis. Despite themultitude of actors and mechanisms, civil societygroups failed to anticipate the crisis. This failurewas explained by the alliances these organizationsbuilt with political parties and the “consensus à lamalienne” (Malian consensus) institutionalized byformer president Amadou Toumani Touré.Characterized by the search for consensus on allissues, this governance approach graduallydeprived civil society organizations from anycapacity to serve as watchdogs and raise issues ofcommon concern. Providing adequate space for civil society to

contribute to national efforts to improve inclusivegovernance can positively impact on women andyouth political participation. However, additionalstrategies also need to be developed if women andyouth are to take meaningful part in governance,peace, and development efforts across the Sahel.

Enhancing the PoliticalParticipation of Womenand Youth

For greater political participation by women andyouth, the challenges posed by exclusive andunaccountable governance must be overcome andstrategies that promote people-centeredgovernance need to be developed. There are sevenareas of focus that could prove fruitful in thisrespect: (1) bridging the gap between governancenorms and policies and their implementation; (2)building the capacity of women and youth toparticipate meaningfully in political life; (3)strengthening existing movements that empowerwomen and youth; (4) reducing poverty by facili-tating access to basic social services and wideningthe space for the private sector; (5) multisectoraland media initiatives for the political participationof women and youth; (6) creating bridges acrossgroups and communities; and (7) advancing thewomen, peace, and security agenda.

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 15

NORM IMPLEMENTATION ANDINSTITUTION STRENGTHENING

Across the Sahel, numerous frameworks have beenadopted to promote democracy and goodgovernance practices, including the political partic-ipation of women and youth. However, theimplementation of these frameworks remainslimited. Current efforts should therefore put a holdon the adoption of new laws and policies, andinnovative strategies should be developed to bridgethe gap that persists between national and interna-tional laws, policies, and programs on the one handand their actual implementation on the ground onthe other.In Senegal, female lawyers have called on the

government to effectively implement internationalconventions concerning women and to harmonizethese conventions with domestic laws to ensuretheir implementation. Women’s groups are alsolobbying for the effective implementation of the2010 national gender parity law without exception.Understanding that the law resulted from acombination of years of lobbying and advocacy bywomen’s groups, and former president AbdoulayeWade’s political will, it is critical to ensure that a“late majority” subscribes to the national genderequality agenda. For the Senegalese women’smovement, the time has come to choose betweenmeasured efforts that leave the society sufficienttime to adjust while taking into account thecountry’s sociocultural realities or those that stepup action and confront political leaders toimplement the new law.In Mali, some participants in the study observed

that there remains too much talk and too fewresults in advancing gender equality. All thenecessary legal instruments have been adopted and,on paper, national policies are generally protectiveof women. Furthermore, with regard to theinternational women, peace, and security agenda, itwas observed that the growing normativeframework is now sufficient, and it is important tomove from adoption to implementation. In thatregard, the importance of meaningful women’srepresentation is critical, especially taking intoaccount parliament’s role in monitoring theimplementation of international treaties and

conventions. This puts a greater responsibility onfemale elected leaders to ensure that the relevantlaws and policies regarding women’s rights arebeing implemented and that women’s aspirationsare met. To complement this national responsi-bility, international development partners alsohave a duty to ensure that their funding effortsproduce the expected results. In addition, the national mechanisms that have

been established to promote good governance,gender equality, and youth participation should bestrengthened by providing adequate resources,autonomy, and clear mandates. In Niger, therewere plans to establish a unit hosted in the Ministryof Women’s Promotion and Child Protection tomonitor the implementation of the 2000 quota law.However, this monitoring unit has not beenfunctional. Instead, the implementation of the lawwas left to the “good will of the government,” underthe leadership of the gender ministry.24 As a result,this implementation and subsequent appointmentswere perceived to be decided often on the basis ofpolitical grounds rather than abidance to the quotalaw.In Senegal, the National Parity Monitor

(l’Observatoire national de la parité) wasestablished under the 2010 law. Other institutionsestablished to promote good governance includethe Ministry of Good Governance, the NationalCommission for Institution Reform, the NationalElectoral Commission, the National Office againstCorruption, the Court for the Repression of IllicitEnrichment, and the Government AccountabilityOffice (la Cour des comptes). The December 2013law on decentralization further encourages popularparticipation. All these institutions and frameworkshave helped reduce the gap that exists betweenelected leaders and their constituents. However,these efforts remain insufficient. With the backlashcaused by the “Touba list,” which was submittedahead of the June 2014 local elections and violatedthe parity law, recent initiatives have emphasizedthe respect for the mandate and independence ofthe country’s election, governance, and gender-monitoring mechanisms—initiatives that should atthe same time equip citizens with the necessarytools to monitor the government’s action for

24 Interviews conducted in Niamey, Niger, May 2014.

increased transparency and accountability.Senegal has ratified the 2006 African Union

Youth Charter, and a national youth council hasbeen established. However, the structures createdto facilitate youth representation in decision-making processes and promote the implementa-tion of programs affecting them are often perceivedas highly politicized and their membership basedon co-optation. National youth councils—whichalso were established in Mali and Niger—thereforeneed to be reinforced and their independencereaffirmed. More broadly, youth from thesecountries and across the Sahel need to be equippedwith the necessary education and legal tools tofacilitate their active participation in the definition,implementation, and monitoring of normativeframeworks established to address their prioritiesand concerns. Civil society more generally also has a role to

play, through awareness raising, advocacy, andmonitoring of the implementation of these normsand principles. And the general public, which couldpressure the state into implementing its legalcommitments, will remain unable to do so unless itis adequately informed and educated. In Mali,international Human Rights Day on December10th also marks the national day of democraticquestioning (Espace d’interpellation démocra-tique). Established in 1995 under former presidentAlpha Omar Konaré, this accountability processprovides citizens with a forum to call on theirleaders and present their grievances through anational advisory commission. Over the years ofimplementing this process, some progress has beenachieved on issues such as tax payment andawareness of women’s rights. Yet, due to thelimited number of cases declared admissible by theadvisory commission, which makes recommenda-tions, and the absence of concrete follow up on thequestions raised and recommendations made, theresults of the process remain a mixed bag.Therefore, justice institutions, which play a criticalrole in protecting human rights and monitoringgovernance, should also be supported, including byensuring their independence and the provision ofadequate resources.In addition to strengthening institutions and

bridging the gap between norms and practices,inclusive governance for peacebuilding anddevelopment requires greater capacity of women

and youth to enhance their involvement. CAPACITY BUILDING

Participants in the research observed that femaleelected officials often lacked the capacity to fullyrealize their contribution to political processes,particularly with regard to pressuring the govern-ment in the implementation and advancement ofgender equality laws. Adequate time shouldtherefore be set aside to build the capacity of femalecandidates before the beginning of any electoralcampaign. This is also true for younger candidateswho may lack experience. To facilitate theirmeaningful participation and limit cases of tokenrepresentation, women and youth should see theircapacity developed in areas such as communicationand advocacy, conflict management, mediation,gender mainstreaming, public administration, andleadership. Additionally, their understanding ofnational and international norms, standards,programs, and processes should be improved so asto generate strategic knowledge and reinforce theability of women and youth to develop a vision fortheir country and contribute to its realization.Moreover, campaigns that raise awareness about

increasing these groups’ participation can lead tostronger support for, and reinforcement of,women’s and young people’s ability to promote theadoption of political programs that prioritize theirneeds and perspectives. Such initiatives mayinclude, for example, encouraging women to votefor and support women involved in politics,including those beyond their political affiliation,and the immersion of youth in political life to facili-tate the emergence of credible and effective leaders.In Niger, research showed that organizations

were engaged in implementing innovativecapacity-building strategies, including trainingwomen on social and economic empowermentthrough the development of small income-generating projects, literacy and numeracyprograms, and protection against violence. In onelocal community, a female doctor started acommunity center that trained women on theirreproductive rights and maternal health.Awareness-raising programs addressing husbandsand men, including the “School for Husbands”initiative of the UN Population Fund, furthercontributed to the promotion of women’sreproductive health. Participants in the study noted

16 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 17

25 Interviews conducted in Niamey, Niger, May 2014. See also UN Population Fund, “In Niger, Empowering Girls To Take a Stand against Child Marriage,” July 21,2014, available at www.unfpa.org/news/niger-empowering-girls-take-stand-against-child-marriage ; and Joan Erakit, “How Niger’s Traditional Leaders ArePromoting Maternal Health,” Inter Press Service, September 11, 2014, available at www.ipsnews.net/2014/09/will-you-be-chief-how-nigers-traditional-leaders-are-promoting-maternal-health/ .

the positive impact these programs had on thereduction of gender-based violence, the promotionof social cohesion, and women’s participation indecision-making processes in their communities.25

Sharing information and experiences withcountries such as Rwanda, Burundi, South Africa,and Tunisia that have achieved high rates ofwomen’s representation in parliament could alsoprovide useful lessons for the meaningful participa-tion of women and youth across the Sahel, andimprove these groups’ capacities to defend theirconstituencies’ priorities and concerns. Suchsharing of lessons learned and good practices,including by facilitating dialogue platforms amongcivil society, could also benefit from the use of newtechnologies and strengthening of regionalnetworks.STRENGTHENING WOMEN’S ANDYOUTHS’ MOVEMENTS

Overcoming issues of competition, a lack ofsolidarity among women’s organizations, and thedisconnect between female elected leaders andtheir fellow women and constituents also willenhance women’s political participation in theSahel. Building on their longtime involvement insocial networks, women in political parties shoulddevelop joint strategies that pursue the interests ofall women. While understanding that womenrunning for elections tend to do so firstly on behalfof their political party, the goal also should be topromote the emergence of female leadership acrosspolitical parties, and women should cultivatesolidarity beyond their political affiliations to thisend. Stronger female mobilization, includingwithin political parties, should lead to womengaining greater political space. And political partieswhose programs respond to the priorities ofwomen in society are likely to garner more supportfrom women. Another strategy for strengthening the women’s

movement is to establish and reinforce bridgesamong those holding electoral and politicalpositions, those in the high administration, andwomen from civil society. In Niger, the 25 percentquota for the appointment of women in the senior

administration has facilitated the emergence of anumber of high-level cadres. Connections shouldbe reinforced between these women and those inpolitics to build solidarity. In this regard, sugges-tions were made to undertake a census of allwomen holding high-level positions in theadministration, for their organization into a pool ofexperts that goes beyond political parties.The dividends of women’s political engagement

for inclusive governance, local and national socioe-conomic improvement, and community andregional conflict prevention and peacebuildingshould be made known to all. Women whobenefited from parity and quota laws should beencouraged to support these policies. In addition,awareness-raising programs should target popula-tions who can support women candidates to buildsupport from the bottom up. These efforts shouldaim to change women’s image in the society towarda more positive one.Joint platforms also should be established

between the existing women’s movement andyoung activists to build mutually beneficialsynergies. In this regard, it is important thatwomen familiarize themselves with and make useof new tools such as social media to reach andpositively influence young women. In addition,young political actors can benefit from strategieslong tested by the women’s movement, which canpromote the adoption of a quota law to increaseyouth political participation. In countries where the majority of the population

lives in rural areas, youth are at greater risk of beingmarginalized, although they often come out enmasse to vote. Thus, recent efforts tend to includerural youth in decision-making processes, and theparticipation of illiterate and rural youth is beingencouraged in community initiatives addressingissues of hygiene and sanitation, security, andcommunity policing, for example. Building onthese new approaches, stronger synergies andnetworks need to be established, particularly inMali, between young political leaders and youngwomen and men from other groups, including civilsociety and traditionally marginalized groups.

Within political parties, internal democraticpractices also should be encouraged to facilitate theemergence of a new and more inclusive generationof leaders. Suggestions were made to put an end tothe partitioned system created by women andyouth commissions that often results in clusteringthese groups’ participation. Instead, female andyoung political party hardliners should be encour-aged to mainstream their perspectives and enhancetheir participation beyond a mobilization role, intodecision-making positions. Efforts to provide alarger space for the youth to raise their voices andparticipate in decision-making processes shouldalso be strengthened beyond political parties.This space can take the form of consultations at

national and community levels to establish bridgesbetween youth and other groups in the society. ForMalian youth, social gatherings such as “grins,”where young men and women meet to socializeand discuss various issues, should be used asdialogue platforms to enhance youth citizenshipand address issues of concern. Youth championswho can pass on positive values should bepromoted to serve as role models. At the same time,educated and empowered youth have the responsi-bility to mobilize for enhanced public participa-tion. In Niger, where greater engagement is calledon to counter youths’ political apathy, a suggestionwas made to follow on regular student marches anddemonstrations with the adoption of a clear agendato improve their living conditions, which couldbenefit from negotiations with the government.SOCIAL SERVICE DELIVERY AND THEPRIVATE SECTOR

Access to social services, including education,health care, housing, water, and employment(especially for the youth), is an important prerequi-site for meaningful citizen participation and formore democratic and accountable governancesystems.Access to education, particularly for girls, has

proved invaluable in bringing change to traditionalsocieties where beliefs and practices continue tohinder women’s political participation. Studieshave highlighted the benefits of education forwomen’s individual empowerment and overall

economic growth, personal and community healthcare, protection against violence and other harmfultraditional practices, and democratic and politicalparticipation.26 For countries in the Sahel, thecreation of a conducive environment by sensitizingparents and involving men is one way of keepinggirls in school and providing training opportunitiesto women. Education is also a key element inmaking peace more attractive to youth thanviolence. Quality education should thereforeprovide youth, including those in rural areas, withconcrete employment opportunities andmeaningful alternatives to their recruitment byradical Islamist groups. Religious education, whichhas been used as a recruitment channel, shouldreturn to teaching the Islamic values of dignity,tolerance, and peace. And governments, which leadthe development of school curricula, should ensurethat quality education helps prepare youth formeaningful political participation. In addition to education, access to employment,

as a source of human dignity and security, is also asignificant factor for increasing the political partic-ipation of women and youth. Countries in theSahel therefore have a duty to craft social anddevelopment policies that respond to their popula-tions’ needs and create the conditions for sustain-able peace. In the context of a growing informalsector characterized by limited social protection,civil society organizations can also play a role inraising awareness of and advocating for thoseworkers who do not benefit from legal protection. In Chad, local efforts and the government’s

provision of microcredits to launch developmentprojects sought to foster female entrepreneurship.Combined with outreach to local administratorsand traditional leaders, campaigns across thecountry identified promising economic sectors andundertook the strengthening of women’s capacityin the agro-food business. Initiatives also encour-aged dialogue processes among Chadian womenfrom farming and pastoralist communities toprevent and manage existing conflicts, andsynergies were developed among the country’svarious regions. However, to increase femaleentrepreneurs’ visibility and broaden their access tomarkets, more efforts should be made to increase

18 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

26 Barbara Herz and Gene B. Sperling, “What Works in Girls’ Education: Evidence and Policies from the Developing World,” Council on Foreign Relations, April2004. See also Anne Marie Goetz, “Women’s Education and Political Participation,” paper commissioned for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report2003/4, “Gender and Education for All: The Leap to Equality,” 2003, available at http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001467/146770e.pdf .

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 19

exchanges among women from the variouscountries across the Sahel. Additional initiatives can help build bridges

between the private sector and communities.Visionary and ethical leadership, which oftenbegins within economic enterprises, can contributeto building social cohesion and a culture of peaceby advocating for legal protection for employeesand ensuring a more equitable share of nationalresources with workers in informal sectors. Forexample, multinational companies can exercisetheir corporate responsibility by increasingemployment opportunities for local youth or bydeveloping accompanying projects in communitieswhere local populations still lack the necessaryskills to gain employment. In Burkina Faso forexample, the installation of a multinationalcompany in a mining region initially led totensions with the local communities. To appeasethese tensions, an innovative approach sought todevelop partnerships between the multinationalcompany and local populations, through thesupport provided to micro and other agriculturalprojects that encouraged local empowerment andwomen’s participation.27

The promotion of new systems of organizationand protection that involve workers in the informalsector and respond to their needs is anothercondition of stability in the Sahelian region. Astrong emphasis on youth entrepreneurship, forexample, is a way of boosting their economicempowerment and enhancing their contribution tonational and regional peace and development. InSenegal, the government announced plans toestablish a fund for young entrepreneurs, as part ofits efforts to develop youth leadership in the privatesector. In addition, youth groups encouraged theirmembers to fight unemployment using their ownresources and not to rely only on the governmentto provide jobs. Partnerships can be developed between govern-

ment and small business owners—including femalebusiness owners—who also have the responsibilityto seek and take advantage of both public andprivate training opportunities to activelycontribute to local development and crisis preven-

tion efforts. In Mali, for example, traders andtransportation workers, who work across thecountry and form wide professional and socialnetworks, can usefully contribute to conflict earlywarning initiatives.Finally, development challenges in the Sahel

include environmental issues posed by desertifica-tion and climate volatility. Harmonized efforts byboth national and multinational companies shouldincrease social considerations and reduce thesecompanies’ environmental impact. At the locallevel, women’s involvement in agricultural activi-ties can also contribute to efforts to anticipate foodcrises and increase productivity.28

MULTISECTORAL APPROACHES ANDTHE MEDIA

New strategies to overcome resistance and enhancethe place of women in society further includemultisectoral approaches that address not onlyissues of political participation but also of socialand economic status, specifically the economicempowerment of women. This approach isreflected in the proposed ECOWAS Protocol for theEquality of Rights between Women and Men forSustainable Development in West Africa, which isbeing considered for adoption. Beyond encour-aging women’s political participation, women’srights also should be promoted with regard toaccess to land, credit, technology, equal pay, andequal social protection. In Niger, civil societyorganizations, including Alternative espacescitoyens, adopted such rights-based approaches topromote governance practices that are inclusive ofwomen and youth, and protect their human rights.In rural Mali, while women were the most activemembers of the community, they hardly benefitedfrom their small trade activities. A new approach,focusing on equal opportunities instead of genderequality, involved consultations with men and thefacilitation of their communication with women.This strategy proved successful in increasingbenefits for the community as a whole. Innovative approaches further seek to increase

media engagement on these issues. In Senegal, itwas suggested that the press and the media moregenerally should engage in a self-assessment

27 See Fatima Kyari Mohammed, “Women as Drivers of Economic Recovery and Development: Women’s Economic Empowerment in the Sahel Region and theImpact on Food Security,” background paper prepared for the High-Level Conference on Women’s Leadership in the Sahel, convened by the European Union, theUN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for the Sahel, and UN Women, Brussels, April 9, 2013.

28 Ibid.

exercise and stop disseminating negative images ofwomen. Instead, more positive representations ofwomen and specific attention to gender balance inradio and television programs on topics that arenot specific to women should foster genderequality and raise the general public’s awareness ofthe importance of the recent parity law, forexample. In Niger, it was observed that despite women’s

involvement in the media as technicians andbroadcasters on radio and television programs,their participation in the political debate remainslimited. While they may take part in discussions oneducation or health, women’s political leadership isyet to be affirmed and made more visible. Womenacross the Sahel were, therefore, encouraged to bemore proactive in participating in media programs.Radio and television could facilitate this presenceby ensuring that programs in local languages areadequately featured. At the same time, observersnoted that issues of expertise, urgency to covercurrent news, and the commercial nature of themedia enterprise make it difficult for the media,especially the private media, to prioritize genderequality.While traditional media, including community

radio programs and audiotapes in local languages,accompanied awareness-raising caravans acrossMali and Niger where illiteracy remainswidespread, youth in Mali and even more so inSenegal are increasingly using new informationand communication technologies, including SMS,and social media, such as Facebook, to communi-cate with their peers, discuss issues of concern, andraise awareness. Increasingly popular, newtechnologies also have been used to publicizemessages of peace. In Senegal, for example, SMSthrough mobile phones helped to mobilize youthand secure vote counting during presidentialelections in 2000 and 2012, which both sawsensitive transfers of power. BUILDING BRIDGES ACROSS GROUPSAND COMMUNITIES

Religion constitutes an important source of socialnorms in mostly patriarchal West Africancommunities. In Niger, despite strong andwidespread respect for Islam, civil society organiza-tions are increasingly concerned about renewedattempts to curtail women’s and girls’ rights. In

response, a number of initiatives have beendeveloped to promote and support a more tolerantand progressive type of Islam. However, forNigerien civil society, unless the government showsequally strong political will, these efforts willremain ineffective. In Senegal, civil society actorsalso observed that to anticipate any violation of the2010 parity law by conservative religious leaders,the government could have met with religiousleaders from the Touba region ahead of theelections, to explain the necessity of implementingthe new law. Efforts should therefore involve religious actors

in advocacy programs to overcome resistance.Progressive religious leaders, who can positivelycontribute to gender justice and inclusive politics,should be encouraged to express their support forthe public participation of women and youth, andpublicize a progressive interpretation of sharia law.In Senegal, building relationships and establishingconnections with religious brotherhoods wasdeemed crucial due to the critical role thesebrotherhoods, including the Mourids from theTouba region, play in preventing the expansion ofradical Islam. In Niger, the gender ministry hasincluded clerics in the preparation and implemen-tation of its programs, and a training module on“Gender and Islam” has been developed fortraining of Muslim clerics. In Mali, the genderministry also reaffirmed the need to enroll thesupport of progressive religious leaders for anysuccessful program seeking to combat exclusion.This is more so following the crisis in northernMali and citizens’ questioning of the place and therole of religion in the state. In implementing thisnew inclusive approach, “traditional communica-tors,” who serve as a bridge between religious andtraditional leaders and civil society and women’sgroups, have proved useful in gaining the supportof local leaders. Moreover, traditional leaders havebeen involved in intergenerational focus groups toshare with other community members their viewson the management of issues of common concern.These consultations highlighted, among otherstrategies, the importance of engaging husbands inrural areas to allow their wives to participate inliteracy and other capacity-building programs.Both in Mali and Senegal, religious and

traditional leaders proved particularly influential inrallying voters around endorsed candidates. It was

20 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

recommended that female candidates and politicalparties should reach out to community leaders tosensitize them on women’s political participationand win their approval ahead of electoralcampaigns. More efforts should seek to convincelocal leaders and populations of the necessity andbenefits of women’s inclusion. In this regard,progressive clerics need to be supported to conductresearch on religious principles and to be providedwith a platform for their voice to be heard insupport of gender parity. And to support nationaland regional efforts to counter radicalization andthe barriers it places on women’s participation, theappointment by the UN of goodwill ambassadorswho could explain tolerance-based religious princi-ples and make use of the media to pass on theirmessage was suggested.ADVANCING THE WOMEN, PEACE, ANDSECURITY AGENDA

Beyond their political participation, the involve-ment of women in conflict prevention and peaceinitiatives in the Sahel is a key condition of stabilityand development in the region. In the Maliancontext, the challenge is to ensure that women areinvolved in the ongoing dialogue, mediation, andreconciliation processes. During the peace negotia-tions in Ouagadougou in June 2013, women’sgroups lobbied for their participation in theprocess. However, only two women, members ofthe National Movement for the Liberation ofAzawad delegation, were initially involved, andthey were later recalled. Two women were alsoamong the fifty-member commission delegated bythe Malian government to the negotiationslaunched in July 2014 in Algiers, with no civilsociety representative.29 To build lasting peace, thecircle of exclusion against women must be broken,and Malian women’s civil society groups called formeasures to ensure their stronger involvement inthe country’s peace process. Greater efforts should therefore be geared toward

the effective implementation of the women, peace,and security agenda as formalized by the adoptionof UN Security Council Resolution 1325 andsubsequent resolutions. In this regard, womenfrom the Sahel should continue to ask for theirinvolvement in local, national, and subregional

conflict management and resolution initiatives.Synergies should be built with regional andinternational partners to strengthen women’scapacity and share experiences and good practices.Awareness-raising programs should highlight theimportance of women’s role in conflict preventionand peacebuilding. In addition, training on conflictand peace and mediation techniques will helpquantify and qualify women’s participation. Such participation can be facilitated by the

institutionalization of mechanisms for women’sparticipation in conflict prevention andpeacebuilding initiatives. Moreover, women in theSahel asked for a comprehensive monitoring andevaluation mechanism of the implementation ofResolution 1325. Specifically, an assessment mustbe conducted of the shortcomings that haveprevented the realization of gender equality and thewomen, peace, and security agenda in the region.These efforts should take into account the diverseneeds and priorities of women in the Sahel.

Conclusion

The various and multilayered factors that combineto limit or prevent the effective involvement ofwomen and youth from countries in the Sahel-Sahara region to national and regional politicalprocesses are yet to be addressed. For the youth,these factors add to the specific challenges thatrelate to growing security threats linked to radical-ization and violent extremism in the region. Whileboth women and youth groups have developedstrategies that advance their political participation,more efforts are needed to make this participationsustainable and ensure their contribution toongoing initiatives to promote peace, security, anddevelopment across the region.Innovative strategies must seek to bridge the

persistent gap between the norms adopted toadvance the political participation of women andyouth and their implementation, and to strengthenthe mechanisms established to monitor thisimplementation. Such strategies must continue toreinforce women and youth movements and buildtheir capacity. Moreover, addressing developmentchallenges by increasing the provision of social

BUILDING PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT IN THE SAHEL 21

29 M. A. Traore, “Négociations d’Alger: les femmes, grandes absentes,” L’Essor, available at www.essor.ml/negociations-dalger-les-femmes-grandes-absentes .

services must be considered. In this regard, thespecific role of the private sector should berecognized, which can partner with governments atcentral and local levels to expand employmentopportunities, reduce poverty, and ease socialtensions. Comprehensive approaches mergingindividual and community development shouldalso be pursued to overcome resistance to women’sempowerment and public participation, and therole of the media and new technologies in

promoting inclusive and accountable governanceshould be enhanced. Building bridges among keystakeholders must be encouraged further, with aspecific focus on the role of community elders andof religious and traditional leaders, whose influencecan help promote both inclusive governance andsocial cohesion. Finally, increased political partici-pation by women in the Sahel goes hand in handwith advancing the international women, peace,and security agenda.

22 Mireille Affa’a Mindzie

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