canadian eskimo carving in hostorical perspective

Canadian Eskimo Carving in Historical PerspectiveAuthor(s): Charles A. MartijnReviewed work(s):Source: Anthropos, Bd. 59, H. 3./4. (1964), pp. 546-596Published by: Anthropos InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40456426 .Accessed: 04/06/2012 16:30

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Canadian Eskimo Carving in Historical Perspective

By Charles A. Martijn

I

Eskimo art, extending back over thousands of years, has never been a stylistically homogeneous entity. It can and must be divided into distinctive phases and periods (Collins 1961:1). Only by placing these in their proper context of time and space may we hope to arrive at a fuller appreciation of them.

Societies do not remain static. The factors which govern their structure are varied in nature and susceptible to a multitude of stresses which affect the interrelationship of the whole. Whether subtle and slow or sudden and drastic, shifts in equilibrium are constantly taking place. In accordance with this, Art itself, being a manifestation of culture, continually undergoes transformation. Hence forms and designs must be studied in order to determine their origin and their changes through time, and if possible, the basic reasons or causes for these (D.Taylor 1957:478).

More than a decade ago, when Canadian Eskimo carvings first began to receive widespread attention, no recognized authority as yet had published a comprehensive and up-to-date study of Eskimo art in all its temporal and spatial manifestations. Existent reference books were limited both in historical scope and geographical range 1. Apart from being relatively inaccessible, the only preliminary survey attempted, that by Holtved (1947), was written in Danish 2. Regrettably so, this lack of scholarly evaluation has permitted the unchallenged appearance in print of diverse formulations and speculations about arctic art by persons who, though well-intentioned, did not possess a

Acknowledgements. I am indebted to the following persons for reading and commenting on various preliminary drafts of this paper : Professors Robert Dailey, James Vanstone, and Fred Voget, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Toronto ; Dr. William Taylor, National Museum of Canada ; and Dr. Edward S. Rogers, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. Their views do not necessarily coincide with mine, and I wish to stress that the opinions expressed are strictly my own. The information so generously provided by many correspondents, and the suggestions and encouragement of Ron and Joan Vastokas and Sue O'Hara are also gratefully acknowledged.

1 There are some thirty monographs which fall in this category. 2 With a three page English summary appended.

Canadian Eskimo Carving in Historical Perspective 547

detailed knowledge of Eskimo history, culture, and character3. Qualified anthropologists and art historians have begun only recently to correct this situation4.

Among the numerous writers on contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving there stands, at one extreme, a faction steadfastly devoted to the theory that we are dealing here with something authentically aboriginal in every respect. Thus Saarinen (1954:64) sees it as "perhaps the last unspoiled, indigenous and spontaneous art". This finds an echo in Schaefer-Simmern (1958:1) who

speaks of "noch einmal eine unverfälschte, freisprießende künstlerische Pro- duktion, die unlösbar mit dem Gesamtleben ihrer Erzeuger verbunden ist". Views substantially similar to the above have been advanced by others 5. Cer- tain adherents of this school, however, have expressed contradictory opinions on what would seem to be quite basic propositions underlying this whole issue.

a) A few stress conformity rather than divergence with the past, thereby fostering the notion that throughout its history Eskimo carving has constituted a more or less uniform phenomenon. Contemporary sculptures are presented as

merely the most recent exemplifications of an ancient tradition, free from any Western influence. Thus for example, the National Gallery of Canada (1951:1) contends most naively that "as in all genuinely primitive art, there is little evolution in style to be observed. Some of the artifacts discovered in old Eskimo sites differ from present-day carvings only in being slightly smaller".

6) The first part of the above statement clashes with an exposition offered

by Houston (1954e:7). Injecting a distinctly evolutionary note, he asserts that

"the Eskimo people of Canada, cheerfully living a difficult existence in a harsh

climate, have developed over the centuries a unique art form ...".

c) Despite this assurance there are occasional hints of something amiss

in the past. References by others 6 to a 'revival' or 'renaissance' of ancient arts

and latent talents carry the implication that Canadian Eskimos, after a time-

lapse of unspecified length, have again taken up carving, presumably without

altering their traditional ways of expression. d) Somewhat less orthodox is the view-point shared by Copland (1954:67)

and Falck (1955:305) who credit outsiders with encouraging the development of modern Canadian Eskimo carving. They feel, however, in the words of the

last-named author that "ici en effet, est en train de naître un art de sculpture absolument original, et que l'on s'accorde à reconnaître comme l'une des formes

les plus pures de la création artistique indigène au Canada".

s Swinton (1958:41) states bluntly: "There has been published, reprinted, and

quoted, a great deal of material, which was entirely misleading and which has established in the minds of even the not-so-gullible public a myth about various aspects of Eskimo carving that bears no resemblance to the facts."

4 Anonymous (1963) ; Carpenter (1959) ; Christensen (1955) ; Collins (1961) ; Tenness (1964) ; Meldgaard (1960b) ; Rainey (1959) ; Ray (1961) ; and Swinton (1958).

6 Anonymous (1962) ; Canadian Handicrafts Guild (pamphlet no. a) ; Elliott

(1962) ; Hume (1963) ; Leechman (1955) ; Martin (1962) ; E. Turner (1963) ; Winter (1958) : Woodcock (I960) ; and Wyatt (1958).

8 Canadian Handicrafts Guild (pamphlet no. a) ; Gilhooly (1962:214) ; Iglauer

(1964:19) ; and Phillips (1962:8).

548 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos §y. 1964

e) Lastly, Strub (1954:32) perceives it as a "... style which is not self- consciously primitive but is in a living tradition". Expanding further along this line, Phillips (1961:43) has argued "... what nonsense it is to talk, as some have, of the white man developing Canadian Eskimo art. An art, to be authentic, must be an expression of life and living, and to say that modern Eskimo art has been affected by the contact of Eskimos with the white man is to say no more than that the Eskimo is alive, receptive and sensitive - as he always has been".

Disquisitions by a second body of coriimentators tend to be more guarded. Some point out unmistakable evidence of Western influence in the style of the present day carvings, without necessarily denying the latter a true Eskimo character 7. Others have judged it to be an art of acculturation 8. After reflecting at some length on the question of when art ceases to be traditional, Meldgaard (1960b:38) reasons that "the line should probably be drawn when works of art no longer play a traditional part in Eskimo culture ; in other words, when they are produced for trading purposes, and to meet a demand from outside". Swinton (1958:41) has come to the conclusion that "... Eskimo art, or rather carving in stone, as we know it today is a new art, or at least a new phase of an age-old activity. Yet, it so markedly differs in almost every respect from prev- ious developments that we are quite safe in calling it a new art".

Finally, at the opposite end of the scale there stands a third group whose members firmly disclaim the right of contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving to be called 'primitive* art. Such a position is attributed to Peter Murdoch by Scherman (1956:295) who quotes him as stating categorically that "... socalled (contemporary) Eskimo art was invented by the White man". This point of view finds support from Carpenter (1960a:346) who maintains that "these new carvings, however, share little with Eskimo art, or even with Alaskan or Greenlandic souvenirs ... Can the word 'Eskimo* legitimately be applied to this art ? I think not. Its roots are Western ; so is its audience ... a new, delightful, non-Eskimo art" 9. Perhaps the severest commentary of all has been that expressed by Malaurie (1958a:549). In his estimation, "une récente exposition d'art esquimau canadien contemporain a rappelé que l'art des civilisations mourantes est non seulement 'rabâcheur', selon le mot d'André Malraux, mais qu'il a aussi perdu sa valeur créatrice, c'est-à-dire sa portée. Tout ce qui n'est pas 'utilitaire' s'y révèle comme moins significatif, de style moins caractérisé, plus gratuit ... Stérilité spirituelle ; stérilité civilisationnelle. Elle constitue en effet la manifestation d'une démission devant le présent et l'avenir dans le vain espoir de préserver et de promouvoir le passé".

In order to properly evaluate all these diverse and often conflicting views which have been quoted above, it will be necessary to delve briefly into the history of Canadian Eskimo carving. The latter, for this purpose, has been div-

7 Anonymous (1961:1) ; Christensen (1955:84) ; Collins (1961:27) ; Driver (1961:594) ; Günther (1957:151) ; Jenness (1964:113) ; and Weyer (1960:34). 8 Altman (1960:356) ; Anonymous (1963) ; Dale (1958:35) ; Mary-Rousselière (1960b:14) ; Ray (1961:135) ; and Reichardt (1962:22).

9 He subsequently tempered this view (Carpenter 1962:12).


idedinto three arbitrary segments, namely, traditional or prior to European contact ; historical or post-contact until 1949 ; and contemporary or from that date till the present.

II

As late as the Mid-Fifties, Houston (1954c: 11) could still write with some justification that "carvings discovered in the Eastern Arctic ... are centuries old, but to date them would be difficult". Today, however, the arctic archaeologist no longer is bound by, to borrow a phrase from E. B. Tylor, such a "dispiriting doctrine of necessary ignorance". Scientific advances in dating techniques have been instrumental in the establishment of an absolute chronology for prehistoric Arctic cultures. It is now possible to determine with some confidence the time range within which a carving, unearthed at a properly excavated site, will fall.

Parenthetically, the question of whether Eskimo and Paleolithic art are related has come under discussion from time to time, being first raised by Dawkins (1874:354 ff.) 10. After an intensive investigation of the problem, de Laguna (1932-33) concluded that there were too many stylistic differences to permit absolute proof of historical connection, but did not rule out com-

pletely the possibility of a remote link. Later inquirers like Rudenko (1947:163) felt that the chronological and spatial gaps were so great as to preclude any genetic connection, certainly as far as more recent Eskimo art was concerned. Bandi (1950) rejects the idea of a direct relationship between the Magdalenian and Eskimo cultures, being convinced that the latter developed from the Epi- Gravettian of Asia. Collins (1959) subsequently reopened the debate on the

strength of new evidence from the older Dorset, Okvik, and Aleutian cultures. Certain simpler, linear, less conventionalized geometric designs of these earlier

stages correspond closer to Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic forms than to any later Eskimo styles which succeeded them both in America and Eurasia. At

Trail Creek in Alaska, Larsen (1951:74) found a bone artifact bearing a dec-

oration typical of the Magiemose period. In the opinion of Collins (1963:17), this "tends greatly to strengthen the probability of a relationship between Eskimo and Mesolithic art ...".

A speculative framework in which to fit the prehistory of Northern North

America as a whole, and the Canadian Arctic in particular, has been drawn up

by MacNeish (1959). He believes that for these regions "in terms of the concept of tradition most of the known sites and industries can be fitted into some sort

of coherent scheme" (1959:20). By 'tradition' is meant a distinct way of life

which persists through time and space, and is recognizable to the archaeologist because of diagnostic artifact or trait complexes. Such traditions may be broken

up into a series of basically related phases or periods which reflect processes of

adjustment in response to new situations and/or to contact with new cultures

(MacNeish 1962a:26). According to MacNeish three distinct traditions can be archaeologically

10 For a recent treatment of this subject see Greenman (1963),

550 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos 59.1964

recognized in Canada's Far North. These three are the precursors of present day Eskimo culture in that area, and whatever roots modern carving may have in prehistory must be traced back to them. Stylistic comparisons therefore should provide an opportunity for judging how closely contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving approximates those 'primitive1 art phases of the past.

Tradition no. 1 - (c. 2500 B. C. - 800 B. C.) - otherwise known as the Arctic Small Tool tradition. It is the most ancient one reported from the Canad- ian High Arctic, having originally developed in Alaska or East Siberia about 4000 B. C. (MacNeish 1963:104). The Bering Strait area deserves to be called the crucible of Eskimo culture (Collins 1960:131). Over long periods of time material and intellectual cross-currents from the Siberian and Alaskan littorals nurtured a number of traditions there - occasionally contemporaneous with each other. Here too was the starting point from which various migrant groups spread out into the more eastern arctic zones during prehistoric eras. Above all, it was the region where Eskimo carving reached its most sophisticated levels of artistry and imagination. Specialized stone implements of the Arctic Small Tool tradition denote an affinity with the older Cape Denbigh Flint Complex of Alaska, which in turn appears to stem from the Eurasian Mesolithic (Collins: 1957).

Early Arctic Small Tool cultures such as Cave II at Trail Creek (Larsen 1951:74), and Battle Rock and Choris (c. 1500 - 500 B. C.) have produced the oldest known Alaskan art (MacNeish 1963:103 ; Giddings 1961 : fig. 9 & 12). Whether these already pertain to a true Eskimo population remains conjectural, and mention of them is made here only in passing. Certain later art forms from Norton (c. 500 B. C. - 400 A. D.), Ipiutak (c. 100 - 500 A. D.), and Nukleet (before 1200 A. D.) concern us only indirectly (Larsen and Rainey : 1948 ; Giddings 1950:2 & 8). Ancient Aleutian carvings, which relate to a different tradition, fall outside the scope of this paper n.

Until now nothing has been published yet on Canadian Arctic Small Tool art. This makes it difficult to detail what aesthetic elements, if any, were bequeathed to succeeding traditions 12. A few carvings from this period, representing animals and naturalistic human faces, have been found at Igloolik (Melville Peninsula, Canada).

In Greenland, two art objects of Arctic Small Tool origin were dug up at Itivnera and Godthâbsfj orden (Barfod et al. 1962:85). They date back to circa 900 B. C. (Meldgaard : communication 1961). One is a tiny bone spatula on which a face has been engraved. The second item is a piece of bone decorated with a skeleton design. The circumpolar distribution of this particular trait reflects an ancient Eurasian origin (Gessain 1959:237). As we shall see below, its occurrence in both Arctic Small Tool and Dorset art establishes yet another link between these two cultures.

11 de Laguna (1934) ; Clark (1964) ; Heizer (1952) ; Hrdlicka (1944) ; Jochel- soN (1925) ; Laughlin (1962) ; and Quimby (1945). 12 Influences from and connections with Indian traditions to the south still remain to be unravelled (Harp : 1961 - MacNeish 1962:142).


Tradition no. 2 - (c. 800 B. C. - 1350 A. D.) - otherwise known as the Dorset Tradition. There are indications that it developed in situ as an off-shoot from Arctic Small Tool and need not be attributed to a new migratory wave invading Canada's northland (W. Taylor 1959:18). Recent archaeological evidence does indeed bear out this theory of a gradual transformation (Max- well 1962:40). In addition Dorset borrowed a number of traits from the early Inuk and Northwest Micro-blade traditions (MacNeish 1959:12).

Although Collins (1961:25) looks on Dorset art as essentially a localized development, is it not unreasonable to expect that future research will reveal further lines of stylistic continuation between Dorset and Arctic Small Tool art. The increasing tempo of archaeological investigation is now helping to extend the known range of Dorset culture farther and farther westward (W. Taylor 1964:128). This may lead ultimately to a clarification of art style connections with older Alaskan area cultures already remarked on by Collins (1959). The question of Indian-Eskimo contacts and diffusion during this era still awaits intensive scrutiny (Byers 1962:153 ; Harp 1961:69), but Collins (1962:129) has pointed out that "we might even consider the possibility of a relationship between the simple decoration of short straight lines which occasionally occur on Old Copper artifacts and the somewhat similar designs of Dorset art" 13.

Archaeologists have divided the Dorset Tradition into a number of periods. Although art makes an appearance in every one of these, it apparently did not begin to flourish until the later stages - circa 800 - 1200 A. D. The farflung geographical distribution of Dorset culture may have promoted regional variations in art styles, but as yet no study of this has been attempted.

The only large examples of Dorset art seem to have been life-size wooden masks painted red. Most Dorset carvings are delicate objects, on an average one to three inches long, and fashioned from ivory, bone, wood, and antler. They fall into classifications such as animal heads ; parts of an animal like hoof, mandible, or beak ; individual 'mask' countenances ; multiple human faces

arranged on pieces of wood or antler ; and both naturalistic and stylistic models of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines. The last-named category is

commonly incised with a 'skeletal' design consisting of an X across the head, and various horizontal, vertical, chevron, and cross-hatch lines on the remainder of the body, as if to accentuate the interior osteological arrangement u. Carv-

ings of this genre sometimes display a single incision in the immediate region of the heart, a practice probably related to magical rituals (Campbell 1963:

579) 15. An emphasis in early Dorset art on depicting joint marks provides additional evidence for a preoccupation with anatomical detail (Laughlin 1962:117).

13 Greenman (1963:86) draws attention to close resemblances between a late Dorset and a Beothuk Indian decorated pendant. See also Howley (1915) and Speck

(1940). . . 14 This trait is absent in modern Canadian Eskimo carving but still persists in tnat

of the East Greenland Ammassalik (Meldgaard : 1960b - Thalbitzer : 1914). « Meldgaard (1960b: plate 10b) illustrates an ivory polar Dear witn a cavity m

its throat, filled with ochre which probably represents blood, and closed with a sliding lid.

552 CHARLES A. M ARTI JN Aiithropos OD. 1964

Likenesses of humans occasionally had transverse facial lines to represent tattooing. People were at times portrayed in grotesque caricature form, while some animals present the appearance of an open framework, having their insides hollowed out by means of slots cut through from side to side at different angles 16. Many of the carvings have holes for suspension purposes and doubt- lessly served as amulets or ornaments. These are cut, not drilled, perforations, because the people who made them were ignorant of the bow-drill.

Toward the end of its long life-span the Dorset Tradition began to be supplanted by an extraneous third tradition (Inuk), a late phase of which (Thule) expanded into the Canadian Arctic from a coastal home territory located near the present Alaska- Yukon border. In most districts these Thule invaders completely displaced the Dorset inhabitants17. In certain isolated areas vestiges of Dorset culture, heavily modified by Thule influence, may have persisted until recent times, as has been suggested of the Sadlermiut tribe on Southampton Island (de Laguna : 1947). Along the east coast of Hudson Bay and on the Belcher Islands some admixture appears to have taken place. This gave rise to what Quimby (1940:165) has named the Manitunik culture, built on a Dorset-influenced Thule foundation 18.

What impact did these developments have on Dorset art ? Collins (1961:1) is of the opinion that it "... completely disappeared, to be succeeded by the simple and stereotyped art of the Thule culture". Indeed, considering the circumstances, it seems highly unlikely that Dorset art could have survived intact anywhere in the arctic. Individual traits here and there perhaps, but not the complete, distinctive style. The Sadlermiut ivory bird figurines excavated by W. Taylor (1960) do not appear to exhibit any recognizable Dorset influence (communication : 1961). Conversely, in the case of two Manitunik carvings, Quimby (1940:162) attributes their realism to Dorset inspiration without enum- erating any other diagnostic signs. This line of reasoning has been weakened by Holtved's (1947) declaration that realism is present in authentic Thule art as well. Meldgaard (1960b:39) claimed, as late as 1954, to have detected a lingering Dorset heritage in certain contemporary carvings made at Igloolik. The objects in question bear a certain resemblance to the products of modern Hudson Bay 'art centres' although their Igloolik creator had never set eyes on any of the latter. Meldgaard regards this as proof that the 'new style1 of today is actually a universal one across the arctic, with unmistakable Eskimo roots. Going one step further, he wonders whether these particular carvings could also be traditional to some degree, since it is possible that driblets of blood from old Dorset artists course through the veins of modern Canadian Eskimos. His ruminations are open to debate. The resemblances shared by latter-day Igloolik and Hudson Bay sculptures appear to be remnant features of a common style which evolved during the 19th century in response to souvenir trade demands

16 For discussions on Dorset art see the masterly treatise by Collins (1961) ; also Harp (1964) ; Meldgaard (1960b) ; and Taylor (1962a). 17 The complexities of Dorset-Thule relations have been summarized by Taylor (1963:462).

18 Taylor (1963:462) regards it as a Thule-influenced, Dorset foundation.


by Whites. There is, in addition, an ambiguous sound to Meldgaard's remarks about blood and artistic heritage. Artistic talent may be genetically inherited, but not an artistic style. It goes without saying that the latter can only be handed down culturally, and such a link between contemporary Igloolik Eski- mos and the Dorset Tradition might be a difficult thing to establish.

A startling claim has been made by Phillips (1962:9) for the existence of an "... extraordinary affinity between the works unearthed from the Dorset culture a thousand years ago and the pieces being created today ... proof that what is being seen today is the direct off-spring of a culture flourishing long before Canada was born". As will become even more apparent later on, this contention is completely at odds with historical fact and aesthetic reality. Dorset Tradition art in Canada appears to have died out altogether, leaving scarcely any imprint on the Thule and historical styles which replaced it 19.

Tradition no. 3 - (Thule phase : c. 1000 - 1600 A. D.) - otherwise known as the Inuk Tradition. It consists of a series of related phases, the pen- ultimate of which - Thule - is of primary concern to us. Though not always simultaneously so, the Inuk Tradition developed on both sides of the Bering Strait. MacNeish (1959:11) regards it tentatively as an Arctic Small Tool off-

spring which became transformed partly through trait borrowing and réadapta- tion of North Pacific Tradition elements, and partly through independent invention. It encompasses the culture phase sequence of Okvik-Old Bering Sea- Birnirk-Punuk-Thule-Inugsuk (c. 500 B.C. - 1600 A.D.), spanning a time

period of over two thousand years and providing an unbroken record of suc- cessive transformations in Eskimo art styles (Collins 1960:135 ; Ackerman 1962:27 &34).

The origin of Canadian Thule culture has been discussed in detail by W. Taylor (1963). He suggests that this phase developed from an eastward extension of Birnirk culture into the Western Arctic shore region between

Capes Prince of Wales and Parry. Bands of Thule Eskimos began to leave this

region around 1000 A. D. and carried the Inuk tradition eastward into the Canadian Arctic, and eventually as far as Greenland and Labrador. In the

process, as glimpsed from the Tunit legends, the indigenous Dorset population which they encountered was almost entirely annihilated or absorbed, except for a few instances of radical acculturation.

Most arctic prehistorians now agree that, culturally as well as physically, contemporary Canadian Eskimos are all direct descendants of the Thule people, with possibly some Dorset genetic intermixture in certain localities 20. On the basis of more recent archaeological field-work, the theory propounded by Birket-Smith (1959:196) of an inland origin for Canadian Central Eskimos is no longer accepted by a new generation of arctic anthropologists 21.

19 For an interesting piece of evidence in support of this theory see Rowley (1950). 20 Chown and Lewis (1959:17) state : "... there may well be in tne present üSKimo

population a Dorset residuum which is genetically recognizable". 21 Harp (1961:70) ; Meldgaard (1960a:29) ; Taylor (lyt^D ; iyb3:<*;>bj ; vANbiujNn,

(1962). See also Boas (1885:98) ; Collins (1961:24) ; de Laguna (1946:106) ; Mathiassen

(1930:606).

Anthropos 59. 1904 ;Mi

554 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos 59. 1964

Inuk Tradition art of the Bering Strait region, preceding that of the Thule phase, has been discussed by Rudenko : 1947 (Uwelen-Okvik) ; Rainey : 1941 (Okvik) ; Collins : 1937 (Old Bering Sea and Punuk) ; Ford : 1959 (Birnirk) ; and Thule itself by Holtved (1947) and Mathiassen (1927). All these basic publications have in turn been supplemented by a number of other works 22.

The picture that emerges is one of a gradual transition from elaborate early styles to much more simplified and elementary fashions in sculpture and engraving. The factors underlying this curious trend remain unexplained. Rainey (1937:697) has mentioned as one possible cause a reduction in leisure time due to increasingly difficult conditions of life 23.

Being an end-product of this process, Thule art, except for occasional displays of imaginative skill, was undistinguished and often rudimentary. Adhering to past practice, the objects were predominantly of ivory, with a small proportion of wood, bone, and antler. Artists customarily drilled rows of decorative dots on tiny, flat-bottomed birds and other animal effigies. They also carved 'dolls' with nondescript faces, making stumps serve for arms or even leaving these out altogether. Some of them can be identified as male or female but others lack any sex characteristics. Thule statuettes were depicted either naked or else clad in a single article of attire such as a loincloth, boots, or a hood, while particular attention was paid to the hairstyles of women 24.

in As a result of climatic deterioration, eustatic movements, and associated

ecological changes, the Thule culture in Canada's northland began to retrogress about the 17th century (Birket-Smith 1959:196). Large whales became markedly scarcer, and what had once been fairly extensive Thule whale-hunting communities proceeded to break up into nomadic bands and family groups depending more and more on seal and caribou for their subsistence.

During this transitional stage, art forms declined even more perceptibly in number, inspiration, and quality of execution. All in all then, the remnants of carving legacy left by the Thule people to their descendants - the Canadian Eskimos of historical times - was much inferior to what had preceded it. So much then for the claim that Canadian Eskimos had been perfecting their carving skill over the centuries. On the contrary, by White contact times their art exhibited unmistakable signs of cultural disruption. J. Murdoch (1887:389) was one of the first to comment on this when he wrote that "the artistic sense appears to be much more highly developed among the Western Eskimo (Alaska) than among those of the east (Canada)".

A review of what early observers in the Canadian North have had to say

22 See for example Collins (1961) ; Meldgaard (1960b) ; and Ray (1961). 23 On the other hand Taylor (1963:461) speaks of possible "climatic amelioration

in the centuries up to A. D. 1000". 24 Bentham and Jenness (1941:45) remark about an ivory doll that it "represents

the hair bunched on the back of the neck, Baffin Island style, rather than on top of the head as in Greenland".


on this score provides additional confirmation. During his visit to the Mackenzie and Anderson River Eskimos, Petitot (1876:7) merely noted that the women and men decorated their dress and belts with small ivory animal figurines. Native informants state that until recently almost no carving was being done in the general area of the Mackenzie River delta (Montreal Star 1959:21). From the Back River Eskimos, R. King (1836:108) received a few crude carvings of bone. After staying with the Copper Eskimos, Jenness (1946:145) observed that "they did, it is true, engrave a few simple designs, and make a few rough carvings mainly for fishing lines and needle cases; but the 'picture- writing' of the Western Eskimo, and the naturalistic shapes given to toggles, drum handles, and many other objects were conspicuously absent". From the Netsilik, Mathiassen (1928:122) managed to collect only a few ivory and bone miniatures.

The stagnation of art was particularly noticeable among the tribes living along the west coast of Hudson Bay. At an early date, Parry (1824:537) had already made disparaging references to their lack of ability in this field, of endeavour. Love (1825:37) speaks of "curious toys ... rudely carved". Tur- quetil (1926:427) mentions briefly "par ci par là, quelques ouvrages de déco- ration pour le dessin et la sculpture". Mathiassen (1928:104) remarked that "on the whole the Iglulik Eskimos are not very skilful at carving ; there are however exceptions ... but among the younger men this art is in a state of rapid decline". Twenty years later, Houston (1951:36) substantiated this verdict, although insisting that not all impulse was lacking. While inspecting a Sad- lermiut encampment one day, Lyon (1825:60) was struck by the complete absence of carvings in their tents. With respect to the Caribou Eskimos, Birket- Smith (1929:253) asserted that "carving and engraving of ornaments are unim-

portant in the extreme. From these Eskimos I do not know one example of free

sculpture or of the forms of an implement having been influenced by ornamental consideration, with the exception of a narrow spoon ... I have no doubt that of the samples of Eskimo art which Boas reproduces from the west coast of the Hudson Bay almost none came from the Caribou Eskimos". This situation remained unchanged in later years, as corroborated by both Marsh (1947:110) and Houston (1956b:223) 25.

Of course, conditions everywhere had not reached that same state of recession. R. King (1847) did not stint his praise when he felt that the occasion warranted it. Furthermore, Boas (1901:113) recorded that the "Aivilik and

Kinipetu of Southampton Island make a great many carvings in ivory and

soapstone", but qualified this elsewhere by stating that "realistic carvings from

Southampton are not numerous" (1901:460). Summing up later, he declared that "in the description of the material I have tried to show that the forms found in each particular region are very stable, and that the artistic value of the old work made before white contact is considerably greater than that of the recent work of the natives in this region (West Hudson Bay)". Many members of the Aivilik tribe were employed by whalers in those days, and one may

26 In 1962 a carving project was organized at Baker Lake (Iglauer 1964:19).

556 Charles A. Marti jN Anthropos 59. i964

speculate as to whether the purchase of keepsakes by the latter had led to a temporary increase in the production of carvings. At any rate, Birket-Smith (1929:253) subsequently found carving to be rare though not unknown among these Aivilingmiut. Interestingly enough, field-work done among members of this same tribe served Carpenter (1955 ; 1957 ; 1959) as the basis for much of his commentary on Eskimo art.

During a second trip to Salisbury Island, Lyon (1825:129) judged the carvings which he procured on that occasion to be "far better executed than any we had purchased before". Nevins (1847:13) met with a similar experience on Upper Savage Island in Hudson Strait when a little kayak model for which he had bargained "did not look quite so well as it did at a distance, so I bought two or three more, in hopes of getting a nice one at last". The following year he visited Saddleback Island in that same region, and there obtained "little ivory figurines of men and women, which were very well executed, and give an admirable notion of the style of the people, and of their dress". At Cumberland Sound on Baffin Island Boas (1901:56) was shown a number of realistic carvings on a par with those from eastern tribes. Having examined a collection from Pond Inlet further north, Speck (1924:143) concluded that "the animal and human figures carved in ivory show a crudeness in comparison with similar products of the fine arts from the Eskimo of the Alaskan and especially of the Labrador regions".

Concerning the Ungava Eskimos of the mainland we learn from Turner (1894:260) that "art is slightly developed among these people. Their weapons and other implements are never adorned with carvings of animals and other natural objects or with conventional patterns ...". He did, however, become the owner of "several small ivory carvings which possess considerable artistic merit. These carvings are fashioned from the tusks of the walruses or the teeth of various mammals, and are simply tests of the skill of the worker, who prepares them as toys for children".

Labrador Eskimo art at one time enjoyed a high reputation (Tanner 1947:567). With respect to this group, Hawkes (1916:100) specified that "in the form and finish of their ivory carving, (they) excel the other eastern tribes and more nearly approach the ambitious work of the Alaskan Eskimo. Perhaps this is due, as in Alaska, to the introduction of better material for tools, as a result of early contact with the whites". This contact incidentally had been continuous from the 16th century onward. Ironically enough, these once so warmly praised Labrador Eskimos appear for some reason to have been completely ignored by those instrumental in fostering the contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving development. It is only since the success of the Hudson Bay region art ventures that, on a modest scale, new interest has been stirred up in Labrador by local missionaries.

With certain exceptions then, the first explorers, travellers, and anthropologists to write accounts of Canadian Eskimo tribes appear to have been unimpressed by their artistic accomplishments. In fact, "carving in ivory had died out in many districts before the opening of this century" (Jenness 1964:112).


IV

So-called 'primitive' communities tend to achieve a close integration of art with everyday life (Herskovits 1959:45). The extensive material culture of the traditional Eskimo, and to some extent that of the historical Eskimo, bears this out quite clearly. Four primary categories of function may be attributed to Eskimo carvings of yore :

1. Decorative- objects for daily use were often ornamented or carved in the form of animals or humans. In order to lend emphasis to this important aspect, a number of things externally transformed in such a manner are listed below. They illustrate clearly how utilitarian objects have served the Eskimo as a stimulus for artistic expression. The examples cited cover the whole range of Arctic geography and history : arrow shaft straighteners ; bodkins ; boot-sole creasers ; box and bucket handles ; cord attachers ; drag handles ; drum handles ; earrings ; fish decoys ; harpoon boxes ; harpoon heads ; harpoon socket

pieces ; helmet decorations ; kettle-hooks ; knife sharpeners ; knife handles ; line clasps ; needle cases ; needle case attachments ; netting weights ; nose-

plugs ; personal ornaments ; pipes ; powder horns ; root picks ; snuff and tobacco boxes ; spear rests ; swivels ; thimble-holders ; and toggles.

2. Magico-Religious- carvings often served as charms to bring good luck in hunting or to ward off malign influences such as illnesses etc. (Birket- Smith 1959:171). Among various tribes it was also customary to deposit with the dead small models of useful objects such as lamps, harpoons, knives, etc. whose 'spirits' could then be utilized in the afterworld by the deceased ( Jenness 1928:169).

3. ToysandGames- Eskimo children were given toys to play with in the form of miniature lamps, animals, cooking pots, kayaks, dolls, and sleds26. Animal figurines were also used for certain games. Boas (1888:566) reported on

one similar to dice, called Tingmiujang or 'images of birds'. "The players sit

around a board or a piece of leather and the figures are shaken in the hand and thrown upward. On falling, some stand upright, others lie flat on the back or

on the side. Those standing upright belong to that player whom they face ; sometimes they are so thrown that they all belong to the one who tossed them. The players thiow by turns until the last figure is taken up. The one getting the greatest number of the figures being the winner". In another game, Aje-

gaung, an ivory polar bear or some other animal form perforated with holes is gaung, sometimes used. The object is thrown up and for a specific number of times must be caught upon a stick in one of the holes or successively in a whole row of them

(Gessain : 1952). 4. Self-Entertainment - Although most likely no longer true today,

Eskimos in former times often carved for their own amusement in order to while

away idle moments. Boas (1927:124) recounts that "all the Eskimo tribes, east

26 Lyon (1824:54) ; Mathiassen (1928) ; Nelson (1899:196) ; and Turner (1894:

260).

558 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos 5«j. iimu

and west, are very fond of carving ... and produce many small animal figures that serve no practical purpose but which are made for the pleasure of artistic creation". Others as well have attested to this 27. Holtved (1947:29) however has cautioned against interpreting such activities as a manifestation among 'primitives' of that peculiar intellectual abstraction which we term 'art for art's sake'.

Once contact had been established between Eskimos and Whites, a fifth function for carving developed which eventually displaced all others. Economic incentive led to the making of figurines for sale to outsiders. As a result, carving ceased to play an integral traditional role in Canadian Eskimo life, and a change- over to a culturally peripheral activity took place.

V

Certain writers have placed much emphasis on the 'geographical remoteness' of the Canadian Eskimo, which supposedly preserved his art from outside influences. Upon closer examination this argument turns out to be fallacious. Eskimo-White contact, though not necessarily continuous, did take place regularly in the Far North throughout the 19th century. Provision ships of the Hudson's Bay Company plied steady routes. Each year whaling vessels, mainly Scottish and American, went to Baffin Land and Hudson Bay in pursuit of their cetacean prey. Apart from bartering with the Eskimos, some of these sailing crews wintered up there, and frequently hired on natives as extra help in their operations (Jenness 1964:10-12). Exploration parties moreover kept on returning in search of the North- West passage, while traders, travellers, government officials, and missionaries followed in their wake. By the end of the second decade of the 20th century, these people "... had completely shattered the ancient Eskimo culture over most of the Eastern and Western Arctic, and were launching an assault on the still primitive central region" (Jenness 1964:25).

Odd though it may sound at first, carving was one of the aspects of Eskimo culture which turned out to be most sensitive and receptive to White influence. The reason for this is simple. Carvings came to be in demand as souvenirs, and this brought with it a gradual transformation in their form and function. Canadian Eskimos began to look on them primarily as commodities for the 'tourist trade'.

Abbes (1890:55) and Herskovits (1959:63) both venture the opinion that arctic carving as first encountered in early historical times never possessed a predominantly magico-religious orientation, as is the case in certain other 'primitive' communities. Hence it was a simple matter for the Eskimo artist to effect a shift from creating pieces for himself or his own group, to making them for foreigners. MacPherson (1958:44) has contributed the astute observation that "from the first years of the 19th century increasing contacts with

27 Abbes (1890:55) ; Calder (1957:219) ; Carpenter (1959:32) ; Holtved (1947: 29) ; Low (1906:176) ; Nelson (1899:196) ; and Whitney (1910:129).


European whalers, traders, and missionaries exerted pressures under which a change began to take place in the character of Eskimo handicrafts. Around the posts, objects conforming to the ideas of what outsiders believed to be typical of Eskimo life were most salable and so were most often made". For example, apart from being fashioned to stand upright, and carved fully dressed (which may be partially due to missionary influence) so as to give them a typical Eskimo appearance, these statuettes of the contact period assumed increasingly less stiff poses. Incisions representing facial features or decorative patterns had formerly been rubbed with dirt to bring out the figures in black on a white background of ivory (Mary-Rousselière 1960a: 14). In historical times additional means came into vogue, such as home-made ink, and later even battery-carbon (Carpenter 1959:49) or crayon pencils of different hues.

Throughout the whole 19th century there was a steady demand for Eskimo souvenir carvings in the Eastern Arctic. As early as 1812, while stopping at Upper Savage Island in the Hudson Strait, M'Keevor (1819:27) watched how natives "... no sooner got alongside than they began to traffic. (Included among) the articles which they offered for sale were ... toys of various kinds, as models of their canoes ...". During his stay up north, Lyon (1824 ; 1825) bartered for

carvings at Repulse Bay, Salisbury Island, and also at the Savage Islands where he recorded that "... from the children were procured small toys and models, their parents directing them in their bargains and begging also". Nevins (1847: 9-12 & 124) recalled how "we expected to see some of the Esquimaux in sailing up the (Hudson) Strait, as they generally come from some of the islands on the north coast. For several days before we saw them, we were busy making preparations for what the sailors call the 'Huskie (i. e. Eskimo) trade', and

speculating upon what we were likely to get from them ... They had brought a considerable quantity of ivory and whalebone, and this was the most valuable

part of the trade, but what interested me most were some little models of their canoes which were lying on top of those they were in ... There were two (women) in particular with whom I carried on a brisk trade. They had brought a number of little figures carved in bone or ivory, and representing the different kinds

of animals and birds which are met with in the Straits ...". At Cumberland

Sound, Abbes (1890:55) noted that carvings were to be had in exchange for

trifling presents of tobacco, knives, and the like. Finnie (1942:212) recounts how "Baffin Islanders learned about scrimshaw from early whalers, and how

they produce ivory cribbage boards, little boats and igloos, and other knick- knacks for sale to tourists, though these do not have the slickness of the highly commercialized Alaskan Eskimo carvings".

During the 1920's Speck (1927:309-11) described in detail a number of remarkable walrus tusks from Labrador and Northeast Hudson Bay. These were unusual in that they had been carved as complete units, with up to a dozen animal and human figurines extended in a group along their length. He affirms that "no other specimens quite like them seem to exist in the Eskimo collections of other museums. Coming from the northern Labrador coast 28 they seem to

28 Carpenter (1959:45) also reports them for the Aivilik of Southampton Island.

560 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos öo. iíhm

stand out either as a local development in the historical growth of Eskimo art or as the exclusive property of a division of the race which has long had the style among its property though unobserved by students of the Eskimo". There does not seem to be any stylistic connection between those carved tusks and Dorset 'multiple mask' finds. Other negative evidence from both archaeological and ethnological work would appear therefore to favour the first of Speck's two hypotheses. We now know that around this very time a strikingly similar development was taking place in Alaska as a result of European stimulus (Ray 1961:8 & 121 and figures 72-74). In view of this there can be little doubt as to the inspirational source behind the above-mentioned Labrador art form. More recently, the making of such tusk-carvings as a means to illustrate Eskimo myths has been encouraged by Father Steinmann at Povungnetuk.

By the 1930's, supplying carvings to outsiders whenever the opportunity arose had become a commonplace occupation for Canada's Innuit. The Hudson's Bay Company handled a considerable quantity (Department of External Affairs 1954:8), and even shipped out a number of commissioned orders (Smith : communication 1961). An Eskimo art exhibition held at the McCord Museum in Montreal (Art News 1930:59) provided the general public with an additional opportunity for acquainting itself with the forms of creative expression practiced up north. Apparently the Eskimos even numbered Nascapi and Algonquin Indians among their clientele ! (Speck 1927:310).

In 1938, Twomey (1942:356) observed with interest how Belcher Island natives busied themselves "feverishly" at their task of turning out ivory carvings for sale to the crew of a visiting schooner. Apparently the commercial function of carving had not yet overridden all other considerations, for he hazarded the opinion that during the long winter months ahead the unsold items would become toys for the Eskimo children. In contrast to what is produced today, such carvings then were reckoned much less valuable and lacked a year-round market. Many months might pass between ship visits, and no one was too concerned about what happened to their surplus carvings in between those dates. There would always be plenty of time to make some more for the next arrivals. Under different circumstances, the same kind of casual approach was witnessed by Carpenter (1958:38) among the Aivilik who might indifferently drop the finished object into a tool-box, or simply loose it.

A decade later this easy-going attitude was destined to change drastically at the less isolated communities. Not only had contacts become more frequent but carvings now could be sold directly to the trading-post at any time. With such a favourable set-up, Eskimos became noticeably less negligent about the disposal of their output. The impact of these new developments may be gauged from Leechman's (1954:95) disclosure that "before World War II, when the R. M. S. Nascopie took tourists into the Eastern Arctic each summer, there was some sporadic trade in carvings, model kayaks, and dolls, but this was never an important source of revenue. Now that there is an immediate and guaranteed market for such work, production has increased and nearly everybody, it seems, is busy carving, more than 75% of the people according to one estimate".

From all the evidence cited above, it becomes quite clear that historical


Canadian Eskimo carving was never the 'hitherto undiscovered* and 'free from any outside influence' art which certain present-day writers have mistakenly believed it to be.

VI

The prelude to what in this paper has been called the contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving phase took place in 1948. During the course of that year James Houston (1951a:34), artist and lecturer, went on a painting and sketching excursion to the eastern shores of Hudson Bay. There he obtained a few small carvings made locally by the Eskimos. Upon his return to Montreal he showed these to members of the Canadian Handicrafts Guild (Pamphlet no.a), a non-profit organization whose principal aim is "to encourage, retain, revive, and develop Canadian Handicrafts and Art Industries throughout the Domin- ion, and to prevent loss, extinction and deterioration of the same". The Guild saw possibilities for introducing this Eskimo art on a wider scale to a discriminating public. Accordingly, it commissioned Houston to return to the Arctic with a grant of money in order to make a test purchase of carvings. The following year one thousand of these were put up for sale in Montreal. Public reaction was enthusiastic and within three days everything had been sold out.

The then Canadian Government Department of Resources and Develop- ment 29 was induced to take an active interest in the matter. They envisaged the building up of a carving industry whereby the Eskimo's complete depend- ence on the uncertain fox-fur market might be lessened, and his economy supplemented by a new source of income. The Hudson's Bay Company agreed to this plan, and its representatives at Povungnetuk and Port Harrison spurred on the new development by instituting a purchase program. This enabled Eskimos to exchange carvings at the posts for credit chits, a scheme which was later extended to other trading centers as well. Houston returned to the Arctic in 1950, backed by a Government grant of $ 5,000.00 wherewith to set up and finance a carving project in cooperation with the Hudson's Bay Company and the Canadian Handicrafts Guild. These two organizations were to look after the marketing aspect in Canada and elsewhere.

Houston proceeded to visit settlements in Baffin Land and along both sides of the Hudson Bay in order to encourage carving and to collect the carv-

ings themselves. By 1953 most of the necessary organization had taken place. According to Robertson (1960:50) the Canadian Government spent a total of $ 31,000.00 on this venture. Houston himself entered the Civil Service and was appointed area administrator for Cape Dorset (South Baffin Island), where he subsequently introduced the making of prints from engraved stone plates (Houston : 1960).

It was during the course of these years - 1949-53 - that a distinct new form of Eskimo carving evolved in the Canadian Arctic. What exactly happened to bring about this development is still to some extent obscure. It remains

possible, however, to recapitulate certain significant events which from all

29 Since renamed Department of Northern Affairs and Natural Resources.

562 Charles A. Marti jN Auturopos 69. 1964

appearances had an acute bearing on the emergence of contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving as a discrete, unprecedented art style.

From the very outset, those in charge of the carving project stressed not only the reputedly 'untainted' nature of this supposed 'primitive* art, but also their fervent desire to keep it so. Houston (1954c: 15) indicated that the Canadian Handicrafts Guild was "well aware of the many pitfalls in dealing with a primitive art", and reiterated that for the Eskimo "his art will remain strong only as long as it has real significance to him". Saarinen (1954:105) underlined the whole thing by revealing that "it is the unswerving intention of every individual and every agency involved that though the geographic remoteness which made 'civilization' bypass the region is lessened, 'civilization* will not destroy this art which reflects the individuality, dignity, and extraordinary talent of the people who made it". However, within a few years misgivings began to be expressed by Schwartz (1956:145) and Swinton (1958), while Weyer (1960:36) predicted pessimistically that "complete success in this can hardly continue for long". An understatement surely, for by then radical influences emanating from quite unexpected quarters had already effected astonish- ing transformations in Canadian Eskimo carving.

What was the nature of these influences ? As Swinton (1958:40) has pointed out elsewhere, the mandate received by Houston from the Canadian Handicrafts Guild in 1948 provides a ready clue. Once back in the arctic, they wanted him to find out whether the Eskimos "could produce carvings in quantity and of a quality that would be saleable ..." (Houston 1952:100). In short, the carvings would have to appeal to the tastes of Western purchasers whose approach to and appreciation of art does not necessarily coincide with that of the 'primitive* maker. An even stronger hint comes from Leechman (1954:96 & 99) who concedes that the Eskimo "is being encouraged to use better materials and to work as skilfully as he can. This is not done by direct suggestion, but by the more subtle and more effective method of paying most for the best work. The Eskimo is quick to learn ... Hudson's Bay post managers, who have been coached on values, buy the carvings direct from the Eskimos".

Leechman's use of the term 'best work' is revealing for it heralds the subjective approach to Eskimo art. The latter was to be judged solely by West- ern standards. Not Eskimo, but Euro-Canadian canons would determine what was good or bad - a crucial point indeed ! Small wonder that under such 'subtle' economic pressure the Eskimo carver began to introduce an even greater number of 'alien' concepts into his art. As a result, "the work from the Eastern Arctic ... is frequently more detailed and more tailored to the standards of the southern Canadian who will buy it" (Leitch 1956:116).

Notwithstanding this trend, Leechman (1954:99) still disclaimed "any effort to influence style", adding moreover that "subjects are seldom suggested". Robertson (1960:53) decided on a franker appraisal : "Everyone realizes that the weak link in the organization of the industry is likely to be the original purchaser of the art. The wonder is that traders in remote locations have been able to do such a good job in the circumstances. While they are given as much guidance as possible, they still have an extraordinarily difficult task.


Judgment on prices is almost the easiest part. The trader knows in general the kind of pieces that are enjoying the strongest market. His price structure must reflect those facts of life but he must also remain guiltless of the charge that he tells the Eskimo what to carve. This is, of course, a hopeless dilemma. The romantics who say that Eskimos must stare at the sky and create only what the spirits tell them with no reference to commercial influences are just being unrealistic - and the Eskimo is a realist."

The Canadian Government's interest in Eskimo handicrafts, understanda- bly so, hinged to a large extent on practical considerations. Robertson (1959:8) made this plain in an opening address to the Council of the North West Terri- tories. "Market research is essential to establish the goods which can be produced and sold economically. This summer a major exhibition of Eskimo handicrafts has been organized at Stratford, Ontario, to be on display at the same time as the annual Shakespearean Festival. Stone cuts, weapons and implements, and clothing will be shown, in addition to carvings which have already won a substantial market. The object is to establish whether there is also a market for these products, and to gain information about the items which will have the greatest appeal to the buying public." It was at this exhibition that an Eskimo carver, brought down for the occasion, was asked how he decided on what to carve. It turned out that he usually sought Houston's advice in order to avoid making things which would not be acceptable to potential customers from the south (Carpenter 1960a:346).

What in effect took place up north becomes somewhat more apparent now. A fairly routine occupation involving the carving of souvenirs was taken in hand and refurbished with aesthetic concepts and standards of artistic work-

manship compatible to Western tastes. The resultant output in turn was widely publicized as 'primitive' art and rigorously guarded against any exploitative practices that might have reduced it to a slick, repetitive, trinket industry. Certainly, it is to the credit of those who administered the carving project that the standards which they brought to this new Eskimo sculpture were high ones.

Ultimately this was brought to its logical conclusion by the formation of an Eskimo Art Committee composed of professional artists and museum authorities from Ontario and Quebec, whose task it is to pass judgment on the quality of Eskimo art work submitted to their inspection, and also to give advice on the

marketing of these objects 30. Right at the start of the original carving project in 1950 an intensive

educational program was implemented up north with as its aim the presentation to Eskimos of subjects suitable for artistic reproduction, together with pointers on craftsmanship. The results were not slow in forthcoming, and already after the first year Houston (1951:34) reported "the quality of the pieces greatly improved".

Extracts from statements issued by the Departments of External Affairs

(1954:8) and Resources and Development (1953:32) are quoted below. They

so See Anonymous (1962:13) ; Jarvis (1962:5) ; and E. Turner (1963).

564 Charles A. Martijn Anturopos 59. i»64

describe the activities which took place during 1951 in connection with the carving project :

a) "Work of the Eastern Arctic people was being studied in the West (Arctic) by means of visual aids". This is probably with reference to Repulse Bay and no doubt other settlements as well, where the Hudson's Bay Company store had on display a big placard of drawings by Houston, providing the Eskimos with some ideas on what kind of carvings they ought to be making (Mary-Rousselière : communication 1961). This method received extensive practice for G. Carpenter (1951:3) discloses that "Houston makes drawings of any new and authentic Eskimo carvings and passes them around to other bands" 31.

b) "The Guild sent a qualified artist (i. e. Houston) into the Eastern Arctic to encourage the Eskimos to create, in their own way, the particular forms which are most attractive to the white man. At the same time, teachers in the Government schools intensified their efforts in this subject".

c) "During the Eastern Arctic Patrol, collections (of Hudson Bay carvings) were exhibited to Eskimos in the most northerly regions of Baffin Island. The exhibit aroused much interest there ...".

d) Also announced was the preparation of a film strip on handicrafts for showing in Eskimo settlements "to awaken the interest of the people in the production of more articles of saleable standard". This film-strip, Eskimo carvings, was eventually released in June 1952 (National Film Board : Bulletin B).

In addition, Houston (1951b) wrote and illustrated a carving guide- manual entitled "Sunuyusuk", meaning Eskimo handicraft. In the introduction he expressed the hope that "these illustrations will suggest to them some of their objects which are useful and acceptable to the white man". The manual format was that of two or three drawings per page with explanatory comments in Eskimo syllables underneath, and an English translation on the opposite page.

This publication is both interesting and peculiar. Interesting, because Houston affords us a (perhaps unintentional) glimpse of the true state of Canadian Eskimo art at that time. Its souvenir character and commercial orientation are revealed by the inclusion of drawings depicting an ash tray, cigarette box, cribbage board, match holder, and, curiously enough, a miniature totem pole. Peculiar, because the text betrays a singular disregard for authen- ticity in art forms and a casual dismissal of regional diversification among Eskimo groups. A striking example is the sentence : "although the articles illustrated are not produced in all regions of the Arctic they are purely Eskimo and could be made wherever materials are available". One might add that three of Houston's suggestions on what to carve suffice to provide a fair indication as to the validity of claims that contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving is spontaneous, primitive, and unspoiled : (p. 5) "The three bears show some of the ways they may be carved from ivory or stone.

Often a bear and a small cub are worth more - or perhaps a man with spear hunting the bear."

31 This may explain the resemblance of some Eskimo creations to Houston's own art work, remarked on by E. Carpenter (1962:12).


(p. 9) "The caribou can be made in stone with ivory or bone horns, or all in ivory - some eating, standing, or lying down. You can polish the stone easily."

(p. 14) "Man throwing harpoon, or spearing through ice ; dog ; walrus or seal. If they are carefully carved and polished the Kaloona (sic) will buy them."

Two years later, a somewhat briefer guide-manual entitled "Senangoat" or 'handicrafts', again in syllabics and embellished with eleven drawings of animals and humans in various attitudes, was distributed to the natives up north (Eskimo Bulletin : 1953). The English translation of it is hereby quoted in full :

"Eskimos are becoming well-known for their cleverness in carving. The things some of you make are very good and many people in the white men's countries buy them and like them very much. Some things they like better than others and it is to let you know which things are best liked that we are writing this article.

The things they like best are carvings of people, animals and birds. They like the single pieces best, not the ones that are joined or pegged together. They want stone, ivory or bone carvings of people, bears, walrus, seals, caribou, whales, fish, otters, owls, ptarmi- gan, ducks, geese, seagulls, and loons ; stone kayaks with kayak-men and a few ivory or stone iglus They like both large and small carvings but they want good ones, so all of the things that you make should be carefully and perfectly carved.

The pictures here are some of the things that have been made by Eskimos. They are not shown to have you copy them but to give you an idea of some of the things that are wanted. Make your own carvings the way you want but try hard to make them the best you can."

Further comment would be superfluous. These then were some of the vital measures and events which shaped the character of contemporary Canad- ian Eskimo carving during the period 1949-1953.

VII

One question still remains to be answered. In what respect do traditional and contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving differ ?

Limitations of scope and space prevent a detailed analysis. Partially in accordance with the method for studying ethnological art suggested by Hasel- berger (1961), a number of generalizations are hereby given under their

appropriate headings : 1. Size - Leechman (1954:95) maintained at first that contemporary

carvings are "small, for they are meant to be held in the hand and examined

closely and no large or heroic works are undertaken". On the other hand, Houston (1954a: 13) himself acknowledged that modern carvings tended to be

larger in size. "There is a bull market in big ones since larger pieces bring higher prices" was the way Saarinen (1954:105) diagnosed this trend.

It is interesting to follow the rate at which latter-day carvings have

grown in size, and to compare this with Swinton's (1958:44) estimate that traditional figurines "were inevitably small, generally less than 4 inches, more often about 1 inch" 32.

32 There are of course exceptions to this rule.


In the early Fifties, Time Magazine (1953:46) reported on contemporary carvings whose maximum height did not exceed iy2 inches. Ten months later Saarinen (1954:105) was acclaiming "little sculptures rarely more than 10 inches high and usually small enough to hold in one hand". The year thereupon Arthur (1955:176) wrote that "they vary from a few inches to about 18 inches in height, rarely more". Subsequently at Povungnetuk, Peter Murdoch of the Hudson's Bay Company began to encourage the production of 'monumental' sculptures weighing anywhere from 20, 30, to 40 ibs. On another occasion the Canadian Handicrafts Guild, desirous of obtaining some large specimens for museums and exhibits, sent word up north to that effect and reaped a heavy harvest the succeeding season. Several of its outlets had on display prize objects over 2 ft. in height. This trend has not abated in recent years, and the Montreal Gazette (1961 : Nov. 29:3) carried a news release about a 390 ibs., 27 inch high figure, titled 'Man cutting seal-line*.

Swinton (1958:44) summed it up neatly by pointing out that "today there are magnificent large carvings ... which would never have been produced under the old conditions". In other words, people leading a migratory existence avoid unnecessary burdens. This is well demonstrated by Jenness's (1928:132) narrative of how on one occasion he and some Eskimo companions cached "all the stone lamps and other articles too heavy or too bulky to carry around with us during the summer".

Martin (1962:35) has drawn a comparison between the increase in size of modern Canadian Eskimo carvings with that of West Coast Indian totem poles during the late 19th century. This analogy does not really hold true. Totem pole size was intimately connected with native social prestige, whereas Eskimo carvings unquestionably have become larger only in response to outside demand. In both instances better tools provided the means, but the underlying stimuli differed.

2. Media - The fact that ivory was the favourite medium of both traditional and historical Eskimo carvers has been repeatedly stressed in this paper. Less frequently used by them were bone, antler, wood, and horn.

No commentator yet has challenged the validity of Mason's (1928:193) dictum that "stone-carving is ... uncharacteristic of the Eskimo". This holds equally true for the Canadian north during early epochs (Meldgaard 1960b:26). Even throughout most of the historical period figurines and models of soapstone except for toy pots and lamps, were decidedly in the minority 33.

Claims have been made on various occasions that the Eskimo consistently carved in stone down through the ages. The Canadian Handicrafts Guild (Pamphlet no. b) propagated this, Leechman (1954:93) lent it the weight of his authority, and even Herskovits (1959:63) appears to have given credence to it. More specifically, if we are to believe Houston (1954e:7), "the Eskimos had few materials with which to create works of art. In consequence, they turned to

33 Anonymous (1963:2) ; Boas (1901:113) ; Carpenter (1960:346) ; Graburn (1960:68) ; Hawkes (1916:101) ; Hutton (1912:107) ; Jenness (1964:113) ; Tanner (1947:567) ; and Willmott (1961:37).


the stones of their land, from which they were compelled to fashion their tools, as a medium for artistic expression. Out of the lifeless rocks they wrested imaginative and lively forms, depicting not only human beings and animals but also imagined creatures seen only in their dreams. Even today, after more than a century of exposure to European culture, this primitive art persists, original, creative, and virile".

Archaeological investigations cannot be said to have furnished any con- clusive evidence which will substantiate such assertions. A number of ancient stone carvings have been reported from the distant, and culturally more diver- gent, Aleutian Islands and Southwest Alaska. The Eskimos there did not make them from soapstone, but used natural flat slate pebbles or fragments of igneous rock instead, which they crudely incised with human faces and decorative motifs 34. Of more apparent artistic value are igneous stone lamps sculptured on the inside with emergent human forms (Clark : 1960). The use of stone for carving purposes in this area, together with certain stylistic pec- uliarities, point to the possibility of art influences from early Northwest Coast Indian cultures (Borden 1962:13).

With respect to the Canadian Arctic, Jenness (1941: Plate XXI-fig. 10) lists a problematical birdlike figurine of slate from the Belcher Islands. Mention has been made too by StefAnsson (1943:401) of inuksuit or 'likenesses of men'. These are cairns erected by piling two or three stones on top of each other to a height of one or two feet. They are used by Eskimos, while hunting caribou, in order to frighten the herds by driving them along certain routes lined on both sides with such monuments which are mistaken by the animals for either human

beings or wolves. These inuksuit, however, can hardly be said to possess any artistic value. On the other hand, in the Payne River valley of the Ungava Peninsula, Hamelin (1956:16 and fig. IV) observed certain monoliths which bore crude resemblances to bears, seal, wolverine, caribou, and owl. These

glacial erratic boulders may have been partially modified by human beings, quite possibly Eskimos 35.

At Wakeham Bay (Ungava Peninsula), an unusual art form, probably Dorset in origin, has been reported by d'Anglure (1962a:34-39). It consists of some sixty petroglyphs in the shape of stylized human 'mask faces', engraved upon steatite deposits. Ironically enough, contemporary Eskimos in need of

soapstone to make modern carvings have been destroying these old petroglyphs by using the outcrop as a quarry (d'Anglure 1962b:8). A few Thule soapstone beads and pendants have also been found (Mathiassen 1927:73). Strictly speaking, petroglyphs and pendants do not fall under the heading of small

sculptures as discussed in this paper. Finds of prehistoric Eskimo carvings actually made out of soapstone are

quite rare. A miniature 'mask' of steatite was dug up at Igloolik (Canadian

s* Clark (1964) ; Heizer (1952:266) ; Hrdlicka (1944:215 & 341-43) ; Jochelson (1925:95).

35 Malaurie (1958b:555) mentions a number of stone 'idols at Anontoq, west Greenland. These too are erosional forms which may have been subjected to some re-

shaping by human hands.

568 CHARLES A. M ARTI JN Anthropos 59. 1964

Central Arctic). It dates back to c. 500-1300 A. D. or Dorset times, and is fashioned from the fragment of a broken oval lamp (Meldgaard 1960b:43 and Plate 27) 36. The Eskimo Museum at Fort Churchill (Manitoba) possesses eighty-six soapstone carvings which are said to have been dug up by Eskimos around Igloolik, Pelly Bay, and Southampton Island (Volant : communication 1961). Unfortunately, apart from one object (the 'mask' mentioned above), no study has been published on this collection. This leaves in doubt the time period to which they ought to be assigned. Their resemblance in many ways to contemporary work has been remarked on by Winter (1958:156), and this may well be an indication that they belong to the historical period.

Myths, once established, are difficult to eradicate. It appears likely that the one about prehistoric Canadian Eskimos having practiced a predominantly soapstone carving art, will continue to live on. It has in fact already been per- petuated by the somewhat euphemistically styled "Concise Encyclopaedia of Archaeology". Among the "archaeological treasures" illustrated in this publication, the sole example of Eskimo art shown is that of a soapstone carving from Sugluk (Hudson Strait) which dates back all the way to c. 1951 A. D.! (Cottrell 1960:150 - Plate 46).

In the past, only for lamps and pots was soapstone regularly quarried and even traded to regions which lacked it (Stefánsson : 1914a). It could well be important to ask why the traditional Eskimo when carving, chose to work with ivory, bone, antler, wood, or horn, rather than with steatite. No ready answer can be provided. Although the fragility of soapstone pots and lamps necessitated frequent replacement (Stefánsson 1914b:112), they only constituted a small part of Eskimo material culture. For this reason opportunities to work with steatite were more limited than with other material 37. Ivory, bone, etc., were constantly taken in hand to fashion everyday articles much in demand, and which might be more apt to get lost, broken, or worn out. For carving purposes the Eskimo delighted in working with utilitarian objects that already suggested an animal or human form. The shape and size of lamps and pots did not ordinarily lend themselves to sculpture of this nature, as opposed to the smaller artifacts. In the Canadian Arctic at least, decoration on these stone vessels seems to have been restricted to incised horizontal lines around the rim 38.

It ought to be strongly emphasized then that a distinctive characteristic of contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving is the adaptation of soapstone as the preferred medium. This is really the culmination of a trend which due to several reasons had already commenced in historical times.

Physical properties of ivory such as size, thickness, and curvature impose certain restrictions on the carver. What is more, the supply available during any given period is limited, and may vary from year to year. Soapstone on the other hand can be obtained in large or small pieces, just as desired. Nowadays

38 A very crude, small steatite effigy, of probable Thule origin, was excavated by Holtved in Greenland. (1944: Plate no. 40, fig. 29).

37 Parry (1824:236) also mentions soapstone being used for pipe-bowls. 38 See for example Harp (1964:70 Plate XXII no. 4).


the Canadian Government even sends shipments of it to those arctic settlements where none is available (Lucas 1961:19). Disregarding mammoth tusks which do not appear in either the Central or the Eastern Arctic, 'monumental' ivory carvings are an impossibility, while steatite sculptures can be made as large as demand requires it. Also, because of more efficient tools, it has become possible to work with harder kinds of stone. On occasion serpentine and even granite are now being used (Leechman 1954:98).

A consideration of these obvious advantages attached to the use of soapstone will render it easy to understand why the modern Canadian Eskimo carver has switched over so readily to this medium.

Carving in wood has been quietly discouraged by those who administer the handicrafts project. According to one of the guide manuals, (Houston 1951:1), "the Eskimo should be encouraged to use only the materials native to his land ... The introduction of wood ... into his art destroys the true Eskimo quality and places him in competition with craftsmen elsewhere who have a complete mastery of the material". On the same score, a representative of the Canadian Handicrafts Guild has stated flatly that "the Eskimos in the Canadian Arctic do not have any wood to work with at all, as they are above the tree line" (Brais : communication 1961).

The explanations given are rather surprising in view of the fact that wood was used for carvings both by traditional and historical Eskimos of Canada's northland. Driftwood may not be equally plentiful throughout the arctic

(Manning 1956:27), but it is just as much a part of this environment as are, for example, migrating geese.

According to Mary-Rousselière (1962b: 19), "a large number of wooden

artifacts, including carved figurines and miniature masks" have been unearthed at a Pre-Dorset site near Lake Harbour (South Baffin Land). More than a dozen wooden Dorset carvings were excavated by Mathiassen (1927:210) at Button Point in the Canadian Central Arctic. Perma-frost had apparently protected them from disintegration. Such a find may well be an indication that wooden

carvings were much more common in earlier times than we suspect (Meldgaard 1960:11). The Thule people too made use of this medium for many of their statuettes (Mathiassen 1927:299). Wooden dolls and animal figures were carved also by historical Eskimos of the Eastern and Central Arctic, as abundant

testimony shows 39. In fact, John Davis, the first explorer to mention Eskimo

carvings from the Canadian north, found at Cumberland Gulf in 1585 "... many small trifles, as a canoe made of wood, a piece of wood made like an image ...

many images cut in wood" (in A. Markham 1880:12 & 17). Similarly, Hawkes

(1916:101) declared that "the Labrador Eskimos parallel nearly all their ivory work in wood-carving. As the missionaries will tell you, walrus ivory is becoming scarce and the more plentiful material is used instead".

One reason why carving in wood is frowned upon today may be that the available wood is usually not of a quality judged to be in keeping with the high

8» Abbes (1890:55) ; Boas (1901:56) ; Falck (1955:306) ; Low (1906:176) ; Lyon

(1824:372) ; Mathiassen (1927:119) ; Pirie (1960:48) ; and Vanstone (1962:31).

Anthropos 59. 1964 87


standards of appearance demanded from Eskimo handicraft by southern outlets and customers 40.

3. Motif - A large percentage of contemporary sculptures depict either outdoor hunting or domestic scenes from Eskimo life : Man-carrying-seal-on- back ; woman-cooking-food-in-pot ; etc. All these tableaux are a modern invention designed to give a vivid portrayal of Eskimo existence to outsiders 41. Such episodes were seldom, if ever, the subject of traditional carvings which moved on altogether different levels of meaning and communication. Multiple associations portraying interaction between people, animals, or people and animals were never very numerous 42. For the most part traditional Eskimo artists limited themselves to the static treatment of single subjects.

4. Function - Apart from serving as a source of income, carvings would seem to have little additional meaning for the contemporary Canadian Eskimo. Such items certainly do not form part of his everyday material culture. He neither keeps them for himself, nor sells them to other Eskimos for their personal use. All carvings are destined for export to the Kabloona world, there to grace the white man's mantelpiece. This point, which is often overlooked, has been dealt with at length by Swinton (1958:44).

Nowadays the Eskimo's material possessions are mainly of foreign manu- facture. Opportunities for decorating utilitarian objects have diminished to a considerable extent (Ray 1961:120), and where carving is concerned seem bound to disappear altogether if this isn't already the case.

Robertson (1960:54) postulates that "the best Eskimo carvers are still making a lot of carvings which they happen to like and which they don't much care if anyone buys". This supposition has been contradicted by at least one researcher in the field. At a certain village in Ungava, Graburn (1960:70) interviewed over twenty artists. With the exception of a seventeen year old boy who had made only three things in his life, and didn't mind it, all the others stated that they didn't like, or that they hated, carving. They went ahead at it in the realization that if they wanted money this was one of the few methods at hand for earning it. In this sense it happens to be a necessary occupation, but to the majority carving had become boring and mechanical.

Initially, certain authors purported that contemporary carvings, specifically the animal ones, were connected as in the past with magical rites to ensure good fortune in the hunt etc. 43. Apart from an inconclusive anecdote by Houston (1954b: 118), no other evidence has been ever put forward in support of this 44. Without doubt many traditional carvings did fulfill such a function 45,

40 This policy was recently reversed at Great Whale River (Department of Northern Affairs 1964:2).

41 Pirie (1960:48) ; Ray (1961:151) ; and Weyer (1960:34). 42 The Dorset culture has produced a few delightful specimens : Anonymous

(1963:5) ; Meldgaard (1960b: Plate 23), and various objects in the collection of the National Museum of Canada.

48 Schaefer-Simmern (1958:6) even goes so far as to speak of contemporary "Mutter-und-Kind-Gruppen, die als Symbole der Fruchtbarkeit angesehen werden".

44 Carpenter (1959:38) does indeed state that among the Aivilik ivory "figures


but modern specimens are merely the product of commercial incentive. The initial impetus for this change in motivation may be traced back to historical contact times when missionary influence and trade considerations began to undermine the old beliefs.

An additional, but covert, function for modern carving has been suggested by Swinton (1958:47). It may well function as a psychological release for the Eskimo, permitting him to express some of his fancies and day-dreams, and to reaffirm certain tenets of his own way of life. There is also the satisfaction of creating something which he, more than anyone else, is qualified to do well, and for which he receives recognition from outsiders who prize his output and reward him for it.

5. Style - A twofold problem confronts every 'outside' observer who strives to attain an intelligent appreciation of the art produced by any 'primitive' group. The initial requisite of insight into aesthetic values must be supplemented by at least some understanding of the world vision and way of life which play a primary role in the molding of each artistic creation. By ignoring Eskimo categories of thought and experience, people have all too often misin- terpreted what the oboriginal artist was attempting to express.

Certain members of our society have subjected contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving to a critical evaluation using the same criteria that they ordi-

narily apply to creative modes of their own cultural milieu. Sculptresses Wyle and Loring rate Canadian Indian artists over the Eskimo carvers in their con- viction that "Indians are creating form. The Eskimos have looked but they have not studied what they looked at" (in Kritzwiser 1962:17). The judgment rendered by Dale (1958:35) is that "... taken as a whole these Eskimo carvings show little understanding of design or material, and whatever charm or vitality they may once have had as naive art has already given way to smooth so-

phistication". In Reichardt's (1962:22) view, "the Eskimos who have lost the ritual root of their original culture seem unable to premeditate anything very impressive". On a more chauvinistic plane is the stand-point taken by Dela- lande (1958:196) that "le domaine esthétique doit être, lui aussi, développé ... Certaines sculptures esquimaudes, parfaites dans leur genre d'art primitif, sont loin d'avoir le fini et l'expression d'un Moïse de Michel-Ange, par exemple. Là aussi il-y-a une éducation à donner, un perfectionnement à acquérir".

Some of these critical appraisals can of course be justified on the grounds that the contemporary carving phase is in reality a hybrid art form with only limited traditional content, and that as such it falls properly within a sphere of creative activity where Western values prevail. There still remains a lingering impression that no one has had either the courage or the insight to spell out

are sometimes carved in the round for ornamental or religious purposes, in the latter case

usually to evoke the absent animal or propitiate it after it is slain. Here the image of the animal whose meat is sought or whose aid has been secured through a dream is thought to be equivalent to the creature itself : carving its image brings it within the influence of the hunter's spirit". On p. 41 he warns however that these ivory carvings should not be confused with the souvenir soapstone ones which are of an entirely different order.

45 Spencer (1959:340) gives examples from Northern Alaska in historical times.


what critical standards would actually be applicable to authentic traditional Eskimo art.

This was precisely why Edmund Carpenter (communication 1961) launched forth on a campaign to make the public realize that "the study of Eskimo art must be a study of the Eskimo world view. It demands the utmost concentration on what the Eskimo is saying to fellow Eskimo. Not what this art means to us, but what this art means to the people for whom it was intended". The first step would be to distinguish clearly between the more traditional ivory carvings made to satisfy a need for self-expression through the release of half-hidden forms, or for religious and ornamental purposes, and the soapstone carvings created to please the non-Eskimo world (Carpenter: 1962a).

Expanding on ideas originally advanced by Boas (1908:337), applying concepts derived from Moholy-Nagy (1956), and exploring certain impli- cations of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis (Hoijer : 1954), Carpenter has attempted to show that the aboriginal Eskimo fused time and space into a four dimensional concept of reality in which nothing is stable and no fixed boundaries exist 46. According to him this concept of reality has been shaped by the peculiar physical nature of the arctic world where often nothing in particular stands out or is separable from the general background. For long periods during the winter months everything is turned into a meaningless whirl of cold and white. In such an environment all forms are temporary and transient and do not possess a definite invariable shape. Through carving and song, by recognizing and re- leasing emergent forms which held some meaning for him, the traditional Eski- mo assisted in this perpetual process of transformation. He represented the force that revealed form and cancelled nothingness. When engaged in the act of carving, no attempt was made to force the medium of ivory into uncharacteristic effects. The artist simply responded to the material itself. The carvings as such were only of secondary importance. Art was "an act, not an object ; a ritual, not a possession" (Carpenter 1959:38).

Another theory expounded by Carpenter (1959:27-28) is that the truly aboriginal Eskimos relied more on auditory than on ocular powers in apprehend- ing reality. This was carried over into their art, which in this sense might be called an 'acoustic art'. The traditional carver did not preoccupy himself with the task of placing a carving in a deliberate setting, or associating it with an explicit mood. For this reason, "each carving lives in spatial independence. Size and shape, proportions and selection, these are set by the object itself, not forced from without. Like sound, each carving creates its own space, its own identity ; it imposes its own assumptions".

Interpreted in this light, most traditional carvings reflect such an Eskimo concept of space-time by the very fact that they do not represent specific episodes or static 'moments in time'. Small and easily handled, they lack a single, favoured side for viewing, and can readily be turned this way and that way for multiple perspectives. This is in sharp contrast to so many contemporary soapstone carvings which portray a 'moment in time' from domestic or outdoor

46 For a recent discussion see Hume (1963:3).


life : (man-spearing-seal etc.), are best viewed from a specific angle, and have been made stationary by being mounted on a pedestal and by increased size and weight. This contemporary carving style fits in harmoniously with our classic occidental approach to art, but is foreign to the old traditions of the north. The ancient Eskimos lacked such artistic 'refinements' because these did not fulfill any need in their way of life. Only later on were they taught to think regularly in terms of separating time from space where carving was concerned.

A unique instance of this took place during the early 1920's. An Igloolik Eskimo named Au described to Rasmussen how on one occasion four large walruses on an ice-floe had drifted past his dwelling. The Danish explorer handed him paper and pencil and asked for a sketch of this scene. Unsuccessful in his attempt at drawing, Au offered to carve it in ivory. Six months later he produced a carving of "a male walrus and three females drifting on an ice-floe, while Au watches them from land through a telescope ; with his wife and daugh- ters seated beside him" (Mathiassen 1928:104). Here then we have an 'outsider* stimulating the native carver to produce an 'episode' carving.

A similar influence helped bring into being the contemporary phase of Canadian Eskimo carving, with Houston and others suggesting to the Eskimos that they depict scenes from their hunting and domestic life. Once these natives had been taught to visualize in this manner, they went ahead and created a

spectacular new Eskimo art form frequently centered around 'moments in time'. Such developments have also taken place in Alaska (Ray 1961:120 -

Vanstone 1953:24) 47, and among the Siberian Eskimos and the Chukchi where

guidance was provided by industrial art cooperatives and the Siberian Arts and Crafts Board (Anthropova 1953:9 ; Koltsov 1960:37).

The organization of carving projects in the Canadian Arctic brought with it insistent demands for technical perfection, which led in turn to greater self- consciousness about minute detail and complex form. Under pressure to produce work of a certain standard, a new type of artist has come to the fore, in

some respects less free to express himself without inhibitions, in other respects able to explore new avenues (Günther 1957:152 - Swinton 1958:47).

Man used to be depicted as quite independent of his surroundings, freed

from association with a single location or a specific temporal event (Meldgaard 1960b:38). The very opposite is often true today. Canadian Eskimo carvings have become kinesthetic, preoccupied with settings, and time conscious, while

deriving new scope for artistic composition from the form of bulky rounded

shapes and smooth surfaces typical of arctic clothing. In contrast to the partial or complete nudity of early Eskimo art, modern human figurines are invariably

fully dressed. At one community there has recently developed a trend back to

nude figurines (Mary-Rousselière 1962a: 16). This represents perhaps a

different concept of nudity, more closely allied to Western eroticism, and some-

thing that has already taken hold in Alaska (Ray 1961:151).

47 Whether the same holds true for Koryak carvings collected at the turn of the

century by Jochelson (1905-08:647-654), and others acquired around 1850 in the Aleutian Islands (Meldgaard 1960b: Plate 51), still remains to be investigated.

574 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos 59. 19C4

Not unexpectedly, a study of the sculptures that have come out of the Canadian North every year since 1949, shows contemporary carving to be a melting-pot of aboriginal concepts and new Western ideas. The ratio of inspiration drawn from these two founts varies not only in time, but also from settlement to settlement, and from individual to individual. To state about this modern phase, as Carpenter (1960:346) does, that its roots are "western" is therefore not altogether correct. Its roots are both Euro-Canadian and aboriginal. As has been demonstrated in Alaska, the latter influence cannot be so readily eradicated from the Eskimo mind (Heinrich 1950:136 - Schuster : 1952). In Canada, the older generation of carvers has certainly retained it to a minor degree. This is particularly noticeable where animal figures are concerned, but much less so with human effigies (Meldgaard 1960b:36). Stylized, symmetrical animal carvings which lack a "favoured point of view" are not yet rare, and will probably never disappear, although in deference to Kabloona tastes they may be naturalistically decorated and provided with 3. base.

Although Carpenter (1959:43) has claimed that a carving which lacks a 'favoured point of view' will as a result also lack a 'base', at least traditionally so, this in effect is not necessarily true. It all depended on the function which the object was intended to perform. Thus from the Thule culture have come "swimming birds" with flat undersides (Mathiassen 1927:74), probably for use in the previously mentioned tingmiujang game. Holtved (1944:281) has drawn attention to a Dorset statuette of which "the soles of the feet are flat so that the figure can stand". Finds of similarly treated human and animal carvings, both in traditional and early historical contexts, have been reported from every region of the arctic 48. It is clear then that with respect to 'base' there was no set rule for traditional art. Carvings were sometimes fashioned in the round, as a result of which a balanced upright position was impossible. On other occasions the carver provided them with a 'base', having in mind a specific function which demanded this.

There are of course different types of 'base'. The extreme kind is an actual pedestal on which the carving is mounted, thus reducing its independence and mobility, and often automatically incorporating a 'favoured point of view'. A more natural 'base' can be provided by balance on the extremities of the body. Bulk by itself may stabilize and act as a substitute for 'base', as with a walrus carving. Again, just part of the sculpture may be deliberately flattened to make it stand. Combinations of all these different types can also be used to achieve the same effect. The majority of traditional Eskimo carvings do not appear to have had any kind of 'base' at all. The latter became more common for historical sculptures, mainly because a good number of these were destined for the souvenir trade. The practice of attaching a pedestal to a carving is without question a Western innovation. It was introduced in historical times, and although at first contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving availed itself of the whole gamut of 'base', a pedestal has become almost the standard appendage.

48 Collins (1937:306) ; Meldgaard (1960b:44) ; Murdoch (1887-88:365) ; Nelson (1899:342) ; and Thomsen (1917:374).


With reference to the "discovery" by arctic artists of forms concealed in the as yet unworked matrix, Carpenter (1960:346) has theorized that "Eskimo do this with walrus teeth - incisors become ducks, molars become seals - but only rarely with tusk ivory, and seldom if ever with stone". From personal experience both Swinton (1958:42) and the present writer disagree with the last part of that statement. At the start it is not uncommon to see an Eskimo pick up his piece of steatite and examine it at leisure. The chunk may be turned this way and that way. At times those sitting around venture suggestions. On occasion the carver himself will actually state what animal is suggested to him by the shape of the stone. Let it be emphasized, however, that the "discovery" of human forms, engaged in some activity of daily life, would present more difficulty from this point of view. The likelyhood of discovery decreases even more when the carver is commissioned to depict a specific subject, episode, or myth.

No steadfast rule exists which holds true for all cases. Sometimes the carver begins to work with a finished concept in mind. At other times he experi- ments as he proceeds, and the final shape may only crystallize in his imagination midway through. From his own observation Graburn (1960:69) noted that "a carving begins as a shapeless block of stone, and very often ... the ideas seem to suggest themselves as the carving goes along ... carvings are taken up and

put down at all stages and different parts of the carving are developed at the same rate or at different rates".

It is of interest in connection with this topic that when the Canadian Government began shipping commercial soapstone from Southern Quebec to arctic settlements, a missionary at Povungnetuk, Father André Steinmann, objected that handing Eskimos ready-cut bricks or cubes of this material would do away with every vestige of spontaneity (Sinclair : 1961).

Houston (1954c: 15) once expressed the hope that names of outstanding modern Canadian Eskimo carvers would become wellknown in the outside world. In certain cases this has indeed happened. Such a trend, in the opinion of Carpenter (1959:41) and of Günther (1957:151), is out of keeping with the

complete anonymity of the artist in the 'primitive' world. Their point of view is open to question. Whether artists in the 'primitive' world are really anonymous has been debated by a number of writers 49. The role of the artist in

'primitive' and in 'civilized' society may differ, but he receives some kind of

public recognition in both. Analyzing present day conditions in Alaska, Ray

(1961:154-56) delivered a succinct verdict : "For the non-Eskimo world the Eskimo artist is still cloaked in anonymity. He is first of all an Eskimo - uni- dentified. Actually, when 'primitive' art is referred to as 'anonymous' art, its

anonymous character springs from the appraisal and, it might be said, the

ignorance of the group that is discussing it. For the contemporary Eskimo

artists, themselves, their art is no more anonymous than that of an artist in another culture who signs his work with letters six inches high, for every Eski- mo artist's style is clearly distinguishable from that of anyone else."

« Dall (1913:121); Firth (1951:166 ff.) ; Gordon (1906-07:80); Herskovits

(1959:48-52) ; and Inverarity (1955).

576 Charles A. Martijn Anthropos 59. 19gi

Despite all new stylistic influences, the modern carving phase, though not 'primitive' art, is still Eskimo art and distinctively so. Particularly at the beginning, it possessed a degree of vitality and inspiration probably unmatched in comparable situations of culture contact across the globe. Oswalt (1961:31) reflects that "it does seem significant that the Eskimos involved not only adapted to the new set of requirements but also have contributed original and highly pleasing works in soapstone". Many will find it difficult to accept Malaurie's (1958a:550) harsh verdict that "... l'exposition des manifestations artistiques actuelles des esquimaux canadiens ... nous met sous les yeux les aspects stéréotypés et vulgaires de la décomposition rapide d'une société archaïque ...". Studied and understood on its own terms, this modern phase will be found to contain elements of supernal value.

This is not to say that the Eskimo carvers faithfully maintain a high level of creative expression. Swinton (1958:47) was assuredly right when he divided them into artists, craftsmen, and mere imitators, and added that "if we do not make these classifications time will do it anyhow" 50. Expanding commercial opportunities have had a corrupting effect, and the percentage of uninspired and indifferent work has steadily risen. Graburn (1963:10) speaks of a market which "... tends to become saturated or flooded with low quality articles ...".

The people who began creating this work in 1949 were for the most part still living as Eskimos, albeit in a period of transition and acculturation (Meld- gaard 1960b:38 - Swinton 1958:47). The old motivations for artistic activity had vanished, but not the ability to instill in their new mode of carving an authentic element reflecting their present status as it grows more remote from the traditional way of life. When the Eskimo ceases to be a hunter and to live off the land, his art will become devoid of that unique intimacy with nature on which it has always been based. Swinton (1958:47), and others as well51, suspects that "... with the death of this generation Eskimo carving of the new phase will have died too". Whatever follows after will never again excite and fascinate us to the same degree as did that sudden surge of 'free art' in the Fifties, emanating from the last true hunters of the Eskimo race.

VIII

Among the anthropologists and art historians who have begun to take a more discerning look at Eskimo art, Edmund Carpenter has been very much in the foreground. Immensely stimulating and thought-provoking though some of his ideas have been, it still remains a question-mark whether his particular appraisal constitutes a valid contribution to our understanding of arctic carving. He has voiced a complaint that "the approach I have recommended is generally called 'mystical' or 'subjective' or 'insight without method'" (Carpenter 1961:362). Yet if we give careful scrutiny to his publications on Eskimo art,

60 See also Jenness (1964:113). 61 See discussions by Houjs (1961: Nov. 11) ; Houston (1962:650) ; and Jarvis (1962:5).


such reproaches do not appear altogether unjustified. Paucity of documentation and lack of systematic presentation make it impossible to evaluate his generalizations. In fact, if Lee (1960:166) is correct, reasonable doubt exists as to the rigor of the field -techniques employed by Carpenter in arriving at his conclusions. This line of criticism brings us face to face with the quandary of whether treatment in a scientific manner alone can do justice to such an intricat subject as creativity (Kroeber 1962:80). Nevertheless, it is difficult to conceive of any anthropologist today seriously espousing intuitive perception without at least an underpinning of accurate detail and consistent argumentation.

Our understanding of Eskimo art needs to be furthered by the kind of investigations which Himmelheber (1938) once conducted in Alaska. Case histories of individual carvers, including reports dealing with their beliefs, attitudes, and general notions about life. This could go profitably in hand with Vallée's (1961) proposal to make an assessment of perceptual processes among the Eskimos by means of appropriate psychological tests. Endeavours of this nature would furnish at least a more solid basis on which to consider the worth of theories about "motivation", "acoustic art", and "four-dimensional" perception among northern artists.

No single person has done more to develop and publicize Canadian Eskimo

carving today than James Houston. With persistence and patience, even in the face of some opposition and disinterest by Government officials at the

beginning (Robertson 1960:50), he carried through successfully not only the

carving project, but also introduced graphic art at Cape Dorset and encouraged other handicrafts in the Eastern Arctic. His tenacious efforts served to open up new economic vistas for the Canadian Eskimos, thereby enabling them to

improve their standard of living at a number of settlements. Houston may be even credited with indirectly creating, at a critical time, a situation favourable for the emergence of Eskimo cooperatives. It is this development which, in the opinion of qualified observers, may serve to break up the pattern of sub- servience-domination in economic relations to which the native population in the north has been subjected for so long.

The role played by Houston in the genesis of modern Canadian Eskimo art is a complex and controversial one. His earlier writings reveal only a sketchy knowledge of Eskimo culture and history. As an artist in his own right, and

having been imbued at art school with all the values and ideas peculiar to Western art tradition, he could not help but interpret Eskimo carving wholly on the basis of what his training had taught him. Almost unconsciously, Houston ended up by imposing his Euro-Canadian art concepts on the acqui- escent Eskimo carvers who benefitted from his hints and advice by making their handiwork as acceptable as possible to southern buyers. From a pseudo- traditional activity, already much influenced by White contact, he and they created a splendid new art of acculturation. By disseminating information about the preferences of Western clients, Houston and other advisers helped to form what Meldgaard (1960b:38) has called a free art with a fresh purpose and a different social position. While having to adhere to higher standards of work-

manship, the Eskimo carver was able to indulge in a wider range of expression,

578 Charles A. Martijn Authropos 59. 1964

and this blending of indigenous and 'civilized* concepts brought about a genuinely creative achievement in many instances.

Due to a dearth of authoritative reference books on Eskimo art, the extent of this aesthetic restructuring has never been fully realized by the public. Only rarely did individuals like Anonymous (1963), Carpenter (1959), Lambert (1955), and Swinton (1958) attempt a more penetrating evaluation. Those directing the carving project were of course sensitive to accusations that the Government was 'spoiling1 Eskimo art by artificially stimulating production for a newly-created market. No doubt as a countermeasure, several versions of an anecdote (Houston : 1951) have been circulated in an attempt to demonstrate the supposed 'simplicity* and 'artistic innocence' of Eskimos, and their extreme reluctance to copy any work of art. This last belief has been challenged since by Ray (1961:136) who argues convincingly that repetition and duplication of a design or object was commonly practiced by both traditional and historical Eskimos.

Being an affable speaker and possessing a literate pen, Houston, through lectures, interviews, and publications managed to build up in the minds of many among his audiences and readers a romantic 'mystique' about the Eski- mo vis-à-vis carving which needs to be treated with cautious reservation. This state of affairs has been further complicated by the fact that organizations and private persons interested in publicizing or interpreting Arctic carving have, of necessity, relied heavily on information provided by him. The literature dealing with contemporary Canadian Eskimo art is permeated therefore with Houston's preconceptions, to which particular authors have not infrequently added imaginative embellishments of their own. To sample just two such instances : we are told by Baird (1957:121) about "carved bowhead whales - Eskimo symbol of royalty", and learn from Harrington (1960:136) that "one of the reasons for the smooth simplicity of Eskimo sculpture is that a great deal of it is done almost by touch in the dim igloo" 52.

One story about present day Canadian Eskimos has in particular been widely believed and repeated. According to Houston (1954b: 118) who was the author of it, "inside the tents and snow-houses, the carvings are never left on constant display, but like the custom of the ancient Chinese, the small art objects are kept wrapped up and out of sight, awaiting the moment when the atmosphere is right, then upon request, they are passed to the guest for inspection. All parts of the carving are in detail, for the guest turning them in his hands will examine every aspect". The rather prosaic truth is that the Eskimos wrap up all carvings in odd pieces of skin, paper, or cloth so they won't loose their commercial value by being damaged. The sculptures are uncovered again for inspection whenever a prospective white buyer happens along, or at trading time in the Hudson's Bay store.

Houston (1952:101) also has put forward the ingenious hypothesis of a correlation between florescence of art and absence of war. "The Eskimo never

62 The absurdities spouted about modern Eskimo art have been neatly spoofed by Upbank (1962).


wasted his energy on warfare, and the climate demands that he spend a considerable amount of his time inside his home. Thus he has had the opportunity to perfect his art." This statement may be disputed on three counts. Firstly, apart from internecine strife among themselves, Eskimo tribes also engaged in hostilities with Indians and Whites (Weyer 1932: Ch. IX). There even has been found at Admiralty Inlet (Central Arctic) an engraved piece of walrus ivory from the Thule culture period which depicts a bow-fight between two parties of men (Mary-Rousselière 1960a: 10). Secondly, examples from all over the world show that native warfare actually tends to stimulate the flower- ing of art (Hogbin 1958:39). Finally, as we have seen already, far from being perfected, prior to contact times Canadian Eskimo art had been declining for a number of centuries.

With respect to the impact of the carving industry on northern communities, Houston (1954a:45) once claimed that "an important aspect of this development is that it has not disrupted the Eskimos' normal way of life". Though not necessarily disruptive, the introduction of handicrafts has in certain arctic communities definitely affected several aspects of social life 53. There is, however, at least one case on record in which, together with other factors, the organization of a carving project greatly undermined the established way of life. Desgoffes (1955) reports how in 1954, instead of dispersing to small camps for their summer hunting, the Belcher Island Eskimos remained at the trading-post and busied themselves with carving. Hunting was virtually abandoned for some time, so that over a period of months no sea-mammals were caught. As a result the natives had to depend on white man's food, and

they spent practically all of their earnings from carving on the purchase of it. This food consisted almost exclusively of flour, oat-meal, sugar, and tea. Need- less to say, a steady diet of this nature has a deleterious effect on their state of health.

Another experience of Houston (1952:104) has been that "the Eskimo is

delighted with the opportunity to improve his living and to avoid the necessity of government relief through the creation of art". Whether the Eskimo suffers from the same sense of shame and anxiety as we do with regard to relief, is

questionable (Vanstone & Oswalt 1960:53). The opposite probably holds true. Sharing the necessities of life was always a characteristic trait of Eskimo

culture, and they undoubtedly welcome whatever food and ammunition the Canadian Government decides to dole out to them. Robertson (1960:51) takes a more realistic view of the matter, and in doing so probably strikes home closer to the truth : "In the old days when the fox disappeared or prices col-

lapsed, relief payments had to increase. Now carving helps to take up the slack and to provide a steady and substantial income, to the immense satisfaction of those concerned, as well as to the benefit of the tax-payers of Canada."

53 Graburn (1960) ; Steinmann (communication 1961) ; Willmott (1961).

580 Charles A. M arti jN Authropos 59. i»ei

IX

Criticism has been levelled sometimes at the Canadian Government for supposedly instituting a program whose inevitable effect was felt to be the commercialization of a native art. The argument ran that by intervening and building up a carving industry the Government was contributing to the de- struction of spontaneity and meaning in traditional Eskimo carving. As has been established now, such accusations are baseless in the sense that by fostering a handicrafts project the Government simply assisted in the creation of a modern Eskimo art whose immediate antecedent had not been an authentic 'primitive* art, but merely an intermittent kind of occupation almost exclusively devoted to the souvenir trade.

What really ought to be objected to are a semi-official booklet 'Canadian Eskimo Art' (Department of Northern Affairs per Houston 1954e), and two movies, 'Eskimo Carvings' and The Living Stone* (National Film Board: 1952 and 1958), all specifically designed to publicize contemporary Canadian Eski- mo carving and for that purpose widely distributed across the North American continent and abroad. They offer misleading information and contain little of either historical or anthropological value, as Swinton (1962:56) and Carpenter (1960a:346) already have pointed out. The booklet at least should be revised, or better still, withdrawn altogether.

The continuing practice of classifying present day Canadian Eskimo carvings and prints as 'primitive' art is completely unwarranted. By persisting in this, the Eskimo Art Committee 54, for one, has placed itself in a vulnerable if not untenable position. The members of this curious organization seem to have lost sight of the true nature of 'primitive' art - something culturally significant within the producing group and possessing intrinsic meaning not only for the aboriginal creator himself, but for the fellow-members of his society as well. If contemporary Canadian Eskimo art is indeed 'primitive' art, what logic or justification can there be for E. Turner's (1963:226) declaration that "... the reason great numbers of poor carvings from Povungnituk have been released on the Canadian market is the method of purchase present^ followed by the cooperative in that community : Eskimoes are entirely responsible for pur- chasing carvings from the other Eskimoes. The danger of payment being influenced by personal sympathies is inevitable. But, much graver, as the committee's work with this cooperative has already shown, there is no reason whatsoever that an Eskimo should have a relative sense of quality in assessing another Eskimo's work ; he will only know what appeals to him, and in many cases that appeal has no relation to quality" 55.

If Turner is indeed right (a point not in the least disputed), then this very fact constitutes a clear indication that modern Canadian Eskimo art is not a genuine 'primitive' art. Following along with Turner's reasoning, one

64 See p. 563. 56 Italics are the present writer's.


would have to believe that Maori, Papuan, Haida, Dogon, Benin, etc. tribesmen do not, in fact never have had, a relative sense of quality in assessing works of art from their own communities according to certain standards of quality commonly agreed upon by themselves. This is manifestly absurd56. Their standards may not be our standards, but then neither is their art based on our values and concepts nor are we justified in judging it solely according to our particular precepts. Surely it would be preposterous to hold that categories of thought and experience, good taste and critical judgment, other than our own, are invalid because there exists only one correct method of determining what is beautiful and what is aesthetic.

If in the eyes of the Committee, native Eskimo cooperative representatives are incapable of discriminating between good or bad prints and carvings, then such an absence of critical standards can only mean that these objects do not occupy a recognized cultural position within the contemporary Canadian Eskimo way of life. The prints and carvings are not meant to be bought by Eskimos themselves for their own enjoyment, in fact this is still unheard of. We are dealing here not with a traditional communally significant 'primitive' art but with an entirely new form, free, experimental, and highly personal. Proof for this may be found in Turner's (1963:226) observation that when "under the guidance of Victor Tinkl, who arrived at Povungnituk at the end of July 1962, the graphic artists were told to do as they wished and were given no preconceived notions of what would sell, they produced works of strength in which individual styles and attitudes quickly became evident".

To be convinced, as Turner (1963:228-9) seems to be, that a person belonging to a so-called 'primitive* society engages in creative activity "to rid himself of a fear or compulsion", or that his work is based on "instinct rather than preconceived attempt", means that one must have a very restricted con-

cept of 'primitive' art. In reality, 'primitive' or 'ethnological' art encompasses much more than merely the random, predominantly personal expressions of

"unsophisticated" people. Cultural background and the needs of his society govern to a large extent the manner in which the 'primitive' artist goes about

satisfying his aesthetic impulses. Environment too plays a substantial role in this determination. The object made or the ultimate aesthetic result achieved is capable of inducing various degrees of pleasure and gratification not only in the artist but in his tribal companions as well. In other words, the thoughts, attitudes, and feelings characteristic of a certain 'primitive' culture or society are mirrored in a collectively created art style. Individual variations in ex-

pression harmonize with the outlook and intellectual structure of that particular society.

It remains in some ways a puzzle why this task of screening modern . Eskimo art work has been placed in the hands of persons who, whatever their other qualifications may be, appear to have only a superficial grasp of Eskimo character, culture, and history. Where Eskimo art is concerned, such a state of affairs neither permits correct evaluations, nor does it lead to well-balanced

M See for example Herskovits (1959).


conclusions. A case in point is that of Turner (1963:226-7) when he expresses his disquiet at seeing "... two identical carvings of a subject ... in Povungnituk. This is a remarkable phenomenon since the Eskimo carver does not repeat his subjects. But, even more serious, the subject was a crucifix, which to the Eski- mo is a relatively meaningless subject since there are no practicing Eskimo Catholics in the community even though the mission's hall is a leading meeting place in Povungnituk".

Once again, the myth about the Eskimo's unwillingness to copy is here repeated. In reality, it is only through the constant vigilance and admonition of those directing the carving projects that the incidence of duplication has been kept at a low level. Our faith in the validity of Turner's objections is further shaken when we learn from Balikçi (1959:128) that "the conversion to Christi- anity of all the Eastern Hudson Bay Eskimos took place almost simultaneously around the 1880's" 57. In other words, Turner has neglected somehow to inform us that the Povungnetuk Eskimos have been nominal Anglicans for the past eighty years. His force of argument finally looses most of its strength when we read in Mathiassen (1928:235) that "in 1919 some bibles came to Ponds Inlet (Northern Baffin Island), printed in the Peck syllabic language with which the Eskimos were already familiar ; they had been sent from Cumberland Gulf, where the missionary Peck had worked many years. The bibles were studied by the Eskimos and one of them, Uminq, acted as prophet and taught the new gospel. When in 1920 his son had shot a white man at Ponds Inlet, they fled to Iglulik, where he appeared as a great preacher. When we came to Ingnertoq, the most southerly settlement of the Iglulingmiut, in the winter of 1921-22, we saw a white rag on a pole outside the snow-house ... Inside the snow-house the crucifix (fig. 203) was hanging ; it is carved in ivory on the European pattern, with head-covering, beard, loincloth, outstretched arms, and the feet crossed ; 77 cm. long. We wished to buy it but they were unwilling as they said it was a very powerful amulet" 58.

And besides, why should the carving of a simple crucifix cause raised eyebrows when the making, of all things, of an ornate mace for the North West Territories Council was entrusted to Cape Dorset Eskimos - the whole operation being afterwards hailed and described in glowTing terms by Houston (1955) and Baird (1957) ?

Somewhat more disturbing are the disclosures by Turner (1963:227-8) regarding the policy on remuneration offered to Eskimo graphic artists. Ap- parently, "if the work seems to have sufficient quality on the basis of a trial proof to warrant being produced in a full edition, this is done and the profit of the full edition goes to the cooperative rather than to the individual. In this way the success of a good idea or the failure of a relatively poor one does not become economically or spiritually a problem to the artist in question".

This kind of paternalism seems a far cry from the "exciting partnership between a marvellously creative people and their sympathetic and loving

67 See also Jenness (1964:16). 58 For a modern example of Eskimo religious art at Frobisher Bay see Arctic News (1962:8-11).


agents" once envisioned by Jarvis (1962:5). And since when has it become customary to regulate artistic joys and sorrows ? Considering the inflated prices obtained for these prints in the south, other means, such as a bonus at the end of the season for instance, could be employed to give the successful artist up north a more just and equitable recompense. Furthermore, not everyone will share Turner's complacent satisfaction that "insofar as humanly possible no pressure exists to affect the aesthetic thinking of the artist. Praise or criticism might be said to exist only in the fact that a variation of one or two dollars may exist in payment for a copper plate with a fine design as opposed to one with only a fair design or, in the case of the drawings, a few cents, but the Eski- mo seems to depart satisfied".

These Eskimo artists have become the victims of torturous rational- izations based on false premises. For their benefit it is imperative to discard the sham façade of 'primitiveness' which certain outside 'experts' have tacked onto this modern art phase. The latter ought to be appraised on the strength of its true character, while those who create it should be permitted to reap the full financial reward to which their efforts entitle them.

X

In summary then, by placing contemporary Canadian Eskimo carving in an historical perspective, this paper has attempted to evaluate the claim that it is an authentic 'primitive* art.

Traditional -A review of archaeological findings demonstrated that

carving standards in the Canadian Arctic had undergone a gradual decline

during late prehistoric times. A low level of artistic achievement was reported by most explorers and ethnographers who first made contact with historical Canadian Eskimo tribes during the 19th and 20th centuries.

Historical- Throughout post-contact times this residue of traditional art was, until about 1949, subjected in a desultory fashion to the influence of Western art values by traders, travellers, whalers, and missionaries. Carving lost practically all its aboriginal functions and to a large extent became a

sporadic occupation catering to the tourist souvenir trade up north.

Contemporary - In 1949, on the basis of recommendations made by the artist James Houston, the Canadian Government authorized the organization of an arctic carving industry in order to improve the economic lot of the Eskimos by providing them with a secondary source of income. The actual

marketing of the carvings was to be handled by the Hudson's Bay Company and the Canadian Handicrafts Guild. Measures and innovations designed to

give these carvings a maximum aesthetic appeal for 'outside' buyers stimulated the emergence of a distinct new Eskimo art phase.

The final conclusion arrived at was that contemporary Canadian Eskimo

carving is an Eskimo art, but one of directed acculturation. It cannot in any way be considered an authentic 'primitive' art. Yet, as a valid art form in its own right, and one of considerable merit, it serves at present as a reflection of the individual Eskimo himself in a state of transition.


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canadian eskimo carving in hostorical perspective

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