Causing His Name to Live

Culture and History of the Ancient Near East

Founding Editor

M. H. E. Weippert

Editor-in-Chief

Thomas Schneider

Editors

Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern,Theo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. W inter

VOLUME 37

William J. Murnane 19452000

Causing His Name to Live

Studies in Egyptian Epigraphy and History in Memory of William J. Murnane

Edited by

Peter J. Brand and Louise Cooper

LEIDEN BOSTON2009

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Causing his name to live : studies in Egyptian epigraphy and history in memory of William J. Murnane / edited by Peter J. Brand and Louise Cooper. p. cm. (Culture and history of the ancient Near East, ISSN 1566-2055) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17644-7 (hard cover : alk. paper) 1. EgyptHistoryNew Kingdom, ca. 1550-ca. 1070 B.CSources. 2. EgyptHistoryTo 332 B.C.Sources. 3. Inscriptions, Egyptian. 4. EgyptAntiquities. I. Brand, Peter James. II. Murnane, William J. III. Title. IV. Series.

DT87.C34 2009 932.014dc22 2009020675

ISSN: 1566-2055ISBN: 978 90 04 17644 7

Copyright 2009 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.

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vtable of contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Bibliographical Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viiList of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ixAcknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

A Fond Remembrance: William Joseph Murnane, Jr. March 22, 1945November 17, 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Lorelei H. Corcoran

The Amarna Succession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 James P. Allen

Note archologique et pigraphique sur les architraves de la grande salle hypostyle du temple dAmon-R Karnak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Michel Azim et Vincent Rondot

Usurped Cartouches of Merenptah at Karnak and Luxor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Peter J. Brand

Quantifying Regalia: A Contextual Study into the Variations and Significance of Egyptian Royal Costume Using Relational Databases and Advanced Statistical Analyses . . . . . . . . . 49 Amy Calvert

The Long Coregency Revisited: Architectural and Iconographic Conundra in the Tomb of Kheruef . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Peter F. Dorman

The Death of Meketaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 Jacobus van Dijk

Images of Amenhotep IV and Nefertiti in the Style of the Previous Reign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 Earl L. Ertman

Two Semi-Erased Kushite Cartouches in the Precinct of Mut at South Karnak . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Richard A. Fazzini

Un assemblage au nom dAmenemhat Ier dans les magasins du temple de Louxor . . . . . . . . . 103 Luc Gabolde

Under a Deep Blue Starry Sky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Marc Gabolde

The Festival on Which Amun Went out to the Treasury . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Helen Jacquet-Gordon

A Sandstone Relief of Tutankhamun in the Liverpool Museum from the Luxor Temple Colonnade Hall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 W. Raymond Johnson

table of contentsvi

Egyptian New-Kingdom Topographical Lists: An Historical Resource with Literary Histories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 Kenneth A. Kitchen

A Reconstruction of Senwosret Is Portico and Some Structures of Amenhotep I at Karnak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Franois Larch

The Land of Ramesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Donald B. Redford

Bibliography of William J. Murnane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231

bibliographical abbreviations vii

DG gographiques contenus dans les textes hiroglyphiques (Cairo: Socit Royale de Gographie dgypte, 1925-1931)

Gauthier, Gauthier, H. Le Livre des rois dgypte, LdR recueil de titres et protocoles royaux I-V.

MIFAO 17-21 (Cairo: Imprimerie de lInstitut Franais dArchologie Orien-tale, 1907-1917)

GM Gttinger Miszellen: Beitrge zur gyp-tologische Diskussion. Gttingen

HB Hildesheimer gyptologische Bei-trge. Hildesheim

IEJ Israel Exploration Journal. Tel AvivIFAO Institut Franais dArchologie Orientale.

Cairo.JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society.

New HavenJARCE Journal of the American Research Center

in Egypt. Boston & New YorkJEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology.

LondonJNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chi-

cagoJSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of

Egyptian Antiquities. TorontoKarnak Cahiers de Karnak. 12 vols (Paris: ERC,

1980present). Centre Franco-gyptien dtudes des temples de Karnak.

Key Plans Nelson, H. H. Key Plans Showing Loca-tions of Theban Temple Decorations. OIP 56 (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1941)

KMT KMT: A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt.

KRI I-VII Kitchen, K. A. Ramesside Inscriptions, His-torical and Biographical. I-VII (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969-1990)

L I-VII Helck, W. et al. Lexikon der gyptologie. 7 vols (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1972-1992)

LD Lepsius, K. R. Denkmler aus gypten und thiopien. Abteilung I-VI in 12 vols (Berlin: Nicolaische Buchhandlung, 1849-1858 & reprint Geneva: ditions de Belles-Lettres, 1973)

LDT Lepsius, K. R. Denkmler aus gypten und thiopien: Texte. I-IV (eds.). Naville, E. et al. (Berlin & Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1897-1913)

MS Mnchener gyptologische Studien. Berlin & Munich

MDIK/ Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archo-

AT gypten und Altes Testament. Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion gypten und des Altes Testament. Wiesbaden

ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archolo-gischen Instituts Kairo. gyptologische Reihe. Hamburg and New York

AO Acta Orientalia. CopenhagenASAE Annales du Service des Antiquits de

Lgypte. CairoASE Archaeological Survey of Egypt.

LondonBBA Beitrge zur gyptischen Bauforschung

und Altertumskunde. 11 vols (Cairo, Zurich & Wiesbaden: Schweizerisches Institut fr gyptische Bauforschung und Altertumskunde in Kairo, 1938-1997)

Barguet, Barguet, P. Le temple dAmon-r Karnak Karnak (Cairo: Imprimerie de lInsti-

tut Franais dArchologie Orientale, 1962)

BdE Bibliothque dtude. Institut Franais dArchologie Orientale. Cairo

BES Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar. New York

BIE Bulletin de lInstitut gyptien. Alexan-dria.

BIFAO Bulletin de lInstitut Franais dAr-chologie Orientale. Cairo

BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis. LeidenBMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of

Art. New YorkBSEG Bulletin de la Socit dgyptologie de

Genve. GenevaBSFE Bulletin de la Socit Franaise dgyp-

tologie. ParisCG/CGC Catalogue gnral des antiquits gypti-

ennes du Muse du Caire. CairoCd Chronique dgypte. BrusselsChampol- Champollion, J.F. Notices descrip-lion, ND tives conformes aux manuscrits autographes

rdigs sur les lieux par Champollion le Jeune. 2 vols (Paris: Didot, 1844-1889)

EEF/EES Egypt Exploration Fund/Society. London

EEM Egypt Exploration Society Memoir. London

ERC ditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Paris.

FIFAO Fouilles de lInstitut Franais dAr-cho logie Orientale du Caire. Cairo

Gauthier, Gauthier, H. Dictionnaire des noms

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS

bibliographical abbreviationsviii

Wb. Erman, A. & Grapow, H. Wrterbuch der gyptischen Sprache. 6 vols (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1926-1963)

WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Verffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft

ZS Zeitschrift fr gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Leipzig & Berlin

ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlndis-chen Gesellschaft. Lepzig

Other Abbreviations

ad loc. ad locum, at the location ofARCE American Research Center in Egypt.

Cairocat. catalog entry numbercf. conferCFEETK Centre Franco-gyptien dtudes des

temples de Karnak. Luxor, Egypt.chpt(s). chapter(s)cm. centimeterCNRS Centre National de la Recherche Scien-

tifique. Paris EAP Egyptian Antiquities Project. ARCE.

Cairoe.g. exempli gratia, for exampleed(s). editor(s)et al. et alii, and othersfasc. fascicleff. and following pagesfig(s). figure(s)ibid. ibidem, in the same placeidem. by the same authori.e. id est, that isIFAO Linstitut Franais dArchologie Orien-

tale. CairoJE Journal dEntre, Egyptian Museum,

CairoKV Kings Valleym. metern.d. no dateneg. photographic negativen(n). note(s)no(s)./ n number(s)op.cit. opus citatum, the work citedpl(s). plate(s)QV Queens ValleySR Special Register, Egyptian Museum,

Cairos.v. sub verbo, under the heading ofTN Temporary Number, Egyptian Museum,

CairoTT Theban Tombtrans. translated by viz. videlicet, namely

MDAIK logischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo. Cairo

MIFAO Mmoires publis par les membres de lInstitut Franais dArchologie Orien-tale. Cairo

MMAF Mmoires publis par les membres de la Mission Archologique Franaise au Caire. Cairo

MMJ Metropolitan Museum Journal. New York and Cairo

NARCE Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt. New York

OIP Oriental Institute Publications. Chi-cago

OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. Leuven

OLZ Orientalische Literatur Zeitung. BerlinPM I-VII Porter, B. & Moss, R. L. B. Topographical

Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hiero-glyphic Texts Reliefs and Paintings. 7 vols (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1927-1952)

PM I-III.22 Porter, B., Moss, R. L. B., Burney, E. W. & Mlek, J. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. 3 vols. second edi-tion (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1960-1978)

RecTrav Recueil de travaux relatifs la philologie et larchologie gyptiennes et assyriennes. Paris

RdE Revue dgyptologie. Cairo and ParisRIK I-IV Epigraphic Survey. Reliefs and Inscriptions

at Karnak Temple. 4 vols (Chicago: Uni-versity of Chicago Press, 1936-1986)

RILT 1-2 Epigraphic Survey. Reliefs and Inscrip-tions at Luxor Temple. 2 vols (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994-98).

RITANC Kitchen, K. A. Ramesside Inscriptions, I-II Translated and Annotated: Notes and

Comments. 2 vols (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993-1999)

RITA I-II Kitchen, K. A. Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Translations. 2. vols (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993-1994)

SAK Studien zur Altgyptische Kultur. Ham-burg

SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. Chicago

TTS Tutankhamn Tomb Series. Ox -ford

Urk. IV Sethe, K. & Helck, W. Urkunden des aegyptischen Altertums IV. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Hefte 1-22 (Leipzig & Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1908-1909, 1927-1930 & 1955-58)

VA Varia Agyptiaca. San Antonio

list of figures ix

LIST OF FIGURES

James P. AllenFig. 1. Inscription on Jar 405 from the Tomb of Tutankhamun.Fig. 2. Inscription on Box 1k from the Tomb of Tutankhamun.Fig. 3. Stela Berlin 17813.Fig. 4. Unfinished Stela Berlin 20716.Fig. 5. Block from Hermopolis naming Tutankhamun and [Ankhesenpa]aten.Fig. 6. Nurse and Child from Room Gamma.

Michel Azim et Vincent RondotFig. 1. Plan du magasin SB au sud de la salle hypostyle (relev V. Rondot, mai 1983).Fig. 2. La salle hypostyle vue depuis le sud en 1912 avec, devant sa porte latrale, plusieurs des grands blocs

descendus par Legrain ; on notera, au premier tiers gauche de la photographie, la prsence des deux dernires demi-architraves reposant sur le mur sud (Collection M. Pillet, CNRS-MOM, 1912, inv.. B028-16).

Fig. 3. Nouvel tablissement des textes des architraves N 31, sup. et 31, inf. (daprs V. RONDOT, Les architraves, p. 18*).

Fig. 4. Photographie G. Legrain 1899. Archives Lacau A XX 12. Dtail agrandi de larchitrave.Fig. 5. Fac-simil schmatique du texte lisible sur la photographie darchives Lacau A XX 12.

Peter J. BrandFig. 1. Cartouches of Merenptah surcharged by Seti II from a war scene at the north end of the west exterior

wall of the Cour de la Cachette at Karnak. The surface of the cartouche has not been cut back as have others on this wall. Location: PM II2, p. 132 (491).

Fig. 2. Drawing of the same cartouche. No trace of Amenmesses name as claimed by Yurco was found after repeated collations.

Fig. 3. Cartouches of Seti II carved over thoroughly erased originals from a gateway in central Karnak. Loca-tion: PM II2, p. 95 (272). The original author in this case was Amenmesse based on traces from another cartouche in the same series identified by Roy Hopper.

Fig. 4. Bandeau text from central Karnak usurped by Seti II. No trace of the original name can be detected, although its original author is probably Merenptah. Location: PM II2, p. 88 (237).

Fig. 5. Bandeau text of Merenptah usurped by Amenmesse from a pier in the second court of the Rames-seum. Location: PM II2, p. 435, pillar E(b); Leblanc et al., Le Ramesseum IX-1, pl. 9.

Fig. 6. Detail of figure 5. the prenomen cartouche usurped by Amenmesse. Traces of plaster used to cover Merenptahs titulary remain.

Fig. 7. Architrave fragment from the Mansion of Nepkhepurure at Thebes found at Karnak. The prenomen of Ay was carefully erased by Horemheb while that of Tutankhamen was left intact. O. Schaden, NARCE 127 (1984), p. 57, fig. 25-2.

Fig. 8. Another erased cartouche of Ay. Distinct traces of his prenomen can still be made out.Fig. 9. Another architrave fragment from the Mansion of Nebkhepurure at Thebes. The distinctive epithets

of Ays Horus and Two Ladies names have been erased though traces remain. O. Schaden, NARCE 127 (1984), p. 56, fig. 7-2.

Fig. 10. Scene of Merenptah kneeling between the paws of a criosphinx from the north end of the east interior wall of the Cour de la Cachette at Karnak. Location: PM II2, p. 131 (482).

Fig. 11. Detail of figure 10. Merenptahs names have been subject to hacking, but the damnatio memoriae was never completed and no other royal names were carved in their stead.

Fig. 12. Seti II driving the four calves before Amen-Re in a scene from the west interior wall of the Cour de la Cachette at Karnak. Location: PM II2, p. 132 (490, II.5).

Fig. 13. Detail of figure 12. cartouches and Horus name of Seti II carved over erased originals on the west interior wall of the Cour de la Cachette at Karnak.

list of figuresx

Fig. 14. Erased cartouche of Merenptah surcharged by Seti II on a loose block from the war scenes on the west exterior wall of the Cour de la Cachette at Karnak. Le Saout, Karnak 8 (Paris: ERC, 1987), p. 231.

Fig. 15. Drawing of figure 14. My own collation did not find as many traces of Merenptahs prenomen as Le Saouts did. Cf. Le Saout, Karnak 8 (Paris: ERC, 1987), p. 231.

Fig. 16. Erased marginal inscription of Merenptah along the base of the west interior wall of the Ramesside forecourt at Luxor Temple beneath a procession of Ramesses IIs daughters. Location: PM II2, p. 308 (28).

Fig. 17. Erased marginal inscription of Merenptah along the base of the west half of the south wall of the Ramesside forecourt at Luxor Temple beneath a procession of Ramesses IIs sons. A statue may have once stood in front of the un-erased segment in the middle of the photo. Location: PM II2, p. 308 (30).

Fig. 18. Part of an erased marginal inscription of Merenptah below an intact one of Ramesses II from the west wing of the facade of the Colonnade Hall at Luxor. The phrase sA Ra nb xaw has been incompletely erased. More thorough was the treatment of the kings nomen cartouche on the right, although the mr-hoe and mAat-figure are discernable. Location: PM II2, p. 309 (31); Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 143A.

Fig. 19. Erased nomen cartouche of Merenptah from the east wing of the facade of the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. Cf. Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 143B.

Fig. 20. Part of a damaged and erased prenomen cartouche of Merenptah from the west wing of the facade of the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. Cf. Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 143A.

Fig. 21. Facimile drawings of erased cartouches of Merenptah on the facade of the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple, after Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 143. Cf. fig.s 19-20.

Fig. 22. Erased bandeau text of Merenptah from the dado of the west interior wall of the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. Ramesses IV later carved another bandeau text in its place. The partially erased ram-glyph of Merenptahs prenomen is visible beneath the D-cobra at the left end of the photograph. Location: PM II2, p. 314 (78); Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 173.

Fig. 23. Large cartouches of Seti II surcharged over erased ones of Merenptah on a column in the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. A Htp-sign is discernable beneath the group PtH of Setis nomen on the left. None of these traces are shown in the Epigraphic Surveys drawings of the columns. Cf. Epigraphic Survey, RILT 2, pl. 194.

Fig. 24. A nomen cartouche of Seti II surcharged over an erased cartouche of Merenptah from marginal deco-ration on a column in the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. A diagonal line between the two reed leaves may stem from a squatting deity figure in Merenptahs nomen.

Fig. 25. An erased bandeau text of Merenptah from the base of the east interior wall of the solar court at Luxor Temple. Location: PM II2, p. 317 (96).

Fig. 26. Block from the war scenes on the west exterior wall of the Cour de la Cachette showing Crown Prince Seti riding in a chariot. The first part of the Princes titulary has been erased. Le Saout, Karnak 8 (Paris: ERC, 1987), p. 232.

Fig. 27. Detail of fig 26. The erased protocol of Crown Prince Seti, iry-pat %wtXy.Fig. 28. Partly hacked cartouches of Merenptah from a Cour de la Cachette block. The relief was later plastered

over by Seti II who cut a new inscription over it. The pattern of hacking to Merenptahs cartouches is consistent with an uncompleted damnatio memoriae by Amenmesse rather than keying for plaster by Seti II prior to carving a new relief in its place. Cf. figs. 10-11.

Amy CalvertFig. 1. Detail of Medinet Habu Epigraphic Survey plate 121.Fig. 2. Photograph of same showing preserved paint. Fig. 3. Detail of Ramses III wearing feathered back apron.Fig. 4. Detail of Ramses III wearing falcon shirt in battle.Fig. 5. Ramses III wearing a falcon shirt.Fig. 6. Detail of Ramses III in QV 55 wearing red textile shirt topped by a falcon shirt.Fig. 7. Details of Ramses III at Medinet Habu showing preserved sections of red textile shirts.Fig. 8. Ramses II wearing red textile shirt topped by a falcon shirt at his temple at Abydos.Fig. 9. Example of high positive correlation: horns, feathers, and multiple uraei with nms.Fig 10. Example of high negative correlation: fans and divine interaction.Fig. 11. Main Layout: Pharaoh tab.Fig. 12. Main Layout: Text tab.

list of figures xi

Fig. 13. Main Layout: Context tab.Fig. 14. Main Layout: Context tab with both types of actors.Fig. 15. Main Layout: Divine actor screen (related to Fig. 14).Fig. 16. Main Layout: Human actor screen (related to Fig. 14).Fig. 17. Main Layout: Chariot tab.Fig. 18. Main Layout: Visual tab.Fig. 19. Dichotomous Layout.Fig. 20. Search for images of the king wearing selected attributes.Fig. 21. Results of search.Fig. 22. Example of a multi apron.Fig. 23. Example of a flanking apron.Fig. 24. Early version of the Dichotomous Layout.

Peter F. DormanFig. 1. Plan and section of the tomb of Kheruef. From Epigraphic Survey, Kheruef, pl. 3.Fig. 2. Amenhotep IV offers a libation to his parents. From Epigraphic Survey, Kheruef, pl. 13.Fig. 3. Schematic timeline for a hypothetical long coregency between Amenhotep III and Akhenaton.Fig. 4. Lintel and upper jambs of the entrance doorway of the tomb of Kheruef. From Epigraphic Survey,

Kheruef, pl. 8.Fig. 5. Lintel and upper jambs of the second doorway of the tomb of Kheruef. From Epigraphic Survey,

Kheruef, pl. 67.Fig. 6. Usurped cartouches on the cornice of the doorway of the first pylon of Soleb Temple. From Schiff

Giorgini, et al., Soleb V: Le temple: bas-reliefs et inscriptions, pl. 23.

Jacobus van DijkFig. 1. The so-called birth scene in Room of the Royal Tomb at AmarnaFig. 2. Parallel scene in Room of the Royal Tomb at AmarnaFig. 3. A reconstruction by G. Legrain of the two columns of text inscribed in front of the woman holding

the child in Room Fig. 4. G. T. Martins reconstruction of the same columns of textFig. 5. Martins drawing of the scene, including the two columns of text Fig. 6. M. Gaboldes reconstruction of the same columns of textFig. 7. New reconstruction of the same columns of textFig. 8. Detail of G. Jquiers photograph of the scene reconstructed in Fig. 7

Earl L. ErtmanFig. 1. Amenhotep IV kissing the ground: Karnak talatat assemblage A 0081, after R. Vergnieux and M. Gon-

dran, Amnophis IV et les Pierres du soleil. Ahknaton retrouv (Paris: Arthaud, 1997), pp. 170-1. Fig. 2. Nefertiti kissing the ground: Karnak talatat assemblage A 0081, after R. Vergnieux and M. Gondran,

Amnophis IV et les Pierres du soleil. Ahknaton retrouv (Paris: Arthaud, 1997), pp. 170-1. Fig. 3. After the Epigraphic Survey, The Tomb of Kheruef, pl. 9. Fig. 4. Brussels E 2157, relief of Tiy from the tomb of Userhet. Drawing by Elaine Taylor.Fig. 5. Nefertiti in the Window of Appearances, TT 55, Tomb of Ramose. Photograph courtesy of George

Johnson.Fig. 6. Nefertiti talatat CNRS/CFEETKA. Bellod.

Richard A. FazziniFig. 1. Detail of a Dynasty XXV stela found in front of the south wing of the Second Pylon of the Amun

Temple at Karnak. Photograph by B. V. Bothmer.Fig. 2. The prenomen of Taharqa in the crypt under the main sanctuary of the Temple of Mut. Drawing by

J. van Dijk and R. Fazzini.Fig. 3. Schematic plan by C. Van Siclen of the rear half of the Temple of Mut. The dotted line indicates the

Tuthmoside platform.Fig. 4. The crypt under the main sanctuary of the Temple of Mut and the shaft before it. Photograph by M.

McKercher.Fig. 5. Fragmentary offering table found at the bottom of the shaft before the crypt under the main sanctu-

ary of the Temple of Mut. Photograph by M. McKercher.

list of figuresxii

Fig. 6a-b. Photograph and drawing of the front part of a cartouche of ^bAfound in the rear of Temple A. Drawing by R. Fazzini. Photograph by M. McKercher.

Fig. 7. Two well-preserved faces in relief in the rear of Temple A. Photograph by M. McKercher.

Luc GaboldeFig. 1. Assemblage de blocs dAmenemhat Ier dans les magasins du temple de Louxor

Marc GaboldeFig. 1. An inlay fragment of the sky-sign discovered among the finds from KV 55 (Egyptian Museum in

Cairo).Fig. 2. Original inscription from the canopic jars of KV 55 with the titulary of Kiya (drawing by the author

based upon the reconstruction of Krauss, MDAIK 42 (1986), p. 72, Abbildung 7).Fig. 3. First step of the erasure of the name of Kiya. Her titulary is hacked out and the sky sign is cut.Fig. 4. Second step of change: the right corner of the sky-sign is moved to the left and a calcite fragment is

inserted in its place.Fig. 5. Reconstruction of the inscribed panel of the canopic jars from KV 55 in accordance with the identity

of the last owner.Fig. 6. Last step of change, the remaining royal cartouches are erased and the sky-sign removed. Part of the

calcite inlay is broken during the process. The names of the god were removed as well to prevent any confusion (the Aten could not have viscera).

Fig. 7. View of the panel after the last change. A fragment of the sky-sign was left in the tomb and recovered later by the excavators.

Fig. 8. Schematic drawing of traces from the gold sheet fragment D 6 from the coffin from KV 55.Fig. 9. Nomen from pectoral Carter 261 p 1. top, from left to right: enlarged detail scanned from the pho-

tography of T. G. H. James and A. De Luca, Toutankhamon (Paris: Grnd, 2000), p. 227; traces of defaced and re-engraved cartouches; traces of re-engraved cartouche; traces of defaced cartouche; bottom, from left to right, drawing of traces of both defaced and re-engraved cartouches; traces of re-engraved cartouche; traces of defaced cartouche; reconstruction of original cartouche.

Fig. 10. Cartouche in Selkis coffinette (Carter 266g = JE 60691) line 7. top: scan from catalogue The Treasures of Tutankhamun, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1976, cat. no. 45, between plates 26 and 27; middle left: traces of both first and second engraved names; bottom left: traces of second engraved name; middle right: traces of first engraved name; bottom right: reconstructed first name taking advantage of the reading of Carter 261 p 1.

W. Raymond JohnsonFig. 1. Liverpool Museum 1967.35. Courtesy of National Museums Liverpool (Liverpool Museum).Fig. 2. The barge of Mut (detail of prow) being towed by the barge of the queen, Luxor Temple Colonnade

Hall western wall. photo by Ray Johnson.

list of figures xiii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to Richard Fazzini, who first suggested the idea of organizing a memo-rial volume in honor of Bill Murnane in early 2001. He has given me his advice and support for the project ever since. To Jacobus van Dijk, I am grateful for his assistance and encouragement in start-ing the project as the initial coeditor, and later for securing Brills agreement to publish the work. I am indebted, also, to my coeditor and doctoral student Louise Cooper for her invaluable editorial and organizational contributions. Thanks also go to Jennifer Pavelko, my editor at Brill. I must also express my profound gratitude to all of the contributors to this volume for their submissions and for their patience and forbearance during the long publication process. Their contributions stand as a fitting tribute to Bill Murnanes eclecticism and insightfulness as a scholar. Finally, I am very grateful to Bills sister, Annie Miles, and especially to his beloved mother, Marie Murnane, for their support and encouragement.

Peter J. BrandApril 2009

list of figuresxiv

introduction 1

1 One of his final contributions to scholarship was as a panellist for the millenium debate on history writing in Egyptology at the Eighth International Congress of Egyp-tology held in Cairo in the spring of 2000. W.J. Murnane, Millennium Debate: Response to D.B. Redford, in Egyp-tology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century: Proceedings

stranded on the mountain overnight! Another of his favorite war stories was how he and Charles C. Van Siclen perfected the culinary art of one pot spaghetti, by boiling the noodles in the tomato sauce, during their expedition to record the boundary stelae of Akhenaten at Amarna. All who met him soon learned, too, of Bills great pas-sion for Grand Opera. He once proudly confessed: I own fifteen complete recordings of Wagners entire Ring cycle on vinyl records and CDs, not including separate recordings of the individual operas and discs with arias by various divas!

Among Bill Murnanes most appealing schol-arly qualities were his rigorous approach to the evidence and his open mindedness. These twin virtues were especially important in his favorite subject, the Amarna period. He would tell his students: remember, were having an ongoing conversation about these issues; were not in the business of revealing truth. He was always willing to reconsider the evidence and even change his mind about cherished, long-held views. Bill was a consummate field epigraphist who delighted in such conundrums as usurped cartouches and palimpsest inscriptions. He was also one of the deans of history and historiography in Egyptol-ogy, both as a thoughtful and meticulous scholar and a passionate and devoted mentor to students at the University of Memphis.1 Bill was a master of applying epigraphic data and analysis to the interpretation of Egyptian history. He could also make the most arcane subjects accessible to wider audiences of students, tourists and the public. In explaining the complex succession of usurpa-tions and recut inscriptions at Karnak during the Ramesside Period, for example, he would often quip: the history of Egypt is the story of who did what to whose monuments!

Bill Murnane made huge contributions to the recording and analysis of Egyptian monumen-tal inscriptions through his tenure with the Epi-graphic Survey of the University of Chicago2 and through the Karnak Great Hypostyle Hall Project

For all who knew him, Bill Murnanes unexpected death in 2000 came as both a great shock and a double tragedy. Not only had we suddenly lost one of the foremost Egyptological scholars of his generation, but a dear friend well known to col-leagues around the world for his kindness and generosity. Bill was unfailingly a gentleman who freely gave of his time and expertise to all who asked it, be they scholars, students, tourists or members of the general public.

Even when engrossed in his fieldwork for the Epigraphic Survey and later for his own Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project, Bill was never too busy to answer questions posed by tourists, respond-ing in Arabic, English, French, German or Span-ish depending on the questioners native tongue. Having grown up in Venezuela, he spoke Spanish fluently, and happily lent his expertise to Spanish speakers, whether to give the wife of a high-rank-ing Spanish dignitary a private tour of the Tomb of Queen Nefertari or to advise a new Argentinean expedition on their epigraphic work in the tomb of Neferhotep in Gurnah in his final years.

Bills knowledge of Egyptology was encyclope-dic. Simply put, he was a walking reference work who could cite on demand relevant bibliography, ancient textual references and monumental art and inscriptions from his prodigious memory. He loved to talk shop about all aspects of Ancient Egyptian history, especially the Amarna Period. Leisurely discussions over lunch and dinner, during breaks in fieldwork or in his office after class soon brought out his extensive lore on Egyp-tology, always illustrated with funny anecdotes about his own experiences and the many color-ful personalities he encountered throughout his career. One of his favorite stories was a hysteri-cal account of how he once climbed the gebel in Gurnah to sing the great love aria of Radames from the opera Aida at sunset, only to incite every dog on the west bank to barking. He was then pinned down by gunfire from locals, who presumed him to be a jackal, and he remained

INTRODUCTION

of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo 2000, Vol. 2, History and Religion, eds. Z. Hawass and L.P. Brock (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2003), pp. 15-19.

2 Among the Epigraphic Surveys volumes to which he contributed through fieldwork and editorially are: Epigraphic

introduction2

Translations and Commentary; and idem, Murnane and Brand, The Great Hypostyle Hall in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, Vol. 2. The Gateways. Finally, his contribution to an eventual publication of the war scenes of Ramesses II on the south exterior wall of the Karnak Hypostyle Hall will also be honored.

4 H.H. Nelson, The Great Hypostyle Hall in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, Volume I, Part 1. The Wall Reliefs, ed. W.J. Murnane, OIP 106 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).

5 W.J. Murnane, Unpublished Fragments of Hatshep-suts Historical Inscription from Her Sanctuary at Karnak, Serapis 6 (1980), pp. 91-102; idem, A Hitherto Unpublished Funerary Cone, GM 19 (1976), pp. 39-40.

6 W.J. Murnane and C.C. Van Siclen, The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten (London: Kegan Paul International, 1993).

7 W.J. Murnane, The Bark of Amun on the Third Pylon at Karnak, JARCE 16 (1979), pp. 11-27; idem, False Doors and Cult Practices Inside Luxor Temple, in Mlanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar Vol. II, ed. P. Posener-Kriger (Cairo: Institut Franais dArchologie Orientale du Caire, 1985), pp. 135-148; idem, Tutankhamun on the Eighth Pylon at Karnak, VA 1 (1985), pp. 59-68.

8 E.g., W.J. Murnane, The Hypothetical Coregency Between Amenhotep III and Akhenaton: Two Observa-tions, Serapis 2 (1970), pp. 17-21; idem, The Earlier Reign of Ramesses II and His Coregency with Sety I, JNES 34 (1975), pp. 153-190; idem, The Earlier Reign of Ramesses II: Two Addenda, GM 19 (1976), pp. 41-43; idem, In Defense of Middle Kingdom Double Dates, BES 3 (1981), pp. 73-82; idem, J.P. Allen, J. van Dijk, Further Evidence for the Coregency of Amenhotep III and IV: Three Views on a Graffito Found at Dahshur, Amarna Letters 3 (1994), pp. 26-31, 152; idem, Coregency, Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 1, ed. Donald B. Redford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 307-311.

Survey, The Temple of Khonsu I, Scenes of King Herihor in the Court, OIP 100 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); idem, The Temple of Khonsu II, Scenes and Inscrip-tions in the Court and the First Hypostyle Hall, OIP 103 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); idem, The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192, OIP 102 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); idem, The Battle Reliefs of King Sety I, RIK 4 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); idem, The Festival Procession of Opet in the Colonnade Hall, RILT 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984); idem, The Facade, Portals, Upper Register Scenes, Columns, Marginalia, and Statuary in the Colonnade Hall, RILT 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). He is also listed as a participant in the prepration of the Epigraphic Surveys latest volume: Medinet Habu IX, The Eighteenth Dynasty Temple, Part I: The Inner Sanctuaries (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, forthcoming).

3 In addition to articles published during his lifetime and after his death, some forthcoming volumes of the Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project will be published in his name: W.J. Murnane, Egyptian Monuments and Histori-cal Memory, KMT 5.3 (Summer 1994), pp. 15-24, 88; idem, Ramesses I and The Building of the Great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak Revisited, Iubilate Conlegae: Egyptological Stud-ies in Memory of A.A. Sadek, VA 10 (1995), pp. 163-168; idem, Reconstructing Scenes from the Great Hypostyle Hall in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, in Essays in Honour of Prof. Dr. Jadwiga Lipiska, ed. A. Niwinsky and A. Majewska, Warsaw Egyptological Studies vol. 1 (Warsaw: Polish Academy of Sciences, 1997), pp. 107-117; idem, A Forest of Columns: The Karnak Great Hypostyle Hall Project, KMT 12.3 (Fall 2001), pp. 50-59; idem, P.J. Brand, J. Karkowski, and R. Jaeschke, The Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project (1992-2002),ASAE 78 (2004), pp. 79-127.

Currently in preparation are two further volumes: W.J. Murnane, P.J. Brand, The Great Hypostyle Hall in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, Vol. 1, Part 2. The Wall Reliefs:

such as reliefs from the Triple Shrine at Luxor and the Eighth Pylon at Karnak. His meticulous and exacting approach to the documentation and analysis of such inscriptions is reflected in his study of erased figures of Tutankhamun on the Third Pylon at Karnak.7

Bill Murnane made invaluable advances to our understanding of the history and chronology of pharaonic Egypt. Most fundamental was Ancient Egyptian Coregencies (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1977), his wide ranging study of this important and controversial historical phenomenon from the Old Kingdom down to the Roman emper-ors who ruled Egypt in the guise of pharaohs. He revisited the coregency debates concerning the Middle and New Kingdom in several articles, always keeping an open mind for new data and interpretations and modifying some of his own earlier conclusions.8 Sadly, a thoroughly revised and updated edition of his first book was only in the planning stages when he died.

Another important contribution was The Road to Kadesh, SAOC 42 (Chicago: University

which he founded at the University of Memphis.3 Bill also took the initiative to edit, correct and publish the complete set of Harold H. Nelsons drawings of the reliefs and hieroglyphic texts from the interior wall scenes in the Karnak Hypostyle Hall which had sat largely forgotten in the archives of Chicago House after Nelsons death.4

The bibliography of Bills works highlights other contributions he made to the publication and interpretation of ancient sources, especially epigraphic data. These include publication of frag-ments of an important inscription of Hatshepsut from her famous Chapelle Rouge at Karnak and a funerary cone from a New Kingdom private tombs at Thebes.5 Most important is the volume he co-authored with Charles C. Van Siclen con-taining the definitive documentation, translation and analysis of the texts of the several bound-ary stelae of Akhenaten at Amarna with all their editions and colophons.6 His work also called attention to historically interesting temple reliefs which often seem to hide in plain sight on the walls of as yet unpublished Theban monuments,

introduction 3

9 E.g., W.J. Murnane, On the Accession Date of Akhenaton, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, Janu-ary 12, 1977, eds. J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente, SAOC 39 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 163-167; idem, The Return to Orthodoxy, in Pharaohs of the Sun, eds. R. Freed, Y. Markowitz, and S. DAuria (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1999), pp. 177-185; idem, Soleb Renaissance:

work.10 A hallmark of all his writings was lucid and elegant prose married to incisive, prescient analysis of the evidence.

The essays in this volume reflect Bill Mur-nanes wide variety of interests, especially his-torical and epigraphic issues. Lorelei H. Corcoran offers a fond remembrance of Bill and his legacy as a scholar and teacher based on the eulogy she gave at his funeral in November 2000.

Subjects from the Amarna period loom large, as they did in Bills own research and thinking, espe-cially the events at the close of Akhenatens reign and its aftermath. He would be delighted by the studies devoted to his favorite period of Egyptian history. James P. Allen investigates the complex problem of the royal succession in a study Akhen-atens three immediate successors, Smenkhkare, the female pharaoh Neferneferuaten, and Tut-ankhamun, as he reaches new conclusions about the parentage of the latter. Peter Dorman revisits the hotly debated coregency between Amenhotep III and Akhenaten. Dorman uses the Theban tomb of Kheruef as a lens through which he establishes a chronological structure for Akhenatens reign and tests the coregency against it. In an addendum, he integrates the evidence from Soleb Temple into this picture.

Jacobus van Dijks study on the death of Prin-cess Meketaten reconsiders the funerary scenes in room of the royal tomb at Amarna and gives a new reconstruction of the broken text glossing the figure of a nurse who caries an infant from the death chamber. He concludes with a new interpretation of who this infant represents. Earl Eartman offers an art historical and iconographic study on a representation of Nefertiti on a talatat block from one of Akhenatens early temples at Karnak which shows a continuity of artistic style with the reliefs of Amenhotep III.

Marc Gaboldes offering combines Bill Mur-nanes interests in the Amarna Period and monu-mental epigraphy through a careful analysis of erasures, alterations and usurpations of inscrip-tions on three objects: a canopic jar and the golden coffin from KV 55 and one of the gold coffinettes from Tutankhamuns burial. He identifies the

of Chicago Press, 1985), Bill Murnanes study of Egypts relations with Western Asia from the Amarna Period down to the early Nineteenth Dynasty written to accompany the Epigraphic Surveys definitive edition of the Seti I battle reliefs at Karnak. His masterful elucidation and analysis of the complex range of evidence for the origins of the Egyptian-Hittite conflict found in the Amarna letters and in numerous other Egyp-tian and Akkadian sources had, in Donald Red-fords words, left us all in Bills debt. The book was so successful that it quickly sold out and a second revised edition was published in 1990.

Bill Murnane was one of the foremost experts on the Amarna Period, as reflected in books and articles published throughout his career. In addition to his studies on the hotly debated core-gency of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten and his monograph on the Amarna Boundary Stelae, his Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), provides a comprehensive set of excellent translations of important texts from the reign of Amenhotep III down to that of Horemheb together with a survey of the historical problems of the Amarna age. A large corpus of his articles and book reviews considered various aspects of the age ranging from the accession date of Akhenaten to the epigraphic complexities of Soleb Temple and the enigmatic events at the end of the Amarna Period.9

Among Bills other important contributions to scholarship and the publics knowledge of Ancient Egypt are his excellent gazetteer The Pen-guin Guide to Ancient Egypt (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983, revised 1996) which still enjoys a wide following. Another is United With Eter-nity: A Concise Guide to the Monuments of Medi-net Habu (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press,1980). The wealth of other scholarly articles and book reviews is too numerous to survey here. A final representative example of his meticulous analysis and thought-provoking interpretations of Egyptian history is his study of the introduc-tion to Thutmose IIIs Annals from Karnak. The title of this gem also betrays a playful sense of humor that could appear in even his most erudite

Reconsidering the Nebmaatre Temple in Nubia, Amarna Letters 4 (Fall, 2000), pp. 6-19, 160; idem, The End of the Amarna Period Once Again, OLZ 96 (2001), pp. 9-22.

10 W.J. Murnane, Rhetorical History? The Beginning of Thutmose IIIs First Campaign in Western Asia, JARCE 26 (1989), pp. 183-189.

introduction4

cartouches from Kushite monuments from the precinct of Mut at Karnak Temple.

Luc Gabolde investigates a group of blocks from the storage magazines of Luxor Temple inscribed for Amenemhet I and their relevance to the early history of Karnak temple. Helen Jacquet-Gordon reconstructs the origins and history of the Fes-tival on which Amun went out to the Treasury which centered around the Treasury of Thutmose I in North Karnak. Franois Larch presents a major synthesis of a large corpus of archaeologi-cal and epigraphic data to reconstruct the monu-ments of Senwosret I and Amenhotep I at Karnak, including their eventual dismantling and reuse by various Eighteenth Dynasty pharaohs.

Bill Murnane also excelled in the realm of his-torical and textual studies. In honor of his impor-tant contributions to these disciplines, Kenneth A. Kitchen offers methodological analysis on the historical and literary aspects of New King-dom topographical lists. Finally, Donald B. Red-ford examines the literary and lexicographic background in Egyptian texts to the Land of Ramesses of the Hebrew Bible. The book closes with a compilation of Bill Murnanes own pub-lications.

original owners of all three objects and names the individual buried in KV 55. W. Raymond Johnson traces the history and original location of a frag-ment of relief decoration of Tutankhamun now in the collections of the Liverpool Museum.

Bill dedicated most of his professional life to the scientific recording and interpretation of the standing monuments of Thebes, especially the temples of Karnak and Luxor, during his tenure with the Epigraphic Survey and later with his own Karnak Hypostyle Hall Project at the University of Memphis. It is appropriate, then, that several of the articles dedicated to his memory deal with these same monuments to which he devoted so many of his own energies.

Michel Azim and Vincent Rondot present archaeological and epigraphic notes on a lost architrave of the Karnak Great Hypostyle Hall. Peter J. Brand examines cartouches of Merenptah erased by Amenmesse and usurped by Seti II at Karnak and Luxor.

Bills former graduate student Amy Calvert gives a prcis of her doctoral study on the use of a computer database for analyzing the complex iconography of royal costume in New Kingdom temple reliefs from Medinet Habu and else-where. Richard Fazzini considers two semi-erased

a fond remembrance: william joseph murnane, jr. 5

Luxor, Egypt, shortly before he received his doc-torate from the University of Chicago in 1973. As field epigrapher, and then as senior Epigra-pher until 1986, Bill helped document the texts and scenes on the walls of the major temples of Karnak, Khonsu, and Luxor, and at the small temple at Medinet Habu. He also contributed to the commentaries and translations of the land-mark folio publications of the Oriental Institute. With Charles van Siclen he lived under difficult conditions at Amarna in Middle Egypt, a place Bill would have described as a spot where God left his shoes. The two of them braved challeng-ing circumstances to locate and copy the texts at Akhenatens capital city, and to publish them in The Boundary Stelae of Akhenaten (London, 1993).

Bills dream of sharing his knowledge and experiences with students as a faculty member at a university came true in 1986 when he was appointed Visiting Associate Professor of Egyp-tology at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1987 he was hired by the History Department of the University of Memphis (then Memphis State University). According to Rita Freed, fellow Egyp-tologist in the Art Department at the time, When the History Department hired Bill those of us at the Egyptian Institute couldnt believe our good fortune. To count a scholar of his stature in our ranks immediately catapulted a fledgling aca-demic program to international prominence.

Bill was promoted to full professor in 1994. Throughout his faculty career, one of the worlds foremost experts taught a wide range of coursesfrom undergraduate surveys in World Civilization to graduate seminars on the Amarna Periodin which he helped students to decipher the com-plexities of ancient history. Those who studied

On November 17, 2000, we lost a beloved col-league. William Murnane died unexpectedly of heart failure at Baptist Memorial Hospital East in Memphis, Tennessee. Bill held a Dunavant Pro-fessorship in the History Department and was research associate of the Institute of Egyptian Art & Archaeology at the University of Memphis. He was also director of the Great Hypostyle Hall Proj-ect at Karnak Temple, Luxor, Egypt.

Among his scholarly monographs, several are recognized as standard references by historians and philologists alike. These include Ancient Egyp-tian Coregencies (Chicago, 1977), The Road to Kadesh (Chicago, 1985; revised 1990), and Texts from the Amarna Period (Atlanta, 1995; revised 1998). Other publications, including The Penguin Guide to Ancient Egypt (London, 1983; revised 1996) and United with Eternity (Chicago, 1980), a comprehensive guide to the mortuary complex of Ramses III, are known to a wider audience. Dog-eared editions of these texts are carried throughout Egypt by tourists who are guided by Bills encyclopedic knowledge of the ancient monuments, every one of which he had person-ally visited.

Of Bill, her friend of over thirty-five years, Cyn-thia Sheikholeslami wrote, He was unfailingly a gentleman, perpetually kind and patient, and yet unassumingly modest with a gentle sense of humor. He was also one of the best of the Egyp-tologists of our generation.

Born in New York, but raised in Venezuela, Bill returned to the U.S. and attended St. Anselms College. He showed an early interest in Egyptian language and wrote letters home to his sister, Annie, in Egyptian hieroglyphs. His professional career began however in 1972 when he joined the staff of the Epigraphic Survey at Chicago House,

A FOND REMEMBRANCE: WILLIAM JOSEPH MURNANE, JR.MARCH 22, 1945NOVEMBER 17, 20001

Lorelei H. CorcoranUniversity of Memphis

1 This text was first read as a eulogy at the memorial service for William Murnane on November 20, 2000, at the Memphis Funeral Home, Poplar Chapel, Memphis, TN. It

was originally published (in an adapted form) in KMT, A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt, Volume 12, Number 1 (Spring 2001) and appears here with permission.

lorelei h. corcoran6

hieroglyphs on crumbling sandstone walls. Bill had projected twenty more years at the Hypostyle Hall; he considered this work to be vitally impor-tant and recognized it as his personal responsi-bility and legacy. The Institute of Egyptian Art & Archaeology honored its commitment to the project by appointing Peter Brand as director to complete Bills planned goals. One of Bills col-lection of quaint phrases seems appropriate in this context as he used it often about some excep-tionally difficult or daunting task, If generosity means giving, I give it to you.

James Allen struggled to accept the news of Bills passing. It cant be true, he argued defensively against fate on behalf of his long-time friend, because Bill hasnt yet completed the general textbook of Egyptian history he had contracted to write, on which he was working and had already titled, Kings and Mortals. An apt title, another friend remarked, for Bill was a prince among men. Richard and Helena Jae-schke wrote that they had felt honored to know and work with such an eminent Egyptologist, but would miss his friendship far, far more. Bills compassionate humanity touched some who had met him in person only once, and others who had never met him such as the members of an international Egyptological internet discussion group with which he graciously corresponded. Although the list of his publications on esoteric scholarly subjects is prolific, Bill enjoyed sharing his knowledge and ideas in on-screen interviews with televisions The Learning Channel and The History Channel, even offering a historical intro-duction to the films Ben Hur and Spartacus for a local Memphis film series. His last public lecture was for the Southern California Chapter of the American Research Center in Egypt.

On my first visit to Egypt in 1983, Bill Mur-nane gave me a one-on-one introduction to Luxor Temple that I will always treasure. He also instructed me on the practicalities of get-ting about Egypt (when I proposed to him my days itinerary he responded, Ah, the courage of these Western women). Ever polite, he was adamantly protective, and stated emphatically, The fare for the ferry to the west bank is only 2 1/2 cents. Dont let them tell you otherwise. Inevitably, I fell ill on my visit and, while suffering in my room at Chicago House, having actually selected the lemon tree in the back garden beneath which I wished to be buried, Bill appeared with a bottle of ginger ale. He shook his head with

with him will always treasure his comprehensive-if-intimidating reading lists.

His role as a mentor to his students was marked by those qualities Rita Freed attributed most closely to him, his brilliance, his patience, and his generosity with his time, his ideas and his library. In 1992 his masters student, Peter Brand, left Memphis to study Egyptology at the Uni-versity of Toronto where he went on to receive a Ph.D. in 1998. Bill beamed with obvious pride when he presented to his Memphis colleagues a copy of the publication of Peters dissertation on a topic inspired by the work Peter had shared with Bill on the Hypostyle Hall Project.

Bill Murnanes achievements as an eminent scholar were acknowledged by his receipt of numerous awards and prestigious grants. He won three University faculty research awards. In 1994, he was awarded the Distinguished Research Award of the College of Arts and Sciences. In 2000 he was presented with the University of Memphis highest distinction: the Eminent Faculty Research Award.

Bills commitment to professional service extended beyond the University, where he served on numerous politically significant academic committees, such as the Faculty Senate, and as the Universitys representative to the American Association of University Professors. Bill was a member of the editorial boards of journals, in par-ticular JARCE, JEA and KMT, as well as a member of the grant review boards of the National Endow-ment for the Humanities and the Michela Schiff Giorgini Foundation. Bills international reputa-tion is evident from the outpouring of reminis-cences and condolences the Egyptian Institute received from colleagues all over the world.

For over twenty years Bill served as the direc-tor of the Karnak Great Hypostyle Hall Project: its mission to document the disappearing record of texts and scenes on one of the most frequently visited monuments in Egypt. His interest in the project began during his free time as a staff member of Chicago House. The project went with him to the University of Memphis. Sup-ported by private donations and two major and increasingly competitive grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, Bill took stu-dents to work with him in Egypt, some of whom had never left the U.S. before. He guided them through daily life in Egypt and bouts of mummy tummy as kindly and generously as he instructed them in the intricacies of identifying deteriorating

a fond remembrance: william joseph murnane, jr. 7

Cynthia Sheikholeslami, wrote of Bill, The most earnest wish of the ancient Egyptian was that his name, the most intimate sign of him-self, would be remembered forever. I am sure that Bills name will live always amongst those of us who were fortunate enough to have been counted his friends, and amongst all Egyptologists now and in the future who benefit from his scholarly publications.

Indeed, we miss him dearly.

an impish grin, The worst part, he said, from experience, is that youll feel so bad youll wish you would die . . . but you wont! A decade later, I would work together with Bill on the Hypostyle Hall Project. Although he was a passionate fan of opera and classical music, those who spent 24/7 with him out in the field also knew that Bill had unexpected tastes in other forms of music. None of us will forget Bills rendition of Screamin Jay Hawkins I put a spell on you.

lorelei h. corcoran8

the amarna succession 9

Most of the questions in this shadowy period center on the identity behind two sets of phara-onic cartouches, both characterized by the element n-prw-r in the prenomen. One set, belonging to a king named Smenkhkare, always has the form (n-prw-r)| (smn-kA-r sr-prw)|; the other, of a king named Neferneferuaten, regularly appears as (n-prw-r plus epithet)| (nfr-nfrw-jtn plus epithet)|; the epithets usually identify this king as desired of Akhenaten, using one of the two parts of Akhenatens prenomen (nfr-prw-r w-n-r)|. In the second set, elements of both cartouches are occasionally marked as feminine: the pre nomen as nt-prw-r and the relative form desired in the epithets as mrt; in addition, the epithet desired of Waenre in the nomen is occasionally replaced by At n h(j).s effective for her husband, and the names can be followed by the feminine attributes n.tj Dt alive forever and mAt rw justified.3

Both sets of cartouches are associated with Akhenaten. In the case of Smenkhkare, the two kings appear together on one object only, a calcite jar from the tomb of Tutankh amun on which Smenkhkares cartouches follow those of Akhenaten, both subsequently erased (Carter 405, Fig. 1).4 Evidence for Neferneferuatens associa-tion with Akhenaten is more substantial: apart from the epithets noted above, her cartouches follow his on at least two objects, a box from the tomb of Tutankhamun (Carter 1k, Fig. 2) and a

THE AMARNA SUCCESSION

James P. AllenBrown University

Bill Murnane had many admirable qualities, but the one that impressed me most was his open-mindedness as a scholar. Bill was always concerned about facts, and he valued them much higher than theories. He was always ready to embrace new interpretations if they could be shown to be more consistent with the facts than previous ones, even at the expense of his own theories, published or otherwise. This article treats a subject for which hard facts are few and theories many. It concerns a period of Egyptian history that interested Bill more than any other, one that his own work has significantly elucidated. I dont know whether he would have agreed with its interpretations or not, but I wish he were here to discuss them with.

****

The scene of foreign tribute in the tomb of Merire II at Amarna, often called the durbar, provides the last clear view we have of the Amarna Period before the accession of Tutankhamun. Dated to the second month of Akhenatens twelfth regnal year, it shows Akhenaten and Nefertiti together with their six daughters, Meritaten, Meke taten, Ankhes enpaaten, Neferneferuaten Jr., Neferne ferure, and Setepenre.1 The scene provides the last securely dated appearance of all seven women as well as the first dated attestation of the later name of the Aten.2 Between this point and the accession of Tutankhamun, the events of Amarna history are much less lucid.

1 N. de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of el Amarna, II. The Tombs of Panehesy and Meryra II, ASE 14 (London: EEF, 1905), p. 38 and pl. 38. The second month of Akhen-atens regnal years was 2 prt; his accession took place in 1 prt: W.J. Murnane, On the Accession Date of Akhenaten, in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes, eds. J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente, SAOC 39 (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1976), pp. 163-67.

2 The Atens name was changed sometime after its last attestation in the colophon of the Later Proclamation on boundary stelae A and B at Amarna, dated to the last day of Month 12 in Regnal Year 8. It is possible that the change occurred even later than Regnal Year 12: see M. Gabolde, DAkhenaton Tout nkhamon (Collection de lInstitut dArchologie et dHistoire de lAntiquit vol 3 (Lyon &

Paris: Universit Lumire-Lyon 2, 1998), pp. 110-18. I thank M. Gabolde for his comments on an earlier draft of the present article.

3 J.P. Allen, Nefertiti and Smenkh-ka-re, GM 141 (1994), pp. 7-17; M. Gabolde, DAkhenaton Tout nkhamon, pp. 147-62, 213-219.

4 C.E. Loeben, No Evidence of Coregency: Zwei getilgte Inschriften aus dem Grab von Tutanchamun, BSEG 15 (1991), pp. 82-90; idem, No Evidence of Coregency: Two Erased Inscriptions from Tutankh amuns Tomb, Amarna Letters 3 (1994), pp. 105-109. See Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 224-26. Fig. 1 is based on Loebens reconstruction; darker signs represent those for which traces are preserved.

james p. allen10

that once displayed his cartouches side by side with those of Akhenaten. The juxtaposition, how-ever, is not conclusive proof of a coregency;7 the jar could have been dedicated by Smenkhkare in memory of his deceased predecessor. Examples of Neferneferuatens cartouches together with those of Akhenaten are subject to the same caveat.

A relief found at Memphis, apparently showing a male king behind a larger figure, has often been cited as evidence of a coregency between Smen-khkare (as the smaller figure) and Akhenaten (as the larger).8 The identification of the smaller figure as Smenkhkare was based on a second block from the same site, which preserves the ends of his cartouches and that of a queen, probably Meri-taten.9 The cartouches, however, are juxtaposed directly with those of the Aten, at the same level and approximately the same size, which must indicate that Smenkhkare was depicted as the pri-mary figure in the scene below.10 Both blocks are preserved only in drawings; additional drawings of the first block, recently published, indicate that the scene probably depicted an Amarna princess behind one of her parents.11

Several stelae from the end of the Amarna period show a male and female king, who must be Akhen-aten and Neferneferuaten (Figs. 3-4).12 These have been interpreted as anachronistic scenes carved after Akhenatens death,13 but the nature of the

SAK 2 (1975), p. 158. If so, it is unlikely that he was facing another figure of comparable size on the other side of the Aten.

11 J. Mlek, The coregency relief of Akhenaten and Smenkhkare from Memphis, in Studies in Honor of Wil-liam Kelly Simpson, ed. by P. Der Manuelian (Boston, 1996), vol. II, pp. 553-59. The identification of the smaller figure as a woman was suggested by B. Lhr, SAK 2 (1975), pp. 156-57.

12 Berlin 17813: here Fig. 3, reproduced from Gabolde, BSFE 155 (2002), p. 38. Berlin 20716: here Fig. 4 (authors draw-ing). The sex of the junior king was first noted by J.R. Harris, Nefertiti Rediviva, AO 35 (1973), pp. 5-9. On the Core-gency Stela (UC 410 + Cairo JE 64959), the secondary addi-tion of Nefer neferuatens cartouches over that of Nefertiti (see n. 5, above) seem to refer to the figure below them: R. Krauss, Neues zu den Stelenfragmenten UC London 410 + Kairo JE 64959, BSEG 13 (1989), pp. 83-87; Allen, JARCE 25 (1988), pp. 117-21; Gabolde, BSEG 14 (1990), pp. 33-47, and DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 162-66. Nothing but the figures rear lower leg is preserved, but it presumably represented Nefertiti in the original and therefore a female king in the altered version of the stela. See the drawing in Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pl. 24a.

13 M. Gabolde, in Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges: Echnaton und das Ende der Amarna zeit, eds. A. Grimm and S. Schoske, Schriften aus der gyptischen Sammlung 10 (Munich: Staatliches Museum gyptischer Kunst, 2001), pp. 29-30; idem, La parent de Toutnkh amon, BSFE 155 (2002), pp. 38-39.

5 J.R. Harris, Neferneferuaten Regnans, AO 36 (1974), p. 13 (1a); Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkh-amon, pp. 178-83, 162-66 and pl. 24a. On the stela, the dual cartouches of Neferneferuaten are carved over an original single cartouche of Nefertiti and a col umn of text identifying a daughter of Akh enaten, probably Meritaten: J.P. Allen, Two Altered Inscrip tions of the Late Amarna Period, JARCE 25 (1988), pp. 117-21; M. Gabolde, Le droit danesse dnkhesenpaaton ( propos de deux rcents articles sur la stle UC 410), BSEG 14 (1990), pp. 33-47. See also W.J. Murnane, Ancient Egyp tian Coregencies, SAOC 40 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), pp. 173-75. Fig. 2 here is based on Gardiners hand copy, available at http://www.ashmolean.museum/gri/carter/001k-c001k-3.html.

6 Davies, Amarna II, pl. 11; Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 178-83. Gabolde argues that the names of Neferneferuaten and Meritaten on the box denote the same person, but a reference to two individuals remains the simplest and most transparent interpretation of the evidence: see W.J. Murnane, The End of the Amarna Period Once Again, OLZ 96 (2001), col. 18.

7 See Murnane, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, pp. 213-15.

8 P.E. Newberry, Akhenatens Eldest Son-in-Law Ankhkheperur, JEA 14 (1928), p. 8 Fig. 3.

9 Newberry, JEA 14 (1928), p. 8 Fig. 4. For the seated woman at the end of the queens cartouche, cf. Harris, AO 36 (1974), pp. 13 (1a) and 17 (2a, 2d).

10 The scene seems to depict the king presenting a building to the Aten: see, however, B. Lhr, Ahanjti in Memphis,

fragmentary stela found at Amarna.5 Smenkh-kare and Nefer neferuaten are each associated as well with Meritaten as chief queen, the former in a scene in the tomb of Merire II at Amarna and the latter (together with Akhenaten) on the box just cited.6

At least one of these kings have served for a time as coregent with Akh enaten. The primary evidence for Smenkhkare as coregent is the jar

Fig. 1. Inscription on Jar 405 from the Tomb of Tutankha-mun.

the amarna succession 11

Fig. 2. Inscription on Box 1k from the Tomb of Tutankha-mun.

Fig. 3. Stela Berlin 17813.

Fig. 4. Unfinished Stela Berlin 20716.

james p. allen12

effective for her husband might also date from a time after Akhenatens death: parallels for its phraseology, noted by Gabolde (op.cit., pp. 156-57), concern Isiss relation-ship to her deceased husband, Osiris: see Gabolde, in Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges, p. 28, and BSFE 155 (2002), p. 39. In at least one instance, however, Nefer neferu atens nomen with this epithet follows the pre nomen iden tifying her as desired of Nefer kheperure (Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, p. 154).

19 F.F. Leek, How Old Was Tutankhamn?, JEA 63 (1977), pp. 112-15; SCA press release dated March 8, 2005: http://guardians.net/hawass/press_release_tutankhamun_ct_scan_results.htm.

20 The length of Tutankhamuns reign is based on wine-jar dockets from his tomb: J. ern, Hieratic Inscriptions from the Tomb of Tutankh amn, TTS 2 (Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1965), pp. 3 and 23-24, nos. 19 and 23-24. For the docket of Regnal Year 10, see P. Tallet, Une jarre de lan 31 et une jarre de lan 10 dans la cave de Toutnkh amon, BIFAO 96 (1996), pp. 375-82. For Tutankhamuns age at accession, see also Gabolde, BSFE 155 (2002), pp. 35-36.

14 G.T. Martin, The Rock Tombs of El-Amarna, Part VI: The Royal Tomb at El-Amarna, vol. II: The Reliefs, Inscrip-tions, and Architecture, ASE 39 (London: EES, 1989), p. 27, p. 60 no. 522 and n. 3; J.D.S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhen-aten, Part III: The Central City and the Official Quarters, EEM (London: EES, 1951), vol. II, pl. 95, no. 279. The latter jar was originally labeled rnpt-sb 17 bjt [ ] Regnal Year 17: honey [ ]; this was erased and the label rnpt-[sb] 1 j[rp ] Regnal Year 1: w[ine ] added beneath it.

15 A.H. Gardiner, The Graffito from the Tomb of Pere, JEA 14 (1928), pp. 10-11 and pls. 5-6.

16 Pendlebury, City of Akhenaten III, vol. II, pl. 86, no. 35. For the probable length of Smenkhkares reign, see Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 219-21.

17 Neferneferuaten is also associated with gods of the traditional pantheon on a pectoral from the tomb of Tut-ankhamun, Carter 261p(1), which depicts Nut and mentions Onnophris: see Gabolde, in Das Geheim nis des goldenen Sarges, p. 29.

18 Allen, GM 141 (1994), p. 9; Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 157-61. The epithet At n h(j).s

If Smenkhkare also served as Akhenatens core-gent, however, then Neferneferuatens reign must have coincided completely with that of Akhen-aten. Given the probable length of Smenkhkares reign, any coregency between him and Akhen-aten could not have lasted for more than a few months, since he appears in place of Akhenaten in the tomb of Merire II.

The data therefore indicate that Nefernefer-uaten became king sometime in the period of Akhenatens Regnal Year 15-17 and that she was succeeded by Smenkhkare, who ruled less than a year. This gives a maximum of three to four years and a minimum of one year or less between the death of Akhenaten and the accession of Tutan-khamun.

Tutankhamuns age at death has been esti-mated as young as 16-17, but the most recent examination of his mummy seems to confirm the usual estimate of nineteen years.19 With a reign of nine years, he must have become king at the age of ten or eleven.20 Depending on the length of time between Akhenatens death and his accession, this places his birth between Akhenatens Regnal Year 7 at the earliest and 11-11 at the latest.

Smenkhkares age at death is less certain and can only be estimated if the body buried in Tomb 55 of the Valley of the Kings is hisa vexed ques-tion. Two physicians who examined the body shortly after its discovery identified it as female, but they seem to have been influenced by the fact that the tombs excavator, Theodore M. Davis, believed the burial to be that of Akhenatens mother, Queen Tiya; subsequent examinations have consistently identified the remains as those

interaction between the two individuals indicates that they were depicted as living. It is therefore likely Nefer neferuatens reign was at least partly contemporary with that of Akhenaten.

Akhenatens reign probably ended in his Regnal Year 17, to judge from two jar labels with that date: one was found in the kings burial com-plex in the Royal Tomb at Amarna; on the other, the higher date was replaced by Regnal Year 1 of another king.14 The highest date known for Neferneferuaten is Regnal Year 3, in a graffito from the tomb of Pairi at Thebes (TT 139).15 The sole date associated with SmenkhkareRegnal Year 1, in a label on a jar of wine from the house of Smenkh karecould come from the reign of Tut ankh amun; even if it is Smenkhkares, it is doubtful that he ruled for more than a year.16

Depending on the length of Neferneferuat-ens coregency with Akhenaten, the accession of Smenkhkare could have occurred as early as the year of Akhenatens death or at most three years later. The graffito dated to Regnal Year 3 of Neferneferuaten was written by a lay-priest and scribe of gods offerings of Amun in the temple of Ankhkheperure in Thebes. The existence of offerings to Amun in this structureperhaps her mortuary templehas long been seen as evidence that her reign extended for a time beyond that of Akhenaten, in whose final years the name of Amun had been proscribed.17 Further indications of her sole reign may exist in a few of her car-touches that bear unique epithets not associated with Akhenaten: mr jtn desired of the Aten and pA m At-jtn the incarnation of Akhetaten, in the prenomen; and A ruler, in the nomen.18

the amarna succession 13

Re-Harakhti (see n. 24, above) could have been made at that time, prompted by the removal of the coffin from the royal sarcophagus, on whose corners Nefertiti is depicted. The excision of Akhenatens names from the coffins cartouches, as well as their erasure on the magic bricks, could have been done subsequently, when these items were appropriated for the burial of Smenkhkare.

27 G. Roeder, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis: Ausgrabun-gen der Deutschen Hermopolis-Expedition in He rmopolis 1929-1939, ed. R. Hanke, Pelizaeus-Museum zu Hildesheim, Wissenschaftliche Verffent lichung 6 (Hildesheim: Verlag Gebrder Gerstenberg, 1969), pls. 105 (56VIIIA) and 106 (831-VIIIC). For the join of the two halves, see Gabolde, in Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges, p. 26, and BSFE 155 (2002), p. 40, from which Fig. 5 here is adapted. Gaboldes drawing indicates traces of an earlier text under the three right hand columns, but Roeders photograph shows only incidental damage and no signs of erasure.

28 D. Franke, Verwandschaftsbezeichnungen, L VI, col. 1033.

29 The third column shows only j[t]n. Roeder restored Akhenatens cartouche in the lacuna above, and read the name as mr[t]-j[t]n. Ankhesenpaaten, however, is the only Amarna princess with whom Tut ankh amun is associated, and the lacuna suits the first part of her name. The space

21 R. Germer, Die Mumie aus dem Sarg in KV 55, in Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges, pp. 58-61. See also Mur-nane, OLZ 96 (2001), col. 22. Davis was also influenced by the arrangement of the body in the coffin, with one arm on the chest and the other by the side, normally the posture of a female mummy. In the face of the consistent identification of the body as male, this anomaly remains unexplained.

22 For the canopic jars, see M. Gabolde, Under a Deep Blue Starry Sky, in the present volume; for the bricks, H.W. Fair man, Once Again the So-Called Coffin of Akhen-aten, JEA 47 (1961), p. 37.

23 As argued by R. Hanke, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis: Neue Verffentlichungen und Studien, HB 2 (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg Verlag, 1978), pp. 171-74 and 195.

24 A. Grimm, in Das Geheimnis des goldenen Sarges, pp. 101-120. The inscription on the foot was originally addressed to Akhenaten by Nefertiti and was changed so that the deceased himself addressed My father Re-Harakhti. This supersedes my arguments in JARCE 25 (1988), 121-26.

25 For the talatat, see D.B. Redford, Akhenaten, the Heretic King (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 79.

26 It is nonetheless possible that the coffin originally con-tained the body of Akhenaten when it was moved to KV 55. The alteration of the text on the foot, changing an address to Akhenaten by Nefertiti into one of Akhenaten himself to

these two ages he may just have reached puberty, but it seems unlikely that he would have fathered children at so early an age. Moreover, talatat from Karnak with the image of Meritaten are almost certainly earlier than Regnal Year 5.25

Despite the clear association of the coffin and burial equipment with Akhenaten, the body itself must therefore be that of another male pharaoh, who can only have been Smenkhkare.26 Its age at death places his birth some eight years before Akhenatens accession at the earliest (assuming that he succeeded Akhenaten within a year and died at twenty-five) and in Akhenatens Regnal Year 2 at the latest (assuming that he came to the throne three years after Akhenaten and died at eighteen).

Tut ankh amun is attested before his accession as zA-nswt n t.f mry.f twt-nw-jtn kings son of his body, his desired, Tutankhu aten, on a block found at Hermopolis (Fig 5).27 In general use, the term zA son can denote not only a first-generation male child but also a grandson, great-grandson, or son-in-law.28 The inscription could have referred to Tut ankh amun as son-in-law of Akhenaten if he had already been married to Akhenatens daughter, Ankhesenpaaten, before his accession. The association of these two royal children, if not their marriage, at that time is probably attested by the left half of the block, which records her titulary: zAt-nswt n t.[f mr]t.f zyt At n nb tAwj [n.s-n-pA]-jtn kings daughter of [his] body, his desired, the greatly blessed one of the lord of the Two Lands, [Ankhesenpa]aten.29 Since the two

of a man, who died probably between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five.21 Royal attributes on the coffin and mummy indicate that the body was that of a king. Since it is male, the king cannot have been Nefer neferuaten and must therefore have been either Akhenaten or Smenkhkare.

Substantial epigraphic evidence seems to favor Akhenaten. Canopic jars and magic bricks found in the Theban tomb were intended at one point for him, though his name was later expunged.22 The coffin itself bears pharaonic titularies but was long thought to have been made for Kiya, Akhen-atens junior wife, and subsequently altered for the burial of a king.23 A recent examination, however, has demonstrated that it was intended originally for Akhenaten himself, and later altered primar-ily by excising the names within the pharaonic cartouches.24 The burial would therefore seem to be that of Akhenaten, removed from his original resting place in the Royal Tomb at Amarna and reinterred in the Valley of the Kings.

The bodys probable age at death, however, argues against this identification. If Akh enaten died between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five in his seventeenth regnal year, he would have been one to eight years old at his accession. The earliest dated mention of his eldest daughter, Meritaten, occurs in the Early Proclamation on boundary stelae K and X at Amarna, dated to Month 4 of Regnal Year 5. If this coincides with her birth, she must have been conceived at the latest in Month 7 of Regnal Year 4, when Akhenaten himself would have been five to twelve years old. At the higher of

james p. allen14

pp. 65-82. For Tutankhamuns use of the term father in reference to Amen hotep III, see D. Redford, Once Again the Filiation of Tutankhamun, JSSEA 9 (1978-79), pp. 111-15.

32 O.J. Schaden, Report on the 1978 Season at Karnak, NARCE 127 (1984), p. 46 and pls. 2-4.

beneath j[t]n prob ably contained a seated figure, comparable to that at the end of Tutankhamuns name on the right.

30 W.R. Johnson, Amenhotep III and Amarna: Some New Considerations, JEA 82 (1996), pp. 65-82.

31 P. Dorman, The Long Coregency Revisited: Architec-tural and Iconographic Conundra in the Tomb of Kheruef,

coexistence, if not coregency, is now generally considered improbable. Although it was revived a few years ago on artistic grounds,30 the theory has now been disproved decisively by analysis of the decoration of the tomb of Kheruef (TT 192).31 Aya calls Tutankhamun zA.f his son on blocks of a structure in Karnak begun by Tutankhamun and completed by Aya.32 This reference cannot have denoted literal parentage, because the Hermopolis block identifying Tutankh amun as a kings son was carved before either man came to the throne; nor was Aya the father-in-law of Tutankhamun. He could have been Tutankhamuns grandfather or great-grandfathermost likely maternal, since he came to the throne only after Tutankhamunbut this possibility is unenlightening because no children of Aya are known. The reference to Tut-ankhamun as his son may merely reflect Ayas pre-pharaonic title jt-nTr gods father (retained in his pharaonic nomen), which commemorated his role as mentor of Akhenatena function he may also have exercised for Tutankhamun.

Among Akhenaten, Neferneferuaten, and Smenkh kare, the first seems a priori the likeliest candidate for Tutankhamuns parent, and is gen-erally considered as such. He could certainly have sired Tutankhamun in his Regnal Year 7, since he had already produced at least two daughters by that time. The chief difficulty with this theory, however, is Akhen atens appointment of a female coregent before his death. Egyptian history dem-onstrates that the son of a pharaoh had first claim to the throneif not the son of the chief queen,

titularies face one another closely, the figures asso-ciated with them must have done the same, in an intimate interaction of some sort.

Despite this relationship, however, in the context of Amarna the additional phrase n t.f mry.f of his body, his desired probably indi-cates a more direct, lineal descent from a king. Akh enatens daughters are regularly called zAt-nswt nt t.f mrt.f kings daughter of his body, his desired, where the phraseology refers to a child sired by the king himself. The same wording also precedes the names of his granddaughters; in that case it may indicate merely lineal descent from the king, unless Akhenaten fathered his own grand children, as has been suggested. The latter possibility will be examined below; in any case, the terminology on the Amarna block identifies Tutankhamun as at least a direct lineal descen-dant, if not the son, of a king rather than merely the son-in-law of one.

If the term zA son was meant literally, the king in question would seem to be either Akhen-aten or Smenkhkare. Neferneferuaten is also a possibility, even though the Hermopolis block uses the masculine pronoun f his in referring to this king. She would then have been Tutankha-muns mother rather than his father, but the inscriptions of Hatshepsut provide a precedent for the use of masculine pronouns to refer to a female pharaoh. Akhenatens father, Amenho-tep III, could have sired Tutankh amun only if he lived on after Akhenatens accession. Once a central theory in the history of Amarna, such a

Fig. 5. Block from Hermopolis naming Tutankhamun and [Ankhesenpa]aten.

the amarna succession 15

(234-VI) and 106 (451-VIIA). See D. Redford, Studies on Akhenaten at Thebes, II, JARCE 12 (1975), pp. 11-12.

36 E.g., H. Brunner, Eine neue Amarna-Prinzessin, ZS 74 (1938), pp. 104-108; J.A. Wilson, Akh-en-aton and Nefert-iti, JNES 32 (1973), pp. 235-36; R. Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit: Beitrge zur Geschichte und Chronologie des Neuen Reiches, HB 7 (Hildesheim, Gerstenberg Verlag, 1978), pp. 114-17.

37 W. Helck, Die Tochterheirat gyptischer Knige, CdE 44 (1969), pp. 24-25; idem, Tochterheirat, L VII, cols. 15-16; J.R. Harris, Kiya, CdE 49 (1974), p. 30 n. 6. See also Redford, JARCE 12 (1975), p. 12; G. Robins, mt nsw wrt Meritaton, GM 52 (1981), pp. 75-81.

38 J.D.S. Pendlebury, The City of Akhenaten, Part I: Exca-vations of 1921 and 1922 at El-Amarneh, EEM 38 (London: EES, 1923), pp. 148-56. Of 79 instances, Pendlebury recorded 25 with the early name and 64 with the later name (in 10 instances the early name was changed to the later). The blocks from Hermopolis show a similar ratio (23 early vs. 55 late): Roeder, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pls. 1-201.

39 The reliefs could not have been recarved until after the deathor disappearanceof Kiya, whose name and image in them were replaced by those of Meritaten and Ankhesenpaaten.

33 Kiyas name occurs in conjunction with the early name of the Aten on a vase in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (MMA 20.2.11): Fairman, JEA 47 (1961), p. 29. For her daughter see Hanke, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pp. 190-92. Her name is lost, but Gabolde has suggested she was the kings daughter named Baketaten, who appears with Queen Tiya in the tomb of Huya at Amarna: M. Gabolde, Baket aton fille de Kiya?, BSEG 16 (1992), pp. 27-40; N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of el Amarna, Part III: The Tombs of Huya and Ahmes, ASE 15 (London: EEF, 1905), pls. 4, 6, 9, and 17-18.

34 Hanke, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pp. 142-45 and 150-53. The term Jr. is used here as a translation of the phrase tA-Srjt the younger, always appended to the eponymous names of the daughters daughters. Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, p. 285, regards the grand-daughters as phantom children, invented to replace Kiyas daughter in the altered reliefs. This is based primarily on the belief that the daughters were too young to have had children before Akhenatens death, but the altered reliefs must be regarded as prima facie evidence to the contrary. This question will be addressed in what follows.

35 E.g., Roeder, Amarna-Reliefs aus Hermopolis, pls. 19

sometimes with the king identified as Akhenaten and occasionally with the additional specification ms.n jmt-nswt wrt (nfr-nfrw-jtn nfrtj-j.tj)| n.tj born of Chief Queen Neferneferuaten Nefer-titi, alive (and variants).35 These titles tradition-ally have been understood as a statement that Akhenaten sired his own granddaughters.36 Since Nefertiti is clearly cited in the granddaughters titularies only as parent of the senior Meritaten or Ankhes en paaten, however, the same could be true for Akhenaten, and it has been argued that the junior daughters were fathered not by Akh-enaten but by his sons-in-law Smenkh kare and Tutankhamun, or were Akhenatens daughters by Kiya.37

The suggestion that Meritaten Jr. and Ankhes -enpaaten Jr. were daughters of Kiya is improb-able, since one or the other of their names replaces that of Kiyas daughter in scenes where Kiyas own name was altered to that of Meritaten or Ankhesenpaaten. Moreover, the name of Nefer-titis fourth daughter, Neferneferuaten Jr., indi-cates that daughters designated as Jr. were named after their own mother. The possibility that Akhenatens granddaughters were fathered by Smenkhkare and Tutankhamun depends in part on when the reliefs naming the daughters were recarved.

Decoration of the monuments to which the altered reliefs belonged was begun in the first half of Akhenatens reign but largely completed after the name-change of the Aten.38 The recarv-ing to honor the junior daughters must then be somewhat later still, certainly no earlier than the second half of Akhenatens reign.39 The altered

then one by another woman within the imme-diate royal family. It is possible that Akh enaten deliberately repudiated this tradition in appointing Neferneferuaten as coregent, but in the absence of any evidence to that effect such a motive is mere speculation. Nefer neferuatens coregency therefore most likely indicates that Akhenaten was not the father, nor the grandfather, of Tutankh amun, and the same is true for his relationship with Tut an-khamuns predecessor, Smenkhkare.

In fact, the history of Amarna suggests a deter-mined but frustrated effort on the part of Akhen-aten to produce a male heir. With his chief queen, Nefertiti, he had six daughters by Regnal Year 12. His marriage to Kiya, which occurred before the name-change of the Aten between Regnal Years 8-12, can be understood as partly if not primarily motivated by the need to beget a son, even by a wife other than the chief queen; she too, however, gave him only a daughter.33 In a final attempt to sire a male successor, Akhenaten may then have turned to his oldest daughters, at least two of whom produced daughters before the end of his reign: Meritaten and Ankhesenpaaten, who appear with their daughters, respectively Merit-aten Jr. and Ankhesenpaaten Jr., in altered reliefs from Amarna that originally depicted Kiya with her daughter.34

The parentage of Akhenatens granddaughters seems clear from their titles but has been the sub-ject of debate nonetheless. The granddaughters are regularly identified as zAt-nswt nt t.f mrt.f N tA Srjt ms.n zAt-nswt nt t.f mrt.f N Kings daughter of his body, his desired, N Jr., born of Kings daughter of his body, his desired, N,

james p. allen16

Tomb at Amarna have been reconstructed (on paper) as part of her sarcophagus, with an interior width of 50 cm (1 ft. 7 in.) and a maximum interior length of 3 feet, probably too small for a woman capable of childbirth: Gabolde, DAkh e-naton Tout nkhamon, pp. 132-34 and pls. 16-17. It is pos-sible, however, that the fragments belonged to Meketatens canopic chest (ibid., p. 132 n. 1059); the long inscription on the side of the lid reconstructed on Gaboldes pl. 17b could have turned the corner at each end (cf. his pl. 17a) on the shorter lid of a canopic chest.

44 Martin, Royal Tomb II, pp. 43-45, pls. 63-65.45 Martin, Royal Tomb II, pls. 63-64; Fig. 6 here is repro-

duced from Martins pl. 63. The name in the first column ended in the determinative of a seated person. Gabolde, DAkh enaton Toutnkhamon, pp. 118-19, has interpreted the t before this sign as the feet of a quail-chick w, but Mar-tins pl. 63 shows a t and