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Changes631 shifting cultivatiin Africa
Forestry Department
FAOFORESTRY
PAPER
50
FOODAND
AGRICULTUREORGANIZATION
OF THEUNITED NATIONS
Rome, 1984
Changes in shifting cultivation in Africa
Forestry Department
FAO FORESTRY
PAPER
50
FOOD AND
AGRICUL lURE ORGANIZATION
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Rome, 1984
Corrigendum
Page 7: Ivory Coast: for 0.48 read 4.8;
Page 10: Central Zaire: insert 17 under "Typical value for R";
Page 32: Line 3: for "fields" read "yields";
Page 36: A. Line 2: for 15 000 read 1 500.
Corrigendurn
Page 7: Ivory Coast: for 0.48 read 4.8;
Page 10: Central Zaire: insert 17 under "Typical value for R";
Page 32: Line 3: for "fields" read "yields";
Page 36: A. Line 2: for 15 000 read 1 500.
The designations employed and the presentationof material in this publication do not imply theexpression of any opinion whatsoever on thepart of the Food and Agriculture Organizationof the United Nations concerning the legalstatus of any country, territory, city or area orof its authorities, or concerning the delimitationof its frontiers or boundaries.
M-30
ISBN 92-5-102151-1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means,electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the priorpermission of the copyright owner. Applications for such permission,with a statement of the purpose and extent of the reproduction, shouldbe addressed to the Director, Publications Division, Food and AgricultureOrganization of the United Nations, Via delle Terme di Caracalla, 00100Rome, Italy.
© FAO 1984
The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on t he part of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the Un ited Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries .
M-30
ISBN 92-5-102151 -1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. Applications for such permission, with a statement of the purpose and extent of the reproduction, shou ld be addressed to the Director, Publications Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, Via delle Terme di Caracalla, 00100 Rome, Italy .
© FAO 1984
FOREWORD
In recent years shifting cultivation has received growing attention from FAO
governing and advisory bodies. The Organization has been asked to study the biological,
social, economic and cultural aspects of this food production system and to draw up
multidisciplinary programmes and guidelines for improving its productivity.
Within the context of this mandate from our member countries the FAO Forestry
Department carried out in 1982-83 a comprehensive study of "alternatives to shifting
cultivation in the use of forest land". This work was coordinated by a working group
which included officers of the Agriculture and the Economic and Social PolicyDepartments of FAO, as well as a sociologist from the Overseas Development Institute,
U.K. (Dr. C. Oxby).
The aim of the present study, which is confined to those zones of Africa
receiving 1 000 mm or more of annual precipitation, is to assess the extent and
distribution of shifting cultivation in Africa and to document and evaluate develop-
ments resulting from recent demographic and other land pressures. The study also
draws, inter alia, upon the findings of seven case studies carried out specifically
for that purpose in Ghana, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Tanzania
(two studies).
This food production system has been practised successfully and safely for
centuries as it was fully adapted to the specific climatic and edaphic conditions
prevailing in each forest region. However, because of increasing population pressure
this is no longer the case in most areas of tropical Africa. Spontaneous or planned
changes take place in which forestry and forest trees play a beneficial role and can in
this way contribute to the socioeconomic development of rural communities concerned.
I fervently hope that this review of certain aspects of shifting cultivation in
Africa and the improvements suggested will not only add to the growing volume of our
knowledge on, and better understanding of, shifting cultivation, but will also con
tribute to its transformation into a more positive and productive cropping system
which could be practised in full harmony with surr ngs and the needs of
their human occupants.
G eraland
ad of the Forestry Department
iii
In recent years shifting cultivation has received grm'ling attention from FAO governing and advisory bodies. The Organization has been asked to study the biological, social, economic and cultural aspects of this food production system and to dral'l up
multi- disciplinary programmes and guidelines for impr oving its productivity.
Within the context of this mandate from our member countries the FAO Forestry Department carried out in 1982- 83 a comprehensive study of "alternatives to shifting cultivation in the use of forest land". This t .... ork was coordinated by a working group l<hich included officers of the Agriculture and the Economic and Social Policy Departments of l~AO , as vlell as a sociologist from the Overseas Development Institute, U.K. (Dr. C. Oxby).
The aim of the present study , which is confined to those zones of Africa receiving 1 000 mm or more of annual precipitation, is to assess the extent and distribution of shifting cultivation in Africa and to document and evaluate developments resulting from recent demographic and other land pressures. The study also draws, inter ~, upon the findings of seven case studies carried out specifically for that purpose in Ghana, Ivory Coast, r.1adagascar , Senegal t Sierra Leone and Tanzania (tl<O studies).
This food production system has been practised successfully and safe l y for centuries as it was fully adapted to the specific climatic and edaphic conditions prevailing in each forest region. HOt .... ever, because of increasing population pressure this is no longer the case in most areas of tropical Africa. Spontaneous or planned changes take place in which forestry and forest trees play a beneficial role and can in this way contribute to the socioeconomic development of rural communi t i es concerned.
I fervently hope that this revie>l of certain aspects of shifting cultivation in Africa and the improvements suggested will not only add to the grOl;ing volume of our knowledge on , and better understanding of, shifting clutivation, but will also contribute to its transformation into a more positive and productive croppi ng system which coul d be practised in full harmony I;i th . gs and the needs of their human occupants.
and Forestry Department
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD
INTRODUCTION
GENERAL ASPECTS OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION IN AFRICA
1.1 Definition of shifting cultivation
1.2 Situation in tropical Africa
1.3 The use of fire
SHIFTING CULTIVATION AND UNPLANNED GRANGE
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Adjusting to changing conditions 15
2.3 Failing to adjust: deteriorating farmingconditions and yields 16
2.4 The last resort: migration 18
SHIFTING GULTIVATION AND PLANNED CHANGE 20
3.1 Improvements to shifting cultivation 21
3.1.1 Regulating the fallow period: the "couloir"or corridor system 21
3.1.2 Planting trees and grasses in the fallow inorder to regenerate soil fertility in a shorterperiod of time 21
3.1.3 Making better use of cleared vegetation:The Subri Conversion Technique 24
3.2 Alternatives to shifting cultivation 25
3.2.1 Cultivation of food crops in the early yearsof a Forestry Department plantation: "individualtaungya" 25
3.2.2 Paid Labour: "departmental ta-una" 28
3.2.3 Permanent cultivation of annual crops: Lowland rice 29
3.2.4 Agroforestry: Alley cropping and multistoreyintercropping 29
CONCLUSIONS AND GUIDELINES 32
APPEMIX: List of interventions, alphabetically by country 35
BIBLIOGRAPHY 54
Page
1
2
2
6
9
14
- v-
TABLE OF OONTENTS
FOREWORD
INTRODUCTION
1. GENERAL ASPECTS OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION IN AFRICA
1.1 Definition of shifting cultivation
1.2 Situation in tropical Africa
1.3 The use of fire
2. SHIFTING CULTIVATION AND UNPLANNED CHANGE
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Adjusting to changing conditions
2.3 Failing to adjust: deteriorating farming condi tions and yields
2.4 The last resort: migration
3. SHIFTING CULTIVATION AND PLANNED CHANGE
3.1 Improvements to shifting cultivation
3.1.1 Regulating the fallow period: the "couloi!,,' or corridor system
3.1.2 Planting trees and grasses in the fallow in order to regenerate soil fertility in a shorter period of time
3.1.3 Making better use of cleared vegetation: The Subri Conversion Technique
3.2 Alternatives to shifting cult'ivation
3.2.1 Cultivation of food crops in the early years of a Forestry Department plantation: "individual
i
1
2
2
6
9
14
15
16 18
20
21
21
21
24 25
taungya" 25 3.2.2 Paid Labour: "departmental taungya" 28
3.2.3 Permanent cultivation of annual crops: Lowland rice 29
3.2.4 Agroforestry: Alley cropping and multistorey intercropping 29
4. OONCLUSIONS AND GUIDELINES
APPENDIX: List of interventions, alphabetically by country
BIBLIOGRAPHY
32
35
54
LIST OF TABLES
vi
1: Estimated of forest fallows at 1980 6area end
LIST OF FIGURES AND GRAPHS
Figure 1: Types of land cultivation 3
Figure 2: The relation between the length of fallow and soil 17
productivity in shifting cultivation
Figure 3: Graph of land available for fallow farming in thi-ee 19
districts near Ikale, Western Nigeria, with increase
in population over time
Figure 4: The "couloir" or corridor system of regulating 23cultivation and fallow periods
Figure 5: It-wthetioal pathway for sustainedyield intensific 31
ation in tropical farming systems
Table 2: The length of the crop and fallow periods under 10
shifting cultivation
Table 3: Characteristics of some examples of shifting and 11
shortfallow cultivation
Table 4: Subri Conversion Technique: output and value of 25
product on a site for 1 ha of a 100 ha programme
- vi -
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1:
Tabl e 2:
Table 3:
Table 4 :
Estimated area of forest fallol<s at end 1980
The length of the crop and fallol< periods under shifting cultivation
Characteristics of some examples of shifting and short-fallo;; cul ti vation
Subri Conversion Technique: output and value of product on a site for 1 ha of a 100 ha programme
LIST OF FIGURES AND GRAPHS
Figure 1:
Figure 2:
Figure 3 :
Figure 4 :
Figure 5:
Types of land cultivat ion
The relation between the length of fal l ow and soil productivity in shifting cultivation
Graph of land available for fallO\; farming in tb.ree districts near Ikale, ~iestern Niger~at with increase in population over time
The "couloir " or corridor system of regulating cultivation and fallow periods
HYpothetical pathway for sustained-yield intensification in tropical farming systems
6
10
11
25
3
17
19
23
31
- 1 -
INTRODUCTION
The first part of the report concerns the definition of shifting cultivation and
its distribution in Africa. Shifting cultivation, defined as long fallow agriculture as
opposed to short fallow and permanent agriculture, is no longer as common in Africa as
formerly. Moreover, it is usually combined with other forms of agriculture so that a
given household exploits some fields by shifting cultivation, usually those with food
crops, and other fields by using other practices.
With growing population densities and increasing land pressure there is not enough
land to leave a long period of fallow and farmers are automatically changing from long
fallow cultivation to short fallow and permanent cultivation on all or part of their
fields, although they may resist such change until the last moment because of the lower
labour requirements of long fallow agriculture. These spontaneous modifications of
shifting cultivation are dealt with in a second part of the report.
The third part of the report deals with planned change, which falls into two
categpries: one is to improve shifting cultivation, and this is illustrated by attempts
to plant certain soil-enriching trees in the fallow, and to make a better use of the
cleared vegetation by exploiting the timber rather than burning it, the latter being
the normal practice. But the main form of planned change is to discourage shifting
cultivation and propose alternatives. The alternatives considered are:
the various forms of "taungya", or cultivation of food crops in the early
years of a Forestry Department tree plantation in gazetted forest reserves;
these have often met with farmer reluctance because they only give temporary
access to land;
lowland rice is a viable alternative where there is adequate suitable land;
the planting of perennial agricultural crops may represent an attractive
strategy for wealthier farmers who can afford to wait until the trees become
productive; however, this may not be so attractive to the smaller farmer;
- finally, various forms of agroforestry not yet practised in Africa are con-
sidered; however, as these are only in the early stages of implementation
there is little information on acceptability to farmers.
The main conclusions and recommendations are presented in a final section.
Reference is made throughout to an Appendix where projects carried out in areas of
fallow agriculture are listed, alphabetically by country, with brief local and project
details.
The generous assistance of the following institutions and their staff is
gratefully acknowledged:
- Overseas Development Institute, London, U.K. (Dr. C. OXby);
Department of Forestry, Wageningen Agricultural University,
Netherlands (Dr. K.F. Wiersum and his colleagues)
Institut de recherches d'agronomie tropicale et de cultures vivrières,
Paris, France (M.M. Borget and his colleagues)
Silviculture Research Station, Forest Division, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania
(Dr. A.G. Mugasha and his colleagues)
Forest Products Research Institute, Kumasi, Ghana (Dr. J. Brookman Amissah).
- 1 -
INTRODUCTION
The first part of the report concerns the definition of shifting cultivation and its distribution in Africa. Shifting cultivation, defined as long fallow agriculture as opposed to short fallow and permanent agriculture, is no longer as common in Africa as formerly. Moreover, it is usually combined >Tith other forms of agriculture so that a given household exploits some fields by shifting cultivation, usually those with food crops, and other fields by using other practices.
VIi. th gro\<ing population densities and increasing land pressure there is not enough land to leave a long period of fallow and farmers are automatically changing from long fallO\; cultivation to short fallO\; and permanent cultivation on all or part of their fields, although they may resist such change until the l ast moment because of the lower labour requirements of long fallow agriculture. These spontaneous modifications of shifting cultivation are dealt with in a second part of the report.
The third part of the report deals with planned change, which falls into two categories: one is to improve shifting cultivation, and this is illustrated by attempts to plant certain soil-enriching trees in the fallow, and to make a better use of the cleared vegetation by exploiting the timber rather than burning it, the latter being the normal practice. But the main form of planned change is to discourage shifting cultivation and propose alternat ives. The alternat ives considered are:
the various forms of "taWlgya" , or cultivation of food crops in the early years of a Forestry Department tree plantation in gazetted forest reserves; these have often met with farmer reluctance because they only give temporary access to land;
lowland rice is a viable alternative torhere there is adequate suitable land;
the planting of perennial agricultural crops may represent an attractive strategy for wealthier farmers who can afford to wait until the trees become productive; however, this may not be so attractive to the smaller farmer;
finally, various forms of agroforestry not yet practised in Africa are considered; however, as these are only in the ear ly stages of implementation there is little information on acceptability to farmers.
The main conclusions and recommendations are presented in a final section. Reference is made throughout to an Appendix where projects carried out in areas of fallow agriculture are listed, alphabetically by country, ,nth brief local and project details.
The generous assistance of the following institutions and their staff is gratefully acknowledged:
Overseas Development Institute, London, U.K. (Dr. C. Oxby); Department of Forestry, Wageningen Agricultural University, Netherlands (Dr. K.F. ,aersum and his colleagues) Institut de recherches d'agronomie tropicale et de cultures vivri~res, Paris, France (M.M. Borget and his colleagues) Silviculture Research Station, Forest Division, Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania (Dr. A.G. J.lugasha and his colleagues) Forest Products Research Institute, Kumasi, Ghana (Dr. J. Brookman Amissah).
2
1. GENERAL ASPECTS OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION IN AFRICA
1.1 Definition of shifting cultivation
The term shifting cultivation is a difficult one to define since it is used bydifferent people in different contexts in widely differing ways. During the FAO/SIDARegional Seminar on Shifting Cultivation and Soil Conservation in Africa, held inIbadan, Nigeria, in July 1973 (see FAO/SIDA 1978 and Unesco/uNEP/FAO 1978) there wasa working group on terminology; to give an indication of the range of usages of theterm shifting cultivation, the following is a quote from the report of this workinggroup:
"The essential characteristics of shifting cultivation are that an area offorest is cleared, usually rather incompletely, the debris is burnt, andthe land cultivated for a few years - usually less than five - and thenallowed to revert to forest or other secondary vegetation before beingcleared and used again. The system varies in detail from place to place.Consequently many names are used for it. Nye and Greenland (1960) and manyothers use the term shifting cultivation as a general term embracing manyvariations of natural fallow cultivation systems. Conklin (1957) discussesthe revived term swidden farming, and proposes its use for the more generaldescriptions of shifting cultivation, leaving this last expression for themore specific types of agricultural practices. Ten variables are proposedto distinguish different types of swidden farming according to agronomicand cultural practices. Spencer (1966) liste numerous terms related toshifting cultivation, mostly from South,-East Asia and proposes 19 basicqualitative elements including such factors as ecological adaptation, labourefficiency, erosion control, etc. Wattere (1971) includes in the defini-tion of shifting cultivation the use of primitive) tools and the subsistenceeconopy usually associated with its practice." 1/
It is not the purpose of this study to dwell on problems of definition; merely towarn readers of the variety of definitions in use. In case of confusion, it isprobably helpful to put the term shifting cultivation to one side and to concentrate onthe more tangible and easily identifiable factors which most authors would agree to becrucial in the identification of shifting cultivation versus other forms of landcultivation, and in the distinction between different types of shifting cultivation.Such factors are (see Figure 1):
Cultivation is interrupted by a period of natural fallow; it is notpermanent (or continuous).
The duration of the fallow period and the cultivation period may vary,as well as the ratio between these two periods (we shall see below how R,the intensity of the rotation, is calculated from this information).Shifting cultivation is characterized by long periods of fallow and inthis respect is in opposition to short fallow cultivation.
s) A wide variety of vegetation may grow in the fallows, from forest tograsses. The former is characteristic of shifting cultivation and thelatter, of short fallow cultivation.
1/ (Unesco/UNEP/FAO 1978:467-8).
-2-
1. CIElm!AL ASPIDTS OF SHIFTma CULTIVATION m AFRICA
1.1 Definition of shifting cultivation
The term shifting cultivation is a difficult one to define since it is used by different people in different contexts in widely differing ways. During the FAO/SIDA Regional Seminar On Shifting Cultivation and Soil Conservation in Afrioa, held in Ibadan, Nigeria, in July 1973 (see FAO/SIDA 1978 and UnesoojUNEP/FAO 1978) there was a working group on terminology; to give an indioation of the range of usages of the term shifting cultivation, the following is a quote from the report of this working group:
"The essential characteristios of shifting cultivation are that an area of forest is cleared, usually rather inoompletely, the debris is burnt, and the land cultivated for a few years - usually le88 than five - and then allowed to revert to forest or other secondary vegetation before being oleared and used again. The system varies in detail from plaoe to plaoe. Consequently many names are used for it. Nye and Greenland (1960) and many others use the term shifting cultivation as a general term embracing many variations of natural fallow cultivation systems. Conklin (1957) discusses the revived term swidden farming, and proposes its use for the more general descriptions of shifting cultivation, leaving this last expression for the more speoifio types of agricultural practioes. Ten variables are proposed to distinguish different types of swidden farming according to agronomic and cultural praotioes. Spenoer (1966) lists numerous terms related to shifting cultivation, mostly from South-East Asia and proposes 19 basic qualitative elements inoluding suoh factors as eoologioal adaptation, labour efficienoy, erosion control, etc. Watters (1971) includes in the definition of shifting cultivation the use of primitiy, tools and the subsistence eoonoll\Y usually assooiated with its practice." !I
It is not the purpose of this study to dwell on problems of definition; merely to warn readers of the variety of definitions in use. In case of confUsion, it is probably helpful to put the term shifting cultivation to one side and to conoentrate on the more tangible and easily identifiable factors whioh most authors would agree to be cruoial in the identification of shifting cultivation versus other forms of land cultivation, and in the distinction between different ~pes of shifting cultivation. SUoh factors are (see Figure 1):
a)
b)
c)
Cultivation is interrupted by a period of natural fallow; it is not permanent (or oontinuous).
The duration of the fallow period and the cultivation period may vary, as well as the ratio between these two periOds (we shall see below how R, the intensi~ of the rotation, is calculated from this information). Shifting cultivation is charaoterized by long periods of fallow and in this respect is in opposition to short fallow cultivation.
A wide variety of vegetation may grow in the fallows, from forest to grasses. The former is characteristio of shifting cultivation and the latter, of short fallow cultivation.
11 (Unesco/UNEP/FAO 1978:467-8).
Figure 1: Types of land cultivation (after Unesco/UNEP/FAO 1978:468 and Ruthenberg 1980:16)
(R >66)
Permanent cultivation
For definition of R see text.
Long fallow or
Short fallow
shifting cultivation
cultivation
(33< R<66)1/
R33)1/
TYPE OF FALLOW VEGETATION
Lays
(Crop + Leys)
Land cultivation
Natural fallow cultivation
Bush
Bush
Savanna
Grass
Savanna
Forest
Grass
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4
The fallow period may be long enough to restore soil fertility, or in somecases not long enough. In the latter case, the fallow period may belabelled "accelerated" (Unesco/UNEP/FAO 1978:468); but Olofson (1982:13)points out that in this case the fallow period is not so much "accelerated"as "interrupted". The minimum fallow period for restoring Boil fertilityis variable and depends on a variety of factors, including rainfall, soiltype, slope, vegetation type, intensity of previous cultivation, type ofcrops previously grown, type of crops to be grown, method of clearing, useof fertilizer, and so on.
The population density associated with shifting cultivation is relativelylow, in order for there to be enough land to leave a proportion of it tofallow.
In the case of long fallow periods characteristic of shifting cultivation,housing may be semi-permanent, or farmers may have permanent homes invillages and temporary homes by the fields. Shorter fallow periods on theother hand are associated with permanent housing.
This list may, of course, be extended according to the interests of the enquirer:the forester will go into further details about the woody vegetation; the soil scientist,about the soil types; the agriculturalist, about the crop rotations; and the socio-economist, on labour requirements. However, answers to the above questions will alreadyprovide a good basie upon which to decide whether or not one is dealing with shiftingaultivation.
It is difficult to make a rigid distinction between shifting cultivation and othertypes of agriculture, because there are no sharp dividing lines between them; onlygradations. There is, however, a general agreement that the relationship between thelength of the fallow period and the length of the cultivation period is crucial. Allanwrites about the land-use factor, which is most conveniently expressed as the number of"garden areas" required, a "garden area" being the area in cultivation at any one time."For example, in the case of a soil capable of maintaining its fertility under alternatecrop and fallow periods of equal duration only two garden areas will be required, while,at the other extreme, on a very poor soil allowing of only two years cultivation followedby a full period of woodland regeneration the requirement may be no less than sixteengarden areas. The land7-use factor is two for the one type and 16 for the other".(Allan 1965:30). The land7,-use factor, L, can be expressed in the following way, C beingthe length of the cultivation period and F the length of the fallow period:
C + F-
The examples given in the quotation by Allan above, can be expressed as follows:
3 + 3L = 2
3
2 + 30L = . 16
2
Ruthenberg (1980:15), an the other hand, uses the concept of the irrtenisity ofthe.rotation, R which is the relationship between crop cultivation and fallowing within thetotal length of one cycle of land utilization:
"Following the suggestion of Joosten (1962), we define the symbol R as thenumber of years of cultivation multiplied by 100 and divided by the lengthof the cycle of land utilization& The length of the cycle is the sum ofthe number of years of arable farming plus the number of fallow years. Thecharacteristic R indicates the proportion of the area under cultivation inrelation to the total area available for arable farming. If, for instance,40 per cent of the available arable land in one holding is cultivated, theR is 40.
100We have thus: R = -r-
-4-
d) The fallow period may be long enough to restore soil fertility, or in some cases not long enough. In the latter case, the fallow period may be labelled "accelerated" (Unesco/UNEP/FAO 1978,468); but Olofson (1982:13) pOints out that in this case the fallow period is not so much "accelerated" as "interrupted". The minimum fallow period for restoring soil fertility is variable and depends on a variety of factors, including rainfall, soil type, slope, vegetation type, intensity of previous oultivation, type of crops previously grown, type of crops to be grown, method of olearing, use of fertilizer, and so on.
e) The population density assooiated with shifting cultivation is relatively low, in order for there to be enough land to leave a proportion of it to fallow.
f) In the case of long fallow periods characteristic of shifting cultivation, housing may be semi-permanent, or farmers may have permanent homes in villages and temporary homes by the fields. Shorter fallow periOds on the other hand are associated with permanent housing.
This list may, of ccurse, be e:rlended acoording to the interests of the enquirer: the forester will go into further details about the woody vegetation; the Boil scientist, about the soil types; the agriculturalist, about the crop rotations; and the sooioeconomist, on labour requirements. However, answers to the above questions will already provide a good basis upon which to decide whether or not one is dealing with shifting cultivation.
It is difficult to make a rigid distinction between shifting cultivation and other types of agriculture, because there are no sharp dividing lines between them; only gradations. There is, however, a general agreement that the relationship between the length of the fallow period and the length of the cultivation period is crucial. Allan writes about the land-use factor, which is most conveniently expressed as the number of Itgarden areas" required, a. "garden area" being the a.rea in oultivation at any one time. "For example, in the case of a soil capable of maintaining its fertility under alternate crop and fallow periods of equal duration only two garden areas will be required, while, at the other e:rlreme, on a very poor soil allOwing of only two years cultivation followed by a full period of woodland regeneration the requirement may be no less than si:rleen garden areas. The land-use factor is two for the one type and 16 for the other". (Allan 1965:30). The land-use factor, L, can be expressed in the follOwing ....... , C being the length of the cultivation period and F the length of the fallow period:
L e + F =--c The examples given in the quotation by Allan above, can be expressed as follows:
L 3 + 3 2 =3""""-L _ 2 + 30 _ 16
2
Ruthenberg (1980:15), on the other hand, uses the concept of the intensity of the rotation, R, which is the relationship between crop cultivation and fallowing within the total length of one cycle of land utilization:
"Following the suggest ion of Joosten (1962), we define the symbol R as the number of years of cultivation multiplied by 100 and divided by the length of the cycle of land utilization.!! The length of the cycle is the sum of the number of years of arable farming plus the number of fallow years. The characteristic R indicates the proportion of the area under cultivation in relation to the total area available for arable farming. If, for instance, 40 per cent of the available arable land in one holding is cultivated, the R is 40.
!! We have thus: R - ~
5
As long as fallow farming has an extensive character, in which many fallowyears follow a short period of cultivation, R remains very small. If forexample, 18 fallow years succeed 2 years of cultivation, as is frequentlythe case in the rainforest, R amounts to 10. This extensive type of fallowfarming is generally designated shifting cultivation, because the ehiftingof fields within a broad area of wild vegetation usually results in thegradual relocation of the farming population. On the other hand, it shouldnot be forgotten that there are a number of regions where stationarypopulationsoractise shifting cultivation.
The larger R becomes, the higher is the percentage of the area cultivatedannually in relation to the total area available for arable farming, andthe more stationary the character of the farming becomes. When cultivationis extended so far at the expense of fallowing that the characteristic Rreaches or exceeds the value 33, then we can hardly speak of a shifting ofthe fields any more. A level of intensity of land utilization has beenachieved that Perra and Nye and Greenland designate semi-permanent culti-vation, and that Faucher designates stationary cultivation with fallowing.A characteristic R value of 50 is obtained, for example, if 7 fallow yearssucceed 7 years of cultivation. This book (Ruthenberg's) uses the term"fallow system". When the R value exceeds 66, and the soil is cultivatednearly every year or aven more often, then permanent farming is beingpractised. Permanent farming may again be conveniently classified aocordingto the degree of multiple cropping. An R value of 150 would indicate that50 per cent of the area is carrying two crops a year, and a value of 300would indicate that three crops a year are being grown." (Ruthenberg 1980:15-16).
Ruthenberg's R factor may be expressed in the following way (C represents thecropping period in years, and F the fallow period):
C x 100R -
0+ F
The examples given in the quotations by Ruthenberg above may be expressed as:
2 x 100R = - 10
2+187 x 100
Ro: o:50
7 + 7
The first example would be classified by Ruthenberg as a shifting cultivation system;the second, as a fallow system.
It is tempting to adopt Ruthenberg's classifioation on account of his wide know-ledge of farming systems and clear analysis of them. However, the present author drawsattention to two problems. One is the danger of putting too much weight on the actualduration of the fallow and cultivation periods, since these may depend on a variety offactors, as we have seen in d) above.
Another is a certain ambiguity in a terminology which divides "natural fallowsystems" into "fallow systems" and "shifting systems", since the latter are fallowgYstems2ar excellence. Pbis ambiguity can be explained by the note to the quotationby Ruthenberg above in which he explains that he was encouraged to introduce the term"fallow systems" to replace the term "semi-permanent farming" which was used in the firstedition of his book. The earlier opposition between "semi-permanent" and "shifting"seems more logical than the present one between "fallow" and "shifting" systems.
In the final event, everyone has to make the decision about which terminology suitshis purposes best. The most acceptable definition of shifting cultivation appears to bethat recommended by the FAO/University of Madan Workshop on Shifting Cultivation heldin July 1982:
mPhe workshop recommended the adoption of an operational definition ofshifting cultivation to refer to a system in which relatively short
-5-
As long as fallow farming has an extensive character, in which many fallow years follow a short period of cultivation, R remains very smU. If for example, 18 fallow years succeed 2 years of cultivation, as is frequently the case in the rainforest, R amounts to 10. This extensive type of fallow farming is generally deSignated shifting cultivation, because the chifting of fields within a broad area of wild vegetation usually results in the gradual relocation of the farming population. On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that there are a number of regions where stationary populations practise shifting cultivation.
The larger R becomes, the higher is the percentage of the area cultivated annually in relation to the total area available for arable farming, and the more stationary the character of the farming becomes. When cultivation is extended so far at the expense of fallowing that the characteristio R reaches or exceeds the value 33, then we can hardly speak of a shifting of the fields any more. A level of intensity of land utilization has been achieved that Terra and Nye and Greenland deSignate semi-permanent cultivation, and that Faucher deSignates stationary cultivation with fallowing. A charaoteristic R value of 50 is obtained, for example, if 7 fallow years succeed 7 years of cultivation. This book (Ruthenberg's) uses the term "fallow system". When the R value exceeds 66, and the soil is cultivated nearly every year or even more often, then permanent farming is being practised. Permanent farming may again be conveniently classified aooording to the degree of multiple oropping. An R value of 150 would indicate that 50 per cent of the area is oarrying two crops a year, and a value of 300 would indicate that three crops a year are being grown." (Ruthenberg 1980:15-16).
Ruthenberg's R factor may be expressed in the follOwing W8lf (C represents the cropping period in years, and F the fallow period):
R=Cx1.00 C + F
The examples given in the quotations by Ruthenberg above may be expressed as:
R = 2 x 100 _ 10 2 + 18
R c 7 x 100 • 50 7 + 7
The first example wculd be classified by Ruthenberg as a shifting cultivation system; the second, as a fallow system.
It is tempting to adopt Ruthenberg's classifioation on acoount of his wide kno_ ledge of farming systems and clear analysis of them. However, the present author draws attention to two problems. One is the danger of putting too much weight on the actual duration of the fallow and cultivation periOds, since these may depend on a variety of faotors, as we have Been in d) above.
Another is a oertain ambiguity in a terminology which divides "natural fallow systems" into "fallow systems" and "shifting systems", since the latter are fallow systems par excellence. 'f'h:Ls ambiguity can be explained by the note to the quotation by Ruthenberg above in which he explains that he was enoouraged to introduce the term "fallow systems" to replace the term "semi-permanent farming" whioh was used in the first edition of his book. The earlier opposition bstween "semi-permanent" and "shifting" seems more logioal than the present one between "fallow" and "shifting" systems.
In the final event, everyone has to make the deoision about whioh terminology suitIJ his purposes best. The most acoeptable dsfinition of shifting cultivation appears to be that recommended by the FAOjuniversity of Ibadan Workshop on Shifting CUltivation held in July 1982:
'~he workshop reoommended the adoption of an operational definition of shifting cultivation to refer to a system in whioh relatively short
periods of continuous cultivation are followed by relatively lonR periodsof fallow."
(FAO/UI 1982, Recommendations, p. 2).
And, consequently, the use of the term "long fallow agriculture" as equivalent toshifting cultivation.
1.2 Situation in tropical Africa
On the question of out-of-date information, FAO Study (1984:7) drama attentionto the well-known map by W.B. Morgan, which is still frequently reproduced, and whichshows shifting aultivation and bush fallow over most of west, central and east Africa.Thie map was based on ethnographic and agricultural data which had, in many cases, beenoollected very much earlier than the publication date of 1969; although it is a usefulhistorical statement, it should not be used as a guide for present policy.
There is a tendency to ascribe all types of subsistence cropping in Africa toshifting aultivation. This was true in the past but population pressure has broughtabout a reduction of fellows in various places to such an extent that the agriculturesystems can no longer be classified as shifting cultivation in the meaning ueed in this
study.
In the report for Africa of the FAO/UNEP Tropical Forest Resources AssessmentProject, the following estimates of forest fallow areas are given. Although they providean idea of the importance of shifting aultivation in Africa, some caution must beexercised to take into account several difficulties among which the following must be
mentioned:
the minimal rainfall corresponding to open tree formatione (wooded and treesavannas) is generally somewhat lower than 1000 mm (say 800 mm) which is the minimumrainfall considered in this study;
the forest fallow areas were estimated in many cases by interpretation of aerialphotographs and satellite imagery on which the R value is not measurable;
interpretation of remote sensing data does not always distinguish easily betweenforest fallow areas and areas of similar appearance such as degraded forests long aban-doned by agriculture, or, in some cases perennial cash crops such as coffee plantations(for this latter case Bee Lassailly-Jacob, 1983:19);
Table 1: Estimated areas of forest fellows as at end 1980(in thousand ha)
after FAO/UNEP, 1981
Country Total area10412
Woody fallowsTotalfallowa,000 ha
of countryClosedformations000 ha
Opentbrmations000 ha
Chad 1 284 000 800 800 0.6
Gambia 10 400 200 200 19.2
Mali 1 204 000 2 500 2 500 2.1
Niger 1 267 000 3 000 3 000 2.4
Senegal 196 722 1 750 1 750 8.9
Upper Volta 274 200 4 500 4 5400 16.4
Northern savannaregion 14 236 322 12 750 12 750 3.0
- 6-
periods of continuous cultivation are followed by relatively long periods of fallow."
(FAO/Ur 1982, Recommendations, p. 2).
And, consequently, the use of the term "loll/\' fallow wiculture" as equivalent to shifting cultivation.
1.2 Situation in tropical Afrioa
On the question of out-of-date inf01'lll&tion, FAO Stu~ (1984: 7) draws attention to the nll-known map by W.B. 1C0rgan, whioh is still frequently reproduced, and whioh shows shifting cultivation and bush fallow over most of west, central and east Afrioa. This map was based on ethnographio and agrioultural data whioh had, in "'""'Y oases, been oollected very lID10h earlier than the publioation date of 1969; although it is a useful historical statement, it should not be used as a guide for present policy.
There is a tendenoy to ascribe all types of subsistenoe oropping in Africa to shifting oultivation. This was true in the past but population pressure has brought about a reduotion of fallows in various plaoes to suoh an extent that the agriculture systems can no longer be olassified as shifting oultivation in the meaning used in this st~.
In the report for Africa of the FAOjuNEP Tropical Forest Resources Assessment Project, the following estimates of forest fallow areas are given. Although they provide an idea of the importance of shifting cultivation in Afrioa, some oaution must be exercised to take into account several difficulties among whioh the following must be mentioned.
the minimal rainfall corresponding to open tree formations (wooded and tree savannas) is generally somewhat lower than 1000 IDIII (sa.y 800 mm) which is the minimum rainfall considered in this stu~;
the forest fallow areas were estimated in "'""'Y oases by interpretation of aerial photographs and satellite imagery on whioh the R value is not measurable;
interpretation of remote sensing data does not always distinguish easily between forest fallow areas and areas of similar appearanoe such &s d&graded forests long abandoned by agriculture, or, in some oases perennial cash crops such as ooffee plantations (for this latter oase see Laseail1y-Jacob, 1983:19);
Country
Chad
Gambia
Jfali
Niger
Senegal
Upper Vo1ta
Table 1: stimated areas of forest fallows as at end 1 80 in thousand ha
after FAO/UNEP, 1981
Total area Wood,y fallows Total Km2 Closed Open fallows of
formations JOrmations ,000 ha _.000 ha .000 ha
1 284000 800 800
10400 200 200
1 204000 2500 2500
1 267 000 3000 3 000
196 722 1 750 1 750
274 200 4500 4500
Northern savanna region 14 236 322 12 750 12 750
% oountry
0.6
19.2
2.1
2.4
8.9
16.4
3.0
undetermined.
7
Country Total areaKm2
Woody fallowsTotalfallows,000 ha
..
ele
of countryClosedformations,000 ha
Openformations,000 ha-
Benin 112 620 7 3 750 3 757 33.4Ghana 238 538 6 500 2 680 9 180 38.5Guinea 245 857 1 600 1 300 2 900 11.8Guinea-Bissau 36 125 170 390 560 15.5
Ivory Coast 322 463 8 400 6 930 15 330 0.48Liberia 96 320 5 500 40 5 540 57.5Nigeria 923 768 7 750 4 900 12 650 13.6Sierra Leone 73 326 3 860 415 4 275 58.3Togo 56 800 250 1 200 1 450 25.5
West Africa 2 015 817 34 037 21 605 55 642 27.6
Angola 1 246 700 4 850 7 400 12 250 9.8Cameroon 475 442 4 900 1 200 6 100 12.8Central African
republic 622 984 300 3 800 4 100 6.6Congo 342 000 1 100 1 100 3.2Equatorial Guinea 26 000 1 165 1 165 44.8Gabon 267 670 1 500 1 500 5.6Zaire 2 344 885 7 800 10 600 18 400 7.8
Central Africa 5 325 681 21 615 23 000 44 615 8.4
Burundi 27 834 14 10 24 0.8Ethiopia 1 221 895 300 10 000 10 300 8.4Kenya 580 367 55 550 605 1.0Madagascar 590 992 3 500 - 3 500 5.9Malawi 118 580 - - -Mozambique 783 030 500 12 700 13 ZOO 1.7Rwanda 26 338 25 40 65 2.5Somalia 637 539 - 50 50 0.001
Sudan 2 505 813 600 11 000 11 600 4.6Tanzania 942 345 100 4 000 4 100 4.4Uganda 196 840 - 1 600 1 600 8.1Zambia 752 612 900 6 700 7 600 10.1
Zimbabwe 389 367 - 2.1 - -
East Africa andMadagascar 1 8 496 392 5 994 46 650 52 644 j 6.2
- 7 -
Country Total area Wood,y fall OilS Total % Km2 Closed Open fa110118 of country
formations formations ,000 ha 000 ha 000 ha
Benin 112 620 7 3 750 3 757 33.4 Ghana 238 538 6500 2 680 9 180 38.5 Guinea 245 857 1 600 1 300 2900 11.8 Guinea.-BiaBau 36 125 170 390 560 15.5 Ivory Coast 322 463 8400 6 930 15 330 0.48 Liberia 96 320 5500 40 5 540 57.5 Nigeria 923 768 7 750 4900 12 650 13.6 Si erra Leone 73 326 3860 415 4 275 58.3 Togo 56 800 250 1 200 1 450 25.5
West Africa 2015 817 34 037 21 605 55 642 27.6
Angola 1 246 700 4 850 7400 12 250 9.8 Cameroon
Central AfricaJ 475 442 4900 1 200 6 100 12.8
republio I 622 984 300 3800 4100 6.6
Congo 342000 1 100 1 100 3.2
Equatorial Guinea 26000 1 165 1 165 44.8 Gabon 267 670 1500 1500 5.6 Zaire 2 344 885 7800 10 600 18 400 7.8
Central Airi ca 5 325 681 21 615 23000 44 615 8.4
Burundi 27 834 14 10 24 0.8
Ethiopia 1 221 895 300 10000 10 300 8.4
Kenya 580 367 55 550 605 1.0
Madagascar 590 992 3 500 - 3500 5.9 . Malawi 118 580 - - - -Mozambique 783 030 500 12 700 13 200 1.7
Rli8llda 26 338 25 40 65 2.5 So .... lia 637 539 - 50 50 0.001
Sudan 2 505 813 600 11 000 11 600 4.6 Tanzania 942345 100 4000 4100 4.4 Uganda 196 840 - 1 600 1600 8.1
Zambia 752 612 900 6 700 7 600 10.1
Zimbabwe 389 367 - Y - -East Africa and Madagascar I 8 496 392 5994 46 650 52 644 6.2
Y undetermined.
8
Another important point is that where shifting cultivation does exist according totha proposed definition, it is now nearly always practised alongside other forms ofaultivation*, so that a given household practises shifting aultivation on some fieldsand other more permanent forms of cultivation On other fields. Thus the use of tempo-rary housing and shifting of homesteads, which may be necessary in some cases of solereliance on shifting aultivation, is now not common, since farmers would not leave thesite of their permanent fields. This fact was brought to the fore at the FAO/Universityof Ibadan Workshop on Shifting Cultivation:
"It was generally agreed that the classieal form of shifting cultivationinvolving relocation of homesteads is no longer a common practice incontemporary African agriculture."
(110/UI 1982:1)
This misleading idea of shifting cultivation being practised by some people,whereas other forms of cultivation are practised by other people, has been encouragedby academic classifications of farming systems, which tend to separate them more thanusually happens in reality. For example, Ruthenberg's otherwise excellent book onfarming systems in thetropics has separate chapters on shifting cultivation systems,fallow systems, ley and dairy systems, eystems with perennial crops, systems withpermanent upland cultivation, systems with arable irrigation farming, and so on. It isthus easy to forget that any given housekold may practise at the same time several ofthese different "systems". For this reason FAO (1984) argues that shifting cultivationshould not now be treated as a full fledged farming "system", but rather as a farming"subsystem". Thus several different agricultural subsystems, including shifting cultiva-tion, constitute a single farming system.
Given these reservations, we can now consider the actual distribution of shiftingaultivation. The FAO study mentioned above states:
"Permanent agriculture ie now the norm in all the highland areas of Ethiopiaand Kenya, and in Uganda, Rwanda, .1.1rundi, many parts of Tanzania, andMalawi. In Tanzania, "villagization" has reduced fallow lengths and ericen-»raged a transition to semi-permanent cultivation... In Zambia, the bulkof the population concentrated along the line of the rail, moved over topermanent aultivation during the 1044.30 years. Shifting aultivation in boththe last two countries is aow found only in a few sparsely settled areas...
* In all of the recent cases of shifting cultivation in Africa located in the contextof the present research, there were no emplea of it net being combined with otherforms of cultivation. This was alscathe case for FAO study, 1984. Even the Bemba ofnortheastern Zambia in the 1930s, who practised an archetypal form of shifting culti-vation called "citemene", also had permanent river bed gardens (Richards, 1939:311).
---__---
Country Total areaWoody fellows
Totalfellows,000 ha
of countryClosedformations
Openformations
.00 ha0 _ 000 ha
Botswana 574 992 _ _ -Namibia 824 293 330 330 0.004
Tropical SouthAfrica 1 399 285 - 330 330 0.002
-
Tropical Africa 21 473 497 61 646 104 335 165 981 7.7................ ........... .......... ............ .......... ......--------
- 8 -
wo<id¥ fallows COlmtry Total area Total %
KJu2 Clo •• 4 Op811 fallows of oountry formatiGllll fOI'llll<tions ,000 ha
.000 'ha 000 ha
Botswana. 574 992 - - - -Namibia 824 293 - 330 330 0.004
Tropical South Africa 1 399 285 .. 330 330 0.002
Tropical Africa 21 473 497 61 646 104 335 165 981 7.7 ~Dca_.=._ ........ a ••••• _lZm __ _c __ ............ __ ... IZ •• ~ .. _ ••• _~. • __ .c~== •• ~=. __
Another important point i~ that whare shifting cultivation does exist acoording to the proposed definition, it is now nearly .l~ practised alongside other forms of cultivation*, so that a given househ~l~ prBOti •• s ihifting oultivstion on some fields and other more permanent forme of cultivation on other fields. Thus the use of temporary housing and shifting of homesteads, whioh IDIIIY ba neo.ssary in SOme cases of sole relianoe on shifting cultivation, is now not oo~n, since farmers would not leave the site of their permanent fields. This fact was br,ought to the fore at the FAO/University of Ibadan Workshop on Shifting Cult~~tton:
"It was generally agreed that ths olQjJsipal form of shifting cultivation involving relocation of homestead$ is no longer a oommon practioe in oontemporary African agriculture." '
(FAO/UI 1982: 1)
This misleading idea of shifting oultivation being practised by some people, whereas other forms of cultivation are praotiaed qy other people, has been enoouraged by academio olassifications of farming It;Y1'tems, whioh tend to separate them more than usually happens in reality. For e:mmple, Ruthenberg's otherwise exoellent book on farming systems in thetropios has separate ohapters on shifting cultivation systems, fallow systems, ley and dairy systeIIUI, systems with perennial orops, systems with permanent upland cultivation, syst.,.s with arable irrigation farming, and so on . It is thus easy to forget that any given housa~ld ~ praotise at the same time several of these different "systems". For thie raason FAO (1984) argues that shifting oultivation should not now be treated as a full fla<\ged farming "systelll", but rather as a farming "subsystem". Thus several different agricultural subsystems, inoluding shifting cultivation, oonstitute a single farming syst~.
Given these reservations, we oan now consider the aotual distribution of shifting cultivation. The FAO study mentioned above state ..
"Permanent agriculture is now the norm in all the highland areas of Ethiopia and Kenya, and in Uganda, Rwanda, ""rundi, many parts of Tanzania, and Malawi. In Tanzania, IvUlagization" has reduced fallow lengthe and encouraged a transition to semi-pe~ent oultivation... In Zambia, the bulk of the population concentrated ... long the line of the rail, moved over to permanent oultivation during the la,lIt 30 ~aarll. Shifting cultivation in both the last two oountries is now found only in ~ few sparsely settled areas •••
* In all of the recent cases of shifting culti,.ation in Afrioa located in the oontext of the present research, there were no exaaplea at i~ not being combined with other forms of cultivation. This was also ' the , ossa for FAO study, 1984. Even the Bemba of northeastern Zambia in the 1930s, who practised an arohetypal form of shifting cultivation oalled "oitemene", also had permanent river bed gardens (Riohards, 1939:311).
9
In the Zaire basin, population is very sparse. There is some evidence thatin recent years people have been concentrating round the towns, where morepermanent agriculture is being practised. Cameroon contains much mountaincountry under permanent cultivation.
The southern part of West African countries are relatively densely populated.Tree crops are dominant on small holdings or plantations. Arable food farmingis often a secondary activity. ... In south eastern Nigeria there is adensely populated region where small, permanently cultivated compound farmsare the dominant type. Production from autlying, inadequately fallowedfields is of secandary interest. Farming itself is often subsidiary to non-farm occupations.
Within West Africa one also finds concentrations of rural population aroundannually cultivated riverine or swamp land. These permanent fields may ormay not be supplemented by shifting cultivation on the uplands. Examplescan be found in Sierra Leone and Ghana.
However, beyond the coastal belt lies the "middle belt" of West Africa,where population is sparser. Here shifting cultivation remains a majortechnique... In the drier zone north of the middle belt concentric ringfarming or permanent cultivation is now the norm....
Thus, the main humid area where shifting aultivation remains the dominantform of farming is the middle belt of West Africa, between the coastal treebelt and the more permanently farmed northern plains. It is also stillfaund in sparsely populated areas of Tanzania, Zambia and northern Mozambiqueand in the empty area of the Zaire basin."
(FAO 1984:7 and 9)
Tables 2 and 3 list some examples of shifting and short fallow agriculture intropical Africa. Table 2 is based on pre-1961 data, and examples are divided into thedifferent rainfall and vegetation zones. Table 3 is based on more recent data, collectedfrom a number of sources. In addition to the crops cultivated under shifting cultiva-tion or short fallow aultivation, it lists the main crops grown in continuousaultivation, in the context of the same farming system. At one end of the scale intable 3, the examples from Sierra Leone show a low R value, indicating the smallproportion of land cultivated in relation to the total available land. At the otherextreme are the final two examples, which have relatively high R values of 50 and sorepresent examples of short fallow cultivation, not shifting cultivation. GivenRuthenberg's cut-off point of an R value of 33, some of the cases listed in both tables2 and 3 are in fact examples of borderline shifting cultivation/short fallow cultivation,or straight short fallow aultivation. Some of these examples will be used to illustratepoints made in latter sections.
1.3 The Use of fire
Under shifting aultivation, fire is commonly used as a way of clearing vegetationin a labour-saving way, and at the same time enriching the soil with ashes. This methodhas been critioised as wasteful and has led to cauntless measures to ban burning indifferent parts of the world, from early times until this day. For instance article 105of the Legal Code issued in 1881 by the Merina Queen Ranavalona, Madagascar, Estates:
"On ne peut d6fricher la forêt par le feu dans le but d'y 6tablir des champsde riz, de male au toutes autres cultures; les parties ant6rieurementWrichties et brel6es, seules, peuvent être aultivfies; si des personneeoptrent de nouveaux d6frichemente par le feu aa ftendent oeux exietants,
elles seront mises aux fere pendant cinq ans."(gl.xoted in Ubart, 1962:108).
-9-
In the Zaire basin, population is very sparse. There is some evidence that in recent years people have been conoentrating round the towns, where more permanent agriculture is being practised. Cameroon contains muoh mountain country under permanent cultivation.
The scuthern part of West African countries are relatively densely populated. Tree orops are dominant on small holdings or plantations. Arable food farming is often a secondary activity. • •• In south eastern Nigeria there is & densely populated region where small, permanently cultivated oompound farms are the dominant type. Produotion from outlying, inadequately fallowed fields iB of secondary interest. Farming itself iB often aubsidiary to nonfarm occupations.
Within West Afrioa one also finda concentrations of rural population around annually cultivated riverine or swamp land. These permanent fields mayor ~ not be supplemented by shifting cultivation on the uplands. E%8mpleB can be found in Sierra Leone and Ghana.
However, beyond the coastal belt lies the "middle belt" of West Afrioa, where population is sparser. Here shifting cultivation remains a major t eohni que. •• In the drier zone north of the middle belt concentric ring farming or permanent cultivation is now the norm ••••
Thus, the main humid area where shifting cultivation remains the dominant form of farming is the middle belt of West Africa, between the ooastal tree belt and the more permanently farmed northern plains. It is also still found in sparsely populated areas of Tanzania, Zambia and northern Mozambique and in the empty area of the Zaire basin."
(FAO 1984:7 and 9)
Tables 2 and 3 list some examples of shifting and short fallow agriculture in tropical Africa. Table 2 is based on pre-1961 data, and e~mples are divided into the different rainfall and vegetation zones. Table 3 is based on more reoent data, oollected from a number of scurces. In addition to the orops oultivated under shifting cultiv ..... tion or short fallow cultivation, it lists the main crops grown in oontinuous cultivation, in the oontext of the same farming system. At one end of the scale in table 3, the examples from Sierra Leone show a low R value, indioating the small proportion of land cultivated in relation to the total available land. At the other extreme are the final two examples, whioh have relatively high R values of 50 and so repreBent examples of Bhort fallow cultivation, not Bhifting cultivation. Given Ruthenberg's cut-off point of an R value of 33, some of the cases listed in both tables 2 and 3 are in fact examples of borderline shifting cultivation/Bhort fallow cultivation, or straight short fallow cultivation. Some of these examples will be used to illustrate points made in latter sections.
1.3 The use of fire
Under shifting cultivation, fire is oommonly used as a ~ of clearing vegetation in a labour-saving way, and at the same time enriohing the soil with ashes. This method has been critioised as wasteful and has led to oountless meaaures to ban burning in different parts of the world, from early times until this day. For instance artiole 105 of the Legal Code iaaued in 1881 by the Merina QUeen Ranavalona, Madagascar, states:
"On ne peut d6fricher la for3t par le fau dans le but d'y 6tablir des ohamps de riz, de mala OIl tcutes aut res cultures; les parties ant6rieurement d6frioh6es et br016es, saules, peuvent 3tre cultiv6es; si des personnes op~rent de nouveaux d6frichements par le feu cu 6tendent ceux d6jA existants, elle8 seront mises 8U% fers pendant cinq ana."
(Quoted in Uhart, 1962:108).
Table 2 : The length of the crop and fallow periods under shifting cultivatim (based on 1961 source).
Place
Rain
(mm per year)
Crops
Fallow
Period in years
TYPical,
vegetation/
Normal
Excessive
value
seecies
Crop Fallow Crop Fallow
for R
yams, maize,
Acioa barteri
manioc
yams, maize,
Anthonotha spp.
7
manioc
rice, maize,
forest
2-3
10-15
manioc
MOIST SEMI-DECIDUOUS AND DRY FOREST ZONE (including humid zone of derived savanna)
sands and clays: stumps of
fallow carefully preserved.
18
Very loose sandy soil.
Remarks
4-7
2-2k
21
Loam derived from tertiary
Refers to "outside fields"
Soil derived from tertiary
sand; evidence of nitrogen
deficiency.
Soil derived from granite.
"Chipya" forest soil
Pallid sandy soils
* Short fallow farming in aur terminology
Source: Nye and Greenland 1961:128 (Also quoted in Ruthenberg 1980:32-3)
West Africa
1500-2000
maize,
manioc
moist semi-
2-4
deciduous
forest
6-12
25.
West Nile, Uganda
1400
elusine,
sorghum,
simsim, maize
grass, mainly
Setaria spp.
2-3
8-15
33
18
Abeokuta, Nigeria
about 1300
thicket
24-
522
Ilesha, Nigeria
about 1300
thicket
26-7
Central Uganda
about 1300
elephant grass 3
81
2
Ivory Coast
abaut 1300
elephant grass 3
39
652
*Zambia
about 1300
thicket
6-12
6-12
50*
SAVANNA ZONE
Ivory Coast
1200
Imperata
2-3
6-10
2-3
4-6
Uganda
about 1100
Andropogoneae
11
<2
Northern Ghana
about 1100
Andropogoneae
3-4
7-10
Mali
1000-1300
short bunch
3grass
12-15
Zambia
abaut 1000
miombo
2
woodland
up to 25
/
MOIST hnUGREEN FOREST ZONE
Nigeria
Umuslia
about 2300
Alayi
about 2300
Central Zaire
1800
~
Tab
le 2
:
The
le
ng
th o
f th
e 'c
rop
an
d f
all
ow
per
iod
e u
nd
er s
hif
tin
g o
ult
ivati
on
(b
ased
on
1961
eo
urc
e).
Rai
n
Cro
ps
Fal
low
P
eri
od
in
years
:J
!;m
ioal
P
lace
(II1I
I p
er
year)
v
eg
eta
tio
n/
Nor
mal
E
xce
ssiv
e v
alu
e R
emar
ks
8I!e
ci l
B
Cro
p F
allo
w C
rop
Fal
low
fo
r R
IIO
IST
Em
RG
REE
N F
OR
EST
ZON
E
Nig
eri
a
(a)
UlN
&bi
a ab
ou
t 23
00
yam
s,
mai
ze, ~ b
art
eri
It
4
-7
It
2-2
t Z!
L
oam
deri
ved
fro
m t
ert
iary
m
anio
c sa
nd
e an
d c
lqs:
stu
mp
s o
f
(b)
Alq
i ab
ou
t 23
00
yam
s,
miz
e,
An
tho
no
tha
Bpp
. It
fa
llo
w c
are
fUll
y p
rese
rved
, 7
l!!
Ver
y lo
ose
san
dy
so
il.
man
ioc
Cen
tral
Zair
e
1800
ric
e,
mai
ze,
fore
st
2-3
1
0-1
5
man
ioo
KO
IST
SEM
I-DE9
Imru
s ID
DRY
FO
RES
T ZO
NE
(in
o1
ud
ing
hum
id z
on
e o
f d
eri
ved
Bav
anna
)
Wes
t A
fric
a
1500
-200
0 m
aize
, m
ois
t se
mi-
2-4
6
-12
~
man
ioo
deo
idu
ou
s fo
rest
W
est
Nil
e,
Uga
nda
1400
el
usi
ne,
g
rass
, m
ain
ly
sorg
hum
, S
eta
ria s
pp
. 2
-3
8-1
5
3 3
l!!
Ref
ers
to "
ou
tsid
e f
ield
e"
b I
eim
sim
, m
a.iz
e A
bsol
O1t
a,
Nig
eri
a
abo
ut
1300
th
ick
et
2 4
-5
J.Q
So
il d
eri
ved
fro
m t
ert
iary
sa
nd
; ev
iden
ce o
f n
itro
gen
d
efic
ien
cy.
Ileah
a,
Nig
eri
a
abo
ut
1300
th
ick
et
2 6
-7
~
So
il d
eri
ved
fro
m g
ran
ite.
Cen
tral
Uga
nda
abo
ut
1300
el
eph
ant
gra
ss 3
8
1 2
n.
Ivo
ry C
oas
t ab
ou
t 13
00
elep
han
t g
rass
3
3 9
6 .iQ
* Z
ambi
a ab
ou
t 13
00
thic
ket
6-1
2
6-1
2
50
*
"Ch
ipy
a" f
ore
st so
il
SAVA
lIIlII
A ZO
NE
Ivo
ry C
oas
t 12
00
I!!!
I!er
ata
2-3
6
-10
2
-3
4-6
~
Uga
nda
abo
ut
1100
A
ndro
pogo
neae
1
2t
1 <
2
No
rth
ern
Gha
na
abo
ut
1100
A
ndro
pogo
neae
3
-4
7-1
0
f* If
al.i
10
00-1
300
sho
rt b
unoh
3
12
-15
g
rass
Z
ambi
a ab
ou
t 10
00
mio
rabo
2
up
to
25
1
Pall
id s
and
y s
oil
s
woo
dlan
d
* S
ho
rt f
allo
w f
arm
ing
in
ou
r te
rmin
olo
gy
S
ou
rce:
N
ye
and
Gre
enla
nd
19
61
:12
8
(Als
o ~oted i
n R
uth
enb
erg
19
80
:32
-3)
Table 3 :
Characteristics of some examples of shiftinE and short-fallow cultivation*
(197
7to
1983
sou
rces
)
Type of
Culti-
vation
Location
Mostly
shifting
culti-
vat ion
IVORY COAST
Central:
Besumi region
LIBERIA
populated coastal,
central and upland
savanna zone of 101
LIBERIA
FW and SE high
forest zones
LIBERIA
central:Bong
country
MADAGASCAR
Andasibe, East
escarpment, high
forest zone
MADAGASCAR
Tsaramainandro,
East coast, no
high forest left
Population
dentper
54
1500-
yams, groundnuts,
2000
rice (coffee,
cotton)
Rainfall
(annual
average
in mm)
Main crops under
shifting culti-
vation (and main
other crops under
other forms of
cultivation)
Average
cultivation
period in
years
upland rice
(swamp rice,
garden plots)
upland rice,
aassava, maize
(perennial crops)
Upland rice, maize
cassava (swamp
rice, cloves,
coffee)
* Following Ruthenberg, shifting cultivation is characterized by an R value of less than
33,
short fallow farming
of between
22and
66.
2 1-3
2
Average
fallow
period
in years
4-20
5-20
3-6
value
7147;ox-
imate)
25-3
3Lassailly-Jacob
1983
Source of
data
Appleton
1982
Carter
1982
Van San-ten
9-33
1974
in
Ruthenberg
1980
2.-2
2
25-4
0
Oxb
y 19
83and Boerboom
to
lower
4500
1900
20-40
1750
832000
3-6
EA
Q
8-12
14-20
higher
2000
62-3
Tab
le 3
:
Ch
arac
teri
stic
s o
f so
me
exam
ples
of
shif
tin
g a
nd s
ho
rt-f
allo
w c
ult
ivat
ion
* (
1977
to
198
3 so
urc
es)
T;r
pe o
f i:
ult
i-v
at io
n
lIo
stly
shif
tin
g
cult
i-
vat
ion
Po
pu
lati
on
R
ain
fall
M
ain
cro
ps
un
der
A
vera
ge
Ave
rage
R
S
ourc
e o
f dens~
(azm
ua1
Sh
ifti
"f c
ult
i-cu
ltiv
atio
n
fall
ow
;a
1u
e d
ata
Loc
atio
n p
er
aver
age
vat
ion
an
d m
ain
per
iod
in
p
erio
d
(ap
pro
x-
in l
ID)
ot h
er c
rops
und
er
yea
rs
in y
ears
im
ate)
o
ther
fon
ns
of
cu1
tiv
atiotl
IV
ORY
COA
ST
Cen
tral
: 54
15
00-
yam
s,
grou
ndnu
t s,
2-3
6 ~
Las
sail
ly-J
aco
b
Bes
umi
rag
ion
20
00
rio
e (c
off
ee,
1983
co
tto
n)
LIB
ER
U
po
pu
late
d c
oas
tal,
h
igh
er
2000
)
3-6
25
-40
cen
tral
and
up
lan
d
up
lan
d r
ioe,
sava
nna
zone
o
f NW
to
oa
.ssa
va,
mai
ze
2 A
pp1e
ton
1982
(p
eren
nia
l cr
op
s)
Car
ter
1982
LI
BER
IA
NW a
nd S
E h
igh
fo
rest
"o
nes
low
er
4500
8
-12
14
-20
LIB
ER
U
Van
San
ten
cen
tral
l Ban
g 19
00
up
lan
d r
ioe
1-3
4
-20
~
1974
in
oo
untr
y (s
wam
p ri
ce,
Rut
henb
erg
gard
en p
lots
) 19
80
IWlA
GA
SCA
R A
ndaB
ibe,
E
ast
20-4
0 17
50
( 5
-20
2:
:,g2
) el
lcar
pmen
t,
hig
h
Upl
and
rice,
mai
ze
} O
xby
1983
fo
rest
zo
ne
oas
sav
a (s
wam
p 2
and
Boe
rboo
m
MAD
AGAS
CAR
ric
e,
clo
ves
,
Tsa
ram
aina
ndro
, 83
20
00
coff
ee)
3-6
25
-40
) E
ast
co
ast,
nO
)
( )
hig
h f
ore
st le
ft
~--
--
--
* Fo
llOW
ing
Rut
henb
erg,
sh
ifti
ng
cu
ltiv
atio
n i
s c
har
acte
rize
d b
y an
R v
alu
e o
f le
ss t
han
33,
sh
ort
fal
low
fan
nin
g
of
betw
een ~ an
d £2
.
.....
.....
(Table 3 continued)
NIGERIA
26-29
LI
Kabba, Kwara
n.a.
1125
yams (perennial
4-5
15-1
722
Atteh
1980
State
crops)
6-12
Lin FAO
1984
NIGERIA
Ikale
50-
maize, yam and
25-10
15-29
P. Richards
Ondo State
230
cassava (cocoa,
oil palm)
1977
SIERRA LEONE
Southern, Moyambe
District
16-32
2000
Upland rice
cassava
1-2
9id
John
ny 1
979
inFAO
(swamp rice)
1984
Mos
t1y
SIERRA LEONE
Eastern Province
50
2500
-Upland rice
1-2
7-8
idLand Resource
3000
cassava
Survey
1980
in
shifting
(swamp rice,
coffee, cocoa)
Sierra Leone
case study
SIERRA LEONE
adjacent part of
40-100
2500-
Upland rice
1-2
5-8
12FAO/World Bank
culti-
northern and
southern provinces
3000
(swamp rice,
tobacco)
1982
TANZANIA
vation
Southern, Kilombero
valley (altitude)
20-2
312
00-
1400
Upland rice,
maize, cassava
3-5
10-20
21
Vieweg and
Wilma 1978
ZAMBIA
northeast
n.a.
1000-
maize, beans
27
22
Lawton 1982
1200
Short
BENIN
FAO/African
fallow
aulti-
vation
southern
provinces
150
1000-
1500
maize, cassava,
yam (oil palm)
33
.52
Development Bank
1982
TANZANIA
Morogoro
Dis
tric
t(1400m altitude)
22
1500
cassava, maize,
cocoyams, paddy,
(coffee, bananas,
pineapples)
2-5
3.5
2
Ana
ndaj
ayas
eker
amMoi,
1980
, 198
1,in FAO
1984
(Tab
le 3
con
tinu
ed)
l!IIa
ER
IA
Kab
ba,
Kw
ara
n.&
. 11
25
Sta
te
l!IIa
ER
IA
Ikal
e 5~
Ond
o S
tate
23
0
SIER
RA L
EXlN
E S
outh
ern,
Koy
ambe
16
-32
2000
D
istr
ict
Ilost~
SIER
RA L
EXlN
E E
aste
rn P
rovi
nce
50
2500
-30
00
shif
tin
g
SIER
RA L
EXlN
E ad
jace
nt
par
t o
f 4~loo
2500
-eu
lti-
no
rth
ern
and
30
00
sou
ther
n p
rOV
ince
s
TANZ
ANIA
v
atio
n
Sou
ther
n, K
ilom
bero
2~23
1200
-v
alle
y (
alt
itu
de)
1400
ZAlIB
IA
no
rth
east
n
.a.
lOO~
1200
Sho
rt
BEN
Dr
sou
ther
n
150
l~
fall
ow
p
rovi
noe
s 15
00
eu
lti-
TANZ
AI!II
A M
orog
oro
Dis
trio
t 22
15
00
vat
ion
(1
400m
alt
itu
de)
..,.,.
26-2
9 ya
ms
(per
enn
ial
4-5
15
-17
crop
s)
6-12
mai
ze,
yam
and
2
5-10
ca
ssav
a. (
coco
a,
oil
pal
m)
Upl
and
rice
1-2
9
ca
ss
av
a
(sw
amp
rice
)
Upl
and
rice
1-2
7-
8 ca
ssav
a (s
wam
p ri
ce,
coff
ee,
coco
a)
Upl
and
rice
1-2
5-
8 (s
wam
p ri
ce,
toba
coo)
Upl
and
rio
e,
3-5
10
-20
mai
ze,
oass
ava
mai
ze,
b
ean
s 2
7
mai
ze,
cass
ava,
3
3 ya
m (
oil
pal
m)
cass
av
a,
ma
ize,
co
coya
ms,
pa
dd.Y
, (o
off
ee,
bana
nas,
2-
5 3
pin
eap
ple
s)
M
22 ~
~
M
II
11
.~
g 5Q
5Q
Att
eh 1
980
in F
AO
1984
P.
Ric
hard
s 19
77
John
ny 1
979
in F
AO
1984
Lan
d R
esou
rce
Sur
vey
1980
in
S
ierr
a L
eone
ea
se s
wd.
Y
FAO
/Wor
ld B
ank
1982
Vie
weg
an
d
Wilm
s 19
78
Law
ton
1982
FA
O/A
fric
an
Dev
elop
men
t B
ank
19
82
Ana
ndaj
ayas
eker
am
MO
i, 19
80,
1981
, in
FAO
198
4
-_
.
, I
.... I\)
,
-13-
Of course, burning is blamed all the more in areas of wood shortage, as was thecase around Antananarivo, the capital of the Merina Kingdom at that time. On the whole,anti-burning measures have met with little success, especially if they are introducedin the absence of aay alternative method of clearing vegetation in a labour-saving wayand enriching the soil.
Lassailly-Jacob (1982:88) explains the position of farmers in the Ivory Coast:
"Sans brans, la terre ne pourrait étre mise en valeur; les branches, troncset ddbris seraient trop nombreux et Onants; le recra forestier serait sivivace qu'il concurrencerait les espbces cultives; de plus, sans bralis,la minftalisation des matibres organiques serait trop lente."
She argues that what is needed is advice to farmers on how to use fire and control itmore efficiently, rather than fire prevention.
In order not to misunderstand the farmers' position on fire, several points shouldbe borne in mind:
Beneficial aspects of burning: farmers would be likely to reject the view thatburning is but a waste of vegetation, because they recognize the value of ash asfertilizer, and usually make a direct link between the amount of vegetation burned andthe degree to which the ashes enrich the soil. Most of the fertility derives fromburning the leaves as opposed to the stem, especially when it comes to food crops whichrequire instant fertility; the stems may take some time to decompose and are thereforemore important for longer term growth as with trees.
Moreover, the leaching effect from the burning of vegetation considerably increasesthe availability to plants of nutrients in the soil, according to Schmidt (1973:65).And fire may play an important role in removing foci of fungal diseases and noxiousinsects (Levingston, 1983). Also, burning of slash is generally a less arduous way ofclearing woody vegetation than cutting and extracting it: unless a good deal of time isspent on further clearing and weeding, therefore, not burning would restrict the choiceof crops which can avercome the competition of other plants and mature successfully.
Farmers often prefer clearing forest regrowth than high forest: farmers may avoidclearing high forest when they have the choice of clearing regrowth because of the highlabour requirements of the former (see Ivory Coast case study). In Liberia, youngervegetation of 6 to 10 years is preferred especially if young men are not available to dothe clearing work which is then left to women (Carter 1982:69). Consequently lessvaluable timber is being "wasted" than some may believe. Likewise in northeasternZambia, since marw of the able-bodied young men are away from the village working on thecopperbelt, it is often not practical to clear the larger trees, and plots which haveonly been left to fallow for a short time may be preferred in order to facilitateclearing (Lawton 1982:293).
Farmers usually protect useful species from fire: it is sometimes believed thatfarmers are unable to manage fire successfully. On the contrary, there is every evi-dence that farmers are generally able to control fire if they want to and often takeadequate precautions such as the clearing of firebreaks, or leaving the cleared vegeta-tion to dry out before burning BO that it burns more rapidly than the surroundingvegetation. In this way useful species are often protected from the damaging effectsof fire.
In cases where demand for wood and other forest products is high and Wherecommunications, transport and markets are accessible, farmers commonly extract forestproducts before burning. For example, in the region of Andasibe, Madagascar, highforest is being cleared, but before burning, the larger trees are cut into lengths forrailway sleepers, and much of the wood is made into charcoal for sale in the towns.
-13-
Of course, burning is blamed all the more in areas of wood shortage, as was the case around Antananarivo, the capital of the Merina Kingdom at that time. On the whole, anti-burning measures have met with little suocess, espeoial~ if th~ are introduced in the absence of any alternative method of clearing vegetation in a labour-saving ~ and enriching the soil.
Laasailly-Jacob (1982:e8) explains the position of farmers in the Ivory Coast:
"Sans brQlis, la terre ne pourrait etre mise en valeurj leB branohes, troncs et d6bris seraient trop nombreux et glnantsj le recrQ forestier serait si vivace qu'il concurrencerait les esp~ces cultiv6esj de plus, sans brQlis, la min€>ralisation des mati~res organiques serait trop lente."
She argues that what is needed is advice to farmers on how to use fire and control it more effiCiently, rather than fire prevention.
In order not to misunderstand the farmers' position on fire, several points should be borne in mind:
Beneficial aspects of burning: farmers would be like~ to reject the view that burning is but a waste of vegetation, because they recognize the value of ash as fertilizer, and usually make a direct link between the amount of vegetation burned and the degree to which the ashes enrich the soil. Most of the fertility derives from burning the leaves as opposed to the stem, especially when it comes to food crops which require instant fertilityj the stems may take some time to deoompose and are therefore more important for longer term growth as with trees.
Moreover, the leaohing effect from the burning of vegetation considerab~ increases the availability to plants of nutrients in the soil, acoording to Schmidt (1973:65). And fire may play an important role in removing fooi of fungal diseases and noxious insects (Levingston, 1983). Also, burning of slash is generally a less arduous ~ of olearing wood,y vegetation than cutting and extracting it: unless a good deal of time is spent on further clearing and weeding, therefore, not burning wuld restrict the choioe of orops whioh can overoome the competition of other plants and mature euooessful~.
Farmers often prefer olearing forest regrowth than high forest: farmers may avoid clearing high forest when th~ have the ohoioe of olearing regrowth because of the high labour requirements of the former (see Ivory Coast oase stud,y). In Liberia, younger vegetation of 6 to 10 years is preferred espeoial~ if young men are not available to do the clearing work which is then left to women (Carter 1982:69). Consequent~ less valuable timber is being "wasted" than some may believe. Likewise in northeastern Zambia, sinoe many of the able-bodied young men are a~ from the village working on the copperbelt, it is often not practical to clear the larger trees, and plots whioh have on~ been left to fallow for a short time may be preferred in order to facilitate clearing (Lawton 1982:293).
Farmers usual~ proteot usefUl speoies from fire: it is sometimes believed that farmers are unable to manage fire euccesefUl~. On the oontrary, there is every evidence that farmers are general~ able to control fire if they want to and often take adequate precautions euch as the clearing of firebreaks, or leaving the cleared vegeta.tion to dry out before burning so that it burns IIIOre rapi~ than the eurrounding vegetation. In this way useful speCies are often protected from the damaging effects of fire.
In cases where demand for wood and other forest products is high and where communications, transport and markets are acoessible, farmers co~ extract forest products before burning. For example, in the region of Andasibe, Madagascar, high forest is being cleared, but before burning, the larger trees are cut into lengths for rail~ sleepers, end much of the wood i8 made into oharcoal for sale in the towns.
- 14 -
Fire is used by farmers for purposes not connected with shifting cultivation; it isalso used by people other than farmers: thus Baoule immigrants moving into the forestedareas of southwest Ivory Coast from the savanna areas to the north, in their search forland to clear for perennial crop plantations, make a greater use of fire than the localfarmers who practise shifting cultivation (see Ivory Coast case study). In the woodedsavannas fire may be used by hunters, to trap animals and by herders, to destroyparasites and encourage the regrowth of new grass. Forest fire is also a well-esta-blished form of protest or expression of discontent.
An example of the mistaken blaming of shifting cultivators for the unoontrolleddestruction of forest by fire is provided by the recent Mozambique project assisted byFAO called "Slash-burning prevention". The following quotation is taken from a projectprogress report:
... "the constant reference to "slash-burning" is misleading and this may be dueto difficulties in translation. ... An important finding, based on fairlyextensive travel through three provinces said to be representative, is thatfire from slash-burning (in this context, synonymous with "shifting cultiva-tion") is not the main cause of uncontrolled fire."
This was subsequently confirmed to me by the departing project director (Mather, 1983).
2. SHIPPING CULTIVATION AND UNPLANNED* CHANGE
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 Social change in Africa over the last few deoades has been characterized by thefollowing: increasing population densities; the expansion of areas under cultivationcaused partly by increasing population densities but mainly by the introduction andexpansion of cash cropping; the consequent increasingly difficult access to land; andthe increasing participation of small communities in regional, national and interna-tional markets.
Changes in agricultural techniques can be understood in this framework: what onehas been witnessing over the last few decades is a rapid intensification (compared todevelopments in many other parts of the world); agricultural techniques have been adapt-ing fast (though in some places not quite fast enough) to the changing circumstances, inparticular the increasingly difficult access to land.
2.1.2 Car _accultivation
Shifting cultivation is characterized by long periods of fallow and thereforerequires a large amount of land per family, most of this resting fallow at any one time.It is simply not possible to praotise shifting cultivation when population densitiesrise and there is not enough land to leave a satisfactory period of fallow. However,
just how high is the population density which can be supported by shifting cultivationis a matter of some debate. Ruthenberg (1980:62) calculates that no more than 56 personsper square kilometre can be supported by shifting cultivation, assuming an even use ofland, three crop years and 15 fallow years, 6 moves per cycle and 0.3 ha of °rope perperson.
Table 3 demonstrates a certain correlation between shifting cultivation and lowpopulation density. The example of Benin, with a relatively high R value of 50, isaccordingly associated with a relatively high population density of 150 persons/km2.On the other hand, the example of Tanzania, with the same R value of 50, is associatedwith a low population density of 22 persons/km2: this can readily be explained by the
* Unplanned in the sense of "not planned by the government", or "spontaneous".
-14-
Fire is used by farmers for purposes not conneoted with shifting cultivation; it is also used by people other than farmers: thus Baoule immigrants moving into the forested areas of southwest Ivory Coast from the savanna areas to the north, in their search for land to clear for perennial crop plantations, make a greater use of fire than the local farmers who practise shifting cultivation (see Ivory Coast case study). In the wooded savannas fire may be used by hunters, to trap animals and by herders, to destroy parasi tes and encourage the regrowth of new grass. Forest fire is also a well-est ...... blished form of protest or expression of disoontent.
An example of the mistaken blaming of shifting cultivators for the unoontrolled destruotion of forest by fire is provided by the recent Mozambique project assisted by FAO called "Slash-burning prevention". The follOwing quotation is taken from a project progress report:
••• "the constant reference to "slash-burning" is misleading and this may be due to difficulties in translation. • •• An important finding, based on fairly extensive travel through three provinces said to be representative, is that fire from slash-burning (in this context, synonymous with "shifting cultiv ...... tion") is not the main cause of uncontrolled fire."
This was subsequently confirmed to me by the departing project director (Mather, 1983).
2. SHIFrING CUlJI'IVATION AND UNPLAlmED* CHANGE
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 Social change in Africa over the last few decades has been characterized by the following: increasing population densities; the expansion of areas under cultivation caused partly by increasing population densities but mainly by the introduction and expansion of cash oropping; the consequent inoreasingly difficult acoess to land; and the inoreasing partioipation of small oommunities in regional, national and intern ...... tional markets.
Changes in agricultural teohniques can be understood in this framework: what one has been witnessing over the last few decades is a rapid intensifioation (oompared to developments in many other parts of the world); agricultural techniques have been adap1>ing fast (though in some places not quite fast enough) to the ohanging oircumstanoes, in particular the inoreasingly difficult aooess to land.
2.1.2 Carrying capacity of shifting cultivation
Shifting cultivation is oharaoterized by long periods of fallow and therefore requires a large amount of land per family, most of this resting fallow at any one time. It is simply not possible to praotise shifting cultivation when population densitiss rise and there is not enough land to leave a satisfaotory period of fallow. However, just how high is the population density whioh can be supported by shifting cultivation is a matter of some debate. Ruthenberg (1980:62) calculates that no more than 56 persons per square kilomatre oan be supported by shifting cultivation, assuming an even use of land, three crop years and 15 fallow years, 6 moves per cycle and 0.3 ha of orops per person.
Table 3 demonstrates a certain oorrelation between shifting cultivation and low population density. The e%BDlple of Benin, with a relatively high R value of 50, is aooordingly assooiated with a relatively high population denSity of 150 persons/km2• On the other hand, the example of Tanzania, with the same R value of 50, is associated with a low population density of 22 persons/km2: this can readily be explained by the
* Unplanned in the sense of "not planned by the government", or "spontaneous".
-15-
fact that much of this mountain area is not cultivable or inhabited. In other cases thepresence of towns may distort the population density figures (see for example the case ofIkale in Nigeria). It is therefore important to distinguish between absolute populationdensity and population density in relation to cultivable areas. When discussing theoarrying oapacity of shifting cultivation it is the latter figure which iB crucial, butoften difficult to obtain.
Lassailly-Jacob, in a detailed survey of land use in Beoumi, central Ivory Coast,estimates that only 60% of the land area is used for traditional food crop production(shifting cultivation, see table 3 for detaiis); that the population density in relationto this area is as high as 83 inhabitants/km ; and that the theoretical maximum numberof persons who could live off shifting cultivation in this area without destroying theenvironmental balance is as much as 123 inhabitants/km20 Her results challenge thecommon assumption that the Beoumd area is over-populated and more generally demonstratethat shifting cultivation can support a relatively high population density and should notbe regarded as "d6voreur d'espace" (Lassailly-Jacob 1983:13).
2.2
The system of shifting cultivation called "citimene", as practised by the Bembapeople of northeastern Zambia in the 1930s (Richards, 1939), relied on a fallow periodof about 30 years and weks practised in an area of extremely low population density:3-4 inhabitants to 1 km`. Nowadays, of course, this is no longer possible, and ratherdifferent techniques are now practised in the same area. There are many possiblereactions to such changing circumstances in the rural areas. One of the most radical isrural exodus: the conditions no longer exist to produce such a good harvest with tradi-tional methods of cultivation, and there are paid jobs available in the towns. Thus overthe decades many Zambian farmers left their farms, temporarily or permanently, to becomeminers in the copperbelt region.
Another reaction is to adapt the agricultural techniques to the changing circums-tances. Faced with land shortage, crop rotation practices are adapted (see for exampleVermeer, 1970) in relation to Tiv farmers in Nigeria and Lassailly-Jacob, 1983, inrelation to Baoule farmers in Ivory Coast), and the intensity of cultivation is increasedby extending the cultivation period and/or decreasing the fallow period. Thus Lawton(1982:293) gives recent evidence from another part of northeastern Zambia: he states that7-year-old growth of "miombo" woodland is being cut in some cases, whereas the tradi-tional period of regeneration was about 25 years.
This strategy, however, is only rational up to a certain point, beyond which anyfurther decreases in fallow period would result in soil degradation and decreasing yields.At this stage, a more radical change has to be made from fallow agriculture to permanentagriculture for example. Typically, the farmer introduces this change at first only onsome of his plots, whilst leaving the rest under fallow farming. Boserup gives theexample of short fallow farmers in a situation of growing population density and increa,-sing land pressure:
"A growing rural population does not produce additional food by increasingthe number of times the land is ploughed or by the weeding of fields undershort-fallow cultivation which were hitherto left unweeded. Instead ofsuch changes, which would not add much to total output, short-fallowcultivators are likely to take to annual cropping on a part of their land.This transition in its turn may call for the introduction of betterploughing, irrigation and weeding - or the shortening of fallow may haveas its necessary concomitant the production of fodder crops for theanimals. In other words, the additional labour is likely to be used asa means to undertake a radical change of the system of oultivation inpart of the area, while no change is made in other parts of the area."
(Boserup 1965:26)
The plots which undergo this change to permanent agriculture first are usuallythose nearest the house site; animal, vegetable and general household refuse are usedto fertilize gardens around the house, where all sorts of vegetables, root crops andfruit trees are grown. And, together with more permanent forms of cultivation go morepermanent forms of housing.
I--~- ~--~--
- 15 -
fact that III1ch of this mountain area is not cultivable or inhabited. In other cases the presence of towns may distort the population density figures (see for example the case of Ikale in Nigeria). It is therefore important to distinguish between absolute population density and population density in relation to cultivable areas. When discussing the carrying capacity of shifting cultivation it is the latter figure which is crucial, but often difficult to obtain.
Lassailly-Jacob, in a detailed survey of land use in Beoumi, oentral Ivory Coast, estimates that only 60% of the land area is used for traditional food crop production (shifting cultivation, see table 3 for detai~s); that the population density in relation to this area is as high as 83 inhabitants/km; and that the theoretical maximum number of persons who oould live off shifting cultivation in this area without destroying the environmental balance is as much as 123 inhabitants/km2• Her results challenge the common assumption that the Becumi area is over-populated and more generally demonstrate that shifting cultivation can support a relatively high population density and should not be regarded as "d6voreur d'espaoe" (Lassailly-.Jacob 1983:13).
2.2 Adjusting to changing conditions
The system of shifting cultivation called "citimene"l as practised by the Bemba people of northeastern Zambia in the 1930s (Ri chards, 1939 , relied on a fallow period of about 30 years and ~s practised in an area of extremely low population density: 3-4 inhabitants to 1 km. Nowadays, of course, this is no longer possible, and rather different techniques are now praotised in the same area. There are many possible reactions to such changing oiraumstances in the rural areas. One of the most radical is rural exodus: the oonditions no longer exist to produce such a good harvest with traditional methods of cultivation, and there are paid jobs available in the towns. Thus over the decades many Zambian farmers left their farms, temporarily or permanently, to become miners in the copperbelt region.
Another reaction is to adapt the agricultural techniques to the changing ciraumBtances. Faced with land shortage, crop rotation practioes are adapted (see for example Vermeer, 1910) in relation to Tiv farmers in Nigeria and Lassailly-Jacob, 1983, in relation to Baoule farmers in Ivory Coast), and the intenSity of cultivation is inoreased by extending the cultivation period and/or deoreasing the fallow period. Thus Lawton (1982:293) gives recent evidenoe from another part of northeaetern Zambia: he states that 7-year-old growth of "miombo" woodland is being cut in some oases, whereas the traditional period of regeneration was about 25 years.
This strategy, however, is only rational up to a oertain point, beyond which any further decreases in fallow period would result in soil degradation and decreaSing yields. At this stage, a more radical change has to be made from fallow agriculture to permanent agriculture for example. Typically, the farmer introduces this change at first only on some of his plots, whilst leaving the rest under fallow farming. Boserup gives the example of short fallow farmers in a situation of growing population density and increasing land pressure:
"A growing rural population does not produce additional food by increaSing the number of times the land is ploughed or by the weeding of fields under short-fallow cultivation which were hitherto left unweeded. Instead of such ohanges, which would not add much to total output, short-fallow cultivators are likely to take to annual oropping on a part of their land. This transition in its turn ~ oall for the introduction of better ploughing, irrigation and weeding - or the shortening of fallow ~ have as its neoessary concomitant the production of fodder orops for the animals. In other words, the additional labour is likely to be used as a means to undertake a radioal change of the system of cultivation in part of the area, while no change is made in other parts of the area."
(Boserup 1965:26)
The plots which undergo this change to permanent agriculture first are usually those nearest the house site; animal, vegetable and general household refUse are used to fertilize gardens around the house, where all sorts of vegetables, root crops and fruit trees are grown. And, together with more permanent forms of cultivation go more permanent forms of housing.
16
2.3 Failing to adjust: deterioratinE farming conditions and yields
The main purpose of the fallow period in shifting cultivation is simultaneously toimprove soil fertility and the soil's capacity of resistance to erosion (Jean 1975,quoting Centre Technique Forestier Tropical, Paris). There is evidence that the lengthof fallow period can be decreased to a certain extent without seriously compromisingthese functions:
"Des recherches la station exp6rimentale de Yangambi au coeur de laforgt près de Kisangani, montrent que plus de la moitig des substancesnutritives les plus importantes s'accumulent (dans le sol) durant lescinq premières ann6es d'une jachère de 18 19 ans." (Jean 1975:35quoting Miracle 1967).
The actual length of time obviously depends on a variety of factors, such as soiltype, vegetation type, and intensity of previous cultivation of the area. Another factoris weed control: in wetter climates, to prolong the period of cultivation implies theneed to apply more sophisticated weed management techniques or to spend more time on thiswork. However, it ie clear that beyond a certain point further decreases in fallowlength and/or further increases in cultivation length prevent the fallow from accomplish-ing its functions. Shifting cultivation, from balanced exploitation becomes "soil mining",as illustrated in Figure 2.
Given the increasing cultivation period and/or decreasing fallow period consistentwith increasing land pressure, at a certain stage yields can only be maintained orincreased by the use of fertilizer. This principle is the basis of Jean's (1975:12)division of cultivation techniques into three types:
temporary cultivation with fallow;semipermanent cultivation with fallow and fertilizer;permanent cultivation with fertilizer.
It can readily be seen that the transition from 1 to 2 and 3 depends upon access tofertilizer. If chemical fertilizers are too expensive or not available; if animals arenot kept so that manure is unavailable; if the use of "green manure" is found to be toolabour intensive, and so on, then there is a likelihood that increasing land pressurewill result in soil degradation.
If yields continue to decline under these circumstances, members of the farminghouseholds may look for paid jobs to contribute to family income; or some or all of thefamily members may migrate to another area where land presuure is not so great. It hasbeen a subject of much discussion why farmers resist change until the process ofdecreasing yields and soil degradation have, often irreversibly, set in. Why can theynot change before this process begins, it is often asked. Several suggestions are putforward here, some of which may apply to some areas and not to others:
It has been demonstrated that the more intensive the agricultural technique,excluding mechanization, the worse the returns to labour (Boserup 1965:32-3and other authors since). Thus a change from upland rice under shiftingcultivation to swamp rice under permanent cultivation generally representsan increased labour requirement (see Sierra Leone case study).
In cases of soil degradation it is often discovered that the farmers concernedhave no longterm security of land tenure; in other words, they will notnecessarily benefit from soil conservation measures: their landlords will.
Switching to a new agricultural technique represents a risk which may beunacceptable to farmers who only just manage to satisfy their subsistencerequirements. Such farmers will wait until others have tried andsucceeded before they themselves try.
- 16 -
2.3 Failing to adjust: deteriorating farming conditions and yields
The main purpose of the fallow period in shifting cultivation is simultaneously to improve soil fertility and the soil's capacity of resistanoe to erosion (Jean 1975, quoting Centre Technique Forestier Tropical, Paris). There is evidence that the length of fallow period can be decreased to a certain extent without seriously compromising these functions:
"Des recherches ~ la station exp6rimentale de Yangambi au coeur de la for3t pres de Kisangani, montrent que plus de la moiti6 des substanoes nutritives les plus importantes s'aocumulent (dans le sol) durant les cinq premieres ann6es d'une jachere de 18 ~ 19 ans." (Jean 1975:35 quoting Miraole 1967).
The actual length of time obviously depends on a variety of factors, suoh as soil type, vegetation type, and intensity of previous cultivation of the area. Another faotor is weed control: in wetter climates, to prolong the period of oultivation implies the need to apply more sophisticated weed management t echniques or to spend more time on this work. However, it is clear that beyond a certain point further decreases in fallow length and/or further increases in cultivation length prevent the fallow from accomplishing its functions. Shifting cultivation, from balanced exploitation beoomes "soil mining", as illustrated in Figure 2.
Given the increasing cultivation period and/or decreasing fallow period consistent with increasing land pressure, at a certain stage yields can only be maintained or increased by the use of fertilizer. This principle is the basis of Jean's (1975:12) division of cultivation techniques into three types:
1. temporary cultivation with fallow; 2. semi-permanent cultivation with fallow and fertilizer; 3. permanent cultivation with fertilizer.
It can readily be seen that the transition from 1 to 2 and 3 depends upon aocess to fertilizer. If ohemical fertilizers are too expensive or not available; if animals are not kept so that manure is unavailable; if the use of "green manure" is found to be too labour intensive, and so on, then there is a likelihood that increasing land pressure will result in soil degradation.
If yields continue to decline under these oircumstances, members of the farming households may look for paid jobs to contribute to family income; or some or all of the family members may migrat e to another area where land pressure is not so great. It has been a subject of much discussion why farmers resist change until the process of decreasing yields and soil degradation have, often irreversibly, set in. ~ oan they not change before this process begins, it is often asked. Several suggestions are put forward here, some of which may apply to some areas and not to others:
a)
b)
c)
It has been demonstrated that the more intensive the agricultural technique, excluding meohanization/ the worse the returns to labour (Boserup 1965.32-3 and other authors since). Thns a change from upland rice under shifting CUltivation to swamp rice under permanent oultivation gsnerally represents an increased labour requirement (see Sierra Leone case study).
In cases of soil degradation it is often disoovered that the farmers conoerned have no long-term security of land tenure; in other words, they will not necessarily benefit from soil conservation measures: their landlords will.
Switching to a new agricultural technique represents a risk which may be unacceptable to farmers who only just manage to satisfy their subsistence requirements. Such farmers will wait until others have tried and succeeded before they themselves try.
ecessar UnnecessaryNy - )Cultivation ( >Regeneration yearsyears Fallow years
1 1
<I 1 I 1 i 1 I I 1
A
(b)
17
Figure 2: The relation between length of fallow and soil productivityin shifting cultivation.
(Source : Ruthenberg 1980:62 from Guillemin 1956).
Cultivation Fallow years1 i I1 1
at in soilproductivity
=.Cultivation Fallow years
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 years
"The yield of the soil drops with the number of cultivation years and recoversin the fallow period. In (a) the fallow period lasts longer than the regenera-tion of the soil requires. R is low (11). This is shifting cultivation withproduction reserves. The situation in (b) corresponds to that of shiftingaultivation without production reserves (R=29). The fallow period is, however,long enough to restore soil fertility to its original level. (c) shows whathappens as the fallow is shortened (R=46). The fallow is no longer sufficientto restore soil productivity and the yields per hectare fall, though since theshortening of the fallow period means that a greater part of the total area iscultivated, the fall in yields per hectare may well be accompanied by a risingtotal production. However, the result is a continuous degrading procese."
(Ruthenberg 1980:62)
-- ------r .... -
- 17 -
Figure 2: The relation between length of fallow and soil productivity in shifting cultivation.
(Source: Ruthenberg 1980:62 from Guillemin 1956).
(a) - - - - - -.J-...,.------'"'
Unnecessary Cultivation 1~---'-~RegenE.'ration years
years Follow years I I 1«-1----.----c-1 ------,-~~
Cultivation
I I A
(c)
Follow years
I •
Fall in soil
I • o 5 10 15 20 25 30 3S 40 4S years
"The yield of the soil drops with the number of cultivation years Md reoovers in the fallow period. In (a) the fallow period lasts longer than the regeneration of the soil requires. R is low (11). This is shifting cultivation with production reserves. The situation in (b) corresponds to that of shifting cultivation without production reserves (R=29). The fallow period is, however, long enough to restore soil fertility to its original level. (c) shows what happens as the fallow is shortened (R=46). The fallow is no longer suffioient to restore soil productivity and the yields per hectare fall, though sinoe the shortening of the fallow period means that a greater part of the total area is cultivated, the fall in yields per hectare may well be accompanied by a rising total production. However, the result is a oontinuous degradi~ prooess."
(Ruthenberg 1980:62)
- 18 -
Switching to a new agricultural technique may require capital investmentswhich the small farmer cannot afford, or which are difficult to obtainlocally (fertilizer, improved seeds, etc.).
Making the new agricultural technique profitable to the small farmers maydepend on easy access to markets, and access to transport. In some areassuch conditions may not exist.
To illustrate this process, P. Richards describes the deteriorating conditions inwhich farmers in the Ikale region of Southwestern Nigeria have been farming, in particu-lar the decreasing land available per farmer over the years. Figure 3 shows that thistrend is particularly important in the case of two of the Ikale Districts, Orisunmetaand Idapomarun, which between 1952 and 1963 experienced population growth at the rate of7.41 and 6.98 percent respectively (rather than the 2.5 or 3.0 percent characteristic ofother parts of Africa over that period).
"The conclusion is that although shifting aaltivation may survive in Idapometadistrict for some years to come, something of a crisis in man-land relations isdeveloping in both Idapomarun and Orisunmeta districts. Pressure on land hasalready led to far-reaching changes in the agricultural economy, but there canbe little doubt that further change is called for.
There are four probable directions in which such changes may occur. First,evolution towards permanent cultivation of annual crops must almost certainlytake place, perhaps via a "compound land" farming system as practised in partsof eastern Nigeria. In this respect it is of interest to note that some ofthe best yams are to be seen growing right in the heart of settlements,immediately araund the houses. These domestic "gardens", especially prominentin the farm-camps and smaller villages, are in most cases deliberatelymanured and farmers are aware of the nature and significance of the yieldsthey get from such sites.
Secondly, there is likely to be continued increase in the acreage planted totree crops, especially oil-palm. This is an understandable if not entirelysatisfactory development since tree-crop plantations provide an assured cashincome, are much less prodigal of land, and once established require lesslabour to maintain than annual-crop farms.
Thirdly the number of farmers engaged in part-time trade and manufacturingand in plantation labour will continue to grow. The three government -sponsored oil-palm estates at Ilutitun, Igbotako and Ikoya, will continueto attract local labour, while the associated oil-palm mill in Okitipupawill provide an additional incentive for the development of peasant oil -palm plantations. Finally, the pressure of people on land remaining un-absorbed by these three kinds of changes will continue to seek an outletin that long-established standby of an underoccupied rural labour force,migration - especially migration to the major urban areas."
(Richards 1977:78-9)
2.4 The last resort: migration
Apart from rural-urban migrations, which are a constant feature of areas of landshortage, there is a less obvious but equally important type of migration: that offarmers from areas of higher population density into neighbouring rural areas of lowerpopulation density. Such migrations vary according to the distance travelled and theextent to which the agriculture practised in the homeland differs from that practisedin the new lands. In some cases such migrations represent an attempt to find farmingconditions comparable with what was found in the past in the homeland.
- 18 -
d) Switching to a new agricultural technique may require capital investments which the small farmer cannot afford, or which are difficult to obtain locally (fertilizer, improved seeds, etc.).
e) Making the new agricultural teohnique profitable to the small farmers may depend on easy access to markets, and access to transport. In some areas such conditions ~ not exist.
To illustrate this process, P. Richards describes the deteriorating conditions in which farmers in the Ikale region of Southwestern Nigeria have been farming, in particular the decreasing land available per farmer over the years. Figure 3 shows that this trend is particularly important in the case of two of the Ikale Districts, Orisunmeta and Idapomarun, which between 1952 and 1963 experienced population growth at the rate of 7.41 and 6.98 percent respectively (rather than the 2.5 or 3.0 percent characteristic of other parts of Africa over that period).
'~he conclusion is that although shifting cultivation may survive in Idapometa district for some years to come, something of a crisis in man-land relations is developing in both Idapomarun and Orisunmeta districts. Pressure on land has already led to far-reaching changes in the agricultural econo~, but there can be little doubt that further change is called for.
There are four prohable directions in which such changes may occur. First, evolution towards permanent cultivation of annual crops must almost certainly take place, perhaps via a "oompound land" farming system as practised in parts of eastern Nigeria. In this respect it is of interest to note that eome of the best yams are to be seen growing right in the heart of settlements, immediately around the houses. These domestic "gardens", especially prominent in the farm-oamps and smaller villages, are in most cases deliberately manured and farmers ere aware of the nature and significance of the yields they get from such sites.
Secondly, there is likely to be continued increase in the acreage planted to tree crops, especially oil-palm. This is an understandable if not entirely satisfactory development since tree-crop plantations provide an assured cash income, are much less prodigal of land, and once established require less labour to maintain than annual-crop farms.
Thirdly the number of farmers engaged in part-time trade and manufacturing and in plantation labour will continue to grow. The three governmentsponsored oil-palm estates at Ilutitun, Igbotako and Ikoya, will continue to attract local labour, while the associated oil-palm mill in Okitipupa will provide an additional incentive for the development of peasant oilpalm plantations. Finally, the pressure of people on land remaining unabsorbed by these three kinds of changes will continue to seek an outlet in that long-established standby of an underoccupied rural labour force, migration - especially migration to the major urban areas."
(Richards 1977:78-9)
2.4 The last resort: migration
Apart from rural-urban migrations, which ere a constant feature of areas of land shortage, there is a less obvious but equally important type of migration: that of farmers from areas of higher population density into neighbouring rural areas of lower population density. Such migrations vary according to the distance travelled and the e:dent to which the agriculture practised in the homeland differs from that practised in the new lands. In some cases such migrations represent an attempt to find farming conditione oomparable with what was found in the past in the homeland.
3 2
Figure
3:
Graph of land available for fallow farming in three districts near
Ikale, Western Nigeria, with increase of population over time
°mid-year for the period
during which the system
may be considered to have
passed out of equilibrium
16.7ha. (601.)
12.5ha.
pop
8.35ha.(60fl
6.25ha.(90%)
Idapo eta
Orisunmeta
e /
/4 ,
Ir0/
.,
40,
* AP
-"N
I1011
111
-mqu
imil
dapo
un
o um
-....
.....,
:::::
c\,
oN o-, -
--
1930
1940
1950
1960
11N
k-)
:2.
z H &l ~ '" ~ e1 <:l ..., H ;; .., ~
>---
1"11
1'U
'8
3
'" 6 '" '"
Gra
ph o
f la
nd
av
ail
ab
le
for
fall
ow
far
min
g i
n t
hre
e d
istr
icts
n
ear
Ikale
. W
este
rn N
iger
ia,
wit
h i
ncre
ase
of
po
pu
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on
ov
er t
ime
Ori
Bur
unet
a
o m
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ear
for
the
peri
od
d
uri
ng
wh
ich
th
e sy
stem
m~
be
con
sid
ere
d to
h
ave
pas
sed
ou
t of
eq
uil
ibri
um
16.7
ha.
(6C
l';i)
12.5
ha.
(80%
)
8.35
ha.{
6Cl';i
)
6.25
ha.(
9Cl';i
)
0'
11 I
41
I I
I ,
I .
""..
....
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. 19
50
1n
t::1
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aR
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10
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(){)
()
1 I ~
'"
- 20-
In situations of change, it would therefore be inaccurate to think that farmingsystems were adapted only in the direction of intensification of agriculture. Theyusually are, and this is consistent with the prevailing trends towards increasingpopulation density and increasingly difficult access to land. But this is by no meanealways the case: where people move from an area of higher population density to one oflower population density and easier access to land, this may be accompanied by anextensification of agriculture. Boserup (1965:63) gives as an example the European(especially German and Italian) colonizers in south Brazil, who descended in the techno-logical scale rather than ascended, when they met with rather different conditions inthe country they came to from the one they left.
Likewise Richards (1939:289) says that it wae difficult to find out how long theBemba of Zambia had followed their practice of shifting cultivation, "citemene", involvingonly an axe to cut down branches, and why they differed from kindred peoples in thisrespect. Some of her informan-te told her that they only learned it when they arrivedin this particular locality; before that they were in an adjacent territory, Lubaland,and the Bemba "hoed like the other people" when they were still there.
A more recent example of extensification of agriculture through migration isprovided by seasonal migrants in the east of Nigeria, who travel from areas of highpopulation density in Iboland (e.g. Udoka Court area of the Awka Upland and EzeaguCounty of Udi Plateau) to adjacent areas of lower population density (e.g. Nikelandnorth of Enugu), anything from about 20 to 100 km away (Grossman 1974:205). Accordingto this author, at least one third of the population of northern Iboland is affected bythis form of migration. Most migrants live in camps consisting on average of 30 house-holds. They spend 6 to 9 months in the camps, but retain their permanent home bases,paying periodic home visits whose frequency depends on the distance between farm andvillage. The migrants take out yearly leases with the local land owners (payment some-times in kind in the remoter areas, but usually in cash) which are usually renewed onexpiry. The migrants farm food crops exclusively (especially yams in the first year,followed by cassava in the second, then a bush fallow for 3 to 6 years) and the exclusionof economic trees is almost invariably specified in the tenancy agreements; or else thelandlords permit planting of trees but ineist that ownership reverts to them afterexpiry of the lease.
Another example of migration from areas of higher to lower population densities isthe important migration route into the humid forest zones of West Africa from the sub-humid and sahelian zones to the north. Until recently the southern forest zones wereinhabited mainly by low densities of farmers practising shifting cultivation. Many ofthese forest have been opened up by roads constructed by logging companies in connectionwith the selective harvesting of timber. Rapid changes in land use were observed duringthe 1940s, 1950s and 1960s in Ghana, when much of the forest in the south of the countrywas turned over to the aultivation of cocoa. (For a description of this process fromthe samll-holder's point of view, see Hill 1963). A similar process occurred inneighbouring rvory Coast with both large-scale and smallholder plantations of coffee,cocoa and oil palm. In addition to the local farmers, large numbers of other peoplewere attracted to these areas by the availability of unskilled paid jobs with the timbercompanies and on the state plantations. In accordance with the patterns of labourmigration in West Africa, these labourers mostly came from the north: in the case ofsouthwest Ivory Coast, from the savanna zones just north of the forest (especiallyBaoule people from the region of Bouaké) and from further north, even as far as theSahel (especially Mossi people from Upper Volta).
Such migrations and changes in land use patterns have of course had profoundconsequences on the local farmers. Following the example of large-scale private andstate perennial cash crop plantations in which they provided much of the labour force,many of them have turned to permanent cultivation of perennial cash crops in additionto their subsistence farming. This suggests that the lack of roads and access tomarkets was an important factor in determining the local people's way of life assubsistence farmers; and that as soon as conditions changed and they had access tomarkets, they switched to a way of life which was more profitable to them.
- 20 -
In situations of change, it would therefore be inaccurate to think that farming systems were adapted only in the direction of intensification of agriculture. They usually are, and this is consistent with the prevailing trends towards increasing population density and increasingly difficult aooess to land. But this is by no means always the case: where people move from an area of higher population density to one of lower population density and easier access to land, this may be aocompanied by an extensifioation of agriculture. Boserup (1965:63) gives as an example the European (espeoially German and Italian) colonizers in south Brazil, who desoended in the teohnological scale rather than ascended, when they met with rather different oonditions in the country they came to from the one they left.
Likewise Richards (1939:289) says that it was difficult to find cut how long the Bemba of Zambia had followed their practioe of shifting cultivation, "oitemene" , involving only an axe to cut down branches, and why they differed from kindred peoples i n t his respect. Some of her informants told her that they only learned it when they arrived in this particular locality; before that they were in an adjaoent territory, Lubaland, and the Bemba "hoed like the other people" when they were still there.
A more recent ezample of extensification of agriculture through migration is provided by seasonal migrants in the east of Nigeria, who travel from areas of high population density in Iboland (e.g. Udoka Court area of the Awka Upland and Ezeagu County of Udi Plateau) to adjacent areas of lower population density (e.g. Nikeland north of Enugu), anything from about 20 to 100 km away (Grossman 1974:205). According to this author, at least one third of the population of northern Iboland is affected by this form of migration. Most migrants live in camps conSisting on average of 30 hcuseholds. They spend 6 to 9 months in the camps, but retain their permanent home bases, paying periOdic home visits whose fre~ency depends on the distance between farm and village. The migrants take out yearly leases with the local land owners (payment sometimes in kind in the remoter areas, but usually in cash) which are usually renewed on expiry. The migrants farm food crops exclusively (especially yams in the first year, followed by cassava in the second, then a bush fallow for 3 to 6 years) and the exclusion of economic trees is almost invariably specified in the tenancy agreements; or else the landlords permit planting of trees but insist that Ow nership reverts to them after expiry of the lease.
Another example of migration from areas of higher to lower population deneities is the important migration route into the humid forest zones of West Africa from the subhumid and sahelian zones to the north. Until recently the southern forest zones were inhabited mainly by low densities of farmers practising shifting cultivation. Many of these forest have been opened up by roads oonstructed by logging companies in connection with the selective harvesting of timber. Rapid changes in land use were observed during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s in Ghana, when much of the forest in the south of the country was turned over to the cultivation of cocoa. (For a description of this process from the samll-holder's point of view, see Hill 1963). A s i milar process occurred in neighbouring Ivory Coast with both large-scale and smallholder plantations of coffee, cocoa and oil palm. In addition to the local farmers, large numbers of other people were attracted to these areas by the availability of unskilled paid jobs with the timber companies and on the state plantations. In accordance with the patterns of labour migration in West Africa, these labourers mostly came from the north: in the case of southwest Ivory Coast, from the savanna zones just north of the forest (especially Baoule people from the region of BouakA) and from further north, even as far as the Sahel (especially Mossi people from Upper Volta).
Suoh migrations and changes in land use patterns have of ccurse had profound conse~ences on the local farmers. Following the example of large-scale private and state perennial cash crop plantations in which they provided much of the labour force, many of them have turned to permanent cultivation of perennial cash crops in addition to their subsistence farming. This suggests that the lack of roads and access to markets was an important factor in determining the local people's way of life as subsistenoe farmers; and that as soon as conditions changed and they had access to markets, they switched to a Way of life which was more profitable to them.
- 21 -
The migrant farmers have sometimes been confused with the local farmers and mis-leadingly called shifting cultivators.* In fact, a eubstantital difference in land usepatterns can be observed between the local farmers and the immigrant farmers. Rouw(1979; this work is eummarized in the rvory Coast case study) compared the cultivationpractices of Oubi local farmers and Baoule immigrant farmers in the southwest of IvoryCoast. She found differences in food crops grown: the Baoule grow mainly yams, theOubi mainly hill rice. She found differences in cultivation techniques: the Baoule havea greater use of fire in land preparation than the Oubi; the Baoule, coming fromsavannah areas, are not used to the axe, but cut trees with a machette and prepare yammounds with a hoe; whereas the Oubi use the forest farmer's traditional tool, the axe.But most strikingly, the great majority of the land which is cleared by the Baoule farmersis subsequently planted with coffee or cocoa. They do not use fellows for the regene-ration of soil fertility. They practise permanent, not shifting, cultivation with foodcrops in the early years of plantation establishment. The local farmers, on the otherhand, continue practising shifting cultivation of food crops on some of their land withan average of one to two years' cultivation followed by three to four years fallowperiod; and on other parts of their land they have switched to the permanent cultivationof tree crops with food crops during the first year of plantation establishment.
One consequence of this change in land use from shifting cultivation to perennialcash crops is that the more forest land is cleared for plantations, the less is availablefor agriculture (this also is one of the problems encountered when establishing forestPlantations by the "taungya" system, and caused a lot of farmers to resent the system).The local farmers are likely to suffer most in the long run, since when their land runsout, they have nowhere to go. Whereas the Baoule immigrants firstly ueually retainlinks with family in their area of origin, some of whom will be farming food crops there;secondly, they have moved at least once and will probably find it easier to more againthan the local farmers, many of whom have no experience of other areas. Thus land forfood crop cultivation is becoming scarce in some areas of SW Ivory Coast which haveexperienced a rush of tree crop plantation. To quote the title of a recent publicationon the same subject and the same area (Ruf 1982); "Ma forAt est finie. Oh planterl'igname?". Land scarcity has brought on conflicts between local and immigrant farmers,which are at the root of arson attacks whereby cocoa and coffee plantations aremaliciously burned (Fraternit6 Matin Ivory Coast newspaper article of 18 March 19831p. 10).
3. SHIFTING CULTIVATION AND PLANNED CHANGE
It would be quite wrong to think that shifting cultivation in all its forms was anunsatisfactory form of land use. Okigbo (1981:41) states that bush fallow systems canbe stable, ecologically sound and efficient farming and land use system; and Nye andGreenland (1960) argue that until now we have failed to evolve a superior method ofstaple food cultivation in the tropics. It should be stressed that problems of landscarcity, population pressure, soil degradation and decreasing yields are associatednot so such with shifting cultivation but more with short fallow cultivation in areaswhere shifting cultivation was once practised, but where conditions have changed sothat it is no longer possible to leave a long fallow period, and where the fertilizerand other inputs needed for a more intensive land use are too expensive or not available.
* If the term shifting cultivation has been mistakenly applied to these migrants it isbecause they plant food crops in the early years of plantation establishment. Theterm is inappropriate because food crops are only tolerated as long as they do notrival the perennial agricultural crop species, and the latter is not grown in orderto regenerate soil fertility for food crop production.
- 21 -
The migrant farmers have sometimes been confused with the local farmers and misleadingly called shifting cultivators.* In fact , a substantital difference in land use patterns can be observed between the local farmers and the immigrant farmers. Rouw (1979; this work is summarized in the Ivory Coast case stu~) oompared the cultivation practices of Oubi local farmers and Baoule immigrant farmers in the southwest of Ivory Coast. She found differences in food crops grown: the Baoule grow mainly yams, the Oubi mainly hill rice. She found differences in cultivation techniques: the Baoula have a greater use of fire in land preparation than the Oubi; the Bacule, coming from savannah areas, are not used to the axe, but cut trees with a machette and prepare yam mounds with a hoe; whereas the Oubi use the forest farmer's traditional tool, the axe. But most strikingly, the great majority of the land which is cleared by the Baoule farmers is subsequently planted with coffee or cocoa. They do not use fallows for the regeneration of soil fertility. They practise permanent, not shifting, cultivation with food crops in the early years of plantation establishment. The local farmers, on the other hand, continue practising shifting cultivation of food crops on some of their land with an average of one to two years' cultivation followed by three to four years fallow period; and on other parts of their land they have switched to the permanent cultivation of tree crops with food crops during the first year of plantation establishment.
One consequence of this change in land use from shifting cultivation to perennial cash crops is that the more forest land is cleared for plantations, the less is available for agriculture (this also is one of the problems encoUntered when establishing forest plantations by the "taungya" system, and caused a lot of farmers to resent the system). The local farmers are likely to suffer most in the long run, since when their land runs out, they have nowhere to go. Whereas the Baoule immigrants firstly usually retain links with family in their area of origin, some of whom will be farming food crops there; secondly, they have moved at least once and will probably find it easier to more again than the local farmers, many of whom have no experience of other areas. Thus land for food crop cultivation is becoming scarce in some areas of SW Ivory Coast which have experienced a rush of tree crop plantation. To quote the title of a recent publioation on the eame subject and the same area (Ruf 1982); "I!a forat est finie. Oil. planter l' igname?". Land scarcity has brought on oonflicts between local and immigrant farmers, which are at the root of arson attacks whereby ooooa and coffee plantations are maliCiously burned (Fraterni U l!atin Ivory Coaat newspaper artio1e of 18 l!arch 1983, p. 10).
3. SHIFTING CULTIVATION AND PLANNED CHANGE
It would be quite wrong to think that shifting cultivation in all its forms was an unsatisfactory form of land use. Okigbo (1981:41) states that bush fallow systems can be stable, ecologically sound and efficient farming and land use system; and Nye and Greenland (1960) argue that until now we have failed to evolve a superior method of staple food cultivation in the tropios. It should be stressed that problems of land scarcity, population pressure, soil degradation and decreasing yields are aasociated not so much with shifting cultivation but more with short fallow cultivation in areas where shifting cultivation was once practised, but where conditions have changed eo that it is no longer possible to leave a long fallow period, and where the fertilizer and other inputs needed for a more intensive land use are too expensive or not available.
* If the term shifting cultivation has been mistakenly applied to these migrants it is because they plant food crops in the early years of plantation establishment. The term is inappropriate because food crops are only tolerated as long as they do not rival the perennial agricultural crop species, and the latter is not grown in order to regenerate soil fertility for food orop produotion.
- 22-
Priority planning effort should therefore be addressed to these "crisis" areas ofshort fallow cultivation; not to areas where it is still possible to restore soilfertility and forest vegetation by sufficiently long periods of fallow. One type of
planning effort concerns the improvement of fallow cultivation; the other concerns itsreplacement by other forms of cultivstion. These will be treated in turn. In both
cases the role of treee (forest or agricultural crop) is of utmost importance. This isbecause it is widely recognized that planted trees, in the same way as trees whichgrow naturally in the fallow, can play a crucial role in controlling erosion,suppressing and eliminating herbaceous and woody weeds and in restoring soil fertility
(Grinnell 1975:21). Alternatives to fallow cultivation which have involved completeland clearance including destumping and a change to other forms of agriculture withouttrees, for example annual crops, have often not been successful (see Senegal case study).
3.1 ammetaps to shifting cultivation
3.1.1 Regulating the fallow period: the "couloir" or corridor system
Jurion and Henry (1967) and Tondeur (in FAO 1956) describe the efforts practisedin the then Belgian Congo to regulate shifting cultivation by delimiting strips of landwhich were to be cleared then left fallow according to an overall plan for a particulararea (see Figure 4). These efforts failed for a variety of reasons (see Ruthenberg1980:65). On the technical side, such a regular division of the land meant that it wasimpossible to respect the different needs, in terms of fallow years especially, ofdifferent parts of the land: in other words, some patches of land would be ready forrecultivation before the appropriate time in the cycle. On the socio-economic side,these efforts lacked farmer cooperation. On the contrary, many farmers were forcedto come to the new villages (called "paysannats") associated with this scheme. Sincethe farmers were obliged to grow a certain amount of cash crops like oil-palm, theysaw these changes more as a method of social control, tax collection and cash cropextraction, than as a method of improving their agricultural techniques (Baya-Vuma, 1983).
3.1.2 Planting trees and_grasses in the fallow in order to rezeneratesoil fertility in a shorter eriod of time
The practice of substituting artificially established woody legumes for naturalbush fallow vegetation is an old idea of proven value for edible varieties of pigeonpea, but the potential of the technique for other woody legumes which yield firewoodand other by-products, while at the same time contributing to the restoration of soilfertility, has yet to be explored (Raintree 1981:115).
Let us mention in passing one example, from the Tbo heartland (Awgu and NsukkaDivisions) of farmers who, according to Grossman (1974:206), plant "Acioa barterin 1/a coppicing shrub but not a legume, in order to shorten the fallow period. Nevertheless
the point is taken that there are many more trees and shrubs which, if planted in thefallow, could help to increase the speed at which sufficient soil fertility is re-established in order to plant the next agricultural crop.
Acioa barteri is a fast-growing, shrub oapable of growing in dense stands, evergreen,_useful for green firebreaks, yam sticks, tomato stakes and possibly fuelwood. It is
sometimes planted, and is found from Sierra Leone to Nigeria, also in Zaire(R. Levingston, 1983).
- 22 -
Priority planning effort should therefore be addressed to these "orisis" areas of short fallow cultivation; not to areas where it is still possible to restore soil fertility and forest vegetation by sufficiently long periods of fallow. One type of planning effort concerns the improvement of fallow cultivation; the other concerns its replaoement by other forms of oultivation. These will be treated in turn. In both osses the role of trees (forest or agricultural orop) is of utmost importanoe. This is because it is widely reoognized that planted trees, in the same way as trees whioh grow naturally in the fallow, can play a orucial role in oontrolling erosion, suppressing and eliminating herbaoeous and woody weeds and in restoring soil fertility (Grinnell 1975:21). Alternatives to fallow cultivation whioh have involved complete land olearance inoluding de stumping and a ohange to other forms of agriculture without trees, for example annual orops, have often not been suooessful (see Senegal case study).
3.1 Improvements to shifting cultivation
3.1.1 Rernlating the fallow period: the "oouloir" or oorridor Sllstem
Jurion and Hanry (1967) and Tondeur (in FAO 1956) desoribe the efforts practised in the then Belgian Congo to regulate shifting oultivation by delimiting strips of land whioh were to be oleared then left fallow aooording to an overall plan for a particular area (see Figure 4). These efforts failed for a variety of reasons (see Ruthenberg 1980:65). On the teohnical side, such a regular division of the land meant that it was impossible to respect the different needs, in terms of fallow years espeoially, of different parts of the land: in other words, some patches of land would be ready for recultivation before the appropriate time i n the cyole. On the sooio-eoonomio side, these efforts laoked farmer oooperation. On the oontrary, many farmers were forced to come to the new villeges (called "paysannats") associated with this scheme. Since the farmers were obliged to grow a oertain amount of cash crops like oil-palm, they saw these changes more as a method of social control, tax collection and cash orop extraction, than as a method of improving their agricultural teohniques (Baya.-Vuroa, 1983).
3.1.2 Planting trees and grasses in the fallow in order to regenerate soil fertility in a shorter period of time
The practice of substituting artifioially established woody legumes for natural bush fallow vegetation is an old idea of proven value for edible varieties of pigeon pea, but the potential of the teohnique for other woody legumes which yield firewood and other by-produot~ while at the same time oontributing to the restorat i on of soil fertility, has yet to be explored (Raintree 1981:115). ,
Let us .. ""tion in passing one example, from the Ibo heartllllld (Awgu Illld Nsukka Divisions) of farmers who, aocording to Grossman (1974:206), plant '~barteri" 2/ a ooppicing shrub but not a legume, in order to shorten the fallow period. Nsvertheless the pOint is taken that there are many more trees and shrubs which, if plllllted in the fallow, could help to inorease the speed at whioh suffioient soil fertility is reestablished in order to plllllt the next agricultural orop.
1/ Acioa barteri is a fast-grOwing, shrub capable of grOwing in dense stands, evergreen, - iiB8f'ii"1 for green firebreaks, yam stiCks, tomato stakes and possibly fuelwood. It is
sometimes planted, and is found from Sierra Leone to Nigeria, also in Zaire (R. Levingston, 1983).
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- 23 -
Figure 4: The "oouloir" or oorridor s:ystem of regulating aultivation and fallow periods
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forest regrowth cropping olearing year road
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-8
- 24 -
Raintree also lists the desirable characteristics of species for planting infallows, followed by the apecies which appear to conform most closely to at least someof these characteristics:
Characteristica of ideal species
High N-fixation capacityFast growingCapable of restoring soil fertility and suppressing weeds in a shortertime than natural bush fallowAble to provide good erosion controlEasy to establish rapidly and economicallyEasy to harvestBy-product yields provide significant additional economic incentive(e.g. food, forage, firewood, fibre, building materials, staking, etc.)Special adaptive characteristics (e.g. promiscuous nodulation;tolerance of drought, acid soils, high altitudes, cultural acceptability,history of previous local use, etc.).
Some promising woody legume speciea/genera for trial and evaluation
Habit
Acacia auriouliformis treeAlbizia falcataria treeCajanus cajan shrubCalliandra callothyraus small treeCassia spp. treeCrotolaria ,juncea shrubDesmanthus spp. shrub
Desmodium spp. shrubEnterolobium cyclocarpum treeLeucaena leucocephala shrub/treeMimosa scabrella treeSesbania Arandiflora treeTephrosia candida shrub
(Source: Raintree 1980:115).
Although a number of projects and field trials are being carried out in severalcountries, there is as yet little information on the implementation of planting infallows, and the acceptance of the principle by farmers.
In Madagascar, the project "Restauration et mise en valeur des 'savoka'" (seeAppendix and Madagascar case study), concerns in principle the rehabilitation of thevegetation, called 'savoka' which grows during the fallow period after the cultivationof hill rice and other associated crops (maize, beans). The planting of "Gravillea"in "savoka" was tested with the trees growing in the fallow for three years, then beingcut for fuelwood when the "savoka" was cleared for rice cultivation. Better yieldsof rice were obtained than on similar lands left fallow for three years without"Grevillea". (Bé, 1983).
In Benin, a government programme has encauraged small farmers to plant Acaciaauriculiformis in their fallow land in order to enrich the soil with nitrogen and humusand at the same time produce fuelwood quickly (see Appendix). By 1982 some 200 000saplings had been produced for distribution by local organizations. However, they havenot all been planted, because the farmers have not yet appreciated the soil-enrichingproperties of the tree (the programme only started in 1980), and they prefer to plantTectona (teak) and Zucalyptus because their atems are straighter for poles and alsothe leaves of the latter are appreciated for their medicinal qualities.
r
- 24-
Raintree also lists the desirable charaoteristics of speoies for planting in fallows, followed by the speoies whioh appear to oonform most olosely to at least some of these oharaoteristics:
Charaoteristioa of ideal species
1. 2. 3.
8.
High N-fixation oapaoity Fast growing Capable of restoring soil fertility and suppressing weeds in a shorter time than natural bush fallow Able to provide good erosion control Easy to establish rapidly and economically Easy to harvest By-product yields provide significant additional economio inoentive (e.g. food, forage, firewood, fibre, building materials, staking, eto.) Special adaptive oharaoteristios (e.g. promiscuous nodulation; toleranoe of drought, acid 80ils, high altitudee, cultural aoceptability, history of previous looal use, eto.).
Some promising woody legume 8pec~eBlgenera for trial and evaluation
Acaoia auriculiformis Albizia falcataria Cajanus cajan Calliandra callotgyrsus Cassia spp. Crotolaria juncea Desmanthus spp. Desmodium spp. Enterolobium cyolooarpum Leucaena leucooephala Mimosa scabrella Sesbania grandiflora Tephrosia oandida
(Souroe: Raintree 1980:115).
!!!ll.ll tree tree shrub small tree tree shrub shrub shrub tree
shrub/tree tree tree shrub
Although a number of projeots and field trials are being oarried out in several oountries, there is as yet little information on the implementation of planting in fallows, and the aooeptanoe of the prinoiple b,y farmers.
In Madagascar, the project "Restauration et mise en valeur des 'savoka'" (see Appendix and Madagascar case studJ'), ooncerns in prinoiple the rehabilitation of the vegetation, oalled 'savoka' whioh grows during the fallow period after the cultivation of hill rioe and other assooiated crops (maize, beans). The planting of "Grevillea" in "savoka" was tested with the trells growing in the fallow for three years, then being cut for fuelwood when the "savoka" was oleared for rioe cultivation. Better yields of rioe were obtained than on similar lands left fallow for three years without "Grevillea". (BA, 1983).
In Benin, a government Programme has enoouraged small farmers to plant Acaoia auriouliformis in their fallow land in order to enrioh the soil with nitrogen and humus and at the same time produoe fuelwood quiokly (see Appendix). By 1982 some 200 000 saplings had been produced for distribution by local organizations. However, they have not all been planted, because the farmers have not yet appreoiated the soil-enriohing properties of the tree (the programme only started in 1980), and they prefer to plant Teotopa (teak) and EUcalyptus beoause their stems are straighter for poles and also the ' leaves of the latter are appreoiated for their medioinal qualities.
25
A major problem with this scheme is that the length of the fallow period isgradually being reduced and it is now three years, sometimes even two years. The landshortage is acute, and the population density increasing rapidly, so the trend ofshortening fellows is continuing. Three year old Acacia can still produce about 7 m3of fuelwood per ha per year, but if cut before that time, the full advantages of plantingAcacia, in particular those related to regeneration of soil fertility, would not be felt.On the other hand, it is impossible to persuade the farmers to leave the land fallow forlonger since they need it to plant food crops for their own subsistence needs.
The longterm aim of the project is that the farmers should transfer from a distri-bution of fallow between fields (fallow years follow cultivation years) to a distributionof fallow within each field (some parts of the land are in fallow while others are beingcultivated): Acacia would be planted in rows, with food crops between them and a rotationorganized whereby crops would be grown on soil enriched by the Acacia. However, the lackof opportunities for marketing surplus produce is a major disincentive to the intensi-fication of agriculture in this area (Tran Van Nao, 1983). Such agroforestry techniqueswill be discussed fully in a later section.
3.1.3 Making better use of cleared vegetation:The Subri Conversion Technique
The assumption as we have seen, partly misleading that burning vegetation iswasteful is at the basis of a number of attempts at improving shifting cultivation byreplacing fire with other techniques of clearing. One such attempt has been namedthe "Subri Conversion Technique", after the Subri Forest Reserve in Ghana where it wasdeveloped (see Appendix and Ghana case study). It is a technique for clearing forestwithout burning and with the maximum use of the cut vegetation: most of it is to beextracted as sawn lumber, some as charcoal, some as fuelwood, and some for small localindustries like carving and basket weaving; and the remainder, the small branches andleaves, are to be used as green mulch for the agricultural crop.
Although field trials have already been carried out within the forest reserve andresults made known (see Earl 1982), no effort has yet been made to introduce thetechnique to farmers outside the reserve. Those farmers employed as labourers withinthe reserve, however, will have had an opportunity of observing the new practices. Thefield trials indicate that income from the Subri Conversion Technique exceeds expendi-ture by about US$ 831 per ha before taking into account food production and the benefitsderived by private entrepreneurs. Table 4 indicates the product and its value on siteper ha, and gives details of arrangements made with charcoal entrepreneurs.
Table 4: Subri Conversion TechniqueOutput and value of product on site for 1 ha ofa 100 ha programme
;/ 15.3 m3 at 38%2 Entrepreneurs pay 4f (40% of product) to the project.The remaining 6t (60%) is marketed by themselves andrepresents an additional benefit to the economy.
Source: Earl 1982:23.
Product AmountUnit Value Total ValueUS$/mi US$
1Sawn lumber 5.8 m3 655 3799.00
E/Charcoal 4.0 m3 600 2400.00
Fuelwood 50 m3 (piled) 17 850.00
Grand Total 7049.00
- 25 -
A major problem with this scheme is that the length of the fallow period is gradually being reduced and it is now three years, sometimes even two years. The land shortage is acute, and the population dsnsity increasing rapidly, so the trend of shortening fallows is continuing. Three year old Acacia can still produce about 7 m3 of fuel wood per ha per year, but if cut before that tim~, the full advantages of planting Acacia, in particular those related to regeneration of soil fertility, would not be felt. On the other hand, it is impossible to persuade the farmers to leave the land fallow for longer since they need it to plant food crops for their own subsistence needs.
The long-term aim of the project is that the farmers should transfer from a distri- _ bution of fallow between fields (fallow years follow cultivation years) to a distribution of fallow within each field (some parts of the land are in fallow while others are being cultivated): Aoacia would be planted in rows, with food crops between them and a rotation organized whereby crops would be grown on soil enriohed by the Acacia. However, the lack of opportunities for marketing surplus produce is a major disincentive to the intensification of agriculture in this area (Tran Van Nao, 1983). SUoh agroforestry techniques will be discussed fully in a later section.
3.1.3 Making better use of cleared v82etation: The SUbri Conversion Technique
The assumption - as we have seen, partly misleading - that burning vegetation is wasteful is at the basis of a number of attempts at improving shifting cultivation by replacing fire with other techniques of clearing. One such attempt has been named the "SUbri Conversion Technique", after the SUbri Forest Reserve in Ghana where i t was developed (see Appendix and Ghana case study). It is a technique for clearing forest without burning and with the maximum use of the cut vegetation: most of it is to be extracted ae sawn lumber, some ae charcoal, some as fuelwood, and some for small local industries like carving and basket weaving; and the remainder, the small branches and leaves, are to be used as green mulch for the agrioultural crop.
Although field triale have already been carried out within the forest reserve and results made known (see Earl 1982), no effort has yet been made to introduce the technique to farmers outside the reserve. Those farmers employed as labourers within the reserve, however, will have had an opportunity of observing the new practices. The field trials indicate that income from the Subri Conversion Technique exceeds expenditure by about US! 831 per ha before taking into account food production and the benefits derived by private entrepreneurs. Table 4 indicates the product and its value on site per ha, and gives details of arrangements made with charcoal entrepreneurs.
Table 4: Subri Conversion Technique Output and value of produot on site for 1 ha of a 100- ha programme
Product Amount Unit 7alue US$ ~
Sawn lumber Y 5.8 rrf; 655 Charcoal Y 4.0 m3 600
FUelwood 50 m3 (piled) -17
Grand Total
~ 15.3 m3 at 38% SI Entrepreneurs pay 4t (40% of product) to the project. The remaining 6t (60%) is marketed by themselves and r?presents an additional benefit to tbe econo~.
Source: Earl 1982:23.
~ojjA~ Y.I~llf2 US!
3799.00
2400.00
850.00
7049.00
- 26 -
On the other hand, the direct costs of the Technique are about 2.9 times those ofthe ordinary cut-and-burn technique and require about 37 per cent more labour (Earl1982:23). These last two facts probably mean that to the small farmer with limitedcapital and limited labour resources, the new technique is not a feasible proposition.Moreover, the trials comparing the Subri Conversion Technique with the cut-and-burntechnique have taken into account forest tree production, but not agricultural cropproduction (see Table 4 above), which is, of course, what the farmers are primarilyinterested in.
Finally, since the land has been used very differently inside and outside theSubri Reserve, the vegetation to be cleared is also rather different. Therefore, resultsof trials in high forest areas inside the reserve may not be applicable outside thereserve, where there is no high forest left, and where vegetation is being cut afteronly a few years' growth. For all these reasons, one may expect farmers to have acautious outlook in relation to ahy technique of clearing without burning, unless ofcourse the farmers themselves are to make significant profits, for example from increa-sed sale of charcoal, timber or food crops.
3.2 Alternatives to shifting cultivation
3.2.1 Cultivation of food crops in the early years of a Forestry Department,plantation: "individual taungya"
Taungya is a word of Burmese origin (taung . hill, ya = cultivation, see King1968:6) designating a system of large-scale forest plantation establishment used byForestry Departments, in which food crops are interplanted between trees in the earlyyears of plantation establishment. Two broad types of 'taungya' are distinguished,according to the farmer's role:
"individual taungya" or "own your own crop" (Olawoye 1975:229) (also known as"traditional taungya" or "private taungya"), where the farmer plants treesin return for use of the land for a limited period of time;
"departmental taungya" or "farming for pay" (also known as "direct taungya")in which the farmer carries out jobs for the forestry department, relatedto plantation establishment and agricultural crop production, in returnfor a wage.
None of the documente seen makes any reference to the fact that farmers may bepractising "individual taungya" as an alternative to, or alongside, shifting cultiva-tion. However, examples of "individual taungya" exist in humid areas of West Africawhere shifting cultivation has been and still is practised today by farmers on someof their fields. In such cases, taungya appears to be, if not an alternative toshifting cultivation, at least a parallel additional system.
There are many accounts of profitability of taungya from the point of view ofForestry Departments which practise it to this day in order to establish plantations atlow coat (see, for example, the cost/benefit analysis of taungya proposals for SierraLeone in FAO/World Bank, 1982). There are, on the other hand, relatively few accountsof how profitable or acceptable taungya is from the farmer's point of view.
Under a system of "individual taungya", farmers are given access to plots of landin which they must plant trees which are the property of the Forestry Department. In
return they may cultivate the spaces between the trees with food crops, the produce ofwhich is their own. Depending on the crops and trees grown, and the Forestry Depart-ment regulations, the farmer mar cultivate the land with certain prescribed crops forbetween one and three years, after which time the trees will have grown enough to shadeout any food crops. At this point the farmer has no choice but to move to another area.If the Forestry Department is continuing to plant trees in the same way at this time,and if the Department is pleased with the way the farmer has looked after the saplings,then he may be offered another plot for use. If not, he will have to search for landelsewhere.
-- 26 -
On the other hand, the direct costs of the Teohnique are about 2.9 times those of the ordinary cut-and-burn technique and require about 37 per cent more labour (Earl 1982:23). These last two faots probably mean that to the small farmer with limited capital and limited labour resouroes, the new technique is not a feasible proposition. Moreover, the trials comparing the Subri Conversion Technique with the cut-and-burn technique have taken into account forest tree production, but not agricultural crop production (see Table 4 above), which is, of course, what the farmers are primarily interested in.
Finally, since the land has been used very differently inside and outside the Subri Reserve, the vegetation to be cleared is also rather different. Therefore, results of trials in high forest areas inside the reserve ~ not be applicable outside the reserve, where there is no high forest left, and where vegetation is being cut after only a few years' growth. For all these reasons, one may expect farmers to have a cautious outlook in relation to any technique of clearing without burning, unless of course the farmers themselves are to make significant profits, for example from increased sale of charcoal, timber or food crops.
3.2 Alternatives to shifting cultivation
3.2.1 Cultivation of food crops in the early years of a Forestry Department plantation; "individual taungya"
Taungya is a word of Burmese origin (taung ~ hill, ya ~ cultivation, see King 1968:6) designating a system of large-scale forest plantation establishment used by Forestry Departments, in which food crops are interplanted between trees in the early years of plantation establishment. Two broad types of 'taungya' are distinguished, according to the farmer's role:
a) "individual taungya" or "own your own crop" (Olawoye 1975:229) (also known as "traditional taungya" or "private taungya") , where the farmer plants trees in return for use of the land for a limited period of time;
b) "departmental taungya" or "farming for pay" (also known as "direct taungya") in which the farmer carries out jobs for the forestry department, related to plantation establishment and agricultural crop production, in return for a wage.
None of the documents seen makes any reference to the fact that farmers may be practising "individual taungya" as an alternative to , or alongside, shifting cultivation. However, examples of "individual taungya" exist in humid areas of West Afrioa where shifting cultivation has been and still is practised today by farmers on some of their fields. In such cases, taungya appears to be, if not an alternative to shifting cultivation, at least a parallel additional system.
There are many accounts of profitability of taungya from the point of view of Forestry Departments which practise it to this day in order to establish plantations at low cost (see, for example, the cost/benefit analysis of taungya proposals for Sierra Leone in FAO/World Bank, 1982). There are, on the other hand, relatively few accounts of how profitable or acceptable taungya is from the farmer's pOint of view.
Under a system of "individual tBlll1gy8.", farmers are given access to plots of land in which the,r must plant trees which are the property of the Forestry Department. In return they may cultivate the spaces between the trees with food crops, the produce of which is their own. Depending on the crops and trees grown, and the Forestry Department regulations, the farmer ~ cultivate the land with certain prescribed crops for between one and three years, after which time the trees will have grown enough to shade out any food crops. At this point the farmer has no choice but to move to another area. If the Forestry Department is continuing to plant trees in the same way at this time, and .if the Department is pleased with the way the farmer has looked after the saplings, then he may be offered another plot for use. If not, he will have to search for land elsewhere.
27
As an alternative to shifting cultivation, this is likely to represent a move fromgreater security of land tenure to lesser security for those farmers accustomed tocultivation outside forest reserves where they have permanent customary rights in land.Under "taungya" the land most definitely belongs to the State since it is part of theforest reserve. The farmer who is allooated one plot after the other by the ForestryDepartment can have a certain illusion of security of land tenure; however, in practice,departments do not continue their reforestation programmes year after year, and therealways comes a time when no more land is available for "taungya". Also, there may notbe enough land in forest reserve for everyone who would like access to it, so somefarmers have to do without.
Since the farmer has no long-term rights to this permanent forest estate, theremust be short-term incentives. One of these is access to cultivable land where suchland is scarce. Indeed, it has been pointed out that the successful working of"taungya" is associated with a shortage of land suitable for agriculture (see King1968:57). Ball and Umeh (1981:12) refine this by saying that the desire to farm onforest land is not necessarily caused merely by a shortage of agricultural land but bya shortage of fertile agricultural land - the forest land being seen as particularlyfertile. Indeed Ball and Umeh state that "taungya" has not suoceeded where there isavailable fertile agricultural land. The other short-term interest is, of course, theone to three years' agricultural crop. But since the crop under the "taungya" systemis much reduced in relation to the area cleared, on account of the space and labourspent on the sapplings, it is clear that the farmer would only choose this system if hecould not otherwise get access to similar land.
Because of these factors, it is understandable that the Forestry Departments havehad problems in their attempts to smoothly administer the "taungya" system of reforest-ation. In Togo, new "taungya" regulations introduced in 1958 (see Appendix) forgrouping plots rather than allowing them to be dispersed as previously, triggered offa wave of protests against the "taungya" system, in particular the restriction on whichcrops to grow, and against the very principle of setting aside forest reserves: farmersresented the fact that they were being deprived of forest land to which they felt theyhad inalienable customary rights. There resulted a 'massive and uncontrollableinvasion of the forests by the traditional custodians, who went as far as plantingforbidden crops - oil palms, coffee, cocoa, etc.' (Nadjombe 1982:71). In the early daysof independence, therefore, the "taungya" system was suspended.
In 1972 "taungya" was reintroduced in Togo with FAO assistance (see Appendix),but this time with added incentives in the form of bonuses in cash and in kind. However,two problems were faced: first, the farmers objected to the fact that it was notpossible to carry out crop rotations; and second, the plantations were far from humansettlements. Since there was no shortage of grasslands around the forest reserves andnearer the settlements, the plantations were gradually deserted in favour of the lessfertile agricultural land. Once more the "taungya" system was disbanded. The next
experiment in Togo was in "departmental taungya" (see below).
In Nigeria, three types of bonuses were being considered in 1981 in order to make"taungya" more attractive to farmers: subsidized food (obtained from "departmentaltaungya"); assistance with land clearing, crop processing and crop storage; and cashbonuses for successfully planted trees (Ball and Umeh 1981:9, 12). However, it remainsdoubtful to what extent even such bonuses can remedy the situation.
In Ghana, "individual taungya" was introduced in 1928, in order to satisfy thefarmers' demand for cultivable land in areas of land shortage, and the foresters' demandfor establishing a tree crop at reduced cost: the farmer bore the cost of the majoritem of expenditure in plantation management: site clearing. According to Brookman-
Amissah (1978:4), "it cannot be said that success was commensurate with effort", since,as in Togo, the early plots were small, scattered, not too easily accessible, and didnot constitute manageable plantation units. Moreover, tending of the tree crop wasinadequate, especially after the farmer had left the site.
______ --- - .,..-r ----- .........,.
- 21 -
As an alternative to shifting cultivation, this is likely to represent a move from greater security of land tenure to lesser security for those farmers accustomed to cultivation outside forest reserves where they have permanent customary rights in land. Under "taungya" the land most definitely belongs to the State since it is part of the forest reserve. The farmer who is allooated one plot after the other by the Forestry Department can have a certain illusion of security of land tenure; however, in practice, departments do not continue their reforestation programmes year after year, and there always comes a time when no more land is available for tltaungya". Also, there may not be enough land in forest reserve for everyone who would like access to it, so Borne farmers have to do without.
Since the farmer has no long-term rights to this permanent forest estate, there must be short-term incentives. One of these is acoess to cultivable land where such land is scarce. Indeed, it has been pOinted out that the successful working of "taungya" is associated with a shortage of land sui table for agriculture (see King 1968:51). Ball and Umeh (1981:12) refine this by saying that the desire to farm on forest land is not necessarily caused merely by a shortage of agricultural land but by a shortage of fertile agricultural land - the forest land being seen as particularly fertile. Indeed Ball and Umeh state that "taungya" has not succeeded where there is available fertile agricultural land. The other short-term interest is, of course, the one to three years' agricultural crop. But since the crop under the "taungya" system is much reduced in relation to the area oleared, on account of the space and labour spent on the sapplings, it is clear that the farmer would only choose this system if he could not otherwise get access to similar land.
Because of these factors, it is understandable that the Forestry Departments have had problems in their attempts to smoothly administer the "taungya" system of reforestation. In Toge, new "taungya" regulations introduced in 1958 (see Appendix) for grouping plots rather than allowing them to be dispersed as previously, triggered off a wave of protests against the "taungya" system, in particular the restriction on which crops to grow, and against the very principle of setting aside forest reserves: farmers ressnted the fact that they were being deprived of forest land to which they felt they had inalienable customary rights. There resulted a 'massive and uncontrollable invasion of the forests b,y the traditional custodians, who went as far as planting forbidden crops - oil palms, coffee, cocoa, etc.' (Nadjombe 1982:11). In the early days of independence, therefore, the "taung;yatl system was suspended.
In 1912 "taungya" was reintroduoed in Togo with FAO assistance (see Appendix), but this time with added inoentives in the form of bonuses in cash and in kind. However, two problems were faced: first, the farmers objected to the fact that it was not possible to carry out crop rotations; and second, the plantations were far from human settlements. Since there was no shortage of grasslands around the forest reserves and nearer the settlements, the plantations were gradually deserted in favour of the less fertile agricultural land. Once more the "taungya" system was disbanded. The next experiment in Togo was in "departmental taungya" (see below).
In Nigeria, three types of bonuses were being considered in 1981 in order to make "taungya" more attractive to farmers: subsidized food (obtained from "departmental taungya"); assistance wi th land clearing, crop prooessing and orop storage; and cash bonuses for successfully planted trees (Ball and Umeh 1981:9, 12). However, it remains doubtful to what extent even such bonuses can remedy the situation.
In Ghana, "individual taungya" was introduced in 1928, in order to satisfy the farmers' demand for cultivable land in areas of land shortage, and the foresters' demand for establi shing a tree crop at reduced oost: the farmer bore the cost of the major item of expenditure in plantation management. site clearing. According to BrookmanAmissah (1918:4), "it cannot be sai d that success was cOlllDensurate with effort", since, as in Togo, the early plots were small, scattered, not too easily accessible, and did not oonstitute manageable plantation units. Moreover, tending of the tree crop was inadequate, especially after the farmer had left the site.
- 28 -
In 1968 the afforestation effort in Ghana was intensified (see Appendix), whichmeant a sudden increase in the amount of land which was available to the "taungya"farmer, "perhaps more than he really needed for his subsistence agriculture or couldcope wit'a. Since genuine land hunger is seen by many as one of the prerequisites fora successful "taungya" system, it is easy to visualize the forester's difficulty to getfrom the farmer his best performance. One may therefore say that from that day theforester, in these large afforestation areas, ceased to be the benefactor who dished outportions of his forest estate to the land hungry farmer and became very dependent onthe farmer's goodwill for the establishment of his tree crop at low cost." (Brookman-Amissah 1978:4).
The sudden increase in land available for "taungya" created a eituation in whichsome entrepreneurs found the large tracts suitable for commercial farming (ibid p. 6):"taungya" was being used by big farmers, and amall farmers were being overlooked. Inorder to manage a situation which was getting out of control, in particular "to obviatethe problems posed by over-abundance of land to the farmers", the Forestry Departmentintroduced a system of "departmental taungya" in 1969.
In Liberia an alternative way of controlling the amount of land available to each"taungya" farmer was introduced by the Forestry Development Authority (DA) in 1974(see Appendix): land preparation up to, and including, the phase of burning is carriedout by the FDA, and then farmers come in and plant one rice crop at a nominal fee ofUS$ 20 per acre. "The fee is charged to control the acreage given to each householdand to help retain part of the cost for land preparation" (Appleton 1982:8). Thissystem can be seen as part of the way between "individual" and "departmental" "taungya",but has been classed with the former since the farmer retains the use of the agriculturalcrop. Only 1,400 acres, capable of accommodating 400 households, are reafforestedannually. The main benefits are reported as "reduction in the cost of reafforestationas farmers perform the initial task of tending the plantations. Increase in theproduction of upland rice through increase in cultivated acreage and improved seeds".(Appleton 1982:9). From the farmer's point of view, this system looks more like ayearly tenancy.
In Sierra Leone there are two variants on "individual tattlgya" (one, unfortuna-tely, only at the stage of a proposal, and the other at an early stage of implementation)which have particular implications for the farmer. The first (Appendix Sierra Leone 2)is similar to the Liberian example just cited in that farmers would pay an annual rentfor access to the land (though it is not clear whether farmers would be helped inclearing the land). The difference with any other "taungya" systems considered here isthat the agricultural crops are not annuals, but perennials such as coffee, cocoa andcola, as understoreys in Terminalia ivorensis and Terminalia superba plantations.Providing that the arrangement could be renewed, this system would provide the farmerswith a tenancy arrangement for at least twenty years, or as long as the life of theparticular crop. This would provide a great deal more security of tenure than the oneor two years "squatting" arrangement under "taungya" with annual food crops.
It was introduced in response to a situation where it became increasingly diffi-cult for government to obtain additional land for forest plantations or even to retainthe existing forest estate, because of a growing feeling in the country that landownerswho had given up land for forest reserves and protected forests generally did notreceive adequate or immediate compensation (Koroma 1982:69). The government has thusbeen encouraged to consider the farmers' desire for increased land security.
The second variant on "individual taungya" (Appendix Sierra Leone 3) is a proposalfor community fuelwood plantations and community forestry plantations, to be establishedby farmers under the "taungya" system. Farmers, however, would benefit not only fromthe food crops planted in the early years of establishment, but also from the foresttrees: it is clearly stated that "There should be no equivocation at any time as to whichparty would benefit from the sale of fuelwood or poles arising out of a farmer's opera-tions under the "taungya" system. In this connection, the mission would expect the
- 28 -
In 1968 the afforestation effort in Ghana was intensified (see Appendix), which meant a sudden increase in the BIlount of land which was available to the "taungya" farmer, "perhaps more than he really needed for his subsistence agriculture or could cope wit :, . Since genuine land hunger is seen by many as one of the prerequisites for a successful "taungya" system, it is easy to visualize the forester's difficulty to get from the farmer his best performance. One ~ therefore say that from that day the forester, in these large afforestation areas, ceased to be the benefaotor who dished out portions of his forest estate to the land hungry farmer and became very dependent on the farmer's goodwill for the establishment of his tree crop at low cost." (BrookmanAmissah 1978:4).
The sudden increase in land available for "taungya" oreated a situation in which eome entrepreneurs found the large tracts suitable for commercial farming (ibid p. 6): "taungya" was being used by big farmers, and BDlall farmers were being overlooked. In order to manage a situation which was getting out of control, in particular "to obviate the problems posed by over-abundance of land to the farmers", the Forestry Department introduced a system of "departmental taungya" in 1969 .
In Liberia an alternative way of oontrolling t he amount of land available to eaoh "taungya" farmer was introduced by the Forestry Development Authority (FDA) in 1974 (see Appendix): land preparation up to, and including, the phase of burning is carried out by the FDA, and then farmers COme in and plant one rice crop at a nominal fee of US$ 20 per acre. "The fee is charged to oontrol the acre~e given to each household and to help retain part of the cost for land preparation" (Appleton 1982:8). This system can be seen as part of the way between "individual" and "departmental" "taungya", but has been classed with the former since the farmer retains the use of the agricultural crop. Only 1,400 acres, capable of aocommodating 400 households, are reafforested annually. The main benefits are reported as "reduction in the cost of reafforestation as farmers perform the initial task of tending the plantations. Increase in the production of upland rice through increase in cultivated acreage and improved seeds". (Appleton 1982:9). From the farmer's point of view, this system looks more like a yearly tenancy.
In Sierra Leone there are two variants on "individual tamgya" (one, unfortunately, only at the stage of a proposal, and the other at an early stage of implementation) which have particular implications for the farmer. The first (Appendix Sierra Leone 2) is similar to the Liberian example just cited in that farmers would ~ an annual rent for access to the land (though it is not clear whether farmers would be helped in clearing the land). The difference with any other "taungya" systems considered here is that the agricultural crops are not annuals, but perennials euch as coffee, oocoa and cola, as understoreys in Terminalis ivorensis and Terminalia Buperba plantations. Providing that the arrangement could be renewed, this system would provide the farmers with a tenancy arrangement for at least twenty years, or as long as the life of the particular crop. This would provide a great deal more eecurity of tenure than the one or two years "squatting" arrangement under "taungya tl with annual food orops.
It was introduced in response to a situation where it became increasingly difficult for government to obtain additional land for forest plantations or even to retain the existing forest estate, because of a growing feeling in the country that landowners who had given up land for forest reserves and protected forests generally did not receive adequate or immediate compensation (Koroma 1982:69). The government has tbus been encouraged to consider the farmers' desire for increased land security.
The second variant on "individual taungya" (Appendix Sierra Leone 3) is a proposal for community fuelwood plantations and oommunity forestry plantations, to be established by farmers under the "taungya" system. Farmers, however, would benefit not only from the food crops planted in the early years of establishment, but also from the forest trees: it is clearly stated that "There should be no equivocation at any time as to which party would benefit from the sale of fUelwood or poles ariSing out of a farmer's operations under the "taungya" system. In this connection, the mission would expect the
- 29 -
farmers to be allowed to keep the proceeds of any harvesting of such material that heundertakes, subject perhaps to payment of a small license fee." (FAO/World Bank 1982Ann. 1, p. 19).
It is precisely because the farmer is to profit from the forest trees that theproject is called "community forestry"; and it is for the same reason that the word"taungya" 1.8 inappropriate, since a characteristic of "taungya" systems is that thefarmers do not profit from the forest trees. Here, the term agroforestry would bemore appropriate: the farmer himself is combining the production of agricultural cropsand forest trees, both to be managed by him for his own profit. In this way the farmeris highly motivated to care for both crops, not just the agricultural crops as under"individual taungya", or neither, as under the system of "departmental taungya".
3.2.2 Paid Labour: "dtpartmental taunaa"
"Departmental taungya" is distinguished from "individual taungya" by the fact thatproduce from the agricultural crop planted in the early years of plantation establish-ment belongs to the Forestry Department, which rewards the agricultural worker with awage. From the worker's point of view, therefore, "departmental taungya" is similar toother types of agricultural paid labour and radically different from "individualtaungya": under the latter system, the farmer depends on his food crop for subsistenceand is therefore highly motivated to take care in growing it, whereas under the formersystem, the paid labourer is only motivated to the extent that he will continue toreceive his wage at the end of his work. It is therefore not surprising that ForestryDepartmentscomplain of 'lack of discipline' among their "taungya" labourers and thatadministrative costs are high. In Togo, the cost to the State of the food crop produc-tion under Forestry Department supervision 'exceeds acceptable limits' (Nadjombe 1982:7).
If and when the system of "departmental taungya" runs smoothly without excessiveadministration problems, it can be a cheaper way of establishing a plantation than"individual taungya". And this despite the fact that the Department has to pay for thefarmer's labour - the main cost of the operation - whereas under the previous systemthe farmer himself bore most of the production costs like clearing, planting and weedingthe saplings. Ball and Umeh (1981:8) calculated the economic rate of return in theestablishment of teak and Gmelina arborea plantations in Nigeria under three differentsystems in 1975 and in 1980. "Departmental taungya" showed the highest returns for bothspecies and at both dates, followed by "individual taungya", then by direct planting.
But the same authors state that the area under "departmental taungya" in Nigeriahas declined considerably between 1975 and 1980 (see Appendix), and this partly becauseof administrative reasons, not only at the local level, but also higher up: forexample the system was stopped completely in Ondo State, because revenue realized onfood crops usually went to the agricultural division of the Ministry. In 1981, onlyCross River and Ogun States were still carrying on "departmental taungya". Ball (1977:0sums up the faults of the "departmental taungya" as "low agricultural crop yields andhigh supervisory commitments."
A further difference between departmental and individual "taungya" is that whereasthe latter attracts mainly local farmers, the former may in addition attract people fromother areas and even from towns, who are in search of a wage. Ball and Umeh (1981:2)state that "departmental taungya" introduced into Cross River State of Nigeria in 1971,is operated by "forest labourers who may have no previous experience in farming". Insuch cases it is easy to see why the agricultural crop yields may be low. However, thiebrings us beyond the scope of this study since for such labourers, "taungya" can in noway represent an alternative to shifting cultivation.
- 29-
farmers to be allowed to keep the proceeds of any harvesting of such material that he undertakes, subject perhaps to payment of a small license fee . " (FAO/World Bank 1982 Ann. 1, p. 19).
It is precisely because the farmer is to profit from the forest trees that the project is called "oommunity forestry"; and it is for the same reason that the word "taungya" is inappropriate, since a charaoteristic of "taungya" systems is that the farmers do not profit from the forest trees. Here, the term agroforestry would be more appropriate: the farmer himself is combining the production of agricultural orops and forest trees, both to be managed by him for his own profit. In this way the farmer is highly motivated to oare for both crops, not just the agricultural crops as under "individual taungyatl
, or neither, as under the system of "departmental taungya".
3.2.2 Paid Labour: "departmental taung:ya"
"Departmental taungya" is distinguished from "individual taungya" by the faot that produoe from the agricultural crop planted in the early years of plantation establishment belongs to the Forestry Department, which rewards the agrioultural worker with a wage. From the worker' B point of view, therefore, Itdepartmental taungya" is similar to other types of agricultural paid labour and radically different from "individual taungya": under the latter system, the farmer depends on his food orop for subsistence and is therefore highly motivated to take oare in growing it, whereas under the former system, the paid labourer is only motivated to the extent that he will continue to receive his wage at the end of his work. It is therefore not surprising that Forestry Departmentsoomplain of 'laok of discipline' among their "taungya" labourers and 'that administrative oosts are high. In Toge, the oost to the State of the food orop production under Forestry Department supervision 'exoeeds acoeptable limits' (Nadjombe 1982:7).
If and when the system of "departmental taungya" runs smoothly without excessive administration problems, it oan be a cheaper way of establishing a plantation than "individual taungya". And this despite the faot that the Department has to pay for the farmer's labour - the main cost of the operation - whereas under the previous system the farmer himself bore most of the produotion costs like olearing, planting and weeding the saplings. Ball and Umeh (1981:8) calculated the economic rate of return in the establishment of teak and Gmelina arborea plantations in Nigeria under three different systems in 1975 and in 1980. ''Departmental taungya" showed the highest returns for both species and at both dates, followed by "individual taungya", then by direot planting.
But the sams authors state that the area under "departmental taungya" in Nigeria has deolined considerably between 1975 and 1980 (see Appendix), and this partly because of administrative reasons, not only at the local level, but also higher up: for example the system was stopped oompletely in Ondo State, because revenue realized on food crops usually went to the agricultural division of the Ministry. In 1981, only Cross River and Ogun States were still carrying on "departmental taungya". Ball (1977:i) sume up the faults of the "departmental taungya" as "low agricultural crop yields and high supervisory commitments."
A further differenoe between departmental and individual "taungya" is that whereas the latter attraots mainly local farmers, the former may in addition attract people from other areas and even from towns, who are in search of a wage. Ball and Umeh (1981:2) state that "departmental taungya" introduced into Cross River State of Nigeria in 1971, is operated by IIforest labourers who may have no previous experience in fanning". In such cases it is easy to see why the agricultural crop yields may be low. However, this brings us beyond the scope of this study since for such labourers, "taungya" can in no way represent an alternative to shifting cultivation.
- 30 -
3.2.3 Permanent cultivation of annual crops: Lowland rice
Both the Sierra Leone and the Madagascar case studies give examples of projectswhich have attempted to encourage the production of lowland rainfed or irrigated riceas a uubstitute for upland rice cropping.
The major advantage of the former is its greater productivity per hectare andpossibility of producing more than one crop per year. A number of advantages anddisadvantages need to be considered to obtain a balanced view of what is an intensiveand stabilized form of agriculture developed in Asia due to shortage of land availablefor more extensive forms of agriculture.
High cost of irrigation in Africa up to the present time. However, onlya small percentage of riceland is irrigated, much of it is swampland andvalley bottom. Once initial preparation of the rice field is completed,labour costs of maintenance are relatively low compared to that requiredfor clearing at successive intervals for the bush fallow-cycle.
African farmers prefer working on upland rice on account of water-bornediseases (Bilharzia, Malaria, Guinea Worm). Development of new safe,effective low-cost drugs and the possibility of integrated pest controlcan uubstantially improve the health of farmers working under theseconditions.(T.N. Mather, 1983).
Upland rice permits mixed cropping; a possibility not explored so farin valley-bottom rainfed or irrigated rice in Africa. The practice iscommon in Asia, however and could result in its introduction to lowlandrice culture.
Swamp and irrigated rice have the basic advantage of continued produc-tivity during periods of cyclical drought when upland rice °rope fail.
In summary, the Asian example of intensive development of swampland and rainfedvalley bottom land could provide Africa with a means of attaining intensive cultivationof a staple crop under a stabilized system. However, the possibility of improvingupland rice cultivation must not be ignored and the use of agroforestry techniquesappears appropriate (planted fallows, alley cropping: see 3.2.4).
3.2.4 Agroforestry: alley cropping and multistorey_ intercropping.
Agroforestry is already practised by many African small farmers (see Olaf son1982:14ff). However, there is considerable agreement among scientists that agro-forestry could, if practised more widely, provide a solution to some of the problemsexperienced with fallow agriculture in conditions of rising population densities andincreasing land shortage (see Vergara 1981, Raintree 1980:108); indeed this is theassumption behind much of the work of the International Council for Research in Agro-forestry (ICRAF), Nairobi, Kenya. Accordingly, certain field trials have been carriedout in experimental research stations. For example, both the International Instituteof Tropical Agriculture (IITA) at Ibadan, Nigeria and ICRAF have been carrying outfield trials with alley cropping of the fast-growing woody leguminous genus Leucaena(see Hartmans 1981 and Okigbo 1981:44 for IITA and Raintree 1980:116 below for ICRAF).Unfortunately, there is as yet little information on the acceptability of these techniques to fallow farmers, since trials have been carried out in areas of permanentcultivation.
Work on the intensification of agriculture based on agroforestry techniques isparticularly promising because it emphasizes the close relationship between the typeof agricultural improvement on the one hand and the availability of labour and the
- 30-
3.2.3 Permanent cultivation of annual crops: Lowland rice
Both the Sierra Leone and the Madagascar case studies give sxamples of projects which havs attempted to encourage the production of lowland rainfed or irrigated rice as a substitute for upland rice cropping.
The major advantage of the former is its greater productivity per hectare and possibility of producing more than one crop per year. A number of advantages and disadvantages need to be considered to obtain a balanced view of what is an intensive and stabilized form of agriculture developed in Asia due to shortage of land available for more extensive forms of agriculture.
(a) High cost of irrigation in Africa up to the present time. However, only a small percentage of riceland is irrigated, much of it is swampland and valley bottom. Once initial preparation of the rice field is completed, labour costs of maintenance are relatively low compared to that required for clsaring at successive intervals for the bush fallow-cycle.
(b) African farmers prefer working on upland rice on aooount of water-borne diseases (Bilharzia, Malaria, Guinea Horm). Development of new safe, effeotive low-cost drugs and the possibility of integrated pest oontrol oan substantially improve the health of farmers working under these oonditions "(T.N. Mather, 1983).
(c) Upland rioe permits mixed oropping; a possibility not explored so far in valley-bottom rainfed or irrigated rice in Africa. The practice is common in Asia, however and could result in its introduction to lowland rice culture.
(d) Swamp and irrigated rioe have the basio advantage of continued productivity during periods of oyclical drought when upland rice crops fail.
In summary, the Asian example of intensive development of swampland and rainfed valley bottom land could provide Africa with a means of attaining intensive cultivation of a staple crop under a stabilized system. However, the possibility of improving upland rice cultivation must not be ignored and the uss of agroforestry techniques appears appropriate (planted fallows, alley croppingl see 3.2.4).
3.2.4 Asroforestry: allelf cropping and multistorey intercropping.
Agroforestry is already practised by many African small farmers (see Olafson 1982:14ff). However, there is considerable agreement among soientists that agroforestry could, if practised more widely, provide a solution to some of the problems experienced with fallow ~iculture in conditions of riSing population densities and increasing land shortage (see Vergara 1981, Raintree 1980:108); indeed this is the assumption behind much of the work of the International Council for Research in Agroforestry (ICRAF), Nairobi, Kenya. Accordingly, certain field trials have been carried out in experimental research stations. For example, both the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA) at Ibadan, Nigeria and ICRAF have bssn carrying out field trials with alley cropping of the fast-growing woody leguminous genus Leucaena (see Hartmans 1981 and Okigbo 1981144 for IITA and Raintree 1980:116 below for ICRAF). Unfortunately, there is as yet little information on the acceptability of these techniques to fallow fs=ers, since trials have been carried out in areas of permanent cultiva.tion.
Work on the intensification of agriculture based on agroforestry techniques is particularly promiSing because it emphasizes the close relationship between the type of agricultural improvement on the one hand and the availability of labour and the
LABOUR
INPENSITY
Figure 5:tD:k2_zdnecrthtimin tropical farmmjmLns
zPlanted Fallows
LAND USE INTENSITY
(Source: Raintree 1980:113).
Alley Cropping
Multistorey Intercropping
25 50 75 100+
R-Value
---~
- 31 -
Figure 5: aypothetical pathway for sustained-yield intensification in tropical farming systems
t LABOUR
INI'ENSITY Alley Cropping
Planted FallowB
25 50 R-Value
LAND USE INTENSITY
(Source: Raintree 1980:113).
75
Multistorey ~OPPing
100+
- 32 -
intensity of land use on the other hand. Figure 5 presente a hypothetical progressionfrom planted fallows to intensive multistorey intercropping, suitable for maintainingor improving per capita fields on a fixed land base under conditions of populationpressure and land shortage.
In the early stage of intensification, as land pressure converts long-fallowfarmers into short-fallow farmers, the use of appropriate tree legumes asplanted fallows can increase and sustain the productivity of the land atfairly low labour costs.
By initially planting the fallow trees in appropriately spaced rows, thestage is set for the next phase of intensification in which progressivelyshorter rotations eventually result in permanent cultivation in the alleysbetween the pruned hedgerows of vigorously coppicing trees. The concept ofalley cropping - the production of arable crops in the spaces between rows ofof woody legumes which are pruned periodically throughout the croppingseason to control shading and provide green manure mulch - is possibly themost versatile, effective, and widely adoptable of recent innovations inconservation farming.
The practicality of the system has been demonstrated for a few arable cropsand a number of woody legumes all of which,with the exception of Gliricidiasepium,have been listed on page 23. The characteristics of these speciesalso resemble those on page 23 with additional stress on ability to coppicevigorously and yield high volumes of leaf matter under intensive pruning/pollarding as well as a deep rooting habit for drought resistance andminimal surface root competition with the arable crops associated with them.The range of potential crop combinations and management options has,however, only begun to be explored. (Raintree 1980:116).
In the final, increasingly labour intensive, stages of intensification, theinstalled green manure 'fertilizer factories' can be maintained in placewhile additional upperstorey trees and intercropping practices areintroduced to accommodate higher population densities, as the grandchildrenand great-grandchildren of the original settlers arrive on the scene:multistorey intercropping. Multistorey intercropping is the system whichoffers the closest approximation to the characteristics of the tropicalforests, and is not at all a new idea. It is in fact a prominent featureof compound gardens in densely settled areas of the tropics. The proposalhere is to incorporate soil-improving economic tree legumes into theupperstorey of the system, and to choose species with light or seasonalcanopies which permit the system to be extended to field crops.
Here again the characteristics of species ideal for multistorey intercroppingincorporate high N-fixation capacity, low establishment and maintenance costs and specialadaptive characteristics. However, a number of other essential characteristics arerequired such as a capacity for fast growth and planting at dense spacing, light canopypermitting the growth of understorey crops; deep rooting habit and minimal surface rootcompetition; nutrient-rich and readily-humified foliage; high yields of economicbyproducts such as high-protein pods; capability for easy and cost efficient harvestingof the above products. The species suitable for multistorey intercropping areAcacia albida Prosópis spp., Sesbania grandiflora, Leucaena leucocephala, Samaneasanan and Tamarindus indica (Raintree 1980:116-117).
If the motivation existe, there is no reason why the scheme of intensification hereenvisaged cannot be run "ahead of itself" to generate higher incomes for industriousrural families well in advance of population-pressured necessity. The scheme likewise
admite of great flexibility in the combination of elements from different "stáges" forsimultaneous production of optimal product3for particular localities (see Raintree 1980and 1983).
- 32 -
intensity of land use on the other hand. Figure 5 presents a hypothetical progression from planted fallows to intensive multistorey intercrcpping, suitable for maintaining or improving per capita fields on a fixed land base under conditions of population pressure and land shortage.
a) In the early stage of intensification, as land pressure converts long-fallow farmers into short-fallow farmers, the use of appropriate tree legumes as planted fallows can increase and sustain the productivity of the land at fairly low labour costs.
b) By initially planting the fallow trees in appropriately spaced rows, the stage is set for the next phase of intensification in which progreSSively shorter rotations eventually result in permanent cultivation in the alleys between the pruned hedgerows of vigorously coppicing trees. The concept of alley cropping - the production of arable crops in the spaces between rows of of woody legumes which are pruned periodically throughout the cropping season to control shading and provide green manure mulch - is possibly the moet versatile, effective, and widely adoptable of recent innovations in conservation farming.
The practicality of the system has been demonstrated for a few arable crops and a number of woody legumes all of which,with ths exception of Gliricidia sepium,have been listed on page 23. The characteristics of these species also resemble those on page 23 with additional stress on ability to coppice vigorously and yield high volumes of leaf matter under intensive pruning! pollarding as well as a deep rooting habit for drought resistance and minimal surface root competition with the arable crops associated with them. The range of potential crop combinations and management options has, however, only begun to be explored. (Raintree 1980:116).
c) In the final, increasingly labour intensive, stages of intensification, the installed green manure 'fertilizer factories' can be maintained in place while additional upperstorey trees and intercropping practices are introduced to accommodate higher population denSities, as the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the original settlers arrive on the scene: multistorey intercropping. Multistorey intercropping is the system which offers the closest approximation to the characteristics of the tropical foresta, and is not at all a new idea. It is in fact a prominent feature of compound gardens in densely settled areas of the tropics. The proposal here is to incorporate soil-improving economic tree l~es into the upperstorey of the system, and to choose species with light or seasonal canopies which permit the system to be extended to field orops.
Here again the characteristics of species ideal for multistorey intercropping incorporate high N-fixation capacity, low establishment and maintenance costs and special adaptive characteristics. However, a number of other essential characteristics are required such as a oapaoity for fast growth and planting at dense spacing, light canopy permitting the growth of understorey crops; deep rooting habit and minimal surface root competition; nutrient-rioh and readily-humified foliage; high yields of economic byproducts such as high-protein pods; capability for easy and cost efficient harvesting of the above products. The species suitable for multistorey intercropping are Acacia albida Prosopis . spp., Sesbania grandiflora, Leuoaena leucocephala, Samanea .!!l!!!!l!:ll and Tamarindus indica (Raintree 1980: n600117) •
If the motivation exists, there is no reason wqy the scheme of intensification here envisaged cannot be run ttahead of itself" to generate higher incomes for industrious rural families well in advance of population-pressured necessity. The scheme likewise admits of great flexibility in the oombination of elements from different "stages" for simultaneous produotion of optimal produ~for particular localities (see Raintree 1980 and 1983).
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CONCLUSIONS AND GUIDELINES
The terms 'shifting cultivation' and especially 'shifting cultivator' have beenfound to be used in a number of inaccurate ways; this has had the effect ofconfusing the variety of agricultural systems found in forest areas and thevariety of reasons for which forest trees may be cut by different people. Itis not only misleading to group all these people together; as long as we holdinaccurate ideas about 'shifting cultivators' we are unlikely to devisesatisfactory alternative agricultural strategies for them. Following FAOconvention and auch respected agriculturalists as Ruthenberg, it has been founduseful to equate shifting cultivation with long fallow agriculture, and todistinguish it from short fallow agriculture.
Shifting cultivation as defined above is no longer as common in Africa as formerly.It continues to exist in areas of low population density. Short fallow agri-culture, on the other hand, is common.
Moreover, shifting cultivation is nowadays usually combined by producers withother methods of cultivation, for example short fallow and/or continuouscultivation nearer the homes. Two points follow: first, the houses of farmerswho practise shifting cultivation are usually permanent buildings and do not'shift' any more. And second, shifting cultivation is nowadays more usuallya component in a complex farming system than a complete farming system in itself.
Farmers are constantly and spontaneously adapting their agricultural practicesto changing conditions of population density and land availability; adaptingtheir crop rotation practices and/or switching part of their land to a moreintensive (or, in appropriate cases, a more extensive) method of land cultiva-tion.
In some areas there may be considerable constraints against the intensificationof agriculture from shifting cultivation and short fallow cultivation to conti-nuous cultivation. One is the low returns to labour of continuous (unmechanized)cultivation when compared with short fallow and even more so with shiftingcultivation. Other constraints are the difficult access to, and high prices of,fertilizer and other agricultural inputs, and the lack of security of landtenure, which discourages investments in such inputs.
In such areas, a crisis point may be reached, characterized by populationpressure, land shortage, soil degradation and decreasing yields. Such crisisareas may be associated with the abandoning of shifting cultivation in favourof short fallow and/or continuous cultivation, but rarely with the continuingpresence of shifting cultivation.
Interventions are of two types: firstly, improvement of fallow agriculture,for example planted fallows, is appropriate where trends of population densityand distribution of access to land are such that farmers have enough land toretain a sufficient fallow period on some or all of their lands in order torestore soil fertility; and where this situation seems unlikely to change inthe near future.
Where it is becoming difficult for small farmers to get access to sufficientamounts of land in order to practise fallow agriculture, then it is appropriateto turn to alternative methods of cultivation, in particular continuousagriculture. Under such conditions, if the farmers have not already switchedto auch alternative methods, it is likely that there are serious constraints.Every effort should be made to communicate with the farmers in order todetermine what these constraints are.
- 33 -
CONCLUSIONS AND GUIDELINES
1. The terms 'shifting cultivation' and especially 'shifting cultivator' have been found to be used in a number of inaccurate w~s; this has had the effect of confusing the variety of agricultural systems found in forest areas and the variety of reasons for which forest trees may be cut by different people. It is not only misleading to group all these people together; as long as we hold inaccurate ideas about 'shifting cultivators' we are unlikely to devise satisfactory alternative agricultural strategies for them. Following FAO convention and such respected agriculturalists as Ruthenberg, it has been found useful to equate shifting cultivation with long fallow agriculture, and to distinguish it from short fallow agriculture.
2. Shifting cultivation as defined above is no longer as common in Africa as formerly. It continues to exist in areas of low population density. Short fallow agriculture, on the other hand, is common.
3. Moreover, shifting cultivation is nowadays usually combined by producers with other methods of cultivation, for example short fallow and/or continuous cultivation nearer the homes. Two points follow: first, the houses of farmers who practise shifting cultivation are usually permanent buildings and do not 'shift' any more. And second, shifting cultivation is nowadays more usually a component in a complex farming system than a complete farming system in itself.
4. Farmers are constantly and spontaneously adapting their agricultural practices to changing conditions of population denSity and land availability; adapting their crop rotation practices and/or switching part of their land to a more int~nsive (or, in appropriate oases, a more extensive) method of land cultivation.
5. In some areas there may be oonsiderable constraints against the intensification of agriculture from shifting cultivation and short fallow cultivation to oontinuous cultivation. One is the low returns to labour of oontinuous (unmechanized) cultivation when compared with short fallow and even more so with shifting cultivation. Other constraints are the difficult access to, and high prices of, fertilizer and other agricultural inputs, and the lack of security of land tenure, which discourages investments in such inputs.
6. In such areas, a crisis pOint m~ be reached, characterized by population pressure, land shortage, soil degradation and decreasing yields. Such crisi s areas may be associated with the abandoning of shifting cultivation in favour of short fallow and/or continuous cultivation, but rarely with the continuing presence of shifting cultivation.
7. Interventions are of two types: firstly, improvement of fallow agrioulture, for example planted fallows, is appropriate where trends of population density and distribution of access to land are such that farmers have enough land to retain a sufficient fallow period on some or all of their lands in order to restore soil fertility; and where this situation seems unlikely to ohange in the near future.
8. Where it is becoming difficult for small farmers to get acoess to sufficient amounts of land in order to practise fallow agriculture, then it is appropriate to turn to alternative methods of cultivation, in particular continuous agriculture. Under such conditions, if the farmers have not already switched to such alternative methods, it is likely that there are serious constraints. Every effort should be made to communicate with the farmers in order to determine what these constraints are.
- 34 -
Of utmost importance are the physical constraints, about which the farmer islikely to have a considerable amount of practical knowledge. For examplefallow agriculture is often deliberately practised in poorer soils, which needquite considerable inputs of fertilizer in order to support continuouscultivation.
Socio-economic constraints are also of major importance. Alternatives shouldnot asaume that farmers have security of land tenure. Rather, this should beascertained. In some cases, it may be necessary to implement a degree of localland reform before the 'alternative' may be an attractive proposition for fallowfarmers. This is particularly the case where planting of trees is concerned.It should also be ascertained whether the farmers have access to enough labourin order to adjust to the higher labour requirements of continuous cultivation;and whether they have enough money to buy the fertilizer and other inputs whichmay become necessary.
In order not to burden the farmer with the cost of chemical fertilizer, the useof natural fertilizer should be substituted wherever possible. Apart from theuse of 'green' manure, more attention should be devoted to recycling animalmanure as fertilizer and generally coordinating animal production and cropfarming activities.
Off-farm activities should always be borne in mind as alternatives to fallowfarming in crisis areas: particular attention should be devoted to the possi-bility of diversification to include such activities as the small-scale exploi-tation of wood and other forest products.
The use of perennial as opposed to annual agricultural crops should be encouragedwhere appropriate, in order to exploit the soil in the most stable way. Ingeneral the planting of trees is seen to be one of the most effective ways ofpreventing soil degradation.
The alternative should also take into account the sexual division of labour:in many parts of Africa where fallow agriculture is practised, women carry outmore of the farming work than men with the exception of clearing. In some placesthey also do clearing work (see Carter and Mends-Cole 1982:62 in respect ofLiberia); and in other places they not only carry out farming work but also farmin their own right, taking management decisions in their own land and evenemploying male hired labour (see Spiro 1980:19 in respect of Oyo State, Nigeria).Interventions in such cases should address women farmers as well as men.
This report has dealt at great length with "taungya" systems. This is largelybecause, being older systems, there is more information about farmers' reactionsto them. The main conclusion to draw from experience with utaungya" is thatsince it is primarily a system of plantation establishment and since farmersderive no profit from the trees they plant which remain the property of theForestry Department, the farmers are not highly motivated to make it work: theyare mainly interested in getting access to land for their crops. Great scope isseen in proposals for agroforestry or community forestry in which the farmershave responsibility for the trees they plant, and derive profit from them.
- 34-
9. Of utmost importanoe are the physioal oonstraints, about which the farmer is likely to have a oonsiderable amount of praotical knowledge. For example fallow agriculture is often deliberately praotised in poorer SOils, which need quite considerable inputs of fertilizer in order to support continuous cultivation.
10. Socio-economic constraints are also of major importance. Alternatives should not assume that farmers have security of land tenure. Rather, this should be asoertained. In some oases, it may be necessary to implement a degree of local land reform before the 'alternative' may be an attractive proposition for fallow farmers. This is particularly the oase where planting of trees is oonoerned. It should also be asoertained whether the farmers have aooess to enough labour in order to adjust to the higher labour requirements of oontinuous oultivation; and whether they have enough money to buy the fertilizer and other inputs which ~ become necessar,y.
11. In order not to burden the farmer with the oost of ohemioal fertilizer, the use of natural fertilizer should be substituted wherever possible. Apart from the use of 'green' manure, more attention should be devoted to recyoling animal manure as fertilizer and generally ooordinating animal produotion and orop farming aotivities.
12. Off-farm aotivities should always be borne in mind as alternatives to fallow farming in orisis areas: partioular attention should be devoted to the possibility of diversifioation to inolude such activities as the small-scale exploitation of wood and other forest produots.
13. The use of perennial as opposed to annual agricultural crops should be enoouraged where appropriate, in order to exploit the soil in the most stable~. In general the planting of trees is seen to be one of the most effective ways of preventing soil degradation.
14. The alternative should also take into aooount the sexual division of labour: in many parts of Africa where fallow agriculture is practised, women carry out more of the farming work than men with the exception of clearing. In some places they also do olearing work (see Carter and Mends-Cole 1982:62 in respeot of Liberia); and in other plaoes they not only carry out farming work but also farm in their own right, taking management deoisions in their own land and even employing male hired labour (see Spiro 1980:19 in respeot of Qyo State, Nigeria). Interventions in such cases should address women farmers as well as men.
15. This report has dealt at great length with "taungya" systems. This is largely because, being older systems, there is more information about farmers' reactions to them. The main conclusion to draw from experience with "taungya" is that since it is primarily a system of plantation establishment and sinoe farmers derive no profit from the trees they plant which remain the property of the Forestry Department, the farmers are not highly motivated to make it work: they are mainly interested in getting access to land for their orops. Great scope is seen in proposals for agroforestry or oommunity forestry in which the farmers have responsibility for the trees they plant, and derive profit from them.
- 35 -
Of the many proposed agricultural improvements and alternatives to fallowfarming (better seed, fertilizers, minimum tillage, green mulch, mixedcropping, etc.) only very few have been tried out in collaboration withfallow farmers. The great majority have so far been field station trialsonly. Furthermore, some of the practices are already carried out by somefallow cultivators, especially mixed cropping and minimum tillage. Againwhat is needed is more of a dialogue with farmers, so that both forestersand agriculturalists may learn from farmers considerable local experience,and so that alternatives proposed in particular areas may be well adaptedto the particular needs of the local farmers.
More attention should be paid to the particular reasons why farmers use fire,in the local context. Less emphasis should be placed on fire preventionprogrammes; instead, farmers could be advised on ways of improving firemanagement, bearing in mind the measures they already take.
- 35 -
16. Of the many proposed agricultural improvements and alternatives to fallow farming (better seed, fertilizers, minimum tillage, green mulch, mixed cropping, etc.) only very few have been tried out in collaboration with fallow farmers. The great majority have so far been field station trials only. Furthermore, eome of the practices are already carried out by some fallow cultivators, especially mixed cropping and minimum tillage. Again what is needed is more of a dialogue with farmers, so that both foresters and agriculturalists may learn from farmers considerable local experience, and so that alternatives proposed in particular areas may be well adapted to the particular needs of the local farmers.
17. More attention should be paid to the particular reasons why farmers use fire, in the local context. Less emphasis should be placed on fire prevention programmesi instead, farmers could be advised on ways of improving fire management, bearing in mind the measures they already take.
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APPENDIX
BENIN
A. General information
Location: three southern provincesRainfall: 1,000-15,000 mm annual averagePopulation density: 150 persons/km2.
B. Cultivation practices
Main food crops: maize, cassava, yams, beans, grown in the following way:average of three successive years of cropping (6 seasons) followed by threeyears of fallow (in the 1960s the fallow period was 6-8 years according toFAO/African Development Bank 1982:37). According to Tran Van Nao (pers.comm. 1983), the cultivation period may in some areas be up to four or fiveyears, followed by a fallow period of only two to three years.
Main cash crops: oil palm, grown on permanent plots.
Others: fruit and vegetables grown on permanent plots near villages.
C. Improvements and alternatives
Government programme of rural development and extension (with the Centred'Action Régional de D6veloppement Rural - CARDER - directorate) includesthree types of action in forest areas:
Teak plantations and nurseries for small farmersEucalyptus plantations for fuelwoodAgroforestry for small farmers, in particular, planting fallow landwith Acacia auriculiformis, in order to enrich the soil with humus andnitrogen as well as producing fuelwood quickly (Worou and Tran Van Nao1982:10). By 1982, some 200,000 saplings had been produced for distri-bution by local cooperative organizations. Not all distributed andplanted, due to farmer preference for eucalyptus (Tran Van Nao per.comm. 1983).
- 36 -
BENIN
A. General information
Location: Rainfall: Population
three southern provinces 1,000-15,000 mm annual average density: 150 persons/km2•
B. CUltivation practices
APPENDIX
1. Main food crops: maize, cassave, yams, beans, grown in the following way: avsrage of three successive years of cropping (6 seasons) followed by three years of fallow (in the 1960s the fallow period was 6-8 years according to FAO/African Development Bank 1982:37). According to Tran Van Nao (pers. comm. 1983), the cultivation period ~ in some areas be up to four or five years, followed by a fallow period of only two to three years.
2. Main cash crops: oil palm, grown on permanent plots.
3. others: fruit and vegetables grown on permanent plots near villages.
C. Improvements and alternatives
Government programme of rural development and extension (with the Centre d'Action R6gional de D6veloppement Rural - CARDER - directorate) includes three types of action in forest areas:
1. Teak plantations and nurseries for small farmers 2. Eucalyptus plantations for fuelwood 3. Agroforestry for small farmers, in partioular, planting fallow land
with Acacia auriculiformis, in order to enrich the soil with humus and nitrogen as well as producing fuelwoodquickly (Worou and Tran Van Nao 1982:10). By 1982, some 200,000 saplings had been produced for distribution by local cooperative organizations. Not all distributed and planted, due to farmer preference for eucalyptus (Tran Van Nao per. comm. 1983).
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GHANA
A. General information
Source: Ghana case study except where otherwise stated.Location: Site of FAO project GHA/74/103 "Development of Forestry Energy
Resources": some 1,432 km2 in Tarkwa Forest District, southwesternGhana. 41.2% of this region constitutes the Subri Forest Reserve.
Rainfall: annual average 1500 mm in the east and 1875 mm in the west of theregion.
Population density: 40.6 persons to the km2 in Tarkwa Administrative District;lower in Subri area because of a concentration of population inmining towns outside the area in question.
B. Cultivation practices
Permanent cultivation of tree crops: cocoa (14.65% of land available foragriculture is under cocoa), rubber, oil palm, citrus, coconut palm. Tento 15% of farmers had permanent crops along with food crops.
Shifting cultivation of food crops (a greater proportion of arable landis devoted to SC): maize, cassava, plantain, cocoyam, yams. Mixed cropping,on small mounds (except maize). Cultivation period: 2 years (occasionallythree, rarely four); fallow period three years (though would have preferredfive or more);(rarely, two and one year, see p.
C. Alternatives
Individual taungya: A system of individual taungya was introduced in 1928in Ghana: mrhe early plots given out were small, of the order of 2-4 hec-tares per annum and usually scattered, not too easily accessible and didnot constitute manageable plantation units. Tending for the tree crop,particularly after the farmer had left the site, was therefore inadequateand it cannot be said that success was commensurate with effort. The areatreated by this system, as at December 1966, was 4,774 ha and some15,060 ha were added between 1966 and 1973. The afforestation effort wasintensified in 1968 with an annual target of 13 km2 in 5 forest reservesand stepped up in 1972 to an annual target of 104 km2 scattered over some36 forest reserves. This meant more land to the taungya farmer."(Brookman-Amissah 1978:4).
In the Subri area, farmers prepare the site (Ilithout burning), provide pegs,assist with pegging and tending.
Department_al tauniza: A different system of taungya was introduced in 1969,in an attempt to solve some of the problems caused by an over-abundance ofland available to the taungya farmer: accordingly, the Forestry Departmentwas to fulfill all the functions previously performed by the farmer,including the marketing of food crops; the proceeds would thus offset thecost of establishing the tree crop (Brookman-Amissah 1978:4). The wagelabourer would have the right to buy a ration of food items from theDepartment.
- 37 -
GHANA
A. General infonnation
Source: Ghana case study exoept where otherwise stated. Location: Site of FAO project 0I!A~74/103 "Development of Forestry Energy
Resources": some 1,432 !cm in Tarkwa Forest District, southwestern Ghana. 41.2% of this region constitutes the Subri Forest Reserve.
Rainfall: annual average 1500 mm in the east and 1875 mm in the west of the region.
Population density: 40.6 persons to the !cm2 in Tarkwa Administrative District; lower in SUbri area because of a concentration of population in mining towns outside the area in question.
B. CUltivation practices
1. Permanent cultivation of tree crops: cocoa (14. 65% of land available for agriculture ie under cocoa), rubber, oil palm, citrus, coconut palm. Ten to 15% of farmers had permanent crops along with food crops.
2. Shifting cultivation of food crops (a greater proportion of arable land is devoted to se): maize, cassava, plantain, cocoyam, yams. Mixed cropping, on small mounds (except maize). Cultivation period: 2 years (occasionally three, rarely four); fallow period three years (though would have preferred five or mor~; (rarely, two and one year, see p.
C. Alternatives
1. Individual taungva: A system of individual taungya was introduced in 1928 in Ghana: "The early plots given out were small, of the order of 2-4 hectares per annum and usually scattered, not too easily accessible and did not constitute manageable plantation units. Tending for the tree orop, particularly after the farmer had left the site, was therefore inadequate and it cannot be said that succese was commensurate with effort. The area treated by this system, as at December 1966, was 4,774 ha and some 15,060 ha were added between 1966 and 1973. The afforestation effort was intensified in 1968 with an annual target of 13 !cm2 in 5 forest reserves and stepped up in 1972 to an annual target of 104 !cm2 scattered over some 36 forest reserves. This meant more land to the taungya farmer." (Brookman-Amissah 1978:4).
In the Subri area, farmers prepare the site (without burning), provide pegs, assist with pegging and tending.
2. Departmental taungya: A different system of taungya was introduoed in 1969, in an attempt to solve some of the problems caused by an over-abundance of land available to the taungya farmer: accordingly, the Forestry Department was to fulfill all the functions previously performed by the farmer, including the marketing of food crops; the proceeds would tbus offset the cost of establishing the tree crop (Brookman-Amissah 1978:4). The wage labourer would have the right to buy a ration of food items from the Department.
- 38 -
3. Proposed improvement: The "Subri Conversion Technique" is a techniquefor clearing forest without burning and with the maximum use of outvegetation. Most of it is extracted as wood, charcoal or material forsmall-scale local industries such as carving and basket weaving; andthe remainder, in the form of small branches and leaves, is to be usedas green mulch for the agricultural crop. This improvement is beingintroduced in the context of an FAO-supported project, "Development ofForestry Energy Resources in Ghana", whose long-term objectives are toestablish a sustained supply of wood firstly for charcoal productionfor both domestic and industrial use and secondly as raw material fora pulp and paper mill (envisaged but no progress yet made in establishingthe industry).
- 38-
3. Proposed improvement: The "Suhri Conversion Technique" is a technique for clearing forest without burning and with the maximum use of cut vegetation. Most of it is extracted as wood, charcoal or material for small-scale local industries such as carving and basket weaving; and the remainder, in the form of small branches and leaves, is to be used as green mulch for the agricultural crop. This improvement is being introduced in the context of an FAO-supported project, "Development of Forestry Energy Resources in Ghana", whose long-term objectives are to establish a sustained supply of wood firstly for charcoal production for both domestic and industrial use and secondly as raw material for a pulp and paper mill (envisaged but no progress yet made in establishing the industry).
- 39 -
IVORY COAST
General information
Source: The Ivory Coast case study.Location: southwest Ivory Coast; bordered in the west by the Liberian
frontier and in the east by the Sassandra River.Rainfall: annual average 1600 (NE) to 2400 (SW) mmPopulation density: 3+/km2 in 1976 (1.4/km2 in 1972).
Cultivation practices
1. Forest people (oubi, Bakw6)
Food crops especially hill rice (also manioc, bananas).Cultivation period 1-2 years; fallow period 3-4 years.
Tree crops (coffee, cocoa) plus food crops in years 1,2.Use axe, do not make mounds.
2. Baoul6 immigrants: permanent farming only (p.21); no use of fallows.Perennial crops (coffee, cocoa), plus annual food crops in years 1,2:yams. Also rice, manioc, vegetables and bananas. Make mounds, use hoe.
G. Alternative
Cultivation of perennial agricultural crops. Not necessarily a more stableform of landuse. Shifting cultivation has, in this area, been a staple form oflanduse for several decades during which very low population densities weremaintained and large tracts of forest were left undisturbed. The pressure onforest resources started with the advent of the government-sponsored openingup of the area for commercial exploitation, which resulted in the rapiddevelopment of a pioneer front subject to intense changes in landuse. Althoughthis resulted in temporary cultivation to be "stabilized" into permanentcultivation, it did not result in a spatial stabilization of landuse, nor ina stabilization of the interacting components of the farming system(see pp. 149-153 of Ivory Coast case study).
- 39 -
IVORY COAST
A. General information
Source: The Ivory Coast case study. Location: southwest Ivory Coast; bordered in the west by the Liberian
frontier and in the east by the Sassandra River. Rainfall: annual average 1600 (NE) to 2400 (SW) mm Population density: 3+/km2 in 1976 (1.4/km2 in 1972).
, B. Cultivation practices
1. Forest people (cubi. Bakw~)
a) Food crops especially hill rice (also manioc, bananas). Cultivation period 1-2 years; fallow period 3-4 years.
b) Tree crops (coffee, cocoa) plus food crops in years 1,2. Use axe, do not make mounds.
2. BaouU immigrants: permanent farming only (p.2l ); no use of fallows. Perennial crops (coffee, cocoa), plus annual food crops in years 1,2: yams. Also rice, maniac, vegetables and bananas. Make mounds, use hoe.
C. Alternative
Cultivation of perennial agricultural orops. Not necessarily a more stable form of landuse. Shifting cultivation has, in this area, been a staple form of landuse for several decades during which very low population densities were maintained and large traots of forest were left undisturbed. The pressure on forest resources started with the advent of the government-sponsored opening up of the area for commercial explOitation, which resulted in the rapid development of a pioneer front subject to intense ohanges in landuse. Although this resulted in temporary cultivation to be "stabilizedtl into permanent cultivation, it did not result in a spatial stabi1ization of 1anduse, nor in a stabi1ization of the interaoting components of the farming system (see pp. 149-153 of Ivory Coast case study) .
40 -.
LIBERIA
A. General information
Location: forest areas nationwide.
B. Cultivation practices
1. (From Ruthenberg 1980:55-6 quoting van Santen 1974, relating to BongCountry, central Liberia):"Farm holdings include:
upland rice (average 1.6 ha: 1-3 crop years followed by 4-20fallow years);
lowland cultivation: rice followed by gugar cane (for rum, themajor cash activity); less frequent fallow, mainly for weed control;
permanent home plot (about 0.4 ha) with plantains, bananas, 4-5different fruit trees, some root crops, and vegetables."
2. (From Appleton 1982:2):
upland rice intercropped with cassava, maize, pumpkin, vegetables;fallow period 3-6 in populated coastal areas, central and uplandsavannah zone of the northwest; and 8-12 years in the sparselypopulated high forest zones of the northwest and southeast regions.
C. Alternative
"Agrisilviculture" (or in the vocabulary used in this report: "taungya")incorporated into reforestation programme initiated by the Forestry DevelopmentAuthority (FDA) in 1974.
"The FDA Scheme slightly differs from countries where agrosilviculture iswell developed. Land preparation up to, and including, the phase of burningis carried out by the Forestry Development Authority. Farmers then come inand plant their rice crop at a nominal fee of 'M/acre*. This fee is chargedto control the acreage given to each household and to help retain part of thecost for land preparation. The rice and forest tree crops are plantedsimultaneously. This is done so that the tree will receive an initial boostin growth from burnt vegetation and early tending given by the farmers.
Only rice, maize and pumpkin are allowed to be intercropped with the foresttrees. After harvesting the rice the agricultural aspect of the programmediscontinues. The agricultural component is incidental as emphasis is placedon the forest tree crops. The present agrosilviculture scheme is verylocalized and is practised on a very moderate scale as compared to the extentof the forest destruction and number of households engaged in the swidden/slashand burn method of cultivation. At present only 1,400 acres, capable ofaccommodating 400 shifting households, are on the average reforested annuallyunder this arrangement." (Appleton 1982:8-9).
* One Liberian dollar = 1 US dollar.
- 40 -
LIBERIA
A. General information
Location: forest areas nationwide.
B. Cultivation practices
1. (From Ruthenberg 1980:55-6 quoting van Santen 1974, relating to Bong Country, central Liberia): "Farm holdings include:
- upland rice (average 1.6 ha: 1-3 crop years followed by 4-20 fallow years) ;
lowland cultivation: rice followed by sugar cane (for rum, the major cash activity); less frequent fallow, mainly for weed oontrol;
permanent home plot (about 0.4 ha) with plantains, bananas, 4-5 different fruit trees, some root crops, and vagetables."
2. (From Appleton 1982:2):
upland rioe intercropped with cassava, maize, pumpkin, vegetables; fallow period 3-6 in populated coastal areas, central and upland savannah zone of the northwest; and 8-12 years in the sparsely populated high forest zones of the northwest and southeast regions.
C. Alternative
"Agrisilviculture'" (or in the vocabulary used in this report: "taung;ya") incorporated into reforestation programme initiated by the Forestry Development Authority (FM) in 1974.
"The FM Scheme slightly differs from countries where agrosilviculture is well developed. Land preparation up to, and including, the phase of burning is carried out by the Forestry Development Authority. Farmers then come in and plant their rioe crop at a nominal fee of S20/acre*. This fee is charged to control the acreage given to each household and to help retain part of the cost ~or land preparation. The rice and forest tree crops are planted Simultaneously. This is done so that the tree wil l receive an initial boost in growth from burnt vagetation and early tending given by the farmers.
Only rice, maize and pumpkin are allowed to be intercropped with the forest trees. After harvesting the rice the agricultural aspect of the programme discontinues. The agricultural component is incidental as emphasis is placed on the forest tree crops. The present agro-silviculture scheme is very locali zed and is practised on a very moderate scale as compared to the extent of the forest destruction and number of households engaged in the swidden/slash and burn method of cultivation. At present only 1,400 acres, capable of accommodating 400 shifting households, are on the average reforested annually under this arrangement." (Appleton 1982:8-9).
* One Liberian dollar ~ 1 US dollar.
- 41 -
MADAGASCAR
A. General information
Source: The Madagascar case study.Location: Vavatenina, province of Toamasina.Rainfall: 2,000 mm+Population density: 83/km2.
B. Cultivation practices
Hill rice: one to two year cultivation period followed by fallow whichis being reduced from 6 to 3 years. All farmers practise this.
Swamp rice: majority of farmers have at least small amounts of this.
Cash crops: coffee, cloves, bananas, sugar cane, pineapple. All farmersgrow some.
Most farmers rely on their own rice for about 3 months in the year; forthe rest they rely on proceeds from cash crops and from paid labour withthe few wealthy farmers.
C. Improvement
Proposal to enrich fallows with Grevillea which would be used as fuelwoodwhen the fallow was cleared for agriculture. To be implemented if and whenPhase II of the project is approved. To date, nothing has been attempted withregard to enriching the fallow vegetation which, if the title of the project isanything to go by, might have been one of the project's main aims. Instead,farmers are encouraged to turn to alternative uses of this land apart from thefallow cultivation of hill rice.
D. Alternatives
Farmers are encouraged to plant perennial agricultural crops on landpreviously devoted to hill rice. Also to cultivate more swamp rice in orderto depend less on hill rice; in this context, irrigation schemes are beingdevised for the slopes, and some terracing is under way. Finally, some slopesare being planted with eucalyptus trees for fuelwood.
- 41 -
MADAGASCAR
A. General information
Source: The Madagascar case study. Location: Vavatenina, province of Toamaeina. Rainfall: 2,000 mm+ Population density: 83/km2•
B. Cultivation practices
1. Hill rice: one to two year aultivation period followed by f·allow which is being reduced from 6 to 3 years. All farmers practise this.
2. swamp rice: majority of farmers have at least small amounts of this.
3. Cash crops: coffee, cloves, bananas, sugar cane, pineapple. All farmers grow some.
Most farmers rely on their own rice for about 3 months in the year; for the rest they rely on proceeds from cash crops and from paid labour with the few wealtby farmers.
c. Improvement
Proposal to enrich fallows with Grevillea which would be used as fuelwood when the fallow was cleared for agriaulture. To be implemented if and when Phase 11 of the project is approved. To date, nothing has been attempted with regard to enriching the fallow vegetation which, if the title of the project is anything to go by, might have been one of the project's main aims. Instead, farmers are encouraged to turn to alternative uses of this land apart from the fallow aultivation of hill rice.
D. Alternatives
Farmers are encouraged to plant perennial agriaultural crops on land previously devoted to hill rice. Also to oultivate more swamp rice in order to depend less on hill rice; in this context, irrigation schemes are being devised for the slopes, and some terracing is under way. Finally, some slopes are being planted with eucalyptus trees for fuelwood.
- 42 -
NIGERIA
General information
Source: Ball and Umeh 1981.Location: Nine states in southern Nigeria: Anambra, Bendel, Benue,
Cross River, Imo, Kwara, Ogun, Ondo, Oye.
Cultivation practices
No details on cultivation practices of those who practise taungya, who areeither licensees under individual taungya, or paid workers under departmentaltaungya. But these are areas of fallow agriculture.
Alternatives
1. Individual taungya (or traditional taungya): "In 1975 there were 24,427traditional taungya farmers in the southern states of Nigeria. It wasestimated that a further 19,500 people had casual employment for 6-10 weeksof the year in traditional taungya farms, but no reliable figures could beobtained of the number of family members of the taungya farmer who workedon the farm. In 1979, however, the number of taungya farmers had fallento 17,744, despite the area of traditional taungya having remained nearlythe same and the availability in some states of taungya farms which werenot planted with trees.
This may reflect the continuing lack of recruits to traditional taungyafarming (see Olawoye 1975 and Ball 1977). Another factor affecting employ,-ment in taungya farming has been the recent introduction of universalprimary education; there may be fewer young family members available,resulting in an increase in casual employment during land preparation,mounding and harvesting.
Yams, maize and vegetables, which make the greatest demands on soilfertility, are grown first, followed by cassava. A second crop of maizemay be grown, but it is low yielding and is generally used for seed thefollowing year. In the past it was forbidden to grow certain crops, suchas cocoa, rubber, plantains, etc., because they were permanent or semi-permanent crops which competed with the forest crop and could lead toalienation of the forest reserve if they grew for long enough to establishsome sort of rights. Crops such as rice or guinea corn were banned becausethey are aggressive root competitors and tobacco was banned probably becauseof root eel worm. Cassava could anly be grown if it was the erect and notthe spreading variety, but when taungya started in Bendel State forty yearsago it was banned completely. These rules have now been considerably relaxed.Plantains may be grown in Ogun, Ondo and Qyo States as boundary markers andin Bendel State throughout the plot. Rice and guinea corn are raised inBendel, Kwara and the Eastern States.
- 42 -
N I G E R I A
A. General information
Source: Ball and Umeh 1981. Location: Nine states in southern Nigeria: Anambra, Bendel, Benue,
Cross River, Imo, Kwara, Ogun, Ondo, Dyo.
B. Cultivation practices
No details on cultivation practices of those who practise taungya, who are either licensees under individual taungya, or paid workers under departmental taungya. But these are areas of fallow agriculture.
C. Alternatives
1. Individual taungya (or traditional taungya): "In 1975 there were 24,427 traditional taungya farmers in the southern states of Nigeria. It was estimated that a further 19,500 people had casual employment for 6-10 weeks of the year in traditional taungya farms, but no reliable figures could be obtained of the number of family members of the taungya farmer who worked on the farm. In 1979, however, the number of taungya farmers had fallen to 17,744, despite the area of traditional taungya having remained nearly the same and the availability in some stateB of taungya farms which were not plant ed wi th trees.
This may reflect the continuing lack of recruitB to traditional taungya farming (Bee Olawoye 1975 and Ball 1977). Another faotor affecting employment in taungya farming haB been the recent introduction of universal primary education; there may be fewer young family members available, resulting in an increase in casual employment during land preparation, mounding and harveBting.
Yams, maize and vegetables, which make the greatest demands on soil fertility, are grown firBt, followed by caBsava. A second crop of maize may be grown, but it is low yielding and is generally used for seed the follOwing year. In the past it waB forbidden to grow certain crops, such aB cocoa, rubber, plantains, etc., because they were permanent or semipermanent crops which competed with the forest crop and could lead to
, alienation of the forest reserve if they grew for long enough to establish some Bort of rights. Crops such as rioe or guinea corn were banned because they are aggressive root competitors and tobacco was banned probably because of root eel worm. Cassava could only be grown if it was the erect and not the spreading variety, but when taungya started in Bendel State forty years ago it was banned completely. These rules have now been considerably re,laxed. Plantains may be grown in Ogun, Ondo and Dyo States aB boundary markers and in Bendel State throughout the plot. Rice and guinea oorn are raised in Bendel, Kwara and the Eastern States.
- 43 -
The tree crops planted in Nigeria are presented in the following table:
Tree species planted in taunxya farms in some Statesof Southern Nigeria in 1975
State
Anambra
Bendel
Cross River
Imo
Kwara
Ogun
Ondo
Oyo
Tree Species, in order of importance
Gmelina arboreal Teak
Gmelina arborea, Teak,
Gmelina arborea
Gmelina arboreal Teak,
Gmelina arborea, White
Gmelina arboreal Peak,
Teak, Gmelina arboreal
Gmelina arborea
Opepe, White Afara
White Afara, Opepe
Afara, Teak
Opepe
White Afara, Opepe
Generally the licensees are responsible for tending the tree crop afterplanting until they harvest the final food crop, which is usually cassava.In Bendel State, however, the Forest Department do the lining out andpegging but the licensees plant the trees. This can lead to abuse. Poorplanting and lack of weeding have been noted at several other centres inother States, and in some places deliberate damage to trees."
2. Departmeptal taungya: "In 1975/76 there were 1221 jobs created indepartmental taungya, either in growing or in processing the food crops.No reliable estimate is now available but the figure has been considerablyreduced because the area has fallen considerably (from 1448 ha to 405 ha)and because none of the cassava crop is processed into gark. In depart-mental taungya the only two crops grown are maize and cassava. In CrossRiver State, two crops of maize may be grown, the second being for seedbut usually it is only one. A new development is that the Ondo Afforest-ation Project will introduce Cowpea this year."
- 43 -
The tree crops planted in Nigeria are presented in the following table:
Tree species planted in taungya farme in some States of Southern Nigeria in 1975
State Tree Species. in order of importance
Gmelina arborea, Teak Anambra
Bendel
Cross River
Tmo
Gmelina arborea, Teak, Opepe, White Afara
Kwara
Ogun
Ondo
Oyo
Gmelina arborea
Gmelina arborea, Teak,
Gmelina arborea, White
Gmelina arborea, Teak,
Teak, Gmelina arborea,
Gmelina arborea
White Afara, Opepe
Afara, Teak
Opepe
Hhite Afara, Opepe
Generally the licensees are responsible for tending the tree crop after planting until they harvest the final food crop, which is usually cassava. Tn Bendel State, however, the Forest Department do the lining out and pegging but the licensees plant the trees. This can lead to abuse. Poor planting and lack of weeding have been noted at several other centres in other Statee, and in some places deliberate damage to trees."
2. Departmental taungya: "Tn 1975/76 there were 1221 jobs created in departmental taungya, either in growing or in processing the food crops. No reliable estimate is now available but the figure has been considerably reduced because the area has fallen considerably (from 1448 ha to 405 ha) and because none of the cassava crop is processed into gari. In departmental taungya the only two crops grown are maize and cassava. In Cross River State, two crops of maize may be grown, the second being for seed but usually it is only one. A new development is that the Ondo Afforestation Project will introduce Cowpea this year."
Permanent cultivation oflegumes around villages;
Short fallow cultivationvillage.
Wet rice in the swamps.
44
SENEGAL
General information
Source: The Senegal case study and Oxby 1983Location: CasamanceRainfall: 1,000 mm.
Cultivation practio.22
vegetables, fruit trees, some cereals andusually fertilized with manure.
of millet, sorghum, groundnuts near the
4. Long fallow cultivation of cereals and groundnuts in plots clearedin the forest away-from the village.
C. Alternative
CGOT* carried out mechanical clearing of forest (6,500 ha all togetherwere cleared during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s) in order to introducecontinuous cultivation, mainly of groundnuts and rice. Local farmerswere not involved much since the project recruited paid workers, many ofwhom came from other regions or countries. Deforestation was increasedas a result of the project, and there were severe problems of soildegradation, far worse than those associated with the local ferina ofagriculture.
* Compagnie G6n6rale des Oléagineux Tropicaux
-M-
S E N E GAL
A. General information
Source: The Senegal case study and Oxby 1983 Location: Casamance Rainfall: 1,000 mm.
B. Cultivation practic~8
1. Permanent cultivation of vegetables, fruit trees, some cereals and legumes around villages; usually fertilized with manure.
2. Short fallow cultivation of millet, sorghum, groundnuts near the village.
3. Wet rice in the swamps.
4 . Long fallow cultivation of cereals and groundnuts in plots oleared in the forest away from the village.
C. Alternative
CGOT* carried out mechanical clearing of forest (6,500 ha all together were cleared during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s) in order to introduce continuous cultivation, mainly of groundnuts and rice. Local farmers were not involved muoh since the project recruited paid workers, many of whom came from other regions or oountries. Deforestation was increased as a result of the project, and there were severe problems of soil degradation, far worse than those associated with the local forms of agriculture.
* Compagnie G~nArale des OlAagineux Tropicaux
- 45 -
SIERRA LEONE 1
General information
Source: The Sierra Leone case studyLocation: Eastern ProvinceRainfall: between 2,500-3,000 mm annual averagePopulation density: 50 persons per km2 in Eastern Province in 1974.
Cultivation practices
Upland mixed food crops combined with swamp rice and tree cash crops(cocoa, coffee, oil palm). In the case of food crops, average fallow of7.4 years in eastern province follows 2 (or sometimes 1) years aultivation.
Alternative
Eastern Province Integrated Agricultural Development Project.Implications with respect to fallow: increased concentration on swamp
rice and some perennial cash crop cultivation (cocoa and oil palm, notcoffee), with inputs and extension; upland fallow aultivation discouraged,especially on steep slopes.
Achievements: more auccess with perennial crops than with swamp rice.Reasons: farmers' preference for upland rather than swamp cultivation,
on account of its lower labour requirements.
-~-
SIERRA LEONE 1
A. General information
Source: The Sierra Leone case study Location: Eastern Province Rainfall: between 2,500-3,000 mm annual average Population density: 50 persons per km2 in Eastern Provinoe in 1974.
B. Cultivation practices
Upland mixed food crops combined with swamp rice and tree cash crops (cocoa, coffee, oil palm). In the case of food crops, average fallow of 7.4 years in eastern province follows 2 (or sometimes 1) years cultivation.
c. Alternative
Eastern Province Integrated Agricultural Development Project. Implications with respect to fallow: increased concentration on swamp
rice and some perennial cash crop cultivation (cocoa and oil palm, not coffee), with inputs and extension; upland fallow cultivation discouraged, especially on steep slopes.
Achievements: more success with perennial crops than with swamp rice. Reasons: farmers' preference for upland rather than swamp cultivation,
on aocount of its lower labour requirements.
- 46 -
SIERRA LEONE 2
General information
Source: Koroma 1982Location: nationwide.
Cultivation practices
Bush fallow and swamp rice.
Alternatives
The National Programme of Taungya
The taungya procedure practised in Sierra Leone is as follows:
"Each year planting areas are demarcated in December or January and invita,tions issued through the Paramount Chiefs to the farmers who formerly ownedthe land. It is the original land-owners who have the first rights to farmthe land in exchange for clearing the bush fallow and following the plantingguidelines set out by the government. Only the original landowner can rejectthe offer to farm and pass on the rights to someone else.
After the bush is felled, the cut vegetation is allowed to dry and is thenburned about March-April. The Forestry Department lists crops that areallowed to be cultivated and lays down other requirements. In June-July, theyoung forest trees are planted by the forestry staff, and this is done afterthe farmer has planted his own crops. Spacing for the forest trees variesaccording to site and species to be employed. The general trend is towardwide spacing, e.g. 2.5 x 2.5 my 3 x 3 m, and 4.5 x 4.5 m for Gmelina arborea,Terminalia ivorensis, T. superba, Cordia alliodora, and Nauclea diderrichii.The principal agricultural crop used in taungya is rice, but farmers areallowed to sow maize, guinea corn, peas, sorghum, cassava, and okra. Duringthis time, the farmers tend the young trees in addition to their agriculturalcrops.
After the second, and sometimes the third, year the farmer is allottedanother plot. In most cases where there is no land hunger and in remotoareas where the Forestry Department is obliged to carry out rapid afforest-ation, the farmers are the forestry employees. Forest villages are builtfor them, and all the agricultural crops they cultivate belong to them."(Koroma 1982:68-9).
Proposed taunplya with perennial agricultural crops
In order to increase agricultural production and provide a longer-termarrangement for farmers, the Forestry Department began in 1976 to introducecocoa, coffee and cola as understoreys in Terminalia ivorensis and Terminalia,superha plantations.
A. General information
Source: Koroma 1982 Location: nationwide.
B. Cultivation practices
Bush fallow and swamp rice.
C. Alternatives
- 46 -
SIERRA LEONE 2
1. The National Programme of Taungva
The taungya procedure practieed in Sierra Leone is aB follows:
"Each year planting areas are demarcated in December or January and invi ts.tions issued through the Paramount Chiefs to the farmers who formerly owned the land. It is the original land-owners who have the first rights to farm the land in exchange for clearing the bush fallow and following the planting guidelines set out by the government. Only the original landowner can reject the offer to farm and pass on the rights to someone else.
After the bush is felled, the cut vegetation is allowed to dry and is then burned about March-April. The Forestry Department lists crops that are allowed to be cultivated and lays down other requirements. In Jun-ruly, the young forest trees are planted by the forestry staff, and this is done after the farmer has planted his own crops. Spacing for the forest trees varies according to site and species to be employed. The general trend is toward wide spacing, e.g. 2.5 x 2.5 m, 3 x 3 rn, and 4.5 x 4.5 m for Gmelina arborea, Terminalia ivorensis, 1. superba, Cordia alliodora, and Nauclea diderrichii. The principal agricultural crop used in taungya is rice, but farmers are allowed to sow maize, guinea corn, peas, sorghum, cassava, and okra. During this time, the farmers tend the young trees in addition to their agricultural crops.
After the second, and sometimes the third, year the farmer is allotted another plot. In most cases where there is no land hunger and in remote areas where the Forestry Department is obliged to carry out rapid afforestation, the farmers are the forestry employees. Forest villages are built for them, and all the agricultural crops they cultivate belong to them." (Koroma 1982:68-9).
2. Proposed taungya with perennial agricultural crops
In order to increase agricultural production and provide a longer-term arrangement for farmers, the Forestry Department began in 1976 to introduce cocoa, coffee and cola as understoreys in Terminalia ivorensis and Terminalia superba plantations.
- 47 -
"Initial experiments at Kasewe Forest Reserve in the late 1950s had provedsatisfactory, and the indications are that coffee will soon become the mainunderstorey in extensive areas of wide espacement plantations in forestreserves and the lineplanted areas in native administration forests. Theseperennial crops are being introduced as understoreys at spacings of 7.5 x 7.5 m,9 x 9 m, and 10.8 x 10.8 m such that the final crop will be 178, 121, and85 stems/ha respectively when the plantations are between 12 and 15 years old.It is hoped that when the agricultural crops have outlived their usefulness(about age 30), the whole area will be clear felled and replanted by thetaungya system. Maintenance from the time the agricultural crops are plantedwill be carried out by the farmer (the original landowner or holder), to whomthe plantation would be leased on payment of an annual rent to be mutuallyagreed upon."
- 47 -
"Initial experiments at Kasewe Forest Reserve in the late 1950s had proved satisfactory, and the indications are that coffee will soon become the main understorey in extensive areas of wide espacement plantations in forest reserves and the line-planted areas in native administration forests. These perennial crops are being introduced as understoreys at spacinga of 7.5 x 7.5 m, 9 x 9 m, and 10.8 x 10.8 m such that the final crop will be 178, 121, and 85 stems/ha respectively when the plantations are between 12 and 15 years old. It is hoped that when the agricultural crops have outlived their usefulness (about age 30) , the whole area will be clear felled and replanted by the taungya system. Maintenance from the time the agricultural crops are planted will be carried out by the farmer (the original landowner or holder), to whom the plantation would be leased on payment of an annual rent to be mutually agreed upon."
-48-
SIERRA LEONE 3
A. General information
Source: FAO/World Bank 1982, Appendix 2Location: Adjacent areas of central Sierra Leone in the northern
and southern provinces.Rainfall: 2,500-3,000 mmPopulation: 40 to 100 persons/km2.
Cultivation practice
Upland mixed food crops combined with tobacco growing; the latter hasbeen of increasing importance in the last 10 years. Bush fallow 5-8 years;forest rarely more than 10 years old. In the north of the region inquestion, where rainfall is lower, fallow is savanna, including Lophire ala-ta -dominated savanna.
Alternative
Fuelwood plantations (eucalyptus) and community forestry plantations:for fuel, poles, shade for agricultural crops and dwellings, soil improve-ment, ease of successful culture and minimal effect on growth of agriculturalcrops.
Proposed species: Acrocarpus fraxinifolius, Acacia auriculaeformislAlbizzia falcataria, Leucaena leucocephala.
- 48 -
SIERRA LEXlNE 3
A. General information
Source: FAO/World Bank 1982, Appendix 2 Location: Adjacent areas of central Sierra Leone in the northern
and southern provinces. Rainfall: 2,500-3,000 mm 2 Population: 40 to 100 persons/km •
B. Cultivation practice
Upland mixed food crops combined with tobacco growing; the latter has been of increasing importance in the last 10 years. Bush fallow 5-8 years; forest rarely more than 10 years old. In the north of the region in question, where rainfall is lower, fallow is savanna, including Lophire ~ -dominated savanna.
C. Alternative
Fuelwood plantations (eucalyptus) and community forestry plantations: for fuel, poles, shade for agricultural crops and dwellings, soil improvement, ease of successful culture and minimal effect on growth of agricultural crops.
Proposed species: Acrocarpus fraxinifolius, Acacia auriculaeformis. Albizzia falcataria, Leucaena leucocephala.
- 49 -
TANZANIA 1
General information
Source: Vieweg and Wilms 1978:228-9Location: the Kilombero Valley, southern Tanzania (higher land, not
low-lying central)Rainfall: 1,200-19400 mmPopulation density: 20-23 persons/km2 rising. Some farmers in the
lower population areas shift their dwellings; most do not.
Cultivation ractices
3-5 years cultivation followed by 10-20 years fallow. Fallow perioddepends on the type of soil; the farmer often judges the fallow sufficientto restore soil fertility when the original Hyparrhenia grass has againbecome the dominant species of the vegetation. Cultivation of upland rice,also maize and cassava. All crops planted on ridges. Weeds removed andlaid in the furrows where they serve as green manure after splitting theridges for the next crop. Only tool: hand hoe.
Alternative
Permanent aultivation of annual crops on 30 ha at Katrin Research Station.
1. Results to date
"The crop rotation differed somewhat from field to field, but generallythe sequence was: maize, rice, soyabean, rice or sesame, rices rice. Dressingsof artificial fertilizers were given to all crops; rates of applicationto rice were usually 20 kg of N (as ammonium sulphate), 26 kg of P(as triple super-phosphate) and 40 kg of K (as potassium chloride) perhectare. Despite the dressings of fertilizer, yields decreased gradually,but it was not possible to determine to what extent it could be attribu-table to the effect of season or to an ever increasing amount of weedgrowth which could not always be handled properly.
During the sixth year of cropping, large patches of plants in the fieldsgrew extremely poorly and no seed was harvested. On one field, soyabeanssuffered considerably, remaining small before finally 4ying. In anotherfield devoted to a rice variety trial, all 16 varieties germinated well,but few tillers and even fewer ears were produced before the plants diedwithout a single grain being harvested. Soil analyses showed that duringthe six-year cropping period the pH of the soil (as measured in CaC12solution) was reduced from 5.4 to 4.1. This reduction was a very largeone, taking into account the relatively low rates of application of N and P.Lime applied to the final soyabean crop raised the pH from 4.1 to 4.92but rice sown as a test crop on the site of the same experiment in 1973was destroyed by wild animals and no crop was harvested. The remainingland was put down to fallow."
- 49-
TANZANIA 1
A. General information
Source: Vieweg and Wilms 1978:228-9 Location: the Kilombero Valley, southern Tanzania (higher land, not
low-lying central) Rainfall: 1,200-1,400 mm Population density: 20-23 persons/km2 rising. Some farmers in the
lower population areas shift their dwellings; most do not.
B. Cultivation practices
3-5 years cultivation followed by 10-20 years fallow. Fallow period depends on the type of soil; the farmer often judges the fallow sufficient to restore soil fertility when the original Kyparrhenia grass has again become the dominant species of the vegetation. Cultivation of upland rice, also maize and cassava. All crops planted on ridges. Weeds removed and laid in the furrows where they serve as green manure after splitting the ridges for the next crop. Only tool: hand hoe.
C. Alternative
Permanent cUltivation of annual crops on 30 ha at Katrin Research Station.
1. Results to date
"The orop rotation differed somewhat from field to field, but generally the sequence was: maize, rice, soyabeant rice or sesame, rice, rice. Dressings of artificial fertilizers were given to all crops; rates of application to rice were usually 20 kg of N (as ammonium sulphate), 26 kg of P (as triple super-phosphate) and 40 kg of K (as potassium chloride) per hectare. Despite the dressings of fertilizer, yields decreased gradually, but it was not possible to determine to what extent it could be attri butable to the effect of season or to an ever increasing amount of weed growth which could not always be handled properly.
During the sixth year of cropping, large patches of plants in the fields grew extremely poorly and no seed was harvested. On one field, soyabeans suffered oonsiderably, remaining small before finally dying. In another field devoted to a rice variety trial, all 16 varieties germinated well, but few tillers and even fewer ears were produced before the plants died wi thout a single grain being harvested. Soil analyses showed that during the six-year cropping period the pH of the soil (as measured in CaC12 solution) was reduced from 5.4 to 4.1. This reduction was a very large one, taking into account the relatively low rates of application of N and P. Lime applied to the final soyabean crop raised the pH from 4.1 to 4.9, but rioe sown as a test crop on the site of the same experiment in 1973 was destroyed by wild animals and nO crop was harvested. The remaining land was put down to fallow."
50
Research work in_proRress
"Leaf and soil analyses of a detailed nature are being undertaken, but noresults are available yet. Several trials have been laid down in anattempt to find a sound cropping system for this type of soil. One long-term experiment is being used to compare 12 different crop rotations inwhich rice it3 the main crop and leys are also included. Other experimentsare being used to compare high and low rates of fertilizer and the effectof lime. In one trial Mo significantly increased the yield of rice strawand narrowly failed to do so for grain yield."
Conclusion
"The results obtained so far from trials on the longterm cultivation ofannual crops with mechanization on a pale sandy groundwater latente soilhave not been encouraging. After six years cropping, yields fell to zero,despite reasonable dressing of NPK. The application of cattle manure andlime markedly improved the crop but neither seems to be a practicableproposition because little cattle manure is produced and the cost of limeis uneconomically high. Liming might also aggravate the problem byincreasing mineralization of organic matter.
At the present early stage of investigation, no improvement can be guggestedon the austomary method of shifting cultivation as practised by farmers onsoil of this type."
- 50-
2. Research work in progress
"Leaf and soil analyses of a detailed nature are being undertaken, but no results are available yet. Several trials have been laid down in an attempt to find a sound cropping system for this type of soil. One longterm experiment is being used to compare 12 Qifferept crop rotations in which rice is the main crop and leys are also inpluded. Other experiments are being used to compare high and low rates of fertiliZer and the effect of lime. In one trial Mo significantly increa~ed the yield of rice straw and narrowly fail\ld to do so for grain yield."
3. Conclusion
'"rhe results obt!j.ined so far from trials on tbe long-term cultivation of annual crops with mechanization on a pale sandy groundwater laterite soil have not been encouraging. After six years cropping, yields fell to zero, despite reasonable dressing of NPK. The applic~tion of cattle manure and lime markedly improved the crop but neither seems to be a practicable proposition because little cattle manure is produced and the cost of lime is uneconomically high. Liming might also aggravate the problem by increasing mineralization of organic matter.
At the pres~t early stage of investigation, no improvement can be suggested on the customary method of shifting cultivation as practised by farmers on soil of this type."
A. General information
51
TANZANIA 2
Source: case study of Hado, TanzaniaLocation: Hado area, KondoaRainfall: 500-800 mm annual averagePopulation density: 21 or 24.5 persons/km2 (1978) (different figures
on pp 26 and 27).
Cultivation prá2tices
Of 120 farmers interviewed, 83 did not practise fellows, 37 did. For thosewho did, an average of 2 years fallow followed an average of 5 years culti-vation (p 44 of case study). In other words, this is not shifting cultiva-tion; it is usually permanent cultivation.
Alternative
Tree planting for the Forestry Department, for fuelwood, community woodlotsand for reducing soil erosion. Four tree nurseries have been established andby December 1982 some 7.1 million seedlings were being raised. here were1690 ha of 'demonstration plots', ridging had covered some 95 km 4. There wasa good participation rate of farmers in tree planting, but tending was notrigorously pursued. Interest in tending trees would be greater if the treesplanted were multipurpose, i.e. if they could be integrated with the farmers'agricultural practices, as agrisilviculture. (p 55 of Hado case study).
- 51 -
TANZANIA 2
A. General information
Source: case study of Hado, Tanzania Location: Hado area, Kondoa Rainfall: 500-800 mm annual average Population density: 21 or 24.5 persons/km2 (1978) (different figures
on pp 26 and 27).
B. Cultivation practices
Of 120 farmers interviewed, 83 did not practise fallows, 37 did. For those who did, an average of 2 years fallow followed an average of 5 years cultivation (p 44 of case study). In other words, this is not shifting cultivation; it is usually permanent cultivation.
C. Alternative
Tree planting for the Forestry Department, for fuelwood, community woodlots and for reducing soil erosion. Four tree nurseries have been established and by December 1982 some 7.1 million seedlings were being raised. ~here were 1690 ha of 'demonstration plots', ridging had covered some 95 km. There was a good participation rate of farmers in tree planting, but tending was not rigorously pursued. Interest in tending trees would be greater if the trees planted were multipurpose, i.e. if they could be integrated with the farmers' agricultural practices, as agrisilviculture. (p 55 of Hado case study).
- 52 -
TANZANIA 3
General information
Source: case study of Usambaral TanzaniaLocation: UsaMbara mountainsRainfall: 1,000-2,000 mm depending on altitudePopulation density: 137 persons/km2 or 185 persons/km2 for the area
of cultivable land (1978).
Cultivation practices
No recent data: probably shifting cultivation in pro-colonial times, thena change from forest fallow to short grass fallows during the early colonialperiod, associated with the spread of cash cropping and government reserva-tion of land. Now permanent cultivation is the most common form ofagriculture.
Alternative
Vegetable growing in the context of the Lushoto Integrated DevelopmentProject. An evaluation in 1974 showed that:
the high-input agricultural practices used, based on methods fromindustrial countries, were not appropriate in this area;
the positive aspects of traditional cultivation techniques hadbeen neglected and
it was envisaged that sUbsistence farmers would buy vegetables andthereby improve their diet; in fact the farmers could not afford todo this. (pp 20-21 of UsaMbara case study).
- 52 -
TANZANIA :)
A. General information
Source: case st~ of Usambara, Tij.tlzania Location: Usambara mountains Rainfall: 1,000_2,000 mm depending on altitude Population density: 137 persons/km2 or 185 persons/km2 for the area
of cultivable land (1978).
B. cultivation practices
No recent data: probably Shifting cultivation in pre-colonial times, then a change from forest fallow to short grass fallows during the early colonial period, associated with the spread of cash cropping and government reservation of land. Now perm~ent cultivation is the most common form of agriculture.
c. Alternative
Vegetable growing in the context of the Lushoto Integrated Development Project. An evaluation in 1974 showed that:
a) the high-input agricultural practices used, based on methods from industrial countries, were' not appropriate in this area;
b) the positive aspeots of traditional cultivation techniques had been neglected and
c) it was envisaged that subsistence farmers would b~ vegetables and thereby improve their diet; in fact the farmers could not afford to do this. (pp 20-21 of Usambara case study).
53
TOGO
General information
Source: Nadjombe 1982:70-72Location: nationwide.
Cultivation practices
Shifting cultivation (no details).
Alternative
Taungya, involving a succession of different arrangements from the 1950sto the present time.
1. Individual taungya
1954; Food cróps with teak in disbursed_plots.
"At first, the farmers were allowed to select their own site anddesired acreage in a forest reserve, according to their own criteriaand abilities. Using traHitional methods, they prepared the groundand planted and nurtured the seedlings supplied by the ForestryDepartment, which, in principle, supervised all operations. The foodcrop harvests belonged entirely to the farmers, who were authorizedto open up new plots according to their needs. When the cover of theteak plants began to hamper the development of food crops, the ForestryDepartment resumed responsibility for the care of trees. The farmerswere also allowed to choose the food crops they wanted to grow,according to practical experience. Only perennial crops, such as oilpalms, citrus fruits, coffee, and cocoa were forbidden."
¡IL: Food cro s with teak in ax.i. .acent plots.
"As early as 1958, farmers were compelled to cultivate plots in acontinuous block rather than interspersing them throughout the forest.This regulation derived from the difficulties associated with managingsmall heterogeneous plots that were spread throughout the forest andthat included seedlings of many different ages. With regard to thekind of crops to be grown, it was recommended that only corn, yams,and beans be cultivated together with teak, This recommendation wasbased not on scientific evidence but rather on observations of poorteak growth in combination with other crops such as cassava, cotton,and sorghum."
1972: Food crops with Terminalia superba with incentives in the formof bonuses in cash and kind.
"With FAO assistance, the Office de Développement et d,Exploitationdes Forêts (Forest Development and Exploitation Authority, ODEF, agovernment organization set up in 1971 to stimulate reforestationactivities) reintroduced the taungya on its sites in 19729 adding new
A. General information
Source: Nadjombe 1982:70-72 Location: nationwide.
B. Cultivation practices
- 53 -
TO G 0
Shifting cultivation (no details).
C. Alternative
Taungya, involving a succession of different arrangements from the 1950s to the present time.
1. Individual taungya
a) 1954; Food crops with teak in disbursed plots.
"At first, the farmers were allowed to select their own site and desired acreage in a forest reserve, according to their own criteria and abilities. Using traditional methods, they prepared the ground and planted and nurtured the seedlings supplied by the Forestry Department, which, in principle, supervised all operations. The food crop harvests belonged entirely to the farmers, who were authorized to open up new plots according to their needs. When the cover of the teak plants began to hamper the development of food crops, the Forestry Department resumed responsibility for the care of trees. The farmers were also allowed to choose the food crops they wanted to grow, according to practical experience. Only perennial crops, such as oil palms, citrus fruits, coffee, and cocoa were forbidden."
. b) 1958: Food crops with teak in adjacent plots.
"As early as 1958, farmers were compelled to cultivate plots in a continuous block rather than interspersing them throughout the forest. This regulation derived from the difficulties associated with managing small heterogeneous plots that were spread throughout the forest and that included seedlings of ma.n;y different ages. \'/i th regard to the kind of crops to be grown, it was recommended that only corn, yams, and beans be cultivated together with teak. This recommendation was based not on scientific evidence but rather on observations of poor teak growth in combination with other crops such as cassava, cotton, and sorghum."
c) 1972: Food crops with Terminalia superba with incentives in the form of bonuses in cash and kind.
"With FAO asSistance, the Office de D~veloppement et d IExploi tation des For~ts (Forest Development and Exploitation Authority, ODEF, a government organization set up in 1971 to stimulate reforestation activities) reintroduced the taungya on its sites in 1972, adding new
- 54 -
elements such as incentives in the form of bonuses in cash and in kind.The cash bonus was fixed at 6,000 Fr. CFA (in 1981, 400 Fr. CFA . US$ 1)and there were supplies worth 23,000 Fr. CFA for the first year of thecontract. These incentives made it possible to plant more than 1,200 haof Terminalia superba before the system encountered two difficultiesthat led once more to its abandonment.
The Terminalia superba plantations were established in dense, semi-deciduous woodlands that are much sought after by farmers, who clearthem for food crop production. The new taungya system allowed thePlanting of corn, which in Togo is generally grown on forest clearingsand is not the leading rotation crop. Because the ODEV was unwillingto allow rotation of crops under the taungya system, farmers felt itwas pointless to continue with the system, as grasslands were readilyavailable all around the forest reserves; and T. superba and teakplantations were usually handed over to the Forestry Department aftertwo years of cultivation by farmers. Since these plantations were farfrom human settlements, there was inadequate labour for maintenanceand reforestation activities. A great many of the plantations werethus left in a deplorable state."
2. Departmental taungya,: paid labour to establish food crops with eucalyptus.
"Given that the taungya system faced virtually insurmountable difficultiesat the sociological and technical levels, a new formula had to be found.Thus, under state supervision, a semimechanized eucalyptus reforestationsite was established near a major urban centre capable of supplying neededlabour. Both food and tree crops were to be cultivated as before but theState would reap the benefits of all harvests and would pay labourersa wage."
- 54-
elements such as incentives in the form of bonuses in cash and in kind. The cash bonus was fixed at 6,000 Fr. CFA (in 1981, 400 Fr. CFA ~ US$ 1) and there were supplies worth 23,000 Fr. CFA for the first year of the contract. These incentives made it possible to plant more than 1,200 ha of Terminalia superba before the system encountered two difficulties that led once more to its abandonment.
The Terminalia superba plantations liere established in dense, semideciduous woodlands that are much sought after by farmers, who clear them for food crop production. The new taungya system allowed the planting of corn, which in Togo is generally grown on forest clearings and is not the leading rotation crop. Because the ODEF was unwilling to allow rotation of crops under the taungya system, farmers felt it was pointless to continue with the system, as grasslands were readily available all around the forest reserves; and T. superba and teak plantations were usually handed over to the Forestry Department after two years of cultivation by farmers. Since these plantations were far from human settlements, there was inadequate labour for maintenance and reforestation activities. A great many of the plantations were thus left in a deplorable state."
2. Departmental taungya: paid labour to establish food crops with eucalyptus.
"Given that the taungya system faced virtually insurmountable difficulties at the sociological and technical levels, a new formula had to be found. Thus, under state supervision, a semi-mechanized eucalyptus reforestation site was established near a major urban centre capable of supplying needed labour. Both food and tree crops were to be cultivated as before but the State would reap the benefits of all harvests and would Ps;)'" labourers a wage."
ALLAN, W.(1965)
APPLETON, N.S.(1982)
BALL, J.B.(1977)
BALL, J.B. and(1981)
BAYA VUMA(1983)
BOSERUP, E.(1965)
BROOKMAN-AMISSAH,(1978)
EARL. D.E.(1982)
FAUCHER, D.
(1949)
FAO(1956)
FAO/UNDP(1981)
- 55 -
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NIR/71/546 - 14, FAO, Rome, Italy.
UMEH, L.I. Tevelopment trends in taungya systems in themoist lowland forest zone of Nigeria between 1975 and1980'. Paper presented at the Workshop on Agroforestryin the African Humid Tropics, University of Ibadan.Federal Department of Forestry, Ibadan, Nigeria.
Personal Communication.
The conditions of agricultural 5rowth,George Allen and Unwin, London, U.K.
J. 'Agri-silviculture for production of wood and foodcrops in Ghana'. Paper presented at the 8th World ForestryConference, Jakarta.
CARTER, J.E. and MENDS-COLE, J. Liberian women: Their role in food(1982) production and their educational and le al status.
Profile of Liberian women in development project.University of Liberia.
'Rainforest conversion: when cheap may be costly'9in: World Wood, p. 22-3.
Géograohie agraire, GAnin, Paris.
L'agriculture nomade, Vol. I Congo beige, Cate d'Ivoire.Collection FAO: *Lise en valeur des forêts, Cahier No 9,FAO, Rome, Italy.
FAO 'Report of the sixth session of the committee on(1982) forestry' (Rome, 3-7 May 1982), FAO, Rome, Italy.
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ALLAN, VI. (1965)
- .55 -
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BALL, J.B. (1977)
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BOSERUP, E. (1965)
'Taungya in southern Nigeria', Project working document NIR/71/546 - 14, FAO, Rome, Italy.
and m~, L.I. 'Development trends in taungya systems in the moist lowland forest zone of Nigeria bet1<een 1975 and 1980'. Paper presented at the }/orkshop on Agroforestry in the African Humid Tropics, University of Ibadan. Federal Department of Forestry, Ibadan, Nigeria.
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The conditions of agricultural !P':owth, George AlIen and Unwin, London, U.K.
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