CHAPTER II

TOWAimS LUCKNOW PACT.

The British Indian Government true to its policy

of 'Divide and Rule,* and despite some efforts

to the contrary, by the Secretary of State, John

1

Morley, succeeded in introducing communal electo­

rate in the country. That Minto and some conserva­

tive members of parliament were more 'Popish than

the Pope of Rome' is evident from the fact that

whereas the Muslims wanted an adequate number of

seats for them in legislative institutions, or

any other elective bodies, Minto designed and

perfected the idea of complete separation of

Muslims from Hindus in electoral systems and

representative institutions. This is established

by a letter written by Mohsijj-ul-Mulk to Viceroy,

on 7 October, 1908, which read: "Both on Supreme

and Provincial Councils an adequate number of

seats should be reserved exclusively for the

D^ihammedans, The present system of election

applicable to the general body of the people need not be interfered with and it should remain

2 open as hitherto, to all communities.'The Viceroy's

opinion was that "the only representation for whihh

India is at present fitted is a representation of

communities, as I said in my reply to the Muhomme-3

dan deputation." The shrewed Viceroy spared no

effort to see the success of his scheme, as against

- 39 -

the one , advanced by M»rley of 'Mixed Electoral ^ 5

Colleges,• Muslim League was encouraged, conserva-6

tive members of parliament were approached, and

through them was invoked the &elp of the King 7 *

hiaself« Thus pressurised by His Majesty the

King, the conservatives, the Viceroy, and the

Muslim League, the Secretary of State yielded

ground, and agreed to give up his proposal for

'Mixed Electoral Colleges,* and proposed to the - - 8 - • •

'Lords* a communal systea of elections* Lord

Curzon heartily approved of the proposal, and

said, "I think we all agree with his (Morley's)

decision • • • that he was willing to consider an

exclusively Mohammedan electorate returning repre­

sentatives to an exclusively Mohammedan electoral

college, I think, if I may say so, that that is a

wise and statesman like decision. But I would like

^ 9

the noble Viscount to go rather further," The

Muhammadans were naturally jubilant.

These developments on the political fimam-

ent of India, were directly responsible for the

birth of organised communalism amongst the Hindus •

The Congress which had stood for the ideals of

Secularism and common nation-hood, got discredited

in the eyes of a section of the Hindus, The wisdom

of the Congress policy, of putting the entire burden of national unity on the Hindus, was

- 40 -

questioned. The Congress leaders were accused ef

sacrificing the interest of the majority to pfila*

cate the minority» which had no intention of forging

a coBUDon front for the national cnuse* It was felt

that the Hindus thoiald establish a separate orga*

nisation to defend their Just rights* The Congress

leaders had been propagating that national solida­

rity was indispensable for political freedom* How-

everf as against this, the upper class Muslims

had demonstrated that communalism could be an alt­

ernative to national solidarity, and nationalism.

The success of the Muslim League, in obtaining

special status and privileges for the Muslims,

without any agitation or struggle, made communal

politics an honourable and profitable profession.

The advantages of the Muslim model of communalism

over the CongiTess model of nationalism were too

obvious to ignore. A section of the Hindus, there­

fore, chose to adopt the path of communalism,

little realising, however, that the Muslim Commu­

nalism was not the work of the Indian Mu&Ums, but

the result of a conspiracy between a foreign Govenn-

ment (British Government) and foreign people (The

foreign Muslims), against the people of India.

Bengal, U.P.,Punjab and many other provinces

were aglow with communal fervour. The Punjab Hindu

Sabha, that was set up in 1907, in the wake of Land

- 41 -

Legislations of 1906, acquired added vigeur,

and held a series of annual cenferences fren 10

1909 enwards* It presented a aemerial te L«rd

Hinte, on the lines ef the Mulsim memerial ef

1906, theugh failed te elicit any favourable

response frea him* With the enthusiastic supp­

ort of the Hindu leaders of Bengal, Bihar and

U«P«| the Punjab Hindu Sabha succeeded in estab­

lishing an All India Hindu Mahasabha, at Hardwar,

in 1913* Although the Hindu Mahasabha failed to

cut much ice in the contemporary politics, yet

the heat generated by the speeches and writings

of some of its leaders, further deteriorated the

already bitter relations between the Hindus and

the Muslims, To cjuote only a few :

Sir TeJ Bahadur Sapru, reacting sharply

to the separatist stand of the League leaders

wrote: "the last meeting of the All India Muslim

League (May 23,1909) at Lucknow, once again

demonstrated the utter hollowness of all talk

about compromise between the Hindus and Mohamm­

edans in the matter of political representation.

• • • Will the Hindus even now awake to their

sense of duty towards themselves, towards their

past, and towards their future ? That is the

question which seems to me ought to attract

the notice of every Hindu who has got mind to

- 42 -

think and c«urage t« speak vut* H«w l«ns are

we geing te cry h«arse ever the painful pres-

pect m£ separation ? And hew de we prepese te

prevent that separation ? It seems te me that

the Hindus sheuld net trouble themselves abeut

separation* We in U*P« will be most affected,

by this new doctrine• Will the Hindu aristocracy

or to use the new official phrase, "the natural

leaders of the people,' now come forward and

declare unequivocally what they and their fellow

religionists think and feel about the matter ?

Will or will net they take a leaf out of the book

of the Mohammedan aristocracy ? Or, are they

'leaders' only for the purpose of organizing 11

demonstration of loyalty and leading deputations?"

A section of Bengalee Hindus felt equally

exasperated and asked; "Is there any hope for

nationalism in the event of a misunderstanding

between the Hindus and the Musalmans?", auid

answered, "of course, there is; we should like to

work together. There is no question as to the

greater strength of the rope that is made of

double strand, but in the face of immense nume­

rical preponderance enjoyed by one of the parties,

it would be quite clear, even if the history of

of the past had not already elucidated it, that

. 43 -

mutual c*->*perati»n •£ the two great sections vf

the Indian nation Is only an advantage n»t a

necessity te natloziallsa* Hindus are in ne way

inferier in prewess. The bravest race in India

is Hindu» net Mehanuaedans* We have the advantage

in educatlen* It is far the sake ef Mehaiunedans

themselves that we desire that nationality should

be the common causey not for nationality» v^ich 12

cannot utlimately lose whoever opposes it*"

The editor of the Bangalee wrote:"A Pan-

Hindu League has become a necessity of the times,

forced upon us by the circumstances which are not

our creation* If such an organisation is started,

we hope it will, its attitude will not be aggre­

ssive or militant. Defence not defiance be its

motto. The great Hindu community has suffered

through the want of such organisations, while

13

others have enormously profited by it."

Lala Lajpat Ral did not think that the

interests of the Muslims differed from -those of

the Hindus. In a letter to the Times, London,

he wrote:"I think it will be relevant to inquire

on how many occasions within the last feirty-

seven years or so, since the Indian Council Act

of 1861 came Into force. Legislative Councils of

India had to deal with questions exclusively or

specifically affecting the Muslims of India as

- 44 -

distinguished from their non-Muslim c«untry»men«

• • • I d« net wish te say ene unkind werd in

reply te the argument based upen the se called

histerical and pelitical impertance ef the Meha-

ouaedans ef India, a vast majerity ef when are

only descendants of the Hindu converts, and are

as much divided into castes and sub-castes as

the Hindus* But does the All-India Muslim League

seriously think that backwardness in education,

want of organisation, and want of enterprise

are substantial grounds for claiming a larger - ' • - • - ~ • • - • - • - 1 4

representation than their numbers entitle them"?

Reflecting the sentiments of the Punjabi

Hindus, the editor of the Tribune commented

that the l>*aslims "were as unimportant or impor­

tant as the other communities in this country.

The Mohammedan power had almost vanished when

the English appeared on the scene. Historically,

the English power had not succeeded to Mohammedan.

• • • The Sikhs, Marathas and Rajputs are politi­

cally important, because they were holding power 15

when the English came."

Condemning the partisan stand of the Govera-

ment Lala Lai Chand, a founder-member of the

Punjab Hindu Sabha wrote: "The Secretary of State

speaks of the importance of Mohammedans as a

- 45 -

community in the U.P., in^pite of their minor i

numerical strength, but he takes it for granted

that the Hindu minority in the Pun;}ab is of no

importance against the Muhammedan ma;}ority so

that according to the Secretary of State where

the Mohammadens form a majority they must get a

lion*s share as a matter of course; and \^ere they are in a minority» they will get it on the

16 basis of their supposed impoirtance*'* Referring

to the Hindus of the Punjab he pointed out)

"Whether in riches^ intelligence, or influence with

the masses, the Hindus doubtless carry a greater

prestige. The Hindu money-lender may be hated

by some officials but they are ignorant ©f the

vast influence he possesses over the village

folk, including the Muhammedans, He may be parti­

ally excluded from the village by the Land Ali­

enation Act, but he is still there and cannot

be entirely ousted• He has only to accommodate

himself to his new environment but his influence

is only extended and not curtailed by his inabi-17

lity to invest in land," He asked the Government

vidiether it was "consulting its own interests

in declaring and acting upon the declaration that

Muhammodans possess greater importance? Was"it

not a suicidal policy to create a feeling of

sullenness among the teeming millions of Hindus

— 46 -

18 by telling them that they were ©f less importance??"

Lala Lai Chand showed his anger against the

Congress by condemning it as a "self-inflicted 19

misfortune" of the Hindus« He pointed out:

"There is one thing that is strictly forbidden

within the precincts of the Congress • • • it is

the term 'Hindu'• Resolutions may be passed to

favour purely Mohommedan interests but the Hindu

is tabood here," He blamed the Congress for en­

couraging the, Muslim aggressiveness and said: it

"looks to be very height of folly and absurdity t©

go on crying for a united nation, when one impor­

tant community, by its words and actions, makes

it persistently and absolutely clear that they

do not desire nor seek for union • • • The method

of offering the other cheek for being slapped

has now been tried over 20 years. There has been

enough of coaxing and fawning, which, by giving

undue importance to the other community, has

begotten only insolence and impudence. May we

not now try the counter-method and see its resulls ?

At least this is a method equally worth trying,

and am sure we shall not thereby be worse off 20

than we are," He exhorted the Hindus to be up

and doing particularly, when "The Mohammedan

community is taking vigorous measures to assert

and constitute its independent existence, it is

- 47 -

21 our duty t© do the same for the Hindus,"

A letter published in the reder*s column

of the Tribune read:"The agitation for poli­

tical rights is doing serious harm to the Hindus

in all parts of India while the Muhammedans who

not only kept themselves aloof from their agi­

tation but always opposed it, enjoy the fruits

of our labour* • • • The Hindus have been carrying

on agitation at great sacrifice for the last 2^

years for increased political rights being given

to the Indians. . • • Following the example of the

Moslems we must make it a point that whatever

we do, we do for the exclusive benefit of the

Hindu and need not bother for the other communi­

ties who can well take care of themselves without

our help. , , • By ceasing from agitation we will

also win the goodwill of the Government which is

so necessary for our progress. The Muhammedans

have benefitted by this policy, and there is no 22

doubt that the Hindus will benefit likewise,"

The Muslim aristocracy, with the success

that the Morley-Minto reforms brought to them ,

were at the crest of the tide politically. Their

marvellous achievement in the face of a strong

nationalist opposition, whetted their appetite

still further, and they included in their future

scheme of things, the extension of the scope of

- 48 -

the communal electorate to the municipal and the 23

district beard leve, and raising the Aligarh

college to the level of a University, with rights

to affiliate colleges throughout the country*

A vigorous CDibpaign was laucnched» and with the

degree of influence that they wielded with the

Government, they were sure to achieve their twin

objective. But unfortunately, there lay in store

for them some disappointments.

The partition of Bengal of 1905, had

greatly flared up the Hindu-Muslim antagonism.

The British had posed themselves as the best

friends of the Muslims, and projected their

scheme ©f partition in the latter's best inter-25

est. Despite a vigorous anti-partition agitation,

launched by the nationalist forces, there could

be no going back on it. The partition was declared 26

a 'settled fact.' But this 'settled fact' was,

however, unsettled, and the re-partition of

Bengal was announced at the Delhi Durbar of 1911•

The province of East Bengal and Assam created in

1905 was to be reabsorbed into the Presidency of

Bengal, and a new province of Bihar and Orissa 27

was to be formed. The Muslims were shocked. The 28

repartition scheme was kept such a secret that

its announcement by the King himself at the Delhi 29

Durbar, left the Muslim League stunned, and the 30

conservatives at home bewildered. The League was

- 49 -

angry with the Government. Mohomed All concluded

in the Cotrade that the government's action

justified the use of vigorous protest; "agitation",

he declared, "is acknowledged by the Government

to be the only effective method of converting 31

then. • • • " Some others, such as Riza Ali,

Samiullah Beg, and Mushir Hussain Kidwai went

so far as to suggest that the Muslims should 32

join the Congress.

Another disappointment came with the

Italian invasion of Tripoli in 1911. The Muslim

aristocracy, with their extra-terriorial loyalties,

desired the British to so shape their foreign

policy as to make the protection of the Muslim

interests all over the world, as its principal

norm, as wrote Mahomed Ali:"One of the ideals

which the Indian Muhammedans have cherished for

long is that the British GoverTiment which rules

over the largest number of Musalman subjects,

should be bound in an alliance with the Muhammedan

powers and Kingdoms, so that their own terri­

torial loyalty and extra-territorial patriotism 33

should work in the same direction,* But this

was to© high a hope. The entire British foreign

policy could not have been framed with this

particular end in view. Moreover, if the British

had cultivated the Muslim aristocracy, it was

- s c ­

ript for the sake mt the aristocracy itself,

but for the success •f their •Mm. (the British)

favourite policy ef »divide and rule.* The

Muslim aristocracy were mere tools in the British

hands to be used as and when desired. If the

Muslims profitted immensely in the process, that

was something different* In the face of the

developments like the bombardment of Meshed by

the Russians, and the invasion of Turkey by the

Balkan States, in addition to the Italian invasion

of Tripoli the Muslims accused the British of

indifference towards the Muslim interests abroad, 34

and felt bitter against them.

The Turkish affairs were important for the

foreign Muslims not only because their 'Khalifa•

was involved but also because they felt more

attached to these lands than to India, Their

immigration to India was purely for mercenary

ends* So long as they had wealth and wielded

authority, all was right, but as soon as that

power was gone, they remembered all those, they

had left behind at home* Every ebb and flow in

their fortune was a matter of concern for the

Muslim aristec]?acy, and so were the affairs of 34-A

Turkey* Accepted as the •natural leaders* of

the Muslims in India, by the British, they tried

to win the support of the Indian Muslims too.

- 51 -

f©r their (foreign Muslim's*) cause. Their efforts

had the effect of weaning the Indian Muslims

away from their Hindu brethren and neighbours,

with v^om they shared their all but religion.

They were persuaded to forget that they descen­

ded from the same ancestors as did the Hindus,

and that India was as much a motherland, of

theirs as that of the Hindus, But the pan-Islamic 35

propaganda, had its effects. Simple folks as the

Indian Muslims were many of them were taken in.

This certainly had some dampening effect on

their relations with the Hindus,

The bitter disillusionment of the repar-

titition was still fresh in the mind, and the

British indifference about the Turkish affairs

was causing increasing discontent when in August

1912 the rejection of the Muslim University

Scheme, by the British, brought another dis-56

appointment to the Muslims, It was more so,

because the University plan was not merely an

educational deVice, but something more than that.

It was a political movement, no less than the

campaign to found the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental

College forty years ago was. **Aligarh is destined

to be the focus of all Muhammedan intelligence

and activity in India," the collector of Aligarh

warned the Government,"begun as a defensive move

- 52 -

it is already acquiring an ®ff4nsive character,

« • • The Muslims are not thinking of education in

itself at all, but of more bdys, more subscrip­

tions, more candidates for government employment,

more lawyers to fill seats in Council, and more 37

political power generally, Mehamed Ali wrote

in Comrade that the Muslims had distinctive

religious and cultural traditions which they

wished to preserve* They had 'every ambition

to live and act as patriotic Indians and work

for a nationality of which they would be a

component yet conscious part* But they dread the

position of the second fiddle which the new

fangled "Nationalism" of some Indian public

men and newspapers assign to them: ai*Nationalism"

'which is avowedly Hindu in sympathies and aspi­

rations, has developed Hindu symbolism and battle-

cries and formula of faith, and draws its ener­

gising forces from Hindu religion and mythology.*

For this reason they were organising higher

education on a communal basis, to enable them

•to participate on something like equitable

terms in the vast process of political and 38

social change which is going on in thi^ountrV

The Muslims were sore about the Govern­

ments' attitude towards their problems. The

impression went round that the government had

- 53 -

in given in;̂ the face of the agitational approach

of the nationalists, and had completely ignored

the past loyalties of the Muslims; and that the

Muslims too should follow the path of agitation,

and join the Congress to get the redress of 39

their grievances. But that v/as not the approach 40

•f the entire Muslim aristocracy, but only of

the young aristocrats. They were educated and

auBbitious youngmen, with high hopes, but unemp­

loyed or under-employed, and with income from

lands either nil or negligible. To enter a Govern^

ment service of one's choice or to make a success­

ful career in professions, were equally hard

41

during those days. The Muslims University camp­

aign, the repartition of Bengal, the Cawnpore

mosque affairs, and above all the Turkish affairs

had opened up great vistas for the financial

benefits to the young aristocrats. Political

journalism, public subscriptions, and the patrons,

all combined to fill in the once empty coffers.

The disappointments that the Muslims faced

in quick succession, in a comparatively short

period, had their good effects as well, so far

as Hindu-Muslim relations were concerned. The

British policy of 'Divide and Rule' had amply

succeeded in separating the Muslims from the

Hindus and there was not much of love last between

the two communities; yet as they say in politics

- 54 -

there are no permanent enemies and no permanent

friends, the Muslims too were drawn towards the

Congress in the wake of anger that they nursed

against the British, due to the latter's anti-

Muslim policies,

A significant phenomenon of post Syed-

Ahjmed period was the emergence ©f a middle class

in the Muslim society, which, in politics, was

represented by a group of educated youngaen of

progressive tendencies, who strove for, and

succeeded in grabing the leadership of the League,

from the group of old aristocrats. Though both

the groups belonged to the old Muslim aristocracy,

and were descended from the Urdu-speaking elite,

yet they differed vastly in their political out­

look. The older group were mainly prosperous

and well-to-do landed magnates, or successful

professionals or Serviceraen; were conservative

in nature, and belonged to the Syed Ahmed School

of thought. The younger group were educated,

and progressive in outlook. Being financially

not very secure, but otherwise adventurous,

they were always ready to employ any means for

their personal advancement, and that of their 42

community. If the government failed to protect

their interests they could discard their old

ally and benefactor, and make friends with the

- 55 -

43 once hated Congress, It were they who ousted

the old conservative leaders of their community

from positions of power and influence, themselves

assumed the leadership of the Mulsim League,

and revised the party constitution to bring it

on lines with that of the Congress, The process

started at the Delhi session of the League in

1910, when a few changes in the Party constitu­

tion strengthened their (the younger group's)

position. The membership limit was increased from

400 to 800, the age limit was reduced from twenty

five to twenty-one, enterance fees were abolished

and subscriptions were lowered from twenty five

to twenty rupees per annum, with provision for 44

payment on instalment basis. By June I9II membei*-

ship had increased by 23%f and the majority of

the new recruits were professional men of progre­

ssive outlook.

The decision to move the Headquarters of

the League frosa Aligarh to Lucknow was signifi­

cant. At Aligarh the party was dominated by the

old and conservative section of the leadership,

while at Lucknow, it was the 'progressive'group

that was at the helm of the affairs. Wazir Hassan,

the Ali Brothers, the Raja of Mahmudabad, Mazhar-

ul-Haq, Syed Raza Ali, Hakim Ajmal Khan, and Dr.

M,A,Ansari, were to mention only a few, that

- 56 -

controlled the League politics, and gave it a

progressive and liberal complexion.

In February 1912 Wazir Hassan became the

Secretary of the League• His hold over the League

and its organisation, till 1919, was so tight

that it came t® be nicknamed the 'Waziri League.*

The first task that Wazir Hassan undertook was

to revise the constitution of the League, to

enable the 'progressives* to consolidate their

hold over it. The annual subscription was reduced

from twenty rupees to six, the educational quali­

fications were lowered to •literate' with no

definition, the number of members of the League

Council increased from 40 to 300, and provision

was made for the affiliation of any Muslim .asso­

ciation in side or out side British India* Phrases

for the collaboration with the Government, con­

tained in clauses (a) and (b) of the old objects

of the League were wiped out, A new clause (d)

proclaimed the adUi of the League to work with

other groups for a system of selfTgovernment 45

suitable to India, The changes were ratified

by the League in full session held at Lucknow

on 22-23 March 1913. Thus the 'progressives'

brought the oboects of the League close to the

Congress, and opened the way for working with it.

The Indian National Congress ritht from

the beginning had been the target of attack

- 57 -

from the British and the Huslims of the Aligarh

hue. They condemned it as representing only a

microscopic minority, and as being a 'Hindu'

body. Despite this hostile propaganda the

Congress went on gaining increased popularity

with the masses, irrespective of their religion, " - -. --. ^ ^..-46 --^- -- • --•• -

caste, language or region. It.launched a vigo-< \ • • • ' • • " • - •

reus cjbmpaign against the partitition of Bengal

of 1905, and condemned the introduction of

communal electorates by the Indian Councils Act

of 190.9 as anti-national. To contain the communal

frenzy that followed the MoTley-Minto reforms,

it suggested to the Aga Khan that Hindu and

Muslim leaders should meet to discuss their

differences. They met at Allahabad on 31 Decem­

ber 1910, Though nothing came out of the meeting,

yet the attempt was laudable. The portals of the

Congress were open to all, and that is why the

persons belonging to different communal organi­

zations could at the same time, be members of the

Congress as well. This had the wonderful effect

of sobering down of their communal outlook,

Muslim League leaders like Jinnah, Mohamad Ali,

Mazhar-ul-Haq, Mirza Samiullah Beg, Dr.Ansari,

Hakim Ajmal Khan and many others held important

positions in the Congress, at one time or the

other, and so did the Hindu Maha Sabha leaders

- 58 -

like Lala Lajpat Rai, Pt.Madan Mohan Malviya,

M.R.Jayakar, C.Y.Chintamani, Ragindra Prasad,

Jalramdas Daulatram, and many others* Valuable

contributions were made by these leaders, to bring

about the Congress-League rapprochment.

Congress was always anxious to get the

Muslim Leagues' support in their struggle aganist

the British. During the 'Conservative' regine it

was not possible, but when the 'progressive group'

came at the helm of the League affairs, the Cong­

ress-League entente appeared within sight* The

common educational background and the personal

relations that the leaders of the two parties

had had amongst themselves, played an Important

part in bringing the two parties nearer to each

other. Muslim League leaders such as Hyder Mehdi

and Kamal-ud-din Ahmed Jafari at the Allahabad

Bar, or Vazlr Hassan and Azher Ali at the Lucknow

Bar, were working alongside the Congress men such

as Moti Lai Nehru and TeJ Bahadur Sapru or A«p«

Sen and Jagat Narain Mullah. These leaders had

developed an affinity and understanding, suffi­

cient enough for free and frank political discu­

ssions. This amiable atmosphere and the progre­

ssive outlook of the leaders of both the parties

were chiefly responsible for the Congress-League

collaboration. Important decisions like the accep­

tance of the communal electorate by the Congress,

- 59 -

and the introduction of self-government clause,

in the revised constitution of the League were

taken in friendly atmosphere and in a spirit of

accommodation. It is relevant to note in this

connection that the decision to hold the Muslim

League session to ratify the draft of the revised

constitution was taken by the League council

at its meeting held at Bankipur on 31 December

49

1912. Wazir Hasan and his men were mainly inst­

rumental for this decision. The Congress too

held its session there on 26-28 December,1912#

Mazhar-ul-Haq was the Chairman of the reception

committee, and the president R.N.Madholkar recog­

nised the expediency of adopting communal repre-

50

sentation for Muslims, In May 1913 Mazhar-ul-

Haq addressed the UP Congress Committee on the

possibility of a Joint Hindu-Muslim Conference,

He brought the League behind the Congress in an agitation over the condition of Indians in South

51 Africa, In 19l4(May) Mazhar-ul-Haq declared that

"there were no political questions in which the

interests of both communities were not equally

involved, or with regard to which they differed.

As far as he himself was concerned he would much

rather be represented on the council by his

friend Gokhale then by anyone else. Our interests

are practically identical," The clause of 'Self-

- 60 -

Government for India within the British Empire*

adopted by the League encouraged the Congress

and the latter greatly appreciated the reali­

zation of the League that the political future

of the country depended on the harmonious working

and co-operation of various communities in the

country. In the Karachi session of 1913f the

Congress resolved:

"This Congress most heartily welcomes

t.ie Ixope expressed by the League, that

the leaders of the different communities

will make every endeavour to find modus

operandi for Joint and concerted action

on all questions of national good and

earnestly appeals to all the sections

of the people to help the object we

all have at heart •"•̂''̂

Nawab Syed Mohammed Bahadur, a distant descendant

of Tipu Sultan, presided over the session, and

made an appeal to the Hindus and the Muslims to

unite in the interests of their country, Muhammad

All Jihnah Joined the efforts to make that unity

a reality.

The outbreak of the First world war added

increased strength to the already growing Hindu-

Muslim amity. The people of the entire country

rose as one to offer their support and good-

wishes to the Government, The Legislative Council

- 61 -

of India unanimously passed the resolution of

full support and loyalty to His Majesty's Govem-

raent. The princes of Indian states offered the

resources of their territories as well as their

personal services for the war. The Viceroy, the

Governors, and Lieutenant Governors received

letters and Telegrams from all parts of British

India, from Communities and associations religious,

political and social, also from individuals

•ffering their resonrces or asking for oppor­

tunity to prove loyalty by personal service,

India also provided large quantities of men and

materials to fight the war. The achievements of

the Indian soldiers, who helped in bringing

the best trained army in the world to a halt in

France, not only raised them in self-esteem, but

also earned for them eulogies of the British

press. Overwhelmed by the loyalty and support

that India gave to the Empire, the British minis­

ters solemnly pledged their gratitude, and within

three months of the out-break of the war the Under-

Secretary of State for India declared that India's

"partnership with us in spirit and on battle­

fields cannot but alter the angle from which we

shall all henceforward look at the problems of 54-A

the government of India," Inevitably, India's

new sense of self-esteem was accompanied by a

broadening of political horizons, ,., The feeling

• began to emerge that after the war had finished.

- 62 -

Indian politicans could reasonably aspire t© a 55

further grant ©f political power,

Gopal Krishan Gekhale, who died in February,

1915 had demanded in his political testament, made

knovm in March,1915» provincial autonomy, and the

reduction of the secretary of States' control ^ 56

over the Government of India* Mrs«Besant asked

the\}*P» provincial Congress to claim Self-Govern­

ment for India within the British Empire, after

the war, and provided them with a detailed scheme 57

of reforms* The Congress endorsed her views* Wazir

Hasan announced that the Muslim League was pre­

paring a Schedule of political demand to be made 58

after the war* By mid-1915» the Indians had come

to believe that the reforms were imminent and

59

were acting on that assumption* Ihe Congress-

League friendship got further boost, and the

League declared to hold its annual session in

1915» in Bombay, at the same time and place as

Congress* The idea was, as explained Jinnah, to provide both the organisations with an opportu-

60 nitjf to confer together on the future of India*

In December 1915 the Indian National

Congress met in Bombay in its thirtieth session.

For the first time in history the All India Muslim

League too met at the same time and in the same

place as did the Congress, and there was the

opportunity for comradery between the leaders of

- 63 -

two great communities. The organisers of both

the bodies were in one mind regarding the need

for cooperation between the two organisations.

Bombay attracted a large number of delegates

from all parts of India to both the political

parties. Though they met in their respective

venues, it was so arranged that the Muslim League

in a body, came to attend the congress session,

"At a joiht Hindu-Mahommendan dinner, which was

organised by some of the educated youngmen of

either community, it was a gratifying and an

inspring sight to see the organisers wearing a

brilliant badge which combined the Crescent

with the Lotus, symbolising the union of the

two faiths in the Service of their motherland and

involving the eye of the thinker to see therein

the realisation of 'Akbar's dream* in the not-

distant future. The inauguration of this policy

of a 'Joint and concerted action' by the '̂ ongress

and the Muslim League has thus been a memborable 61'

feature of the Bombay '̂ ongress of 1915. With

Muslim League coming closer to the Congress, the

leaders felt bold to talk of a definite goal

•for India,

The 'Congress and Muslim league went ahead

in pressing for constitutional demands. Each

organisation foi'med a committee of its own to

draw up a scheme of reforms in consultation with

- 64 -

62

the other committee. The year 1916 saw consi­

derable activity in Congress and League circles

in matters of unity and advance. Gandhi devoted

himself, among other things, to the question of

Hindu-Muslim amity. He described before his

audiences the picture of South Africa v/here the

Hindus, Parsis and Muslims lived as brothers,

"We shall accomplish the tasks that face us in.

India only when my Hindu, Muslim and Pars! bre-

them feel that they are all one,"

The Coiimiittees of the Indian National

Congress and the All India Muslim League held a

number of joint meetings in 1916, The principal

issues of discussion were separate electorates

and the percentage of Muslim representation on

the legislative Councils, The Hindus had all along

condemned the separate electorates and so had

done the Congress, but the Muslim League was

adament and was not prepared to give it up.

This spirit of discard and mutual recrimination

had now been discarded both by the Hindus and the

Muslims, Compared to the fast-growing and much

needed communal harmony, the 'separiate electo­

rates'appeared a trifle. So the Congress gave

in to the Muslim demands and accepted the princi-

64

pal of separate representation; it even acquies­

ced in their introduction in the Punjab and the

Central Provinces where they had not existed befoee.

- 65 -

Seats on the Councils were allotted on a generous

scale. The Muslims on their part agreed, not only

to surrender the additional advantage they had

obtained in 1909, of voting in general constitu­

encies as well, but also agreed to reduce their

demand for Muslim representation in the Punjab

from 55 per cent to 50 per cent. A safeguard,

a notable depature from the doctrine of 'majo­

rity rule,' was also provided to ensure that no

bill or resolution affecting a community should

be proceeded with if three-fourths of the repre­

sentatives of that community were opposed to it«

The decisions taken by the committees were

placed before the annual sessions of the two

parties for ratification. The two bodies met

simultaneously at Lucknow and at their meetings

there was a spirit of complete unity and under­

standing. They accepted and adopted the scheme

of reforms as prepared by the committees earlier.

It is known as the Lucknow Pact of 1915, and is

agreat land mark in the political history of India •

There were two parts of the scheme. One

dealt with the Muslim question and the other

with the reforms. The first part laid downi-

Adequate provisions should be made for

the representation of important minorities by .

election and the Mohammedans should be represen­

ted through special electorates on the Provincial

. 66 -

Legislative Councils in the following Propor-65

tions:

Province Percentage of ̂ '̂ uslira Population

Percentage of Muslim seats in the Legisla­tive Council

Bengal 52.6

Bihar and Orissa 10.5

Bombay 20.4

Central Provinces 4.3

Madras 6.5

Punjab 54.8

U.P. 14.00

40.00

25.00

33.50

15.00

15.00

50.00

30.00

Provided that no Mohammedan shall participate

in any of the other elections to the imperial or

Provincial Legislative Councils, save and except

those by electorates representing special interests.

Provided further that no Bill nor any

clause thereof nor a resolution introduced by

non-official members affecting one or the other

community, which question is to be determined

by the members of the community in the legisla­

tive Council concerned, shall be proceeded with,

if three-fourths of the members of that community

in the particular council, imperial or Provincial,

oppose the Bill or any clause thereof or the reso -

lutien.

- 67 -

The second part of the scheme of reforms

demanded that in the reconstruction of the Empire,

India should be raised from the status of a

dependency to that of an equal partner in the

Empire as a self-governing dominion. The Provin­

cial Legislative Councils should consist of four-

fifths of elected and one-fifth of nominated

members. Members of the councils should be elected

directly by the people on as broad a franchise • " — 6 6 - ^ - - - • ••- • ' '••' — --•' - ' - —

as possible.

The Congress-League agreement on India's

future constitutional development was hailed in

the nationalist quarters as a significant sign

of the time. The Congress at last, succeeded in

enlisting the support of the Muslim League for

the national cause. The Muslim response to the

resolution of self-Government was cordial and

constructive. The concept of a common land with

a common future became the dominant theme of the

time. With simultaneous assertion of their demand

for self-Government at the sessions of the Indian

National Congress, and The All India Muslim

League, Indian Nationalism came to assuae a more

formidable character. "There must be satisfaction

all over the country," wrote the Tribune,"that

the question(of Muslim representation in Councils)

has set at rest any further discussion in haggling

which was already assuming an unseemly form, and

that scheme of post-war ref ui-ias prepared by the

- 68 -

joint conference can now go to government, after

the Congress and League sessions have approved

it, with the seal of acceptance by the whole 67

community," The scheme was a hopeful augury

to many prominent leaders, both Hindu and Muslim,

While speaking at the Lucknow Congress in 1916,

Tilak made significant remarks about the impor­

tance of Hindu-Muslim unity to achieve the goal

of self-government, "That was the cause of the

dissension ten years age"(at the time Surat

Split), said Tilak, "and 1 am glad to say that

I have lived these ten years to see that we

are going to put our voices and shoulders toge­

ther to push on this scheae of self-government,'

Not only have we lived to see these differences

closed, but to see the differences of Hindus

and Muhammedans closed as well, • , , It has

been said by some that we, Hindus, have yielded

too much to our Muhammedan brethren, , , • I

would not care, if the rights of self-Government 68

are granted to the Muhammedan community only,"

Eulogising the part played by the Muslim

League and its leaders, Sarojini Naidu observed:

"Members of this Congress, citizens of India

who have come from the farthest corners in this

great country, I ask you in the name of the

nation that is to born today in this city of

Lucknow to offer your thanks to three men , • ,

- 69 -

the Raja Saheb of Mahmudabad, that fearless and

independent spirited Mazhar-ul-Haque, and thir­

dly Mr.M.A.Jinnah, of whom it was that the late

Mr, Gokhale said to me, immediately after the

last Muslim League in Lucknow that he is the t

best ambassador of the Hindu-*Muslim community.

We are united today by the efforts of the Muslim

League, , • , Ours is the right of freedom; we

claim it; we take it; you dare not deny to us 69

the birth-right of humanity,"

Mazhar-ul-Haq, representing the progressive

Muslims of that hour, announced to the Congress$

"In all ay political life I have been of

this opinion that our Motherland cannot advance

without the unixy of the Hindus and the Muhltiame-

dens, , , , You are talkihg about self-Government

and Home Rule, and do you for a moment belieye

that you will get it by talking ? Unless and

until you make ybur rulers believe that you are

earnest, serious in your demand, you will never 70

get anything," •

j^dbiullah, the chairman of the reception

committee, of the Muslim League, at Lucknow observed:

"The affairs of the country which we

Muslims are proud to call our mother­

land, have reached a stage, where

they call for the sinking of all petty

differences of race and creed and demand

united action. , . . The future of India

- 70 -

hangs in the balance. • • • Need India

wait for an answer, from the followers

of Islam in this great crisis of her

fate? . • • Let me assure our fellow

countrymen of other creeds, that a

Musalman cannot betray the cause of

India without betraying his whole past.

He shall, God willing, be in the vanguard

of the forces that are to fight the

battles of our constitutional freed,om.

His active political life is of a short

duration, but during this brief period

he has traversed the ground that the

great Hindu community took about a

quarter of a century to cover. The

history of the All India Muslim League

is a faithful reflftx of the political 71

growth ©f Indian Musalmans,"

In his Presidential address, at the annual

meeting of the League, at Lucknow, in 1916, Jinnah

observed:"It is a matter of infinite gratification

to me as well as to all patriotic Musalmans that

the Muslim communal position in this matter has been recognised and met in an ungrudging spirit

72 by the leaders of the great Hindu community."

He further remarked,"Be the time near or distant

the Indian people are bound to attain their full

stature as a self-Qoverning nation. No force in

- 71 -

the v;orld can rob tnor.u of their destiny and

thv/-art the purposes of Provindence , , , If

the Indians are not the Pariahs of nature, if they

are not out of the- pale of operation of the

laws that govern mankind elsev/here, if their

minds can grov/' in knov/ledge and power and can

think and plan and organise together for the

comiuon needs of the present and for the common

hopes of the future, the only future for them is

self-government, is the attainment of the pov/er

to apply through properly organised channels the

coh.mon National will and intelligence to the needs

and tasks of their National existence. The cant

of unfitness must die, the lav/s of nature and the

doctrines of couniion humanity are not different 73

in the East*"

Tae Congress-League Scheme v/as denounced

by those who felt that the concessions given to

them were insufficient or those given to others

were excessive. The Hindus of the United Frovic-

ces and the Punjab condeni-ied the Scheme as it

gave representation to the l-Iuslims over and

above what they v;ere entitled to. In his Presi­

dential Address, V.P,Madhav Rao, of'Hindu Maha

Sabha, said at Lucknow, tiiat the object of the

Hindu Maha Sabha v/ould be to educate the Public,

mind on the evils likely to follov/ from a recogni-

- 72 -

tion of this principle and giving effect to it 74

in the coming reforms. The Local Hindu Sabhas

in Allahabad, Beneras, and Kanpur also denounced

excessive representation given to the Muslim

minorities in U,P., Bombay, Bihar and Madras, and

the poor treatment of the Hindu minority in the

Punjab,

Muslims, too, did not lag behind in conde­

mning the Pact. Serious opposition came from the

Bengali Muslims, They felt that their interests c

were scarified to the claims of the minorities

in other provinces. The Central Mohammadan Asso­

ciation, in a memorial, submitted to Mantagu and

Chelmsford in September 1918, argued "F«r England

now t« place the Indian Muslims, without prpper,

definite, and ample safeguards, under the heels

of a hostile non-Muslim majority, would your

humble memorialists venture respectfully te submi-f̂

be a cruel act of breach of faith and violation 76

of trust," *Resalat*, a Calcutta newspaper wrote :

"The success of the scheme will place the Muslims

under the thumb of the Hindus.Muslim interests

will not be safeguarded unless they get at least

equal representation with the Hindus in the

Councils, This is our and Bengal Muslim League's 77

opinion"• Many conservative Muslims vigorously

opposed co-operation with the Congress, which

they identified as a 'Hindu* body. The Secretary of State for India was told by one 'alim* in

- 73 -

Madras that there was no sanction in the QuraiT 78

for an alliance with non-Muslims. Even much

before the Lucknow Pact was actually signed, the

tirade of the conservative Muslims against the

League had intensified" The stereotyped Congress

Slogans", observed Syed Husain Bilgranii, "are a

79

threat to our very existence". Some Muslim news­

papers too showed their annoyance at the Congress-80

League rapprochement. According to Al Bashir(U.P), the pro-C»ngress Muslims were isolated from their

81 community and were unaware of its problems, Al-

Mxzan (U.P.) denounced Wazir Hasan, as an oppor­

tunist, whose ambition was to achieve prominence 82

through his alliance with the non-Muslims. The

Muslim opp.onents of the Congress-League rappr­

ochement had earlier joined hands to prevent

the Muslim League Session from being held

concurrently with the Congress Session at 83

Bombay in 1915.

But all these voices of protest and idi-A

gnation were of little consequence and in-effec­

tive. Sir James Meston, Lieutenant Governor of

U.P. wrote to the Viceroy:"The Christmas meetings

at Lucknow caught up and consolidated popular

sentiments as few political events have done.

Extremists and Moderates had united after years

of misunderstanding; and greatest marvell of all,

- 74 -

the Muhammadans also had come into the fold.

A few Moderates may grumble here and there,

and a few conservative Muhammadans may urge that

the League does not really represent their commu­

nity. But they do nothing. They are voiceless in

public, they do not hold meetings, they have

completely lost command of the Press, For all

practical purposes they have, for the time at -

least, disappeared as a separate party. The resul­

tant union «f all voices has filled educated Indja

with a pride and a feeling of nationality which EU

it is impossible to ignore,"

It is significant t© observe some British

reactions to the Hindu-iyhislim fraternisation. The

revised constitution of the League in 1913 invited 85

the following comments:

"I regret to say that in my opinion the

new constitution of our old friend, the Muslim

League, embodies a mistaken and dangerous policy.

If I were now a district Officer, I should feel

it my duty to disuade my Indian Muslim friends

from joining the League",

(C.R.Cleveland, Director of Criminal

Intelligence dated 4.2,1913)

"The League have now definitely joined

hands with the Congress in including in their

"objects" the attainment of self-government and

of thus confusing an indefinite ideal with a

- 75 -

visible goal, practical steps towards which can

only mean, at the present stage of Indian devel­

opment, conflict with the authority, and violent

political agitation.

(R.H.CRADDOCK Home Member of the Viceroy's

Council, dated 15.2.13)

Even Sir James Meston, the Lieutenant

Governor of U.P. who later, had to concede the

strength of Hindu-Muslim entente at Lucknow,

in his memorandum to the Viceroy in April 1917f

was irked by their growing friendalaip. In a letter

written to Lord Hardinge on 23 December 1915» he

showed his unhappiness at the successful efforts

of Lord Willingdon, the Governor of Bombay, to

compose the differences of two sections of the

League, regarding the holding of the League

session of 1915» at Bombay. He wrote:

"Lord Willingdon in his good nature has

given our Locknow gang a somewhat inflated sense

of their own importance by his action in perso­

nally composing their differences with the Bombay

moderates. • . • Had we been asked earlier, I

should have told Lord Willingdon that our people

( and, as far as I know the Punjab people also)

do not want the League to meet at Bombay Just now

and be snapped up by the Congress, that the small

clique which Wazir Hasan Organises and Mahmudabad

- 76 -

feeds, are in no sense representative of the

Muslims of North India, and that a triumph of

this coterie will be taken as a triumph for 86

Mohamed Ali and his followers",

Mr» Montagu, criticising the Congress-

League Scheme in the House of Commons, in his

speech on 5 June 1919, remarked "It does not

attempt to realize responsible government, but

it leaves an irremovable executive at the mercy

of a legislature which can paralyse it but net

direct it.*