Educational Foundations. Winte r-Spring 2010

All the Losers Go There:Challenging the DeficitEducational Discourse

of Chicano Racialized Masculinityin a Continuation High School

By Maria C. l\1alagon

I ask these unsen ling quesrions: what does it meanfor me to write as a Chicano in the final years of themillennium. 506 years after the full-sca le invasionof the Americas-the usurpatio n of lands. thewholesale rape and slaughterof indigenous peoples,the forced importation and brutal enslavemento f African peoples ; and the institut ionalizedcriminalizanonand marginalizationofthe Chicana/ocommunity. etc.?

- Aldama. Mi/lt'nia / Anxieties:Bordas. violence. and the Struggle

[or Chicanalo Subject ivity ( 1998)

I'laria C. I'lalagoll i~ a doctoralca ndidate in the Graduatt Sdloolof Education and Information~ l\I ditl at the Univtf"lity ofUlifornia. LOI Angtltl.

Introduction

Aldama renders important questions that criticalscholars mustgrapple withas theyengage inchallengingthe deficit acco unts that have d istorted and/or erased the

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All the Losers Go There

experiences of Students of Color. Chicanas/os, who for the purpose of this articleare defined as people of Mexican descent living in the United States, carry withthem a history of not only a physical colonization but also the lasting imprint ofan intellectual apparatus ofrepresentation that reifies their status as inferior.Today,even 500 years after the initial invasion ofthe Americas resulting in the subjugationof indigenous peoples, we cannot come to fully understand the complexity of thecontinued marginalizat ion of the Chicanalo community without acknowledging thelasting effects ofcolonization and the permanence of white supremacy. In regardsto the Chicanalo community, Aldama argues that we must recognize that there arefour negative constants facing this population:

(I ) Continued economic marginalization;(2) Sub-standard housing, schooling, and general public services;(3) Extremely high incarceration rates. and(4)An increase in the sophistication and deployment of violence especiallytowards Chicanalo youth and Mexican immigra nts.

These constants are critical in understanding the various factors that work aga instyoung Chicana/o students. Given the importance placed on educational attainmentas an avenue for economic and social mobility, it is important to understand andacknowled ge how these combined constants allows for a more critical frame thatcontextualizes how schooling institutions replicate sub-standard conditions andopportunities for Chicano youth.

This article locates the Chicano racialized male body within the educationdiscourse surrounding research and pract ice. In order to more appropriately un­derstand the experiences of these youth. I draw from critical race theory (CRT)and Latinalo critical race theory (LatCrit) in education as well as Chicana feministepistemologies to more specifica lly examine the racialized and gendered experi­ences ofChicano male students.A criticalexamination that interrogates Eurocentricepistemologies works at deconstructing the racialized and gendered discoursesinscripted upon these young bodies . In order to illum inate these experiences, Idrawfrom part icipatory research and extensive oral history interv iews that examine theeducational trajectori es of Chicano male high school students in a California con­tinuation high school. 1place these narratives within a historical context thai takesinto consideration the pathological marginalization of these Students of Color.

The Need t o Examine Chicano Males in Continuat ion High Schools

The overalleducationalattainment of males. specificallypertaining to Chicanosand Latinos. has become ofincreasing concern in the past decade (Kleinfeld. 1998;Ginorio and Huston, 200 1; Lopez, 2003 ; Suarez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard. 2004).According to Kleinfeld male Students of Color lag far behind their female coun­terparts. These students are more apt to believe that the school cl imate is hostiletowards them. that teachers do not expect as much from them. and that they are

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Ma ria C. Malagon

given less encouragement to do their best. Current research on Latino boys revealsconsistent results in terms of how they in general have lower interest in studying,low educational goals and a less optimistic outlook towards their future (Lopez.2003; Portes & Rumbaut . 200 1I.

Gibson ( 1993) found that in general. male Students of Color are more likely toperceive racism frommainstream society.These youthare more pressuredto developan "oppositional relationship" with the educational system or to see schooling asa threat to their identity. In regard to school relations. Latino boys ' school basedrelationships are found to be less supportive compared to girls (Stanton-Salazar.200 I I. Latino boys arc consistently more likely than girls to report they have noone to tum to for specific functions, such as homework help (Suarez-Orozco & Qin2004 ). Boys arc also more likely to be viewed by school personnel as " threaten­ing" and potenrialvproblem students" (Kleinfeld. 1998; Gibson, 1997; Ginorio &Huston. 200 I; Lopez 2003). Latino boys are much more likely to be suspended thangirls (10% compared to 4%) according to national data tGinorio & Huston 2001).While dominant literature on Latino males has been student-centered. positing loweducationalattainment asa result ofthe student's background.behavior. and attitudestowards schooling. the researchers mentioned above contend that more research isneeded in the area that examines roles that institutions play in reproducing theseeducational outcomes. In addition. the increasing enrollment numbers ofChicanohigh school students in alternative education programs such as continuation highschools are largely left unaddressed .

The experiences of Chicano males in continuation high schools becomes ofincreasing concern as the number of continuation high schools has drastically in­creased in the last thirty years. In 1965, only 13 continuat ion high schools existedin Californ ia IKelly. 1993).Current ly. 521continuation high school programs oper­ate within the state (California Department of Education, 20081. While Chica na/oand Latina/o students made up 45% oftotal Californ ia high school students for the2007-2008 academic year. they constitute the majority of students (56%) enrolledin a Californ ia contin uation education program. Kelly argues that as schooldistrictsseek to mask the dropo ut/pushout rates at comprehensive high schools. continua­tion high schools have become a way to strategically "warehouse" students wherethey are blamed for their educational "failure."

Continuation programs historically exist within a national movement that at­tempted to address the increasing concerns over the "problems" assoc iated withworking class and immigrant students. Kelly posits continuation programs as"the stepchild" of Californ ia secondary schools highlighting the pedagogical andcurricular limitation s of't bcse institutions. The limited amount of scholarship thatexamines the experiences ofChicanalo continuation students is mostly understoodthrough frameworks that label these students as "at risk" (Gueri n & Denti. 1999;Trembath. Wiest. & Wong. 1998; Unger, 200 1; Voss. 1968). The existing researchthat assoc iates "minority status" with "at-risk" student behavior requires furtherexamination especia lly because this work fails to critically address the connection

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All the Lose rs Go T he re

between the large enro llments of Students of Co lor in continuation high schoo ls.Studies that focus on Chicano males in particular are unable to fully encapsulatethe specific educational practices that can help researchers and practitionerscomprehensively understand the low educat iona l attai nment of this population ofstudents. In the next sec tion, I provide an overview ofCRT and LatCrit in orde r tomore appropriately frame an understand ing of the exploitative and contrad ictoryrelation ship between the racialized and gendered constructions of Chicano malesand their educat ional positionin g within schoo ling institutions.

CRT and LatCrit in Education

Co nsidering the effort s made during the civil rights struggle to guaranteesocioeconomic, educational and rac ial equity, U.S. soc iety continues to dea l withthe prob lems of rac ism that pers ist even as we enter the twenty-first century. Ra­cial inequity continues to reproduce and mainta in an unjust system masked by theideology that protects white' supremacy and privilege reiterated by the rhetoric of"meritocracy," "democracy,"and "equality" (Bon illa-Silva,200 I ; Solorzano& 'rosso.200 I ).Th is ideology reinforces the myth that we live in a color-blind soc iety whererac ism is no long er considered a structura l issue. CRT has as a result, emerged asa theoretical fram ework that aims at deco nstructing these racist premises.

CRT offers an appropriate lens for qualitative research in the field of education.I situate my work within this framework to draw from the premise that so-calledrace neutral laws and po licies perpetuate rac ial subordination. Understanding raceis necessary in examining the manner in which racism marginalizes Students ofColor, and in this particu lar case, Chicano students. Haney Lopez (2000) definesrace as "a vast group of people loosely bound together by historically contingent,socia lly significant elements, of their morphology and/or ancestry" (p.165). Ac·cording 10 Haney Lopez, courts in the United States have historically been engagedin defining the boundaries of racial categories.

The soc ial construction of race is deeply embedded into the soc ial fabri c ofAmeri can life (Haney Lopez 2000; Omi & Winant. 1994; Solorzan o & Yosso,200 I ). Race becomes a powerfu l tool that affect s daily life in whic h interpret ivecodes and meanings are constructed and operated. Omi and Winant (1994) andBonilla-Si lva (2001) examine how racia l meanings become socially contested inarenas where competition for power and distribution of resources define hierarchyand superiority of one race over another. Racial format ion must be understood inorder to comprehend the socia l construct ion of race and how these hierarchies areembedded withi n soc ial institut ions such as the legal system and education.

Racial hierarchies become legitimized thro ugh racist ideo logies. Solorzano( 1998) identifies three important characteristics o f racism: ( I) the be lief that onegroup is superior, (2) that this "superior" group has the power to carry out racistacts , and( 3)that various racial/ethnic groups are affected. In the United States, whitesuprt'macy operates as a hierarchy of raci al domination and exploitation. Power

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Mada C. Malag6n

and resources are unequally distributed to privilege whites and oppress People ofCo lor (Bon illa-Silva. 2001; Roediger. 1999) . CRT emerges as an invaluable toolfor critical scholars who seek to expose and disrupt oppressive conditions withininstitutions in the U.S. Summarizing the scholarship in this area. CRT in Educa tioncan be defined as follows:

CRT in Education draws from multiple disciplines to challengewhite supremacy.which shapes the way research specifically. and society generally.understands theeducational experiences.conditions and outcomes of People ofColor. CRT buildsfromtheknowledge ofcommunitiesthemselvesto revealthe ways race. class.genderand other forms of subordination interact to mediate the educational trajectoriesof those affected by such oppression. CRT is committed to deconsrructing theseoppressiveconditionsandempoweringCommunitiesofColorto worktowardssocialand racial justice. (Velez. Perez Huber. Malagon, & Solorzano. forthcoming)

LatCrit builds from CRT to add important dim ensions instrumental for under­standing the raciahzedzclassedzgendered/sexed experiences of Latinas and Lat inos(So lorza no & Delgado Bernal. 200 I ).Adding to the work of CRT. LatCrit addressesissues such as language . immigrat ion. ethniciry, culture, identity and phenotype s.As Delgado Bern al (2002) notes, LatCrit is "conceived as an ant i-subordination andanti-essential ist project" (p.108).Together. CRT and LatCrit offeran interdisciplinaryapp roac h that can he lp critical scholars and educators understand and improve theeducational expe riences ofStudents of eolor. In the followi ng section I draw fromChicana femi nist conceptualizations that can further inform a CRT and Larf' rit ineducation when applied to desc ribe the experiences of Chicano male students asthey access. persist. address and resist school ing .

Chicana Feminist Epistemologies in Education

Lopez (2003) argues the need for educat ion researchers to include a " race­gender experience framework" that allows scholars to examine how raced -gende redexperiences shape youths ' educational co nditions and out comes. Delgado Bernal(2002) expla ins that:

There is not just one raced-gendered epistemology but many that each speak toculturallyspecificwaysofpositioningbetweena racedepistemologythatomits theinfluenceofgender on knowledge production and a White feminist epistemologythat does not account for race. (p, 107)

Iargue that Ch icana feminist epis temological frameworks are appropriate to examinethe raced/gendered construct ions ofChicano ma le youth in schools. Chicana fem inistepistemo logical frameworks are relatively new to the field ofeduca tion resea rch andscho larship (Delgado Bern al. 1998 ). As Chicanas have increased their presence inthe academ ic field of education. these scholars have draw n from the existing workof Chicana fem inists to question notions of objectivity and know ledge produc tion.These epistemo logies. grounded in the life experiences ofChicanas. include how

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researchers use their experiential knowledge to interpret. document, and ana lyzethe lives of their participants from their unique viewpoints.

Chicana feminist epistemologiesacknowledge thatChicanas/os inherit a legacyoftwo colonial projects : the Spanish Conquest that occurred during the 16'hcenturyand the result of early U.S. territo rial imperi al expansion that ended with the U.S.­Mexican War( 1846-1848)(Anza ldua. 1987; Perez. 1999; Perez-Torte s. 2006) .Theimprints of both conquests carry forward an ideological apparatus that is inscriptedupon what is referred to as the mestizalo body.As Delgado Bernal (2006) describes,a mestiza lor mestizo] is " literally a woman [or man] of mixed ancestry. espec iallycf'NativeAmerican., European,andA frican backgrounds" (p. I 16).Chicana feministepistemologies specifically interrogate the WestemlEurocentric philosophical ten­ants that fragment the mind from the body, splintering racializedlgenderedlsexedidentities for the purpose of reduci ng the mestizaJo body 10 manageable objectsdesigned for colonialist/capitalist desire (Aldama. 1998; Cruz. 2006) . A ChicanafeministcritiqueofWesternlEurocentric epistemological mode lsthat preserve whitesupremacy, examines colonialism as a project that has created racial hierarchiesfor the purposes of exploitation. Here is where this epistemological standpoint iscongruen t with and can further inform a CRTlLatCrit framework in education tointerrogate the specific educational discourse and practice that affects Chicanomales in schooling institutions.

A Chicana feminist epistemology is in a deliberate search of mending a colo­nized body complete (Cruz, 2006) . Cruz begins to ask questions such as "how doesa regime of a given society become inscripted onto the bodies of our youth?" (p.50). The mestiza/o body serves as a discursive site that can interrogate construc­tions of normality. TOOted in white supremacy, and how Chicanas/os are regulatedand governed in societal institutions. particularly schools. Within this frame, thepossible outcomes for mestizo male bodies that resist the stringent constructi onsof Chicano masculinity become apparent. The social construct ion of the mestizomale body positions him as a member ofan oppressed and exploitable class. Withinschooling institutions, we need to unpack the significance of the male mestizobody. This epistemologica l standpoint allows for a lens that connects social rela­tions of production to colonial/neocolonial raced-gendered constructions. With thisconsideration, we can take into acco unt and critically analyze the different waysthat Chicano male students may resist schooling and how these acts often becomecriminalized as deviant behavior.

Methodology

The relationship between methodology and a researcher's theoreti cal andepistemologica lorientation is inevitably closely connected (Delgado Bernal. 1997).CRTlLatCrit and Chicana feminist epistemologies inform the methodological ap­proach in this study that serve to employ a research process that can intervene inthe deficit knowledge about marginalized and oppressed communities.Aligned with

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the theo retical frameworks utilized. this study seeks to answer the following researchquest ions: HO\\ do Chicano male youth interp ret and respond to their continuationschoo ling experiences? How is the social construction o f Chicano masculinity repr0­

duced withinschooling institut ions and hoY.'do these processes impact theeducanonaltrajectories ofChicano male you th?This section will outline the methodological ap­proach of this study that informs the sam pling methods I employed. theparticipantsincluded. and the data collect ion and anal ysis strategies .

In this study. I employ a Chi cana feminist standpoint to explore the intersectionsbetween race.class. gender and sexuality along with the experiencesthat are intertwi nedwith issues o f skin color. immigrat ion. migrat ion. genera tional status. bilingualismand hmued English proficiency (Delgado Berna l. 1998). This ep istemo logical flam eaffords the opportunity for Chicana scholars in the field of education to draw fromtheir experiences and successfully incorporate their cultural knowledge to more ap­propri ately capture the complex ities of the soc ial construction ofthese intersectionsthat operate to marginalize young Chicano male students. Delgado Bernal term s thismethod ologica l approac h as cultural intuition , The Chicana femin ist scho lar bringsto her research : ( I ) her personal experiential knowledge-c-shaped by a collectiveexperience and community memory that carries knowledge of conquest, loss e f land,schoo l and soci al segregation. labo r market stratification. assimilation and resistance;(2) se nsitivity to interpreting data that is both technical and non-technica l withinexis ting litera ture; (J) pro fession al experience that allows the researcher to move intoan educ ational environment and gain insight into the lives of Chicana (and Chicano]stude nts mo re quickly than someone who has never worked with these stude ntsand; (4) the analytical research process that gives insigh t and unders tanding about aphenomenon and allows the researcher to include participants in her research. Theepistemological standpoints of Ch icana femi nist scholars ope ns poss ibilities for theresearch community to s« newways tha t move past limited and deficit scholarshipon Chicana andChicano students.

Particip;mts

A qcaluative case study design was used in this study to investigate the experi­ences of I I Ch icano ma le students with in a particular continuation high schoo l•which wiIIberefe rred to as Howard Continuation High School. Howard ContinuationHigh Sc hoo l (real nam e has been changed ). is located in a soc ioeconomically andraci ally d iverse suburban neighborh ood in southern Ca liforn ia. Th is site attrac tedme bec ause althou gh the sc hool is located in a raci ally and soc io-economicallyd iverse neighborhood. there was a d isproportiona te enrol lme nt ofChicano/l atinohigh schoo l students when compared to the surrounding de mog raphics.

Thi!> study employed a purpose ful sa mpling method tha t invol ved the co llabo­ration of I I Ch icano male continuation high school students. All I I co llaboratorsidentified as being of Mexican desce nt. Only one student reported to have beenborn o uts ide of the United States . Alt ho ugh I had ini tially intended TO interviewjunior-stand ing stude-nts who had spen t at least two se mesters in th is sc hoo l. I had

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to accommodate these sampling criteria due to the constant trans ition of studentswho tran sfer in and out of this schoo l. Only five students had been attending thisschool for more than one year at the time thi s study took place. while the remain­ing six had been attending Howard between one to six months . At the time of thisstudy. two students held senior standing. four were juniors and five were consideredsophomores or close to sophomore standing .

Data Collection

In order to provide an account that combined historical ana lysis with theoreti­cal exploration in an attempt to offer a thor ough examination of the educati onaltrajectories of these students, this case study called for participatory observationand ora l history interviews. Part icipatory obse rvation was conducted for a totalof three months within and outside of the classroom in order to produce a rich.mult ilayered accountofthe relationship betwee n schooling pract ices and the experi­ences ofChicano male continuation high schoo l students. Classroom observationslook place three times a week.These observations sought to reflect : ( I) the overallrep resentation of the population of the target high school. (2) representation ofthe instructional approa ch endorsed by this school. and (3) the range and natureof struc tured educational opportunities for these students. In add ition, field note swere taken during break periods. befo re and afte r school. and thro ugh informalinteractions with teach ers, students and staff. Data collec ted from these observa­tions were coded and analyzed . Part icipant observa tion data was also used to gainconfidence from co llabora tors to recruit for ora l history interv iews.

Twenty-two ora l history interviews were conducted with II Chicano malestudents. Yow (2005) defines ora l history as "t he recording of personal testimonyde livered in ora l form" (p . 3). Th is method was imperative in order to provide asocio-historica l account that could furthe r inform the educat ional trajectories o fthese students and how they eventually uansltioned into this parti cula r remedialschooling institution.Two interviews were conducted with eac h collaborator gu idedby a semi-structured protocol. The first interview detailed the demographic back­ground alo ng with an in-depth life-hi story examination in which each co llaboratorwas asked to reflect upon the ir educational traje ctory prior to tran sferri ng to HowardContinuation High Schoo l.The second interview provided an account tha t deta iledthe expe riences of each parti cipant at Howard Continuation High School.

Data Analysis

In an effort to provide a more critica l and inclusive research process. a three­phase critical race grounded methodology was utilized as a data ana lysis strategytMalagcn. Perez Huber. Velez. 2009). ln the preliminary phase . several categoriesand themes were identified from field notes and interview s specific to the researc hquestions. These categories and themes were relat ed to existing theoretical cat­egories of race. class . sexuality. and gende r. These themes were then utilized in..

l'th ria C. Ma la gon

the second phase o f the data analy sis. Two focus groups broug ht back six of theoriginal collaborators a couple of months later. Themes and ca tego ries from thepreliminary analysis phase were presented to the grou p in an effort to receivefeedback and d ialogue about potentia l themes and ca tegories missin g from thefirst phase of the ana lysis. Tbese interviews we re not necessarily concerned withbringing about simi larities and d ifferences but rather. provided a group inte rac­tion to funher analyze and produce data that wou ld be less accessible without theinteract ion {Krueger. 1988 ). Thi s phase \\'35 part icularly important for this studydue 10 the limitations and strengths of be ing a Chicana researcher conduc ting atheoretical exploration o n Chica no racialized masculinity in educational d iscourseand pract ice. These combined phases aided to construct the final vers ion of them esthat were then coded to generate a final analysis.

This study utilizes a theoretical framework that informs the data collect ion anddata analysis strategy. Employinga CRTlLatCrit and Chicana femin ist epistemologicalframework throu ghout this process seeks to deconstruct dominant research paradigmsthat produc e deficit accounts to explain the experiences of Chicano males with ineducational discourse. The way that this study is named allows me as a researcherto understand and center the experiences of Chicano male continuation high schoolsthrough the combination of various data collection strategies. This study centers theperspect ives of the co llaborators allowing them to ana lyze their own educationaltrajectories and their experiences with in schooling institutions. These methods areinformed through the theo retical frameworks that seek to employ a methodologica land epistemological approach seeking to expose. deconstruct. and further theorizeabout the experiences ofChicano males within con tinuation education.

Findings

Chicana feminist epistemologies and CRTllatCrit frameworks are grounded ina legacy ofresistance to the multiple forms of oppression that Communities ofColorexperience. A commitment to soc ial justice must move towards textual and materia ltechniques that document and engage in the surv iva l and resistance of oppressedcommunities under sexist. racist. modernist. colonial and capitalist condi tions. Th isincludes a considerati on in our epi stemological and methodolog ical approaches thatworks at translating the marginalization of Communities ofColor at di fferent histori­cal and geographical mom ents in an at tempt to inform a contemporary moment. Thefindings in this study help reveal the cultural and institutional dyna mic between thesocial construction of racialized masc ulinities in educational discourse and the highenrollment of Chicano ma le students in California continuat ion high schools.

A major theme that emerges from this study is disengagement from schoolingas a form of resistance . The collaborators in this study begin to high light when theybegin to d isengage frorn their educational trajectory as they res ist their experiencesof neg lect. disrespect. substandard schooling conditions and closed opportunitystructures . while theories of res istance attem pt to show the importance of medi a-

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non . power, and culture in understanding the complex relations between schoolsand the dom inant soc iety, much of the current literature on student resistancefocuses on self defeating and reactionary models (Fine, 199 1; Mcl.aren. 1994;Willis, 1977). Drawing from the work of others, Solorzano and Delgado Berna l(200 I ) employ a CRT ana lysis to map out the d ifferent ways in which Stude nts ofColor res ist schoo ling.The manner in which Solorzano and Delgado Bernal outlineself-defeating and reactionary form s of resista nce inform disengagement as a fonnof resistance in this study. Self-defeating student resistance exists when studentsmay hold a strong critique of thei r oppressive conditions yet are not motivated bysocial justice. Often, these students create further oppressive conditions for them­selves. Reactionary student resistancehappen s when a student acts out without anycritique and no motivation for social just ice. While several of these students in mystudy engage in self-defeating and reactionary resistant behaviors, my interest liesspecifically in how their critiques of oppression may offer a transfo rmative potent ialthat can inform educat ion scholars and pract itioners. As Solorzano and DelgadoBerna l point cut, transf ormational resistance is a progressive action toward soc ialjustice that allows marginalized people to develop a critical conscious ness towardssys tems ofoppress ion.

Through the use of oral history methods , the reclaiming of the narra tives ofthese students allows for a read ing that connect s their educational life history tohistoricallyoppressive structures that have strongly worked against theireducationa loutcomes.The perpetual neglect ofChicano male students within schoo ling spacesinformed the themeof disengageme nt. Erick, wbo anended predominantly Larina/oschoo ls, begins to track his educat ional decline due to the consistent absence ofa steady teacher in his clas s. Acco rding to Erick, this event affected his academictransition into fifth grade as he felt he had not mastered enough fourth- grade materialto be successful tha t schoo l year. Erick recounts pers istently asking his fifth gradeteacher at the beginning of the academic year for help on classroom and homeworkassignments. He comments on how the teacher would perpe tually deny him helpand would accuse Erick of not try ing. On one occasion Erick had asked his teacherfor help on a homework assignment to which he responded "you're telling me yourparents can' t he lp you with something this easy ... figures." Erick marks this as apo int when he began to disengage from schooling, after fee ling constant rid iculeand neglect from his teacher, he comments how he just stopped tryi ng in schoo l alltogether. The following conversa tion further elaborates on how Erick rationalizesthe effects of this particular time period:

Maria: Why do you think your teacher kept denying you help with yourassignments?

Erick: Because he didn 't like Mexicans.

Maria: How do you know that?

Erick: Because he knew a lot of us d idn't have a teacher like other kids

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in fourth grade. So he knew some of us weren 't ready but he wouldn' trecognize that. He would say stufflike. 'you guys don't even care becauseyou're parents don 't even care: and then he would say that Mexicans justcome here 10 have babies and start problems. He was straight out mean,to everyone. because we were Mexican. even our parents. He would helpgirls out more than guys.

Maria: Why do you think he would do that, and what do you mean he wasmean to parents? Would he say anything about it?

Erick : Like at parent night. my mom and I were late because we were inmy brother's class before and we walk in right. and he tells us we're lateand closes the door. I don 't know why he helped girls more... Sometimeshe would tell us {guys) that we were going to be gangsters the next yearin ju nior high so maybe that's why he ignored us.

This particular event reveals the perpetual historical and contemporary frame thatfeeds the perception of the alleged dangers to societies fundamental institutionsfrom Mexicans and othe r Latina/o communities (Perez Huber, Benavides Lopez.Malagon. Velez & Solorzano, 2008). In this case the reacher makes reference todeficit pcrceptionsofMexic an parents and theirchildren.The framing of the "Mex i­can problem" introduced at the beginning of the last century remains as a topicof discussion in public policy venues that influence a discourse in which, "manyeducators accused Mexicans ofincreased crime, wel fare. schooling problems. vice.and threats to the racial and cultural homogeneity of the nation" (Gonzalez, 1999.p. 36 ). Within the contemporary sociopolitical moment we can see that this formof racist nativist sentiment continues to dominate the mainstream discourse usedto frame LatinasJos and other People of Color as "perils" to U.S. society. (PerezHuber. er al., 2008).

Erick's recount of his fifth grade experience funh er informs a racializedlgen­dered fonn of racist nativism. Most of the students in this study recount incidentslike Erick's, where they would be punished if they "acted out." yet neglected byteachers when they asked for help on school work. The interpretive codes attachedto the Chicano male body within schooling spaces become signifiers to many edu­cators that perceive that these students are not active andlor interested in learning,but on the other hand pose potential threats in the classroom. Gonza lez adds thatthese substandard [racist] schooling practices emerge out an educational systemthat "never existed to alter class relations" tp 36). The schooling of children ofMexican descent and the perpetual framing of this population as a social viceensures the reproduction of the Mexican community as an exploitable class.

A Chicana feminist analysis adds a racedlgendered analysis that incorporatesthe Chicano male body into a discussion of representation. social control and con­structions of normality (Cruz, 2006). In Cruz's study on homeless Queer Youth ofColor, she draws from the work of Mauss ( 1934) and Butler (1988) to link howthe social construction of gender perfonnance becomes pan of an educational

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d imension that facili tates a process of acculturating the body for use whether itis a member of civ il society, a student. a worker. etc. In the case of Chicanos. ifthe soc ial position with in a racis tlsexistlheterosexistfcapitalist regime is intendedto reprod uce this popula tion as an exploitable member of the working clas s. theChicano male student who resists this performative act is negatively sanctioned.If gender is composed as a set of trut hs of what is "natural" or "t rue belief: ' theracialized/gendered mestizo body thai resi sts beco mes perceived as "deviant."" lazy," "at-risk:' "criminal." Cruz further argues that socia l sanctions reinforce anillusion of these "true" social scripts and concrete identities. The excess (dev iantand res istant ) movemen t of the body that is meant for capitalist production be­come s punished. Sociological theories of reproduction [Bourdieu. 1977; Bowles& Gintis. 1976) help to furthe r understand the schoo ling conditions for workingclass Chicano students, which prepare them to be members of the working class.When Chicano students resist the racist schoo ling practices that privilege whites.these acts validate the deficit framin g of low educational attai nment at the fau lt ofChicano students and their culture ,

Th is is further illustrated in the interviews with Saul, who initially describedhimself as a "good student at first." Saul lived in a predominantly white, middle ­clas s ne ighborhood when he immigrated 10 the United State s, He reca lls how hisschools were rea lly "good" and much bette r then schoo ls where he lived durin g thetime of the study, At his mostly white schoo l, Sau l recou nted that he was trea ted"d ifferent" than other students:

Saul: There was this one time when we had a sub in my class, Everyo ne....a s acting bad. The next day the teacher wanted to know who startedit.. .allthose white kids blamed me of co urse.

.Haria: Did the teac her be lieve them? What happened?

Saul:Yeah she believed them, I got in trouble, all the time, for things thatother kids d id too .

Maria: Why do you think she d id that?

Saul: Because 1 was the tall, big, Mexican-loo king kid. (laughs)

Saul, who was very tal l and big in stature, recalJed how teachers constantly thoughthe was a gangster. In this particular schoo l. even as a student who had relat ively"good grades: ' Sau l could still not escape the perception of being a "bad kid,"Saul re ferences how moving to a new school, that was predominantly Latina/o ,did not change this perception. He explained how instead of being viewed as astudent entering a new school with good grades, he became "just anothe r dumbshi tto them: ' Saul becomes another "gangster" in a sett ing where teachers ho ld verystringent perceptions of divers ity amongst ChicanolLatino youth culture . Whilebeing co nstantly neglected by teachers when it related to instruction and academicpreparation. in instances where Saul "acted out; ' he suddenly became the focus of

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attention by school staff. This habitual treatment and perception of being a "badkid" is what eventually lead his transfer later from a comprehensive high school toa continuation program. Saul also made reference to his undocumented status asanother reason why he disengaged from schooling. He did however make a cleardistinction between the concept of schooling and education. Saul mentioned aninterest in learning history and was at the moment fluent in three languages andin the process of learning another-all which he did outside of his school setting.Through a CRT/LatCn t read, we can define the act to disengage in schooling yetengage in educat ional learning as a merging ofse lf-defeating and transformationalresistance. As he became critically consc iousness of the differences in schoolingpractices within different comm unities, institutional neglect that perpetuatedthroughout the years and then realized an even more limiting opportunity structuredue to his residency status, Sauldec ided todisengage from schooling.Through theseexperiences, we can begin to see how social and cultural reproduction functionswithin the realms of educationa l discourse and practice that limits researchers andpractioner s perceptions of Chicano male subjectivity.

Saul's experiences relate to what Aldama (2002) refers to as the macho/bullyparadigm that informs dominant society of perceptions of Chicano males. Thishyper-exaggerated perce ption where the mestizo-ideruified bodyconstantly appearsas being a threat to the system, Aldama argues, is actua lly a national, sexual , andracial discourse founded on constructed dichotomies that " function as a way tocontain, control and uphold the White, hererosexist. middle-class status-quo" (p.83). This perception is not new within educat ion discourse. Chicanas have alreadybegan to interrogate this "macho-bully paradigm" to understand how dominantracial discourse intersects with other forms of subordination. Dominant socialscientists describe machismo as a masculinity syndrome part icularly attributableto the "Latin" male, and thus by extension to the Chicano male (Baca Zinno1980;Sosa-Riddell, 1974). For example in a study titled, Value Confl icts Experiencedby Mexican American Students, Ramirez ( 1968) explains that Mexican-Americanculture emphasizes "machismo" or "maleness" in the young boy. This examplereflects the dominant discourse that validates the perception thai the culture ofChicano youth is al odds with mainstream values and ideals. The social scienceimage of the Chicano male is rooted in the proposition that these distinctive patternsill-equip Chicanos (both males and females) to adapt successfully to the demandsof modem society. These constructions help us understand the perce ived need forthe constant surveillance of Chicano men (Aldama, 2002). This discourse furtherinform show deficit"at-risk" frameworks are shaped and perpetuated in educationalresearch, policy, and practice.

Within my participatory research at Howard Continuation High School. 1wit­nessed various accounts thai posited Chicano mate students within these stringentracedlgendercd constructs that perpetuated the views of these students as "threats."On one occasion a teacher commented on how Emilio, a new student in her classwho she felt was gang-affiliated."freaked" herout .This view ofEmilio as a potential

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threat wasinfonn ed by his perpetual silence and refusa l to participate in any classactivities. After getting to know Emilio myself. I found out that he was new to theschool and had just moved back to the U.S. after living several years in Mexico.He mentioned that he did not talk in the class because he was self-conscious ofhis accent. He also mentioned that he did not participate or do any class assign­ments because he did not feel he could communicate and understand English attimes. His silence in this new school, becomes a threatening interpretive code forthis teacher in an educational setting that expects students to "act out" resistantbehaviors. This teacher's neglect for this student also encourages Emilio's self-de­feating act of resistance which then becomes interpreted as not only a threat in theclassroom. but furthers the perceptions that Chicano male youth do not care abouttheir schooling.

Infonned by these rigid constructions. teachers at Howard, made attempts toemploya so-called "relevant" pedagogy to reengage youth.This" relevant" pedagogyhowever only promoted these dominant stringent perceptions as they entered cur­ricular practices. Rudy who in his English class. did not feel like reading the booksthat he was required to read at his grade level. complained to his teacher about theselection of readings available. His teacher suggested a collection of novels thatdetailed the expe riences of "at-risk" Latinalo and African American, mostly maleyouth at a high school. These books. as I later examined, repeatedly presentedstories of poor, gang-infested high schools where students "ac t out" yet eventuallylearned that they needed to change their "se lf-defeating" ways (i.e., their culture).Rudy replied "Mr. Wells. why you always trying to get me to read gangster books.I'm not a gangster!" Rudy decided at that point to not do his reading assignmentall togethe r. When I later asked Rudy to elaborate on this incident he mentioned:

Man Idon'IwanltoreadoldWhitemanboo ksOk boo ksabourgangsters,what'supwith theseteachersthai thinkjusl coz I'ma guy and I'm MexicanI'm a gangster?Give me somethingthat's real to me and I'll read it

Instead of providing a relevant curriculum. rigid constructions that warp studentswithin a frame infonn the curricular and pedagogical approach even when theseyouth do not fit these stringent perceptions about Men of Color.

These stringe nt constructions of Chicano racialized mascu linity. becomecontested and challenged in the stories of these young men as they negotiate andmediate their multiple subjectivities.Tony, who had confidentially identified himselfas gay. acco unted his transfer to his current continuation high school to an incidentthai happened at his former comprehensive high school. One day as he enteredhis class room. his teache r asked him where his book was. Tony told him that hehad forgotten his book at home. The teacher then went and threw his notebook onthe floor causing all of his papers to fall out . The teacher demanded that he pickup all the papers telling him in front of a full classroom. "you're used to gettingdown on your knees anyway." Tony recalled feeling so embarrassed and humili­ated thai he stopped coming to his comprehensive high school altogether. Tony's

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decision to disengage by not attending school comes as a response that resists theracistlhe terosexist and dehumanizing practices emp loyed and sanctioned within aspace that dishonors and disrespects these students. A CRTflatCrit and Chicanafeminist frame allows for a reading that more criticallyexamines how these studentsnegotiate. resist. and make meaning oftheir multiple subjectivities. Through suchawareness we can understand how educational life trajectories for young Chicanomale students are shaped by racistzclassist substandard schooling conditions anddeficit frames that view student resistance in an uncritica l manner.

Conclusion

A CRT/LatCrit and Chicana feminist epistemology inform s the educationalresearch that locates the Chicano racialized/gendered body as central in an on­going negotiation in which multip le. often opposing ideas and ways of being areaddressed. appropriated.and negotiated. The bodies ofthese youth become physicaland discursive sites marked within colonia l and neo-colonial racedlciassedlgen­dered/sexed meaning-making processes that in turn become a read ing literacythat must be learned by educators who choose to work with these populations.This combined framework serves the purpose ofdeconsrructing the racialized andgendered discourses inscripted upon young Chicano male bodies. In this art icleI attempted to build off the work that attempts to understand how a racist/sexist!heterosexist capitalist regime becomes inscripted in the bodies of racialized andgendered youth. Challenging the deficit discourse concerning Chicano male youthin continuation high schools becomes part of a larger commitment where morework is needed in other educational arenas to furthe r examine how the racializedmale body becomes regulated and governed in schools . More importantly we needto further theorize and make sense of how we can draw from the experiences ofthe bodies that refuse and resist these oppressive structures in order to bui ld upona tran sformative praxis. CRT and Latf.rit form lenses for educational research thatacknowledges the various forms in which racist structures perpetuate the low levelsof educational attainment for Chicano male youth. Chicana feminist epistemolo­gies further deconstructs the Eurocentric perspective that has for too long erasedandlor distorted the experien ces of this population of students. These analyticalframeworks must work for students in order to continue the struggle that contestspower. ethics. and politics and engages in resistance.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the young men who collaborated in this study as wellas her dissertation chair, Dr. Daniel Solorzanoand colleaguesJose Rodriguez and lindsayPerez Huber for their feedback on earlier versions of this paper.

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I I do not capita lize the term "white" in this article, reject ing the standard grammati­cal norm as a means to acknowledg e and reject the grammatical representation of powercapitaliza tion brings to the term "white."

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