Chapter Five

GANDHISM AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

201

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ( 1869-1948) entered the

Indian political scene as a prominent figure only in 19161

but by 1919 he emerged as the most important national

leader. His writings and speeches of this period and ot the

subsequent years cover many subjects such as non-cooperation,

training tor self-government, modem civilization, concept

ot Swadesbi, non-violence as a dogma, policy and principle,

passive resistance and soul-force, Hindu-Muslim unity,

economics of cottage industries and benefits ot an 1nd1~enous

system ot education. His views on all these Sllb~ ects were

a part ot his total philosopey \1hicb was often referred to as

Gandh1sm. In this study we are concerned only with h1s

political philosophy and that too ot the period pr1or to 1922.

In politics, as 1n regard to other matters, he was making

expertments. B.v making a study of the political activities

prior to 1922 we get only a glimpse of his political philosophy

Which evolved later. ~t in the histor.y of ~ India's

struggle tor freedom the non-cooperat!on movement Which the

Indian national Congress launched under Gandhi 1 s leadership

during 1920-21 was a landmark and in the period which we are

covering in th1 s study, i.e., 1905-1921, 1 t came as a climax

to all other earlier political movements.

Gandhi'§ emareens;e AS the Nat1opa1 Lgader

Gandhi was not associated with the political movements

of India before 1918. After a long period ot residence 1D the

Union or South Atr1ca he returned to India in 1915. 1ft ·that

countr.y he experimented with §atyagrftba - literally meaning

the pursuit of truth - in connection with the passive

resistance which he organized against racial discrimination

practised against the 'non-ltbites.' (1) The reports of his

campaigns 1n South Africa reacbecl lndia and earned him a high

reputation among his countrymen for courage and selfless work.

lr:mlediately after his return to this country Gandhi did not

enter active politics, but tried to make a study of the Indian

political situation.

In 1915 there was a lull in the political life ot the

country. As the partition of Bengal was annulled, there was

no tension concerning it. T.be struggle between the Moderates

and the Extremists for the leadership ot the national movement

bad weakened the Congress from Which the Extremists had gone

out. Neither the Moderates nor the Extremists were in a

position to assert themselves as national leaders. Another

political party, which was gradually emerging as a torce, was

the MUslim League which strengthened the separatist trends

among the Indian Muslims.

(1) An eXhaustive account of the work of Gandhi in the Union of South Africa is given by H. s. L. Polak 1n M. K. Oaruibi..t-.§p,eegbas apd WJ:itinga (Madras, 1.917).

The task or a national leader under such circumstances

was to initiate a movement Which could be national in its

real sense and the philosophy of which could assimilate the

fundamental tenets of the various political ~roups inside

the country, thereby making 1t acceptable to a considerable

section of the people. For the success of' such a movement it

vas necessary that it should be designed - consciously or

unconscioas~ - to sat1st,r diverse groups with confl1ct1ng

ldeas and even clashing interests. Gandhi achieved success

to a remarkable extent 1n performtng this Herculean task.

We see in his 't:1rit1ngs and speeches the llbaralism and the

economic content of the philosophy of the Moderates, the

political radicalism and religious outlook which characterized

the Extremists and a readiness to accept the orthodox Muslim's

interpretation of' the events concerning Turkey and Arabia.

One can also see the traces of the influence of the Home

~e League movements led by Annie Besant 1n the political

agitation led by Gandhi dt~r1ng 1919-1920. (2) While, on the

one hand, Gandhi was trying to combine the various strands or

(2) Mrs. Besant t~as interned under the Def'ence ot India Bu1es 1n June 1917 and her arrest created widespread resentment against the Government 1n the COWltey.

thought Which innuenced the people b·~fore he appeared on the .,& ('a. '\'\.C.

Indian political rio14, on the other, he was opening a new

chapter in molern India's political history When he led and

organized the non-cooperation movement of 1920-11. As the

tirst campaign or mass civil disobedience against the alien

Government on a national scale, it set in motion new political .Pu.\'1 cl,\ ~~ees in the country.

Before Gandhi launched the non-cooperation movement

he had added to his rich experience or con· tucting such a

movement 1n South 4 friea by associating himself with the

agitations in Chagarav. (3) and (-.at,ra. (4) They were local

straggles concerned with local issues. rbe movement or 19~0-~1 vas concerned With issues of national importance and as such

it raised some fUndamental issues.

JmmeciiatQ s111seg tor the Non..Coope£At1on Mgyement

As we noted earlier, in one sense the non-cooperation

movement was the climax ot earlier movements. ~ere were also

some immediate caases tor it being launched in 1919 and for

the Shape it took at tbat time. Most prominent among them were

the Rowlatt Act, the J a11anwala Bagh trag ad¥ and the Khilafat

(3) For details ot the Champaran movement refer to D. G. Tendul.ker, Maha1;ma (Ahmedabad, '1951.) I, 242-61.

(4) The story of the movement 1n Ka1ra - a district in Ouj erat - has been described by Gandhi hlmsel.t in a speech de~i vered in Bombay in 1918. Gandhi, n. 1, 279-81.

agitation. As a reSlllt of these developments and the impact ot

the war and of other 1ntemat1onal developments the political

situation in the country was ripe for starting a campaign

against the alien government.

During the world war of 1914-19181 the politically

conscious section of the people of the country gave unconditional

support to the war efforts of the Government and hoped that,

after the war, the people ot India would move towards self­

government rapidly. As one of Gandhi's followers, who later

became a prominent political leader, noteda

The war aims Which vere declared to be nothin~t less than making the world sate for democracy t the protectiOB or weak nat1onal1t1es, and the contermEDt of the boon ot self-determination on all peoples naturally roused great hopes in the minds ot the people of India Who began to see in the world­devastating lfar a chance or their deliverance from the humiliating position or a sub3ect people and a hope or the elevation of their country to the status or an equal partner in the BritiSh Common­wealth. (5)

~t after the war those Who hoped that ln41a would move rapidlY

towards self-government were disappointed. Many events such

as the arrest of some of their leaders gave a rude shock to

them. ~hey were further ag1 tated by the report of the

Committee, headed by S1r Sydney Rovlatt, which investigated

the revolutionary movements 1n the eountry and suggested how

the Government should meet it.

(6) Rajendra Prasad in M. K. Gandhi, Xgung India 1919-22 (Madras, 1922) xxv~xxv1. -

Tbe Report Which was published on 19 July 1918

recommended the continuation or all the provisions or the

Defence or India Act Which, in practice, meant the denial of

eivll rights and liberties to the people. The Defence of

India Act was not very much resented durin~ the ~ar because

1 t was a temporary measure intended to rieal vith an

extraordinary situation. The Bills, based on the Report or the Rovlatt, vere meant to make a permanent chan~e in the

criminal law ot the lando These Bills were brought forward

before the Imperial Legislature on 6 February 1919o Gandhi

not only condemned the Bills in an outright manner, but also

wa~ed tbe British Gover.nment that the nation as such vas not

going to abide b.1 any act Which would deny civil rights.

He stated•

When the Rowlatt B11ls were published, I felt that the, were so restrictive of human liberty that they must be resisted to the utmost. 1 observed too that the opposition to them vas universal among Indlans. 1 submit that no State, ho-..11aver despotic, bas the right to enact laws tfbicb are repugnant to the Whole body or the people, mcb less a government guided by constitutional usage and precedent suctl as the Indian Government. (6)

Notw1tbstandtng the public agitation and the oppositicn rrom

the non-official members or the Legislature, the Bills were

enacted With the ~pport Of the Official majority Commenting

on the Government• s decision' Gandhi said:

(6) -Gandhi 1 no 5, l3e

It ~ occasional resistance be a lighted m$tch, the Rowlatt Legislation and the perslstanee ln retaining lt on the statute book 1 s a thous.QDd matches scattered throughout India. The only way to avoid civic resistance alto~ethar 1s tc w1 thdraw that legi slatlon. ( 7) --

o'"ll ( FJ ~ ' f

Gandhi • s cr1 t1c1 sm or th1 s arbitrary measure was 1n U~e vi th '

the liberal thinking of the Moderates, but his progr~~e ot

protesting against lt was tar from being liberal.

lmplementat ion of Gandb1 1 s programme t o protest against

the Rowlatt Act led to another important development - the

Jall1anwala Bagh tragedy - Which was another reason tor

launching the non-cooperation movement 1n 1919. On ?~ March

1919 GandhJ. appealed to the people to observe 6 April as an

all-India Hartalt to demonstrate resentment ot the people

against the Rowlatt Act. The Harta1 was very successf'tll.

Later many meetings were hold in different parta of the countr,v

and 1n the Pun3ab a few minor riots also took place. The

Government or the PuJ1.1ab, Which was headed by Sir Michael

O'Dwyer took strang action against the po~~lar leaders Who

. organized ·protest meetings 1n that province. Gandbl was served

with an order not to enter the Punjab. t-lhen be ref'tlse4 to

comply with it he was arrested. Dr. K1tchlew and Satyapal,

two popular leaders or the province, were later arrested.

The,e were also tiring at the demonstrators. There was high

tension in the Punjab and on 13 April 1919 1t reached a climax.

(7) D. a. Tendulker, n. 3, 320.

2(..f,

On that day a meeting was held 1n the J all1anwala Bagh 1n

Amr1tsar. ~e following account gives the story of What vas

referred to as the Amr1tsar Massacre and the Jalllanwala Bagh

tragecJJa

On the 13th a meeting was advertised to be held at a vacant space tmown as Jallianwalla Bagh. General D~er prohibited any gathering of men on pain of death and bearing that a meeting was going to be held at Jallianvalla proceeded to the spot vith his troops and machine guns. The place was fUll of' men, women and children as 1 t vas an important Hindu festival day. Within 30 seconds ot his arrival be opened tire which continued tor 10 minutes directing it where the orov4 was thickest. The tire continued t!ll &mU!Wlition was exhausted. Some 5 to 6 hundred people were k1Ued outright and three times tbe number wounded. The place be1Dg surrounded on all sides by hl~h walls no one could escape. There was no warning given before f'1r1ng and no care taken of the dead anci wounded after 1t. Sllbsequentl.7, Martial law was declared in Amr1tsar, Lahore, Gujrat and IAyalpur d1str1cta and 11fhat maY be tltll described as a reign of terror followed. (B)

No other single incident ln the blstory ot modern In41a caused

as much d1osat1staot1on against the Government as the Jalllanwal.a

Bagh tragedy. Even the Government vas compelled to yield to

the public demand to enquire into the justness and propriet~

of the pollee firing and a committee under the cbalrmanahlp

ot Sir Hunter vas appointed for the purpose. BUt before the

Committee began its proceedings, the Government passed an

Indemnity Act tor the protection of lts officers. The Hunter

Comm1ttee was divided ln its findin~s and its report failed

to satisfy Indian public opinion. All these developments

(8) Rajendra Prasad, n. 5 1 XXXi-XXXS.i.

related to the Amr1tsar firing added a stimulus to the non­

cooperation movement when it was ~aunched later.

We have dealt with many aspects of the Khilatat

question 1n the last chapter. ~he Khilatat agitation was

another source of strength to the non-cooperation movement.

The terms ot the peace treaty With reference to the Khilafat

were interpreted by many Indian MUslim leaders as a betrayal

of the promise given bJ the British to them. The news ot the

Peace Treaty reached India on the same day 'When the Hunter

Committee's Report was published. Both intensified the

Widespread discontent against the British Government.

In a letter to the lficeroy, Gandhi referred to the . Kh1lafat and the Punjab question (the Amr1tsar firing) and

explained 1n the following manner how they have changed his

a ttl tude towards the Government~

Events that have happened during the past month have confirmed me in the opinion that the Imperial Government have acted in the Khllafat matter 1n an unscruplous, immoral and unjust manner and have been moving from wrong to wrong ~order to defend their immorality. I can retain neither respect, nor attect1on tor such Government.

The attitude of the Imperial and Your Excellency's Government on the ~jab question has given me additional cause t'r grave dissatistaction •••• Your Excellency • s light-hearted treatmeDt of the official crtme, your exoneration of Sir Michael o•Dw,erl Mr. Montagu' s dispatch and, above aU the shame~ ignorance of the Puniab events and callous disregard or the feelings of ndians betrayed by the House of Lords, have filled me with the gravest mlsgiv1Dgs regarding the future of the &lp1re,

have estranged me completely from the present Govemment and have disabled me from tendering, as 1 have hitherto tendered, ow loya1 co­operation. (9)

The Non..CpPPerat;:tgp Movernent apd t,t;a Programme

The stage was thus set f'or inaugurating a new political

campdgn 1n India. Althou~ the events noted above Etave

immediate stimulus to the non-cooperation movement, there

was no doubt that the movement itself was not only a protest

against the Rowlatt Act, the Khilaf"at and the Amritsar firing,

but an expression of the lack of faith 1n the 3ustness of the

British rule and of the consequent ,temand for SwaraJ by Indians.

In his letter to the iflceroy, Which was referred to

earlier, Gandhi made his intention of starting the non­

cooperation movement clear. Be said a

In my humble opinion the ordinary method of agitating by way ot petitions, dev..ttations and tbe like is no remedy for moving to repentance a Government so_hopelassly indifferent to the velf'are or its charge as the Government of India has proved to be. • • • l~ve1 therefore, ventured to suggest the rem or Non-Cooperation Which enables those who w1 , to d1 ssoclate themselves from the Government and Which, lf lt is unattended by Violence and undertaken 1n an ordered manner, must compel it to retrace lts steps and· undo the wrongs committed. ( 10)

In tbe last chapter we have referred to the Kbilatat

agitation. The Khilafat Committee, which was eoncemed with

1 t, accepted Gandh1 1 s Non-Cooperat1 on pro~ramme on 28 l-fa,y 1920.

(9) Gandtd, n. s, 219-20.

(10) Ibid.

on 30 June there was a joint Hindu-Muslim Conference at

Allahabad and it lecide<l to resort to Non-Cooperation after

giving a month's notice to th~ Viceroy. The 31st of' August

was observed as the KhUafat day. Maulana Shaukat Ali and

Mo K. Gandhi toured different parts of the count~· and tried

to gather support tor a programme of non-cooperation. When a

special session of the Indian National Congress met in Calcutta

in September 1920 and adopted a resolution ravouring non­

cooperation, the movement gathered momentum and strength. 'i'be

annual session of the Congress Which vas held at Nagpur 1n

the same year re.aff1rmed the resolution of non-violent non­

cooperation passed at the Calcutta session. T.be pro~ramme ot

the non-cooperation movement revealed that its ultimate aim was

the removal or the British rule in India and such specific

slogans as the repeal. or the Rowl.att Act and the redress or the

Pun3ab grievances were meant to attouse the consciousness ot

tho massos and gather support from them.

This was evident from the fact that the Indian National

Congress in its resolution accepted by the session held in

Calcutta in September 1920 declared• " ••• the only effectual

means to vindicate national honour and to prevent a repetition

ot similar wrongs 1n the future is the establishment of

Swarajya." ( 11) The Congress a1so maintained that there was

"no course left tor the people of India but to approve of and

( 11) l'he Iodiap t!atignAl, Cooeraaa ],g00-23 (Allahabad, 1924) ?.

212

adopt the policy of progressive, non-violent Non-co-operation

inaugurated by Mr. Gandhi until the said wrongs are righted

and Swara3ya 1s established." (12)

The next session of the Congress held 1n Nagpur in

1920 congratulated the nation upon the progr·.:ss made until then

1n working the programme ot non-cooperation. It also declared

that the entire or any part ot the scheme of non-violent non­

cooperation, With the renunciation of the voluntary association

with the present Government at ono end and the refUsal to pay

taxes on the other, should be put 1n f'orce at a time to be

determined by either the Indian National Congress or the All

India Congress Committee. To prepare the countr,r for successful

non-cooperation with the British Gover.nment the Congress

suggested tak1Dg effective steps in that behalf by the boycott

of the schools controlled by the Government and by the boycott

of' law courts b7 the lawyers and the litigants. In order to

make India economically independent and selt-conta1Ded, the

Congress cal1ed upon the merchants and traders to carry out

a gradual boycott of foreign trade relations and to encourage

handspinn1ng and han4weav1Dg. (13)

Paggtve Reat§tapga Aftd Satyagrabi

~ch a programme envisaging non-cooperation with the

authorities in many fields was an inno7ation in the Indian

(12) !W·

(13) l.b.W· t 29.

national movement. Gandh1, as the leader Who inaugurated it,

oftan explained lts philosophical basis. ln a statement read

out at the Court during his trial, Gandhi saida

1 hold it to be a virtue to be disaffected towards a Government Which ln 1ts totality has done more harm to India than any previous system. India is less manly under the British rule than she ever was before. Holding ~ch a belief, I consider 1t to be a sin to ha~e affection tor the system. • • • In mJ humble opinion, Non-co-operation with evil ls as much a duty as is co-operation VS.tb good. (14)

Gandhi acknowledged his indebtedness to many great

teachers and books as far as the evolution of the idea ot

non-cooperation with, and resistance to, evil is concerned.

He was inspired by the philosophy of passive resistance

evolved by others. To quote Gandhi himselta

It was the new Testament Vhlch really awakened me to the rightness and value ot Passive Resistance. • • • The §1\afffid G&fil deepened the impression and !olstol s 'The K1Dgdom of God ls Within You• gave it permanent form. ( 15)

According to one of Gandhi's biographers,

Ruskin and ThQreau bavt\.,botb had some share 1n forming his L Gandhl'sJ opinions, Ruskin's •crown of ~11"14 Olive' 'being an especia1 favourite. Last, bat not least, the Passive Resistance Movement in England with regard to education has proved an ob3ect lesson, not on~ to hlm but to his people, of singular force and interest. (16)

(14) Gandhi, n. s, 1063.

(1.5) Joseph J. Doke, ltl• K. QMdbi - An lnd!,an Patriot; !g.,.S.gutb Afz,lga (Madras, 1.909) as.

(16) Ibif!•

Gandhi' s contribution 1n this field was that he tried

to make the method of passive civil resistance work ~~e ~ ~

national scale.

His programme ot action al.so went beyond the traditional

passive resistance. Once he sa1ds

The English expression 'Passive Resistance' hardly denotes the force about Which 1 propose to wr1teo Bttt satxaurMth i.e., truth-force, correctly conve)'s the meaning. Truth-force is soul-force and 1s the opposite or the force or arms. (17)

Ab~t its applicability he sa1da

It 1 s a force that may be used by individuals as well as by communities. It may be used as wen in political as in domestic af'talrs. Its universal applicability is a demonstration ot its permanence and invincibility. (18)

ln the words ot Gandhi,

Passive resistance has been conceived and 1s regarded as the weapon -ot the weak. Whilst it avoids violence, being not open to tbe weakl it does not exclude its use it, in the op1n on of the passive resister, the occasion demands 1t. (19)

Not so Saty.1g:aha. It vas not the 1.1eapon or the weak but

ot those Vho were more fearless and courageou-s than the

soldiers ln the battle field. Explaining this view Oandhl

saS.ds

( 17) Mahatma Gandhi, SJaeeghes yd 1tld, ttoga (Madras, 1929) 192.

(18) !!Wi•t 187.

( 19) Gandhi, n. s, 222.

Non-violence in its dynamic condition means conscious Sllfrering• It does not mean meek submission to the will of the evil-doer! but it means the putting of one's Whole sou against the ld.ll of the tyrant. Working under this law of our being, it is possible tor a single individual to aety the Whole might ot an un3ust empire to save his honour, b1s rel1g1onl his soul and lay the foundation for that emp re's f'all or its regeneration. (20)

Non-y1g1ense as a Porma1 Pplisx and Principle

2 l e'' 1._ ~.

To What extent was non-violence an essential feature

of the programme of' the non-cooperation movement? It is

doubtful that many ot Gandhi' s followers and the Indian

National Congress tully subscribed to Gandhi's ideas ill

regard to this matter. On the one hand the resolution ot

the Congress on Non-cooperation stateda

This Congress desires to lay emphasis on Bon-violence being the integral part of the non-co-operation resolution and invites the attention of the people to the fact that Iton-violence in word and deed is as essential between people themselves, as 1n respect of the Government. ( 21)

On the other hand it did not give an ethical reason for

taking this stand but only maintained that nthe spirit ot

v1 olence 1 s not only contrary to the growth ot a true

spirit of democracy, but actually retards the enforcement

(1f necessary) of the other stages ot non-cooperatian.n (22)

(20) Gandhi, n. s, 262.

(21) lndiap Nati0na1 Cgngresg, n. 11, 31.

(22) Jbld.

21 (;

Manlana Muhammad All, who lias a colleague or Gandhi,

eXplaining hls v1ev on the question or the role of non­

vto·l~nee in politics said in 1923a

Warfare, according to the Quran, is an evill••• but persecution is a worse evil and may be put down with the weapons of war. ~en persecution ceases, and every man ls free to act with the sole motive of securing divine goodwill, warfare must cease. These are the limits ot Violence 1n Islam, as I understand it, and I cannot go beyond these limits without 1nfr1ng1ng the Law of God. ~t I have agreed to work with Mahatma Gandhi and our compact 1s that as long as I am associated With him I shall not resort to the use of force even tor purposes ot self-defence. And I have w1111ng~ entered into this compact because l think we can achieve victor.y without violence; that the use of violence for a nation of three hundred and twenty millions or people should be a matter ot reproach to 1t. (23)

Many other followers ot Gandhi - both Hindus and

MUslims- shared MUhammad All's view that violence was

justified under same circumstances, but there were some

advantages 1n accept1ng non-violence as a tactics.

Gandhi was not entirely unaware of' this f'act even 1n

1920. He wrotea

I want lnd1a to recognise that she has a soul that cannot perish and that can rise triumphant above every physical weakness and def'y the physical combination of' a Whole vorld. • • ~ However, being a practical man, I do not wait till India recognizes the practlcab1Uty or the spiritual lite 1n the polltica1 world. 1nd1a considers herself' to be powerless and paralysed before the machine-guns the tanks and the aeroplanes ot the EngUsb. Anl she takes up Non-cooperation out other

(23) Atzal Iqbal, comp.h and ed., ,§elegt wpt1ngq And Speeqhes gt ,Mauleps Mgbamma4 ,1 (Labore, 1944) 279.

21.7

weakness. It must still serve the same purpose, namel.l', bring her delivery from the crushlllg weight ot Br~t1sh injustice, 1t a sufficient number or people practise 1~. (24)

A large number of people practised it. BUt a tev

resorted to violence a1so. l'here were scattered incidents

or violence throughout the non-cooperation movamont. Bnt

When 1t led to a death or some policemen at Chanri Chaura

1n February 1922, Gandhi suspended the movement. He gave

the following reasons&

The tragec%' of Cbaur1 Chaura 1 s really the index finger. It shows the way India may easily go, 1t drastic precatlt.ions be not taken. It we are not to evolve violence oat ot non-violence, it is quite clear that we must hastily. retrace our steps and re-establiSh an atmosphere of peace, re-arrange our programme and not t b1nk of' starting mass C1v11 Disobedience until we are sure of peace being retalfted 1n spite of mass CivU Disobedience being started and in!spite ot Government provocation. ( 25) \

Gandhi also hoped that by the suspension of the movement,

n every Congressman or voman Will not only not feel

disappointed but he or she will f'eel relieved of' the burden

ot unreality and of national sin." (26) Bttt the tact that

many were disappointed and were angry when they heard ot the

suspension or the movement, shoved that they did not subscribe

to Gandhi's 1deaa on non-violence.

(24) Gandhi, n. s, 262.

( 25) ibid. t 997.

(26) JW., 998.

The biographer of Pand.it Motilal Nehru sums up the

reaction of many of Gandhi's followers to the suspension ot

the movement in the following vordsl

~hese decisions were like a clap or thunder to the Mahatma's adherents. ProbablY no one vas closer to him than his faithfUl secretary, ~!abadov Desai 1 but even Desai wrote from Agra gaol (February 15th) that the shock had

'absolutely unb1nge4 1 h1m. La3pat Ra1 addressed a circular letter to the Congress Working Committee in ~ch he described Gandhi as 'one of the greatest men or all ages, all ttmes and all countries. • • • Our derea~ is in proportion to the greatness of our leader • • • Mahatma31 pitched his standard too high. • • • To change the heart or mobs in such a way as to make 1 t impossible tor them to indulge in such brutalities without chang1nJ the hearts ot Governments, that rule over them is an impossibility. • • • In Lucknow gaol the reactions or the Nebrus were equally violent. Motilal was beside himself ~lth anger, while his son vented his despair in a letter which Gandhi described •as a freezing dose.• (27)

Many others who participated 1n tbe non-cooperation movement

were more disillusioned than these leaders. It will not

therefore, be wrong to conclude that the majority ot those

Who participated 1n the non-cooperation movement did not

owe allegiance to the concept ot non-violent struggle as

interpreted by Gandh1. They accepted it on].y as an expedient

measure.

lbt it ls equal1l' significant that Gandhi continued

to be the most important political leader of India even after

ids tak1Dg this decisive step Which went against the dominant

mood of the country • His ab111 ty to retain the leadership

(2?) B. Re Nanda, ;lbe Nehm:u Mgt11al aqd Jawab,erlal . (London, 1962) 201. ---- --

ot the country can be partly attributed to his magnetic

personalltYI but 1t is also due to the realization on the

part of many people in the country that some degree of

restraint on the part or the political a~itators would be

helpful. to the success ot the national movement. In this

period Britain was a Groat Power 1n the world and the

Bri t1s.'l Government 1n Incila possessed overwhelming mill tary

strength. The part1c.pation or the Indian masses in the

national movement was still in the rud1mentar.v stage, except

1l1 some parts of the country. It was, therefore, necessary

to make tactical withdrawals du1'1ng the struggle for freedom.

From this standpoint the saspena1on of the non-cooperation

movement was not an unwise step. Making such W1 thclrawa1s and

the necessary compromise tor the purpose was another legacy

ot the political movements led by Gandhi. Bllt the reasons

he gave for 1 t were couched 1n metaphysical and ethical

terms and were not accepted by the vast number of hl s follovers.

In the realm of ideas he did not, therefore, bequeth a 11 beral

political philosophy althou~b in the field of action he

occasionally functioned as a liberal.

!!Wsott ot Sghoo1th Csmrta and fore1tm Go94a

Another 1 tem or the programme of non-cooperation Which

was at first acceptecl by many or Gandhi's followers but which

was rejected by them later vas the boycott of' schoo~s and

courts. The annual session of the Congress which met at

220

Nagpur ln 1920 called upon the students of the age of slxteen

and above to withdraw without delBJ, irrespective or conse­

quence, from institutions owned, aided or 1n any way controlled

by Government and advised them to devote themselves t o some

special service in connection with the non-cooperation movement

or to continue their education in national 1nst1 tutions. It

also cal1ed upon lawyers to make ~reater efforts to suspend

their practice and to devote their attention to national

service inclucling boycott or law courts by litigants and I

fellow lawyers and the settlement or di 9putes by private

arbitration. There was also a call to give up the titles of'

honour give~ b7 tho Government and to boycott legiSlative

bodies. 'rbe official historian of the Congress later summed

the response to these caUsa

The !Jo-vote campaign bad been a remarkable success. Less successful vas the boycott ot courts and colleges, though their prestige vas greatly damaged. Numerous lawyers had lett their profession throughout the country and thrown themselvos heart aDd soul into the movement. An unexpected measure of' response, however, vas noticeable 1B tho field of National Education. Though the number ot students that non-cooperated vas not 1arge1 there was an earnest move towards tlationu Education. (28)

Even thls clalm regarding the success of the boycott of

·educational institutions was highly exaggerated.. The

reallt~ was nearer to the following observation made b.V

c. Y~ Ch1Dtaman1, a critic of' the programme of Non-cooperations

(28) B. P. Sitaramayya.~_.~e Hiat;orx of thg Irufl,ap N atiPPo1 Cpnensa (Bomb~ t 1'd47 I' 21.1.

221

It \1a.G admitted fin the aeport or the Civil Disobed1enc~nquiry Committee consisted ot CongressmEll\..1 that, so far as effort was directed to the weaning of students trom Government scboo1s and colleges, it bas met t1ith poor success, and that the ma3or1ty of the students Who bad come out of Government schools wero obliged to return grad\lall.y to their old sChools; which does not appear exactly to support the cla1m later made in the report that the non­cooperation movement has destroyed the prestige ot Government institutions. (29)

'lbe boycott or courts was also not very successful. The

number of lawyers who suspended practice in courts was

insignificant compared to their tull strength. Some of them

went back to their profession later.

The successful boycott ~as the one concerned with

foreign goods. &nphas1z1ng the importance of this boycott

Gandhi salda

India cannot be tree so long as India voluntarily encourages or tolerates the economic drain WhiCh has been going on for the ~st century and a halt. Borcott of foreign goods means no more and no less than boycott of foreign cloth. • • • India has the ability to manufacture all her cloth if her children will work fur it. ( 30)

This boycott was eonnectecl with the "Swadesh1n movement which

was aimed at promoting indigenous goods. Gandhi assoclatad

it with the development ot cottage industries also. Referring

to tbe ~ccess of Gandhi's programme 1n this field one of

his followers wrotea

(29) Ce Y. Ch1nteman1, IndiAn Pp1it;iga Singe the f1utiDI ( Al.lahabad9 1947) 14.0.

(30) Gandhi, n. s, 513.

In the matter of the organization or Swadesh1, the result achieved 1n popular1s1.ng sp1.nning Wheels and tbe use ot Khaddar (hand spun and hand woven cloth) has been marvellous. In homes wtlich had altogether forgotten even the name of Charka (spinning weel) its musical hum can now be board. 1 t has invaded even the parlour or the r1Ch, While it bas given a source or livelihood to lakbs or poor women 1n the country. ( 31)

Although the success or the spinning wheel was spectacular,

it was the growth of Indian industries, which used all the

modern methods of production which led to the ultimate success

ot the Swadesbl movement.

Wb1le suspending the Non-cooperation movement, the

Working Committee of tbe Congress called upon all Congress .

organizations to concentrate their efforts on creating an

atmosphere ot non-violence and further strengthentn~ the

Congress _organ1zat1ons by 1mprovJng the panchayats anct national

education institutions and by stimulating the use or spinning

Wheel and production or Kbaddar. These aspects of the Congress

programme were not as popular as those connected with non­

cooperation and political campaigns. Ancl even among those

Who use4 Khaddar many did so because it was a political unltorm

or the Congressmen and not because they had an,- f'a1th 1n

Gandhi's programme of cottage industries and spinning Wheel.

Gat\dhS. t a OpPPaiti,()n tp MQdem CS,yiUiatiPP

This gap between the thinking of' Gandhi and that of a

vast number of' hls pol1tica1 to1lowers arose h-om the tact that

( 31) Ra~encira Prasad, n. s, cxlv.

they dld not agree with his approach towards modern civ1Uzat1on.

In as early as 1908 Gandh1 had thus made clear his understanding

ot the difference between lnd1an civ111zat1on and western

c1v111zat1ons

• • • the aim of the Indian c1v111zat1on is to elevate the moral being , that of the \'lestem e1v111zatlon to propagate immorality. the latter is godless, the former 1s based on a bel1et 1n God. So understanding and so believing 1t behoves on every lover ot India to the old Indian c1 v111zat ion. ( 32)

Gandhi dld not always make th1 s distinction between Indian

c1vU1zat1on and tA~es~ern c1V111zat1on; but he consistently

maintained his opposition to 'modern c1v111sat1on.• In a

letter to a friend be wrote in 1909•

There is no impassable barrier between East and West. (2) !bere 1s no such thinf as Westem or Eurodfan c1v111zat1on, but there . s a modern civ zatlon Wblch is purely material. ( 3) The people ot Europe! before they were touched b,­modem eiv111zat on, had much in common vitb the people or the Eastt ••• (4) It 1s not the British people who are ruling India1 but it is modem c1v1llzation, through its ra1lvays1 telegraph, telephone, and almost every invention wtch has been claimed to be a triumph of c1v111zat1on. (6) Bombay, Calcutta and the other chief cities ot India are the real plague-spots. (6) It Br1t1Sb rule were replaced tomorrow by Indian rule based on modern methods, lndla would be no better, except that she would be able to retain some of the moner that 1 s drained a~ to England. • • • (33)

Many of Gandhi's followers did not share these views ot their

leader. Their aim was obviously to establish a modern state

( 32) M. K. Gandb1 9 Hipd Sprpj (Ahmedabad, 1909) 2.

( 33) Tendu1ker9 n. 31 129·30•

and society in India. The sense of direction or the Indian

national movement in general, in spite of some deviations,

was towards the tul.f'ilment of the aspiration of the pol1tically .

conscious people to make lndia modern in every sense or the

term. A question may be asked 1 then why dld they accept the

leadership or Gandhi who re3ected these aspirations? They did

because Gandhi did not demand from his political followers

unqualified allegiance to all his views. During the period ot

a struggle he did demand implicit obedience and discipline

ot the highest order in his ranks. But that was a different

matter.

In this connection lt is vorth noting that Gandhi often

referred to Gokhale as hls political Ouru (teacher) and

Jawaharlal Nehru as h1s political heir and that both these

leaders were tar from belng the champions or ancient civilization. I

They openly acclaimed the merits or modern c1v111zation,

acknoWledged their indebtedness to the West and stated that their

aim was to reorganize Indian society, economy and state on

modern lines.

SRiritpa1 BaSis g( tba Pg1ltica1 AqttzitX _, -

It is also doubtful ~ the vast number or Gandb1 1 s

political followers shared his views an "spiritualization of

pollt1cs.n Gandhi once sa1da "You and I have to act on the

political platform from a spiritual side and tt this 1s done,

we should then conquer the conqueror." ( 34) Gandhi maintained

that the non-cooperation movement was "a struggle of good

against evil and the force behind it was soul force." ( 35)

It is 1n this context that Gandhi considered self-purification

to be the first step in the political strug~les. On one

occaSion he salda

1 have found that we have not yet reached a conscious recognition or our national state. We have not had the discipline necessary for a realization of that state and venture to say that there is nothlng so powertlll as fasting and prayer that would give us the requisite discipline, spirit of self-sacrifice, hum1U ty and resoluteness of will w1 thout which there can be no real progress. (36)

Gandhi himself' displayed a unique sense of selt-d1scip11ne by

his austere way ot lite and inspired others to make sacrifices ' '

for their country. In the type of struggle he conducted, 1n

which an unarmed people was struggling to be t'reo from a

mighty imperial Power, Gandhi's appeal to austerity and selt-

41scipl1ne had some place. And perhaps the most ettect1ve

way ot enforcing austerity and self-discipline among the masses

of the Indian people at that time was through suCh practices

as prayer and tasting because of their association with

religion 1n the minds ot the people.

The immediate effects or Gandhi's statements c onneated

v1th "modern and western c1 vil1zat1ons" and "spir1tua11zat10D

(34) Gandhi, n. 1, 211.

( 35) Doke, n. 15, 89.

( 36) Gandhi, n. s, ss.

of politics" were to raise the pride or the people in their

country and to give them some kind of spiritual stamina in the 0'l'\R_

struggle tor freedom from foreign rule. ~ o·f the long-term

effects of these aspects of Gandh1an philosopey was the

promotion or obscurantist thinking among some sections or the

people. As some of the S,Ymbols Gandhi used had a greater appeal

to the Hindus than to the l-1uslims, they also gave a "Hindu

colour" to the national movement under his leadership. Bat

during 1919-1920 they were not so obvious because of Gandhi's

support to the Khilatat agitation and the decision of the

majority or the MUslim leaders to support the non-cooperation

movement.

For q Indigenou; f1Dd PraetigAl Sgheme of' Eduqat1on

Although the call to boycott sehools sponsored and

supported by the Government did not meet with great suceess,

some ideas ot Gandhi on education did make an impaet on the

Indian mind. Gandhi saida "Education through English had

created a wide gulf between the educated few and the masses.

It had created gulf in the families also. An EngliSh educated

man had no community of feelings and ideas with the lad1es of

the famil.y." (37) According to Gandhi, the then existing system

ot ~ducat1on was undesirable on the following grounds a

OJ i" ,., ~~.!

It is based upon foreign culture to the almost entire exclusion or indigenous culture. (2) It ignores the culture of the heart and the hand and confines itself simplY to the head. (3) Real education is impossible through a foreign medium. (38)

Gandhi advocated the establishment of educational

institutions Which could stand as a "protest against the

Britim1 injustice and as a vindication or national honour,"

which drew its "inspiration from the national ideals of a

united India," and Which stood for the "synthesis of the

different cultures that have come to stay 1n India, that have

influenced Indian lite, and that, in their turn, have them­

selves been influenced by the spirit of the soil." (39) In

this respect Gandhi' s ideas on education were similar to those

of the Extremists.

Bllt whilet;. the latter emphasized the importance of

imparting technical education which would be necessary to ·

facilitate the industrialization of India on a large scale,

Gandhi 1~nored 1t. He focussed attention, in addition to religion, politics and history, on vocational training. The

vocational training, which Gandhi envisaged, was suited to

the economy of a pre-dominantly agricultural society in Which

cottage industries, but no heavy industries, fulfilled an

important role.

Although his educational plans had these limitations,

it must be sa1d to his credit that his criticism of the

(38) Gandhi, n. s, 386-7.

( 39) lb1S•t 384-S.

' .~ untaUstlc and bookish system of education vas 3ust1f1ed.

'):/)1

He 1dnta1ned that the f~,

'· introduction or manual. tra1n11lg tdll serve a double purpose 1n a poor country like ours. It will pay for the education of our children and teach thom an occupation on which they can tall back 1n after-lito, lf they choose, tor earning a 11v1ngo Such a system must make our children self'-reUant. Nothing v1U demorallze the nation so much as that we should learn to despise labour. (40)

Another aspect of Gandhi's thinking on this matter was /l?

his ~omprom1s1Dg opposition to the use of the foreign

lang~e as the medium or education. Enumerating lts defects,

he saiti

?oreign medium has caused brain-tag 1 put an mdue strain upon the nerves of' our ch1ldron, Jade them crammers and lmltntors, unfitted ihem tor original. work and thought and d1 sable4 \hem f'or filtrating their learning to the family r the masses. • • • The foreign medium h~s :revented the growth ot our vernaculars. ( 41) ~

This cU.~not mean that condemnation or English language as - .-such. Gbdhi conceded that 1t bas a role to play as a ,. language~f international commerce and diplomacy.

A Pgpul«aBaae fgr the Nat;ippel ligympe§ fll

Gadh1' s views on such subjects as education and ,.. cottage 1~str1es were part of his total philosophy Which ,. was aimed~ creating a decentralized and democratic society

(40) 1andh1, 11. s, 388.

(41) l314•t 389.

1n \'lhich the gulf between the minority of a row learned and w.v

rich people and ma3or1ty ot uneducated and poor people vould J..

not existo He also realized that the inrluence of rel1~Ji01ls

and other traditions on the masses ot the people were ver,v

strong and that the implementation or any programme, t4h1ch

would not take lnto consideration those traditions, would

become an isolated action on the part of' a few leaders tlho

belonged to a mlnori ty. So, unlike many other poll tical

leaders, he thought or now schemes or educational, social

and economic development and ~lated all of them to political

agitation on the part or the massas or the people in a manner

Which was understandable to them and for the redress or such

specific grievances as the Amritsar tragedy, Rovlatt Act and

the Khilatat. The ultimate effect ot some of his speeches

and writings and hls first programme of non-cooperation vas

to glve a popular base to the lndlan national movement e

Although Gandhi did not quote from the \fr1t1ncs or European

political philosophers on democracy, as the earlier Indian

leaders did, his successfUl attempt in bringing a large mass

of the people to the national movement was a great step

towards democrat1a1ng the poll t1ca1 Ute or the country.

DJregtipn Tgwar4a Free4gm

The sense of direction o'f the national movement

under Gandbl' s leadershlp was also undoubtedly towards

strengthening the poll tical forces Which championed freedom -

freedom of the individual and ot the nat1ono

tohen restrictions were made by the Government on the

freedom of speech9 Gandhi wrote in Youpg lndias

swaraj 1 the Kh11afat, the Punjab occupy a suboril1nate place to the 1 ssue sprung upon the country by the Oovemmento \ve must first make good the right of tree speeCh and tree associaticn beforo ttle can make ~ further progress towards our goal. The Go\Terament would kills us it they could by a flank attack. To accept def'eat tn the matter of free speech and tree associatS.cn is to court disaster. lf' the Oovernment is allowed to destroy non-violent act1v1 ties in the country, however dangerous they m~ be to tts exlstonce, even the moderates• vork must come to a etan4s~1U. In the general tnterest, therefor~, we must defend these elementaey rights with our uves. • • • The safest and tbe quieltest vay to def'end these r1~hts is to ignore the restrlctlcm. We must speak the truth under a shower of bullets. We must band together in the taee ot bayonets. No cost 1 s too great tor purcbas1Dg these fundamental rights. ( 4~)

Gandhi's great eontr1but1cn to the national movement

was that by making such fervent appeals to the people, he

could arouse great enthus1aa among them for the cause ot

treedomo He coul.d also inspire them tor malting ftreat sacr1£>1ces

in furtherance of that cause. He himself led tha wq e When

he vas prosecuted by the Government, instead of t1')'1Dg to

defend himself, he salda

Non-violence implies volUntary submission to the penalty tor Non-cooperation ~lth evllo I am here, tberef'ore, to invite and submit eheerf\111¥ to the highest penalty that can be 1nt'licted upon

( 42) l.b14· t 94?.-3.

me tor \fhat in law 1 s a del! berate crime and What appears to me to be the highest duty of' a citizen. (43)

This statement reflected a departure from the attitude

of' the political leaders who preceded Gandhi o \<11th this

open defiance of authority entered a new spirit ln the Ind1an

national movement and politics. No more was 1t easy to curb 21

the det!re• of' the people tor freedom. ,_ Even Oandbl' s lUting f'or law and order and h1s

loyalty to non-violence were qualified b.Y bls desire to

fight tor freedom. On one occasion be salcU " ••• anarchy

under Home Rule vas better than orderlY foreign rule." (44)

lie also said that he "would have .l ndia to become free even

by violence rather than that she shou1d remain S.n bondage.

In slavery she ls a helpless partner 1n the violence of the

sla.ve holder." (45)

As this statement makes lt clear the dominant

ob3ect1ve of' Gandhi's political activities vas the achievement

of the freedom or the country and it was thls ob~ active which

was the reason tor the favourable response of a large section

ot the people to h.ls appeals to them to participate 1n the

political struggl.e. The political campaigns led by Gandhi

opened a new chapter 1n the history of the national movement

by making a spirit or resistance to authority an important

( 43) l..bMo 9 1054e

(44) Gandhi, Do 32, 157e

( 45) Gandhi, n. 5 1 290e

t;' lj' 0': 4; t; ~;

tactor in the public 11feo As the otf'icial historian or the

Congress notesa

Fear bad been cast otf by the people o A sense or self-respect developed in the flationo Congressmen realized tbat service and self-sacrifice ~ere the only means ot winning public confidenceo The prestige too of Government was materially shaken, and people had received good lessons regardiftg the ideology or swaraj o ( 46)

lt seemed that by the inauguration of the non-cooperation

movement of 1919-1921 the Indian National Congress ~eaehed

the point of no return as far as its march towards its

ultimate ob3eetive ot the freedom ot the country was concerned.

It is difficult to assess the impact or Gandhi's

ideology and programme on the lndlan national movement

during 1919-1921 without taldng into consideration how he

influenced it later. It can safely be asserted that he was

the dominant figure in Indian political field trom 1919 upto

bS.s death 1n 1948. Daring this period Gan4hi shifted his

emphasis trom one point ct view to another as occasion demanded

and the response of the politically conscious people of IntU.a

to Gandb18 s lcleology and programme a1so varied from one period

to another. Bu.t the non-cooperation movement or 1919-1921

an4 Gandhi's utterances of tM.s period are s1gn1flcant,

because both bad a determ1ning influence on the character or

the Indian national movement and 1ts political pb1losophyo

( 46) S1 taramana_~ ~g HJ st;org qt the lpdlan Ngrtigna1 Gengragg (Allahabad, 1935 377o

It Will be wrong to assume tbat just because a large

number of people accepted Gandhi's political leadership, they

accepted all bls viovso We noted above nome diver~ence 1n

the thinking ot Gandhi and some of his followers on such

fundamental questions as non-violence, spiritual basis or polltlcal action, modern c1v111zation and the role or cottage

industries in the economic development or the country. But

there was a Wido area of agreement between Gandhi and his

tollower9 on the political objectives or the national movement

and tho programme of action for realizing them.

According to Gandhi and hls followers the ultimate·

ob3oct1·.re ot tbe national movoment was the freedom of the

countr,v and the immediate objectives or sach political programme

as the non-cooperation movement was to redress the sp0eific

grievances connected with the Rowlatt Act, Jall1aDwala Bagh

firings and the Khilaf'at.

A militant struggle - though non-violent 1n form -

was the nature ot the political agitation he led. Here,

again, he got the unquallt"ied allegiance ot his t"ollovers

Who displqed great courage and willingness to maka great

sacr1t1ees tor the countr.y.

Bllt the m1nds of some of them rebelled against Gandhi's

4ec1s1on to suspend the non-cooperation movement on the ~round

that some people became violent and killed same policemen.

The.y had no taltb 1D the inherent virtue of non-violent methodso

But as tactical bf1thdrawals and a display or restraint in the

struggle against a mighty empire by an unarmed people vere not

unwise steps, tbls action of Gandb.l did not lead to the

rejection of Gandhi's leadership b7 his tollo~ers. ln other

words while Qandbi adhered to non-violence as a principle

many ot his followers accepted it as a tactics.

Gandhi's opposition to modern c1v111zation, sometimes

referred to as Western civilization, was not supported by

some of his followers because they wanted to reconstruct

Indian state, econOJQJ and society on mo.;ern linea. But 1t

appealed to a large section or the people ot India, because

by glor1f)'1ng the ancient lndian civilization and holding it

as superior to the modern western c1v111zatian 9 such an

attitude of opposition to the civilization or the allen rulers

gave great selt-contidenee and sense of pride to them. Even

those who differed from Gandhi on this issue realized the

immense mass appeal of the slogans based on such an attitude.

The realization or this tact by t·,em and Gandhi 8 s tolerance

or those, who differed from him so long as they accepted his

leadership in the political sphere, facilitated his emergence

as the supreme national leader durin=t 1919-1921, because

unlike the "Moderates" and the "Extremists", his appeal vas

not confined el ther to those who looked to the West tor

1Dsplrat1on or to the earlier periods or Indian hi story tor

the same purpose.

Gandhi's use or symbo1s 11ke "Ramra.1ya" and h1 s

emphasis on pr~er and fasting made an appeal pr1mar11y to

the Hindu masses. But be tore 1921 1 t did not antagonize many

educated Hindus, Who have no use tor them. because they were

impressed by the tact that they gave d1sc1pl1ne and spiritual

stamina to many of those who participated in the polltlcal

stzuggle.

Some ot Gandhi's wr1t1ngs and speeches on these

matters had no appeal to the MUslims. But a vast number ot

them accepted Gandhi's lead because he gave unqual1 rled

support to them on such issues as the Eb1latat with which

tbcq were concerned. As we noted 1n the earlier chapter

Gandhi's ideas and programme did promote Hindu-MUslim unity

during 1918-1921; however, that unity vas not based on the

concept that Hindus and MLtsl1ms should lose their separate

1denti ties and merge into one poll tical stream• _but on the

view that llindlls and Muslims, tbougb separate .entities, could

jo1n 1n on alliance tor some joint political-action.

Some political workers and leaders, Who were very

active b~tore 19181 could not associate themselves with the • J

national movement under Ganc1h1' s leadership, because the~

could not accept h1s ideas or the wisdom of the political

campaigns he launched. Some of the most prominent among

them were Surendranatb Baner3 ea, B1p1n Chandra Pal,

c. Y. Chintamo~ and Mubamact Al1 Jlnnah. Babindra Nath l'agore,

an emillent poet, Who once associated himself w.tth tbe po11t1oal

movements of Bonga1, was another critic or Gandhi. l'he1r

criticisms were mostly concerned wlth tho intolerance set 1D

motion by Gandhi's militant campaigns, the anarchist ideas

ot Gandb1, the chauvinist alement s in Gandbl 0 s opposi ticn to

modern Western c1v111zat1on and the unscientific nature ot

h1s vie11s regarding the large-scale application of modem

11ldustr1al methods 1n the economic tield.

Although the critics or Gandb1 were weUknown people,

Who possessed tremendous intellectual power, Gandhi could

easily carry the masses with him because be became a ~bol

of the aspirations or the people ror f'reedom and a rallying

point tor poople or different social baek~round and cultural

levels. Gandhi's views on social and economic questions and

the philosophical basis or his political actlcns might have

bad many drawbacks; but, during 1918-1921., all of' them fitted

in with his essential scheme of drawing ol.l the political

Ctlrrents, which preceded him, into the one stream or the .

national. movement and leading 1 t 1n tho form ot a mill tant 9

though non-violent, struggle against the allen Gove~ant.

Gandhi vas pr1mar11)' a man of action and not a

philosopher or political theorist. The legacy ot his

political actions 1n the ideological field bad both positive

and negative si<les. More than any other leader Gan4h1

strengthened the cause ot f'reedom ot the 1nd1viduBl and tho

country by tlghting for it and he promoted the democratic

spirit by reducing the gulf betwean the leader and the

fol1owers by m~ items of bis pol1t1cal programme. But

some of h1 s ideas were also conduct ve to the strengthen1Dg

o~ obscurantism and soma degree of revivalism in the country.,

They wont against the spirit of sc1ent1t1c enquiry and the

ideas or the Ages ot Bnllghtenmant and Reasono Many ot those

Who accepted Gandhi's leadership ln the pollttcal sphere were

not committed to Gandhi's total philosophy. S& " ean!2Qt be

said that--tbe-non-cooperati-cm--movement et ~~19?.1 had -also ~~"M.Pil&.., ~ .. "'b~

the.. some impact as seme ot the aegatlve :;.!ias of Gana&sm

htid. Sc ~ ~~- ~K .... ~~ ....... ~': ~ "t \ql ~- J.. \

d...~\ ~\- -\~ AW... ~ ~ ..J•.IY''\F-...u\- 1- 0-l.l_ ..:Y\u(.-\; cr ~,~-