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    TUTORIAL 3

    STATUTE LAW AND INTERPRETATION

    1. Do you believe that non-parliamentary bodies should be allowed to make

    laws? Give your reasons.

    I do believe that non-parliamentary bodies should be allowed to make laws. There is

    an enormous amount of legislation which cannot by itself effectively provide the

    detail to adequately provide for an individuals rights. Of course an individuals

    rights can be lost in the rabbit warren of unchecked bureaucracy which goes with such

    bodies.

    Governments undertake an immense range of functions. With this an enormous

    amount of regulations are required. Parliaments do not have the time to reach intoevery aspect of these functions to provide such regulation. For efficiency, legislation

    has to be delegated to non-parliamentary bodies.

    When parliaments enact legislation, it is generally broad in scope. Somehow the gaps

    must be filled, both in procedure and substance. Couple this with the enormous

    range of functions governments deal with, particularly in todays age where highly

    sophisticated technology and specialist skills are required, it becomes obvious that

    much specialised help, not necessarily residing in the parliament, is needed.

    The result is that legislation, which in broad terms reflect the will of the people, once

    delegated, can then become relevant to the rights of an individual. This ensuresflexibility and it is this capacity which makes legislation useful, particularly to the

    courts which inevitably are required to enforce such legislation.

    The conferring of power by parliaments to enact or enable legislation can lead to

    significant problems. Already the separation of powers has been diluted with the

    executive arm of government being drawn from parliament. The executive also

    controls the non-parliamentary bodies which receives the duty of delegated

    legislation. In essence, the executive can make laws by itself (and in reality

    anonymous public servants), and unlike enacted legislation, these laws do not undergo

    the rigorous examination of parliament. To become lawful, all that is required is that

    they be published in the Government Gazette.

    This convenience can thus go against the welfare of a citizen. Hence the validity of

    such laws can be questioned by the courts. But this will only be successful when

    regulations go beyond the scope of the empowering act.

    Challenging bureaucratic decisions can also be conducted by various other means,

    including the Ombudsman, theFreedom of Information Act 1982 (Cth),

    whistleblowing from an insider, the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, and as already

    discussed by judicial review.

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    Perhaps a more effective check upon delegated legislation is treating the problem

    before the symptoms occur. Any such legislation coming before the Senate Standing

    Committee on Regulations and Ordinances has a four-part test applied to it:

    1. that regulations accord with the statute;

    2. that personal rights and liberties are not unduly trespassed or compromised;3. that personal rights and liberties of citizens do not depend upon administrative

    decisions without being subject to adequate judicial or independent review;

    4. that regulations deal with administration only, not matters of substance.

    However this Senate Committee cannot review all delegated legislation. There is now

    general acceptance though that such laws involve the following aspects:

    1. sunset clauses to limit the law, until a review is done;

    2. regulatory impact statements, to inform the public about the need, costs,

    benefits and alternatives;

    3. mandatory consultation with the affected parties;4. more effective parliamentary scrutiny;

    5. better public access to laws which affect them.

    Non-parliamentary bodies should be allowed to make laws. Trying to keep up-to-date

    with the depth and breadth of matters which affect every citizen is certainly beyond

    the abilities of any parliament. Such laws, though, should be open to scrutiny, and

    that described above should provide enough protection for an individual. Of course

    any law so challenged is subject also to the body which holds the balance of power.

    Delegated legislation can be overruled or can become enacted legislation, thus

    overriding any decision made by a subordinate body. Likewise, authority to legislate

    can be quickly and easily removed, just as it is to enable it.

    2. Do you believe that we need to have two houses of parliament?

    Give reasons for your answer.

    I believe that we do need to have two houses of parliament. It is this convention

    which recognises the principles of true representative and responsible government.

    Although there are some problems with the system, it does give balance to the process

    of law-making, ensuring that laws made are fair and just.

    The lower house, the House of Representatives with respect to the Commonwealth

    Parliament, provides for equal representation for Australian people, and performs the

    vital role in providing the executive, and initiating new laws, particularly money laws.

    The upper house, the Senate with respect to the Commonwealth Parliament,

    provides equal representation of the States, with an equal number of delegates from

    each State to ensure the interests of the less populous states are protected. Although

    the Senate may initiate new laws, except for monetary laws, their role is essentially

    one of review, to act as a safeguard against poorly considered legislation.

    Thus a checks and balance system is obtained. Balance by firstly having each personequally represented and also each State equally represented. Secondly by having a

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    process of initiated bills from the lower house, being reviewed by the upper house, a

    natural system of checks is achieved.

    The drawbacks of this system can be seen with the increasing pressures of party

    politics existing in the Senate. Pressure from the Governments party to pass bills

    compromises its true review function. If bills are not passed through the Senate theGovernment has an inordinate process of amendment ahead of it, something enjoyed

    by no Government, and therefore party politics can exert a biased hand.

    This can be more so if legislation is not passed for the second time. This was the case

    in 1975 and a double dissolution was called, effectively prematurely dissolving the

    Whitlam Government. Although this in itself is a check on perhaps an

    uncompromising set of circumstances, the process could be manipulated if a

    government wants to have an early election.

    The state of Queensland, on the other hand, operates a unicameral parliament with

    just one house. This may facilitate the speedier enactment of legislation, but there isno impartial check upon that legislation. The Governor acts on the advice of the

    executive, which is the Government, and so this system is open to flaws and in the

    extreme manipulation, perhaps corruption.

    These days, with governments not usually having a clear majority in the Senate, they

    are forced to make compromises. Legislation enacted by bicameral parliaments is

    thus truly representative of the people and the states. It is this compromise which is

    the principle of responsible government which can only come from having two houses

    of parliament.

    3. Do you believe that we should still retain the referendum in relation to

    changing the Constitution? If so, do you believe that any change should be

    made to the double majority requirement? Give full reasons for your

    answer.

    I do believe that we should still retain the referendum in relation to changing the

    constitution, with no changes to the double majority requirement. The current

    convention provides protection for the constitution and for the people as a unified

    body. The process does make amendment difficult, but this is perhaps the ideal

    characteristic of this mechanism it provides natural built-in protection.

    The first thing, which must be questioned, is why have a constitution? Whats its

    purpose? Professor Hood Phillips defines one as the system of laws, customs, and

    conventions which define the composition and powers of the organs of the state and

    regulate the relations of the various state organs to one another and to the private

    citizen (in Constitutional and administrative law, 5th edn, 1973, p5). Osborns

    Concise Law Dictionary (1993) defines a constitution as:

    (1) These laws, institutions and customs which combine to create a system

    of government to which the community regulated by those laws accedes.

    (2) The written document embodying those laws. ...

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    Therefore a constitution must provide an agreed system which allocates responsibility

    for law-making, judicial powers, and the executive, in order to protect the rights of

    citizens.

    Australias constitution is the ultimate agreement between the citizens of the country.

    To satisfy all sections of the community is by nature a very difficult task. Differencesare found everywhere and is even more so in Australias ever-growing multicultural

    society. If one body had the autonomy to alter the constitution, then how can it be

    guaranteed that all members concerns would be satisfied? This would in effect give

    the constitution a unitary nature, as opposed to its uniting Federal nature.

    All laws have their unique checks and balances. Statue law requires extensive review

    and debate. Common law has endured the test of time to make it fair and just, and is

    then subject to reform by statute law. So too does the Constitution require a check

    and balance. The referendum provides such in a way which ensures that the majority

    of people, including those in the less populous states, can be satisfied that any

    proposal is fair and just for all Australians. As a unified country, states with fewerpeople have the opportunity to prevent changes which do not satisfy them. This

    ensures that one set of interests are not forced upon those without an equal voice.

    Although laws are made by various sectors, none of these laws can overrule the

    constitutional laws. The constitution is for the people as a whole and the current

    system of amendment, unlike the conventions for subordinate laws (statute law and

    common law), ensures that the people, as a unified body, control its outcome and

    effects.

    The current system for Constitutional change does make it difficult for amendments to

    occur. Very few proposals have been successful resulting in a less flexible system,

    when compared to the UK system, for example, which does not have a constitution.

    Since I have already argued that a constitution is necessary, so it must be

    acknowledged that other systems also have drawbacks to change. Can a system,

    characterised by flexible change, truly represent all the differences found in society?

    There needs to be a mechanism which is accountable to all people.

    The referendum process could be declared tedious however since the constitution

    affects us all individually and as a whole, it needs to be thorough. Therefore the

    mechanism that makes it difficult to amend, the referendum and the requirement for a

    double majority, also affords protection. Therefore it behoves that any proposedamendment to be successful, must also be comprehensive enough to cater for all

    people, and be fair and just.

    In essence the Constitution is the countrys ultimate contract an enforceable

    agreement which supercedes other laws made by individual bodies. A robust

    mechanism for amendment is therefore required to ensure its integrity and the rights

    of individual Australians.

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    4. What safeguards of justice have been incorporated into our legal system?

    Separation of powers.

    Elections.

    The legislative process.

    The process for constitutional change referendums.

    Law of precedent.

    Courts of appeal, and other non-parliamentary bodies of appeal (eg the

    Ombudsman).

    5. Discuss in detail all the rules relating to statutory interpretation.

    In applying statute law, courts must be able to interpret it. Both the Commonwealth

    and the States have anActs Interpretation Actwhich assists with this function, but

    these do not give general principles of how to go about interpretation. As commonlaw has evolved, so to have three judicial rules for statutory interpretation to resolve

    ambiguities.

    The first is the literal rule. This rule gives primacy to the literal interpretation of the

    legislative language. Strict interpretation allows courts to be certain about

    judgements made, and can restrict courts in analysing the underlying purpose of the

    legislation, with the possibility of unfair outcomes in terms of the intent of the statute.

    This has also lead to parliamentary drafters to be more detailed, making legislation

    even more bulky and complex, hoping that by doing so any future doubt will be

    removed. There will be occasions where statutes are unable to anticipate future

    problems and thus there is a need for the courts to interpret statutes as to its intent as awhole.

    The second rule is the golden rule, which similarly follows the grammatical and plain

    meaning of words, however differs where the interpretation would lead to an absurd

    or inconsistent finding. This could occur where the language used is ambiguous or

    imprecise. The golden rule modifies the literal rule in its severity by being more

    flexible, and keeping legislation effectual, but it can also lead to uncertainties in

    interpretation.

    Thirdly the mischief rule leads the courts to examine the mischief, or problems, which

    legislatures attempted to overcome by enacting a statute. This requires considerationof matters of law occurring before the Act, the mischief which the law was unable to

    legislate against, the remedy thus legislated, and the reason for suppressing the

    mischief. Further examination into other sources of legislation is required to apply

    this rule. Since not all of these sources are able to be called upon by the court to give

    evidence, for example members of parliament cannot be called as witnesses, then it is

    difficult to apply. The purpose of interpretation is to conclude the underlying intent

    of legislation, consequently the mischief rule can be cumbersome.

    Finally, when discussing interpretation, there needs to be a balance between the ease

    with which a statute can be understood, and the level of detail in the search for

    certainty. Simplicity generally comes at the expense of detail, however it enables a

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    level of flexibility which can give courts scope within a statute to develop law, within

    the legislatures intent, and for the rest of us to understand and comply with it.

    6. Are laws always enforced in accord with the legislatures intent?

    No, laws are not always enforced in accord with the legislatures intent. This is

    primarily due to the problems of ascertainting what the legislatures intent actually is.

    These problems can be conceptual and evidential. There are mechanisms, though,

    which courts use to lessen the liklihood of misinterpreting the legislatures underlying

    intent.

    Conceptually, courts have difficulty in deriving the single intent of numerous

    members of parliament who each contribute in enacting legislation. These tends to

    remove the certainty which legislation attempts to provide. Also, legislation is not

    able to anticipate future events which become the subjects of dispute which courts

    must resolve.

    There are numerous evidential problems, inherent in the legal system, which makes it

    difficult for the courts to precisely ascertain legislative intent. These include:

    MPs develop legislation, yet under common law they cannot be called as

    witnesses to give evidence as to their intentions when enacting laws;

    MPs do not have a robust reputation when it comes to participation in the

    parliament and therefore such evidence may be useless;

    the cross-examination of every MP could be time consuming and expensive;

    members involved in law rerform the Law Reform Commission or

    parliamentary draftspersons cannot be called as witnesses at common law;

    if members of Law Reform Commissions could be called, their evidence would

    not be thorough as they only have knowledge of what was initially intended, not

    of how the initial drafts evolved through parliament; and

    parliamentary debate revolves around a variety of personal opinion.

    Hence there are a number of factors which contribute to laws not being enforced to

    the exact intent of the legislature. However the underlying purpose of statutes are

    thoroughly examined in order to avoid any injustice, using the rules for interpreting

    legislation, and also referring to internal aids found within the body of the Act, such

    as: Long title;

    Short title;

    Preamble;

    Schedules;

    Punctuation;

    interpretation sections; and

    the various headings to parts and divisions of the Act.

    Additionally, information external to the Act are also being increasingly used to aid in

    interpretation, particulalry in case of resolving ambiguity. Such information exists inthe form of:

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    parliamentary debates;

    law reform commission reports;

    explanatory memoranda;

    dictionaries; and

    international agreements.

    Courts do not intend to enforce laws outside of the legslatures intent. Courts intend to

    interpret the law, finding its underlying purpose, in order to enforce the law. The

    problems in achieving this are essentially balanced out by the plethora of information

    available to the courts.

    7. In after-hours Jenny, an engineering/law student, was demonstrating her

    latest invention in the car-park at the University. The vehicle was solar-

    powered and was controlled remotely by radio. Watched by a group of

    friends and security guards, Jenny was seated in a passenger cabin towedby the vehicle and was able to reach 90 kmph following a slalom course

    defined by rubbish bins. The police officer, without asking the security

    officer, stopped the demonstration and told Jenny that she would be

    charged under s.17(1) of the Motor Car Act 1958 (Vic).

    So far as is relevant to this question, Section 17(1) of theMotor Car Act 1958

    (Vic) reads as follows:

    17(1) If...a motor car trailer is used on a highway without being registered...the

    person driving the motor car...and the owner of the motor car...shall

    severally be guilty of an offense against this Act.

    The terms 'highway' and 'motor car' are defined in Section 3(1) of the Act asfollows:

    Highwayany street, road, lane, bridge, thoroughfare or place open to or used

    by the public for passage with vehicles.

    Motor carany vehicle propelled by internal combustion steam gas oil

    electricity or any other power and intended for use on any highway.

    Jenny seeks your advice as to whether she is likely to be convicted. In the course

    of your research you discover a 1970 case heard in the SA Supreme Court

    in which the judge decided that, for the purposes of the SAMotor Traffic

    Act, a supermarket car-park was a public street.

    You also discover a 1983 High Court case relating to the Grazing of Animals Act

    in which the Full Court decided that the car-park of the Royal GeelongYacht Club was not a public street.

    Advise Jenny of her liability under s.17(1) of theMotor Car Act.

    The material facts of the case are:

    The demonstration occurred in the after-hours of the university.

    The demonstration took place in the universitys car-park.

    As Jenny was the inventor of the vehicle, it was therefore owned by Jenny.

    The vehicle was solar powered, controlled remotely by radio.

    The vehicle was able to reach speeds up to 90 kmph.

    Jenny controlled the vehicle from a trailer towed by the vehicle.

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    Assumption:

    The vehicle was not registered.

    Discussion:

    1. The demonstration occurred in the after-hours of the university. Therefore the

    demonstration may not be considered part the universitys curricula, but underthe full control and responsibility of Jenny.

    2. The demonstration took place in the universitys car-park:

    a. TheMotor Car Act 1958 (Vic) could be interpreted to suggest

    that the car-park is a place open to or used by the public for passage of

    vehicles. However the suggestion of the security officer may infer

    that the car-park was not open to the public, that the officers presence

    is to maintain security and order of the area.

    b. The citing of a case heard in the SA Supreme Court in 1970, inwhich the judge decided that, for the purposes of the SAMotor Traffic

    Act(SA), a supermarket car-park was a public street, can only be

    considered as part of the dictum because that determination is outside

    the Victorian jurisdictional hierarchy, but can be persuasive.

    c. The 1983 High Court case relating to the Grazing of Animals

    Actin which the High Court decided that the car-park of the Royal

    Geelong Yacht Club was not a public street, should be examined under

    the intent of that Act. It can be assumed that this case related to the

    grazing of animals in a car park. It is a different matter when vehiclesare tested in a car-park with respect to their handling through a slalom

    course which abled speeds up to 90 kmph.

    d. In this case the car-park should be interpreted in accord with

    theMotor Car Act 1958 (Vic) since it was used for the passage of a

    vehicle.

    3. For Jennys vehicle to be considered as a motor car as defined by theMotor

    Car Act 1958 (Vic) the vehicles propulsion needs to be determined and if it

    was intended for use on any highway:

    a. it was propelled by any other power, being solar powered;

    and

    b. since the demonstration did take place, it could be construed

    that it was intended for use, even though for purposes of

    demonstration, on any highway. It could also be construed that a

    university project of this nature would have the facility of testing the

    vehicle at some other place specifically for this purpose.

    4. Another issue which seems to be overlooked is the reference to the speed.

    Driving at speeds in excess of the speed limit is also a breach of the law. Inbuilt-up areas the speed limit is generally 60 kmph unless further restricted

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    around schools or for other reasons. It is fair to suggest then that seeing that

    the vehicle was able to reach 90 kmph then it did in fact reach that speed in

    the car park.

    Advice to Jenny:

    She is liable under s.17(1) of theMotor Car Act 1958 (Vic) as she did own and drivean unregistered vehicle, whilst being towed remotely, in excess of local speed limits,

    in a car-park deemed as a public street. The purpose of her actions, to demonstrate a

    vehicle following a slalom course, and was able to reach speeds up to 90 kmph, with

    friends and security guards standing by watching, is a clear breach of the Motor Car

    Act 1958 (Vic).