CHAPTER III

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS OF BEEDI ROLLERS IN THE STUDY AREA

3. INTRODUCTION:

Beedi industry is an agro-based and labour intensive industry which employs

workers mainly from weaker sections of the Society. Beedi manufacturing is being

undertaken in the private sector in most of the states with exception of Kerala and

West Bengal, where co-operative societies are also playing a significant role in this

industry. The industry has its origin in rural set-up and over the years it has developed

in different ways in different areas, depending upon the socio-economic and the

cultural set up, geographical/demographical aspacts of the area which, in tum, has

resulted in different modes of manufacturing, wage payment, etc. (GoI, 1995). . .

3.1 Profile of Sagar District (M.P.) and Rajnandgaon District (C.G.):

As its name indicates 'Madhya' means' central' in Hindi, the state of Madhya

Pradesh is centrally located within India. It shares common borders with a number of

different states, such as Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and Uttar

Pradesh. Madhya Pradesh is the second largest state in India. According to the 2001

census, it has a population of about 60 million spread over 308245 sq km. With

eighty per cent of the population living in villages, the state is also one of the most

backward states in the country. After carving out Chhattisgarh as a separate state, the

state now has 48 districts, 370 urban areas and 55,841 villages.

The newly formed state, Cp~l}attisgarh is richly endowed '.vith n:!tural

resources. Its forest revenue accounted for 44 per cent of the total forest revenue of

Madhya Pradesh and had been the main source of income of the state when it was not

separated. It has rich deposits of limestone, iron-ore, copper-ore, rock phosphate,

manganese ore, bauxite, coal, asbestos and mica that contributed to around 48 per cent

of Madhya Pradesh's revenue from minerals. The mineral rich state is economically

very poor. It will have to depend on the nighbouring states of Orissa and Andhra

Pradesh. ·Agriculturally, it is a very productive area. Cal1ed the country's Rice Bowl, it

76

supplies food grain to almost 600 rice mills. With substantial deposits of limestone,

iron-ore, copper ore, rock phosphate, manganese ore, bauxite, coal, asbestos and mica,

Chhattisgarh is one of the mineral rich state of India. Chhattisgarh contains about 525

million tonnes of dolomite reserves, accounting for 24 per cent of the country's share.

It has healthy bauxite reserves of an estimated 73 million tonnes, impressive reserves

of iron ore (about 2,000 million tonnes) and coal (29,000 million tonnes). Tin ore

reserves exceed 27,000 million tonnes.

The mineral revenue that will accrue to Chhattisgarh will exceed Rs 600 crore

annually. Deobogh in Raipur district contains deposits of diamonds. Prospecting of

diamonds has begun here and when extraction starts in about two years' time, it is

expected to generate an additional Rs 2,000 crore a year for the state. Chhattisgarh

also accounts for more than 70 per cent ofIndia's total production oftendu leaves that

are used for making beedies. But despite the high levels of productivity with natural

and mineral resources, Chhatti.sgarh has remained backward because the money

earned is not ploughed back into the region. Poverty pervades the 16 districts

comprising the region. As a result, the region has for long nursed a grudge against the

rest of Madhya Pradesh which has treated Chhattisgarh like a colony.

(http://www.mapsofindia.com/stateprofiles/-chhatisgarh/index.html)

3.1.1 Geographical Profile of Sagar:

Sagar is one of the districts of Madhya Pradesh. The town of Sagar serves as

its administrative center. Its total area is 1,022,754 hectares and main resources

prevalent in the district are land and forests. Unfortunately, over the last decades both

these resources have been considerably depleted. Land is fertile but the five rivers

'.';'!1ich fUn are not sufflcient to irrigate the land. Once there '.vere tanks in the whole

. Bundelkhand region, but later all were abandoned and today many have disappeared.

Sagar was, and to some extent still is, rich in forest resources. Wood of all kinds,

including teak and minor forest produce, is still available. However, the forests have

been depleted both in terms of quantity and quality. Sagar does not enjoy good

infrastructural facilities. It is off the main railway line and only one part touches the

Bina main line. There are roads linking Sagar to adjoining districts, but maintenance

of the roads is poor, especially those in the interior. Electricity coverage is also poor.

77

Within suc~ a scenario, not much industrial development can be envisaged. The main

'opportunities therefore tend to be related to land, animal husbandry and the forestry

sector. These are also the sectors on which the Government of Madhya Pradesh is

focusing. In particular, this is seen as a two-step process: the first involves

regeneration of land, water and forest resources, a process requiring considerable

financial investment. It also requires capacity building at the local level, and the

involvement of local organizations. The process of regeneration itself is a process of

employment generation. The second is to create employment and wealth from the

newly regenerated lands and forests.

The district of Sagar lies in the north central region of Madhya Pradesh. It was

spel1ed as 'Saugar' during the British period. It is situated between 23° 10' and 24°

27' north latitude and between 78° 4' and 79° 21' east longitude; the district has a

truly central location in the country. The tropic of cancer passes through the southern

part of the district. Sagar division is an administrative geographical unit of Madhya

Pradesh. Sagar is the administrative headquarters of the. division. Currently (2005),

the division consists of districts of Chhatarpur, Damoh, Panna, Sagar and Tikamgarh.

The district consists of 12 Community Development Blocks and 9 Tehsils. It contains

2,076 vi1Jages.

The district is bounded on the north by Jhansi district of Uttar Pradesh, on the

south by the district of Narsinghpur and Raisen, on the west by the district of Vi dish a

, and on the east by the district of Damoh, which was previously formed the part of

Sagar district. On the north-east and north-west, the district adjoins Chhattarpur and

Guna districts, respectively. The district is accessible by rail as the town of Sagar lies

on the Bina -Katiil branch line of centlal railway. Sagar is 76 kill from Bina which is

on the Bombay-Delhi main line. The district is traversed by first class roads which

connect it with important towns like Damoh and Jabalpur on the east and south-east

respectively, Lalitpur and Jhansi on the north, Chhattarpur on the north-east and

Bhopal on the south-west. Bhopal the capital of Madhya Pradesh is about 208 km

from Sagar by road.

78

Guna

Vidisha

Raisen

(i) Area:

Figure 3.1: Map of Sagar District

UTTAR PRADESH

Narsinghpur

SAGAR (Madhya Pradesh)

f North

Damoh

According to the Surveyor-General of India, the dIstrict has a total area of

6375 sq kms and is shaped roughly like a triangle. Sagar district is the sixteenth

largest district in size in the state, and the third largest in the Jabalpur revenue

division. The district is divided into nine tahsils, viz, Sagar, Banda, Khurai, Rehli,

Garhakota, Bina, Rahatgarh, Kesli and Deori each in the charge of a Tahsildar or a

Sub-Divisional Officer.

79

(ii) Rivers:

Sagar district is an extensive, elevated and in parts tolerably level plain,

broken in places by low hills of the Vindhyan sandstone. It is traversed by numerous

. streams, chief of which are the Sunar, Beas, Dhasan and Bina rivers, all flowing in a

north direction towards the valley of the Ganges.

3.1.2 Historical Background of Sagar District:

The origin of the name comes from the Hindi word 'sagar' meaning lake or

sea, apparently because of the large and once beautiful lake around which the town of

Sagar has been built. Sagar was founded by Udan Shah in 1660 and was constituted as

a municipality in 1867. The history of the town of Sagar dates back to about 1660

AD. when Udan Shah, a descendant ofNihal Shah, built a small fort on the site of the

present one, and founded a village close to it called Parkota which is now part of

town. The present fort and a settlement under its walls was founded by Govind Rao

Pandit, an officer of the Peshwa, who held charge of Sagar and the surrounding

territory after 1735 A.D., when it came under the Peshwa's possession. In 1818 A.D.,

the greater part of the district was ceded by the Peshwa Baji Rao II to the British

Government, while different parts of the rest of the present district of Sagar came in

the possession of the British at different times between 1818 and 1860. The Dhamoni

pargana of Banda tahsil was ceded in 1818 AD. by Appaji Bhonsla. The Bhera

pargana of Banda tahsil was acquired by transfer from the Bundelkhand state in 1818

AD. The parganas, Rahatgarh in Sagar tahsil and Garhakota, Deori, Gourjhamer and

Naharmow in Rehli tahsil collectively known as Punch Mahal were originally made

over to British by Sindhiya at different dates from 1820 to 1825 for management. The

Shahgarh pargana of Banda tahsil was confiscated in 1857 in consequence of the

rehdlion of the ch1ef. The Ka'ljia pargllTl3 of Khurai tahsil Ulas acquired from

Sindhiya by a treaty in 1860 AD. A small· area in the north-east comer of the tahsil

around the village of Hirapur was similarly transferred to the British from the

Charkhari state to Bundelkhand and added to the district after the uprising of 1857.

Administratively, the position of Sagar and the neighbouring territories

underwent frequent changes. The Saugor territory was, first of all, placed under the

superintendent of political affairs of Bundelkhand. Later in 1820, this area called the

Saugor and Nerbudda territories was placed under the administration of an agent to

80

the Governer-General. When the north-western province was constituted in 1835,

Saugor and Nerbudda territories were included in this province. In 1842 occurred the

Bundela rising, the quelling of which demanded a more direct attention by the

Governor-General. But order was restored in the following year, and the Saugor and

Nerbudda territories were again placed under the political control of an agent to the

Governor-General. The arrangement, however, was not found to be satisfactory and

these territories were once again restored to the north-western provinces in 1853.

Thereafter in 1861 the Saugor and Nerbudda territories, along with the Nagpur state

formed a commissioner's province called central provinces. Sagar, which was the

headquarters of the Sagar Commissionership for a short period, ceased to be so in

1863-64, when this district was incorporated with Jabalpur Commissionership. In the

year 1932 the district of Damoh was added to Sagar district and was administrated as

sub-division. In 1956, however, Damoh sub-division was again separated from the

district to form a separate district and Sagar district consisted of four tehsils viz,

Sagar, Khurai, Rehli, Banda (http://www.sagar.nic.inl) . .

3.1.3 Population Characteristics of Sagar District:

Sagar district is predominantly a Scheduled Caste and Backward class district.

These together form about 75 per cent of the total population of district. The district

also has sizable popUlation of tribals who are named as Rajgonds after their kingdom.

Sagar District has population of2,021,783 (2001 census), a 23 per cent increase from

its 1991 population of 1,646,198. As of 2001 India census, Sagar had a population of

20,21,783. Males constitute 53 per cent of the population and females 47 per cent 14

per cent of the population in the district is under 6 years of age. The sex ratio in the

district is 884 women to 1000 men which is significantly lower than the state average

of920.

Table 3.1: Population at a Glance

Population 2001

Males 1 ,073,205

Females 948,782

Sex ratio 884

Rural 1 ,431,080

Urban 590,907

81

Rural Percentage of Total 71%

Decennial Growth Rate (1991-2001) 22.7%

Proportion of SC 415,374 (20.5%)

Proportion of ST 1 96,472 (9.7%)

Total 2,021,987

Sources: Census of India, 2001.

Density of Sagar district is increasing very fast. It was 118 per skm in 1901

but according to 2001 census it is 388 per skm.

Table 3.2: Work Participation Rate

Employment (Working 2001 Population)

Male 5,52,051

(% of total males) 51%

Female 2,87,262

(% of total females) 30%

Total . 8,39,313

(% of total) 42%

Sources: Census of India, 2001.

The participation in the workforce as a per cent of population (42 per cent)

closely mimics the state average (41 per cent), as do the statistics for male/female

participation in the workforce.

Table 3.3: Literacy Rate

Literacy Rate 2001

Rural overall 7,11,133

(%ofrural) 50%

RUidl nmles 4 ". A 0'"'0 ,U~,04.

(% of rural males) 61%

Rural females 2,46,313

(% of rural females) 37%

Overall 11,18,993

(% of total) 56%

Sources: Census of India, 2001.

82

Literacy rates across rural/urban and male/female divisions are closely aligned

with state averages. Only 27 per cent of rural females are literate, as compared to a

literate rural male population of 50 per cent of total. According to 2001 Census,

overall literacy rate is 67.7 per cent in the Sagar district.

3.1.4 Economic Conditions of Sagar District:

Base of district economy is agriculture. 70 per cent of population are engaged

in agriculture due to this agriculture equipments of Khurai block are very famous.

Sagar lies in an extensive plain broken by low, forested hills and watered by Sonar

River. Wheat, chickpeas, sogllUm, and oilseeds are chief crops of the region. Land in

this district is fertile but the five rivers which run, however, are not sufficient to

irrigate the land. In the southern and central parts, the soil is black formed by

decaying trap; to the north and east it is a reddish-brown alluvium.

hon ore of excellent quality is found and worked at Hirapur, a small village in

the extreme north-east. It has a major road and agricultural trade centre, it has

industries such as oil and flour milling, saw-milling, ghee processing, handloom

cotton weaving, beedi manufacture and railway and engineering works. There is also

extensive cattle raising in the region. Sandstone, limestone, iron ore and asbestos

deposits are also worked in Sagar.

(i) Agriculture:

The district of Sagar IS predominantly a Rabi area. Wheat crop is the

agricultural staple. Other staple crops are gram, linseed and jowar. Mixed cropping is

resorted to as a measure of insurance against the vagaries of nature. Rabi is the main

cropping season, though the proportion of Rabi to Kharif has varied from time to

time. Occasionally, the Kharif crop exceeded the Rabi when wheat crop was badly

affected by P!st or frost I')f when bad Sf':;tSOD hampered Rahi sowing. When the season

conditions came to normality the Rabi crops were gradually restored to their original

position of prominence. Conversely whenever there are heavy and continuous rains

through July and August which prevent the ploughs from getting to work, or Kharif

crops get rotten particularly in low-lying and water-logged areas, they are ploughed

and diverted to Rabi sowings. The climatic conditions, therefore, largely determine

the relative weightage given to Kha~f and Rabi crops in a particular year.

83

Although agriculture is the base of Sagar district economy, only less than half

of the land area is cultivable, and its distribution is quite uneven because of variations

in topography, rainfall, and soils. The most important crops are rice, wheat, sorghum

(jowar), com (maize), pulses (legumes such as peas, beans, or lentils), and peanuts

(groundnuts). Sagar is the largest soyabean and wheat producing district in Madhya

Pradesh. The five large rivers of the district are the Bina, Dhasan, Bewas, Sonar and

Bamner, all of which have main flows that are joined by a number of small tributaries.

The primary sources of irrigation of the district are canals, tanks, wells and tubewells.

(ii) Forestry:

The development of forests and forest products holds enormous income­

generating potential in this district. With the cooperative policy of the Madhya

Pradesh Government, a network of cooperatives is already in place: it can be

revitalized to become institutions for development. Within the forestry sector, the

most promising in terms of markets and processing is medicinal plants. Other minor

forest produce such as honey, chironji, etc., will capture a good market. Sagar forests

also have a wide variety of timber trees including the best type of teak. These can

generate employment both from growing trees and the use of wood products.

There are about 200 medicinal plants in the forest. A research and

development unit on medicinal plants is already functioning at Sagar University. To

all evidence, the district administration is more interested in medicinal plants than in

tendu leaf. The local people already use many of these plants and recognise many

varieties. Furthermore, there is a large and growing demand for these from the

cosmetic industry and manufacturers of ayurvedic and unani products. The export of

herbal medicinal plants is also growing rapidly. The cooperative system of tendu .

leaves collection has to be improved to ensure quality and to guarantee that the

cooperatives obtain more profits.

(ii) Horticulture:

At Bina, the Government has launched a major horticulture project which

could be extended to the target villages of Sagar. Horticulture would offer

employment opportunities by way of growing 1)urseries, planting trees and producing

fruit.

84

(iv) Industry:

Government of Madhya Pradesh has kept Sagar in category 'C' of industrial

backward districts. For Industrialisation and business purpose, district industry centre

is working as nodal agency. As has been noted, main and traditional business of Sagar

is beedi making and it is found in entire Sagar district. After 1978, establishment of

district industry centre took place leading to the opening of new industrial units in

Sagar. For the establishment of industries folIowing units are available: In the district,

there are four main industries of medium category. They include straw board,

vegetable oil, refind oil and single superphosphate fertilizer industries. About 15

Crores rupees is invested in these industries. About 10,000 small scale industries

which have been registered in the district, the main industries are steel utensils, plastic

goods, detergent cake powder, maida, agriculture equipments, welding electrodes,

alum, caustic soda, solvent plant, agarbatti, granite, acrylic sheet, acrylic products, dal

mil, PVC cable, pipe etc. In Khurai and Bina, agricultural equipments industries are

working in cluster units. Beedi industry is the largest cottage industry in the district. .

Livelihoods derived from fores~ products such as amla, harida, behera and other

herbal and ayurvedic products are also found in Sagar district.

Nevertheless, there is no major industry in the district. The oil refinery is

proposed in the Agasod village of Bina tehsil. It is being established by Bharat

Petroleum Corporation and its capacity is 6 million metric tons and about 7000 crores

will be invested in it. In Bina tehsil, thermal power station is also proposed in which

company has already taken 1719 acres of lands for the purpose and construction has

already started. Apart from this, Hindustan Power Development Corporation is also

planning to set up thermal power station in Bina.

(v) Education Infrastructure: - ,

The Sagar district has a university and a higher rate of literacy than the rest of

Madhya Pradesh. Since even the poorest people value a good education, private

schools have been started by ex-beedi contractors and opportunities for tuition are

booming. Employment in this area needs to be explored as a potential area for the

younger beedi workers. They could provide all education-related services: tuition,

adult literacy, grading of examination papers, etc. One exp~riment conducted by

SEW A is training grass roots researchers who then sell their services.

85

Table 3.4: No. of Colleges Affiliated to Dr. Hari Singh Gour Vishwavidyalaya, Sagar (M.P.) as on 2006-07

Colleges Number

Total No. of Government Colleges 49

Total No. of Private Colleges 41

Total No. of Girls Colleges 08

Total No. ofB.Ed. Colleges 04

Total No. of Law Colleges 04

Total No. of Colleges 90

Sources: http://www.sagaruniversity.nic.in/coiieges.htm

- Govt. (Auto) P.O.College, Chhindwara is ACCREDITED BY NAAC 'B' (01)

only.

Colleges in Sagar District:

- Government College-

- Private College. -

3.1.5 Profile of Rajnandgaoll District:

12

14

On November 1, 2000, a new state, Chhattisgarh came in existence. The new

state is carved out of Madhya Pradesh with an area of 443,000 square kilometers.

Though Chhattisgarh with an area of 135,194 square kilometers accounts for only 30

per cent of the total area of Madhya Pradesh. It is still a considerable size, which is

equivalent to almost sixteen times the size of Kerala. Bastar, Bilaspur, Dantewara,

Dhamtari, Durg, Janjgir, Jashpur, Kanker, Kavardha, Korba, Mahasamund, Raigarh,

Raipur, Rajnandgaon, Sarguja and West Sarguja are the sixteen districts of

Chhattisgarh.

Howevt:r, in spiit: of ib abunuant natural feS0urces and manpower p001,

Chhattisgarh remains a poverty stricken and socially backward region. A cursory look

at some parameters, according to 2001 census data, win reveal this fact. As high as

81.3 per cent of the population above 19 years of the district of Bastar is illiterate. The

rest of the state is slightly better in this respect. 49 per cent of the households do not

have drinking water. 68 per cent of the households do not have an electricity

connection (though it produces more power than it consumes; it contributes 35.66 per

cent of total power generated in Madhya Pradesh). Infant mortality is high: 84 deaths

86

per thousand live births against the national average of71 per cent. 41 per cent of the

women worked as labourers in the grueling activities (the national average is just

22.3). About half of its female population gets married between the ages of 15 and 19.

3.1.6 Geographical Profile of Rajnandgaon:

Rajnandgaon is the name of the primary town in the Rajnandgaon District in

Chhattisgarh. The population of the city is 143,727 (2001 census). The town is

surrounded by ponds and rivers. Rajnandgaon is also known for education. The town

is known for its small-scale industries and traders. Another name used for the city of

Rajnandgaon is Shanskardhani because its residents are very peaceful, live in

harmony, and are very religious.

Rajnandgaon is located at 21.100 N 81.03 0 E in Chhattisgarh. It has an average

elevation of 307. Metres (1010 feet). The district Rajnandgaon is in the central part of

Chhattisgarh. It is surrounded by Kawardha district in north, Durg district in the east;

Bastar district is the south and Garchiroli, Bhandara (Maharashtra) and Balaghat

(Madhya Prasesh) districts in the west. The district headquarter Rajnandgaon is on the .

Bombay-Howrah line of south-eastern railways. The National Highway 6 (Great

Eastern Road) also passes through the town of Rajnandgaon. The nearest airport to the

district is at Mana (Raipur), about 80 kms away. The Rajnandgaon district is divided

into 8 tehsil and 9 block development offices. Tehsils and block development offices

are as below:

Tehsil: 8 (Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Dongargarh, Chowki, Mohla, Manpur,

Huikhadan, Khairagarh)

Block Development Office: 9 (Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Dongargarh,

Chowki, Mohla, Manpur, Chuikhadan, Khairagarh, Churia)

(i) Area:

Rajnandgaon district has total area 6396.28 sq.km where forest area is 2987.14.

sq.km. An area of362400 ha is the net area sown. Net irrigated area is 59000 ha.

(ii) River:

The principal river of the district is Sheonath, a tributary of Mahanadi. The

river originates in the border of Chowki block and flows in north-eastern direction.

87

The main tributaries of Sheonath are Kharkhara, Sonbarsa, Amner, Surhi, Karra,

Murkati, Sankari, Fonk and Hanf.

(ii) Climate:

Climate is tropical and average rainfall is 1274 m.m. in the district. The

district enjoys a sUbtropical climate characterized by hot summer and monsoon

rainfall followed by dry and cold winter season. The annual temperature varies from

46.2 °c (summer) to 11°c (winter). The relative humidity varies from 87°c (rainy

season) to 35°c (winter).

Figure 3.2: Map of Rajnandgaon District

RAJ NANDGAON Chhattisgarh

_---:.Kawardha

Kanker

To Durg -

Durg

Map flU tiC Seai,!'

N A

Coovriahl C .20OS. C1lmr>sfo 'nrObas" Pvt Ud.

3.1. 7 History of Rajnandgaon District:

The district Rajnandgaon came into existence on 26th January 1973, by way

of division of District Durg. The Rajnandgaon state was ruled by Somvanshis,

Kalchuris and Marathas. The Rajnandgaon was originally named as Nandgram. The

Palaces in the town ofRajnandgaon reveals its own tale of the rulers, their society and

culture and the splendid tradition during that time. The district Kawardha was latter

88

bifurcated from this district on 1 st July 1998. The contribution of Gajanan Madhav

Muktibodh, Padumlal Punnalal Bakshi and Baldeo Prasad Mishra in the field of Hindi

literature has a special mention. The idols of Gajanan Madhav Muktibodh, Padumlal

Punnalal Bakshi and Baldeo Prasad Mishra at Muktibodh Smarak Parisar are also

known as Triveni Parisar Rajnandgaon.

3.1.8 Demography of Rajnandgaon District:

As of 2001, (India census), Rajnandgaon had a total population of 12,83,224.

Total male population was 6,34,342 and total females were 6,48,882. Sex ratio for the

district was 1023.

Table 3.5: District Population at a Glance

Male 634342

Female 648882

SC 127424

ST 341688 .

Urban Population 231647 . Rural Population 1051577

Percentage of Rural Population in Total Population 81.94%

Percentage of SC Population in Total Population 9.92 %

Percentage of ST Population in Total Population 26.62%

Sex Ratio .

1023

Literacy percentage 77.2%

Male Literacy 87.2%

Female Literacy 67.6%

Rural Literacy 76.35%

Urban Literacy 82.85%

l Popuiation Growth Rate (1991-LUO 1) 17.83 I I Total 1283224

Sources: Census of India, 2001.

According to 2001 census district population density was 159 per Sq km.

Literacy rate of 73 per cent is higher than the national average of 59.5 per cent: male

literacy is 82.7 per cent and female literacy is 67.6 per cent. Share ofST population is

26.6per cent whereas, the SC population attributes for 9.9 per cent.

89

3.1.9 Economic Conditions of Rajnandgaon District:

One of the prominent districts of Chhattisgarh, the district of Rajnandgaon

presents a harmonious balance of agricultural productivity coupled with natural scenic

beauty. The majority of the indigenous population of the district of Rajnandgaon

depends on agriculture and produces many agricultural crops, the chief among which

is the paddy. The district of Rajnandgaon supports many small and medium scale

cottage and handloom industries and Tourism that help to strengthen the economic

condition of the region.

(i) Agriculture:

Agriculture is the main activity for the population of 1,76,00,000 of this

landlocked state enveloped by Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar and Uttar

Pradesh and of course Madhya Pradesh. 80 per cent of the population is engaged in

agriculture which is one crop a year. Known as the 'Rice Bowl' ofIndia, the region of

Chhattisgarh supplies food grain to 600 rice mills.

(ii) Industry:

The district, Rajnantlgaon is categorised as 'B' (backward) in industry. The

Chhattisgarh government offers the following facilities for setting up new industrial

units in the district.

(i) State capital investment subsidy at the rate of 10 per cent is available to the

eligible small scale industries set up outside the radius of 8 kms of municipal

area.

(ii) Sales tax exemption for six years to the eligible industrial units.

(iii) Entry tax exemption for 5 years to the eligible industrial units.

-- ."

(iv) Project reimbursement of 1 per cent of the total cost of the project.

The government industrial estate of small scale industries is set up at

Rajnandgaon and Dongargarh (a teshsil headquarter). The industry belt of the district

is situated from Somani to Anjora on national highway-6 towards burg (around 10

kms from Rajnandgaon). Main Crop of Rajnandgaon district is paddy and minerals

found there include limestone, chinaclay, quartzite, quartz, granite, white clay etc.

90

(iii) Handloom:

The handloom industry of the district is famous for its workmanship. The total

revenue generated through this industry in the year 1999-2000 was ofRs. 1 20 lakhs.

(iv) Education Infrastructure Present in the District:

Asia's only Performing Art and Music University is located in Khairagarh.

The rich cultural heritage of the district is highlighted with Indira Sangeet and Kala

Vishwavidyalayat Khairagarh (a tehsil headquarter). The university has the

distinction of being the only university in music and fine arts. The university offers

various diploma, graduate and post graduate courses in vocal and instrumental music, ,

dance forms, fine arts and folk dances. Many coJIeges offering courses in music and

fine arts are affiliated to this university.

Table 3.6: Education Information

Sangeet University I

Primary School 1695

Middle School . 534

High School/Higher Secondary 178

Colleges 15

Professional Colleges 6

Ashram School . 15

Engineering College 1

Dental College I

Sources: http://www.rajnandgaon.nic.in/ataglance.htm

(v) Health Facilities:

Government hospitals as we)) as private hospitals are present in the district of

Rajnandgaon. Total nine primary ht::"q1th centres are ~.Torking in the district ~~d each .

health center has 30 beds for the patient. And seven private hospitals are working in

the district with each of them differing in terms of no. of beds. ,

(http://www.rajnandgaon.nic.inleducation.htm) Apart from this, 10 alopathic

hospitals, 22 primary health centre (PHC), 214 community health centre (CHC), 47

ayurvedic hospitals, 6 homeopathic hospitals and 14 veterinary hospitals also exist in

Rajnandgaon district.

91

Table 3.7: Health Services

Allopathic Hospital 10

PHC 22

CHC 214

Ayurvedic Hospital 47

Homeopathic Hospital 6

Veterinary Hospital 14

Sources: http://WWlll.rajnandgaon.nic.inlataglance.htm

3.2 Socio-economic Condition:

3.2.1 Selection of Sampling: The survey was conducted in the Sagar district of Madhya Pradesh and

Rajnandgaon district of Chhattisgarh in the year 2006. 100 families have been chosen

for collecting information in each district (state), 40 families have chosen at the

district head quarter level and 30 families at the block levels. In these 200 families of

both districts, the total number of members is 955 including children, elders and non

beedi rollers (Table 3.8). The data collected has been compiled, analysed· and

presented given the limitations of conducting studies.

Table 3.8: Distribution of Beedi Rollers Covered by the Study in Madhya

Pradesh and Chhattisgarh

Name ofField Area No of Families Percentage

Sagar (M.P.) 40 20

Khurai (M.P.) 30 15

Bandri (M.P.) 30 15

Rajnandgacn (e.G.) 40 21) . Dongargarh (e.G.) 30 15

Dongargaon (e.G.) 30 15

Total 200 100

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

92

3.2.2 Sex Composition:

Table 3.9: Sex Composition of the Survey Sample

Sex of the Name ofthe District Total

Family Members Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (CG.)

Male 276 (28.9%) 212 (22.1%) 487 (51.0%)

Female 252 (26.4%) 216 (22.6%) 468 (49.0%)

Total 528 (55.3%) 427 (44.7%) 955 (100.0%)

Percents and totals based on responses from 200 beedi rollers families

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The figures in Table 3.9 show that in the total 955 family members, male

members constitute 51.0 per cent (487 members) while females constitute 49.0 per

. cent ( 468 members). District-wise data shows that out of the total family members,

55.3 per cent (528) are from Sagar district of Madhya Pradesh and 44.7 per cent (427)

are from the Rajnandgaon district of Chhattisgarh.

Table 3.10: Age Composition of the Households

Age Group No. of Members Percentage

Less then 15 Years 314 32.9

15-18 112 11.7

19-40 381 39.9

41-60 128 13.4

Above 60 Years 20 2.1

Total responses 955 100.0

Source: Primui'Y Sw,:ey Duta, 2006

Table 3.1 0 shows that out of the total population of beedi roller family's

members, 32.9 per cent are children, 11.7 per cent are adolescents and senior citizens

are a miniscule number constituting only 2.1 per cent which seems to point out that

the general life expectancy of people belonging to the beedi worker's household is

very less. Very few people survive beyond 60 years. 39.9 per cent of the sample

population comes under the age group of 19-40 years and 13.4 per cent comes under

age group of 41- 60 years.

93

3.2.3 Socio-analysis of Beedi Rollers:

Table 3.11: Status of the House Ownership of Beedi Workers

House Ownership

Status of Ownership Household Percent

Self 168 84.0

Rented 18 9.0

House under scheme (L.W.S.) I .5

Others 13 6.5

Total 200 100.0

Source: Primary SU1O'ey Data, 2006

Figures in Table 3.11 demonstrate that out of 200 families, 84 per cent of r

workers are living in houses owned by them and 9 per cent are living in rented

accommodation, and only 1 family have their own house under the scheme run by

Labour Welfare office. Rest of them, (others) comprising 6.5 per cent, work as third

or fourth-class employef!s in various departments of Government and resides in

government's quarters.

Table 3.12: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Type of Family

Family Status

Type of Family No. of Households Percent

Joint 38 19.0

Nuclear 162 81.0

Total 200 100.0

Source: P,f.-:lCry Survey Data, ]006

The figures in Table 3.12 shows that only 19 per cent ofbeedi rollers' families

are joint families and 81 per cent of families are nuclear families. The growth of

nuclear families indicates the influence of urbanisation and giobalisation on family

structure ofbeedi rollers.

94

Table 3.13: Caste-wise Distribution of Households

Caste Name ofField Area Total

OBC SC ST

Sagar (M.P.) 15 (7.50%) 24 (12.00%) 1 (0.50%) 40 (20.00%)

Khurai (M.P.) - 30 (15.00%) - 30 (15.00%)

Bandri (M.P.) 9 (4.50%) 21 (10.50%) - 30 (15.00%)

Rajnandgaon (C.G.) - 40 (20.00%) - 40 (20.00%)

Dongargarh (e.G.) - 30 (15.00%) - 30 (15.00%)

Dongargaon (e.G.) - 29 (14.50%) 1 (0.50%) 30 (15.00%)

Total 24 (12.00%) 174 (87.00%) 2 (1.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Dolo, 2006

Majority of the beedi roners belong to the lower castes (Table 3.13). In the

total surveyed households, 87 per cent belong to Schedule 'Caste (SC), next largest

group is Other Backward Class (OBC) with about 12 per cent and only 1 per cent

roners is in the category of Scheduled Tribe (ST). It is interesting to note that no beedi

roners belong to the General Caste.

3.2.4 Economic Status of the Beed; Rollers:

Table 3.14 show the annual earning of the households engaged in beedi ro11ing

industry. It is clear from both the tables that 49 per cent families' annual income is

less than Rs. 20,000 and 40 per cent families' annual income comes under the income

group ofRs. 20,000 to 39,000 per annum .. Table 3.14 also shows the distribution of

a!"'.J1uu! income ~i1l0jjg bcedi workers working in district town and blocks. Those who

are working at the district level are relatively better off than those who are at the block

level as they have more employment opportunities apart from the work in the beedi

industry.

95

Table 3.14: Distribution of Beedi Rollers by Economic Status

Annual Income of Households

Madhya Pradesh Chhattisgarh

Income Sagar Rajnandgaon Total Group Khurai Bandri Dongargarh Dongargaon

(District (District headquarter)

(Block) (Block) headquarter) (Block) (Block)

Less 3 16 22 16 22 19 98 then 20000 (1.50%) (8.00%) (11.00%) (8.00%) (11.00%) (9.50%) (49.00%)

20000 - 24 14 8 20 5 9 80 39000 (12.00%) (7.00%) (4.00%) (10.00%) (2.50%) (4.50%) (40.00%)

40000 - 7 3 2 I 13 - -59000 (3.50%) (1.50%) (1.00%) (0.50%) (6.50%)

60000 - 4 4 - - - - -79000 (2.00%) (2.00%)

80000 - 2 1 I 4 - - -

99000 (1.00%) (0.50%) (0.50%) (2.00%)

Above I I - - - - -

100000 (0.50%) (0.50%)

40 30 30 40 30 30 200 Total

(15.00%) (15.00%) (100.00%) (20.00%) (20.00%) (15.00%) (15.00%)

Source: Prim my Survey Data, 2006

Table 3.14.1: Economic Status of Households

Annual Income of Households

Income Group No. of Beedi Rollers Percent

Less then 20000 98 49.00

20000 -39000 80 40.00

40000 - 59000 13 6.50

60000 - 79000 4 2.00

80000 - 99000 4 2.00

More then 100000 1 0.50

Total 200 100.0

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

96

Table 3.15: Annual Income of the Family and Sex of the Head of the Households

Sex of the Head of the Household Income Groups Total

Male Female

Less then 20000 67 (68.40%) 31 (31.60%) 98 (100.00%)

20000 -39000 68 (85.00%) 12 (15.00%) 80 (100.00%)

40000 - 59000 9 (69.20%) 4 (30.80%) 13 (100.00%)

60000 - 79000 4 (100.00%) - . 4 (100.00%)

80000 - 99000 4 (100.00%) - 4 (100.00%)

More then 1 (100.00%) 1 (100.00%)

100000 -

Total 153 (76.50%) 47 (23.50%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Income is an important factor in deciding the standard of life. Table 3.15

unveils that out of 200 famiJies, 98 families are earning less than Rs. 20,0001- per

annum; within this 31.6 per cent (about 31) families are headed by females who are

working in beedi manufacturing sector. Of the total 200 families, 23.5 per cent

household are headed by women and 76.5 per cent households are headed by males.

The reasons behind low income earning by family could be traced to unorganised and

tentative employment of the members, less remuneration and more expenditure.

Those families earning more than Rs. 40,000 per annum are mostly headed by male

members and they are working in the formal sector. In informal sector, workers are

not receiving minimum wages. More than 46 per cent beedi rollers' families are

eallling beluw Rs. 40000 per dJmum. These iamiiies lotal1y uepend on beeui work.

Apart from this, they do not have any alternative source of income. One family is

earning more than Rs. 100000 per annum because all family members are working.

97

Table 3.16: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Occupation of the Head

of the Household and Annual Income of Family

Annual Income of Family

Occupation Less then 20000 - 40000 - 60000 - 80000 -More Total then

20000 39000 59000 79000 99000 100000

House Wife 1 1 - - - - - (100.00%) (100.00%)

Beedi roller 53 21 4 1 79 - -

(100.00%) (67.l0%) (26.60%) (5.l0%) (1.30%)

Govt. 4 5 3 4 16 - -Service (25.00%) (31.30%) (18.80%) (25.00%) (100.00%)

Private 1 4 5 - - - -Service (20.00%) (80.00%) (100.00%)

Student 1 1

- - - - - (100.00%) (lOO.OO%)

Unemployed 1 1

- - - - - (100.00%) . (100.00%) . .

Business/Self 3 8 1 12 - - -Employed (25.00%) (66.70%) (8.30%) (100.00%)

Professional 1 1 - - - - -

(100.00%) (100.00%)

Non-27 25 . 2 54

Agriculture - - -(100.00%) (50.00%) (46.30%) (3.70%)

Labour

Other 13 15 1 1 30 - - (100.00%) (43.30%) (50.00%) (3.30%) (3.30%)

Total 98 80 13 4 4 1 200 (49.00%) (40.00%) (6.50%) (2.00%) (2.00%) (0.50%) (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The figures in the Table 3.16 show the occupation of 79 household in which •

the head of the household is working in beedi industry. Among Beedi rollers'

household, 67.1 per cent are earning less then Rs. 20,000 per annum and 26.6 per cent

rollers are earning in between Rs. 20,000 to Rs. 39,000 per annum. Only 5.1 per cent

ofbeedi rollers are earning in between Rs. 40,000 to Rs. 59,000 per annum. Another

important occupation of the head of the household is non-agricultural work in which

54 persons are labourers. Out of them, 96.3 per cent non-agriculture workers who earn

between less then Rs. 40,000 per annum. 12 members are self-employed in which 3

members' income is less than Rs. 20,000, 8 member's income is in between Rs.

98

20,000 to 39,000 and 1 person earns 40, 000 to 59,000. The heads of 30 households

are involved in other economic activities in which 13 of them earn annual income of

Rs 20 000 or less, 15 members earn between Rs 20,000 to 39,0000 and only one head

earns more that that. Other activities include boot polish, driving, works in canteen,

rickshaw pulling, vegetable vending, etc.

Table 3.17: Occupation of Head of the Household

Occupation of the Head No of Families Percent

of the Household

House Wife 1 0.5

Beedi Roller 79 39.5

Govt. Service 16 8

Private Service 5 2.5

Student 1 0.5 .

Unemployed 1 0.5

Business/Self Employed 12 6

Professional I 0.5

Non-Agriculture Labour 54 27

Other 30 15

Total 200 100

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

Table 3.17 shows that mostly head of households are in beedi rolling with 39.5

within this population. There are people who roll beedies or provide indirect support

to the direct workers. In this, 23.5 per cent women are head of the households (see

Table 3.15). ThIS is so because of the very uncertain nature of their occupations.

Beedi rolling not only became the chief bread winner for lakhs of families but also

raised the economic conditions of these families. Other 27 per cent heads are non­

agriculture labours. A small number are in government services i.e. 8 per cent. It is

significant that only 1 head among surveyed beedi rollers is unemployed. 2.5 per cent

heads of household are employed in private sectors. 15 heads of household are

working in other different sectors. Other sectors may be defined as area where people

are not regular in the same profession; they are getting employment some time and

99

remain unemployed other times. They are working in different sectors like boot

polish, vegetable vending, constriction works. Most of them are working in informal

sector. It is visible that 92 per cent heads of the household are working in the informal

economy. It takes their families into economic catastrophe, with low wages and no

social security.

3.2.5 Well-being of Reedi Rollers:

(i) Structure of House:

An important aspect in the study of beedi workers is that the home is also their

place of work. Their homes, however, have very few facilities for work and there is

no separation of workspace from other living spaces, such as kitchens.

Table 3.18: Structure of House

Type of House Total Name of Field Area

Pucca Kachcha Semi-pucca .

Sagar (M.P.) 10 (5.00%) 14 (7.00%) 16 (8.00%) 40 (20.00%)

Khurai (M.P.) 4 (2.00%) 22 (11.00%) 4 (2.00%) 30 (15.00%)

Bandri (M.P.) 1 (0.50%) 15 (7.50%) 14 (7.00%) 30 (15.00%)

Rajnandgaon (C.G.) 11 (5.50%) 14 (7.00%) 15 (7.50%) 40 (20.00%) -

Dongargarh (C.G.) 2 (l.00%) 16 (8.00%) 12 (6.00%) 30 (15.00%)

Dongargaon (C.G.) 5 (2.50%) 15 (7.50%) 10 (5.00%) 30 (15.00%)

Total 33 (16.50%) 96 (48.00%) 71 (35.50%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: PrimQlY Survey Data, 2006

The figures in Table 3.18 indicate that only 16.5 per cent beedi worker's

households are pucca house~ and 48 per cent have K~chcha h0uses. These houses also

do not have basic facilities like kitchen and bathroom. 35.5 per cent of beedi workers

arc living in semi-pucca house. Also there is nq proper light and air or safe drinking

water thereby leading to deterioration of the healtli of workers.

(ii) Household Amenities:

Household facilities are good indicators of family welfare in home-based

beedi industry. They are also determinants of workers' health and wealth. If these

facilities are available for the workers, they will be more productive

100

Table 3.19: Availability of Household Facilities:

N arne of the District Have Household Facilities

Bathroom

Kitchen

Verandah

Latrine

Windows

Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (e.G.)

32 (17.0%) 49 (26.1%)

4 (2.1%) 6 (3.2%)

54 (28.7%) 58 (30.9%)

10(5.3%) 11 (5.9%)

47 (25.0%) 80 (42.6%)

89 (47.3%) 99 (52.7%)

*(Percentages and totals are based on respondents)

Source: Primary SunJey Data, 2006

Total

81 (43.1%)

10 (5.3%)

112 (59.6%)

21 (11.2%)

127 (67.6%)

188 (100%)

Figures in Table 3.19 show that out of 200 beedi rollers households, 188

families reported that they are having household amenities. Remaining 12 families

said that they are without any type of facilities. They are living in the single room and

this is very pathetic for workers. 0';1t of 43.1 per cent !espondents who reported that

they have separate bathroom facilities, 17 per cent are from the Sagar district of

Madhya Pradesh and 26.1 per cent from the Rajnandgaon district of Chhattisgarh.

Only 5.3 per cent of household have separate kitchen facility. 59.6 per cent

respondents said they have verandah, where they sit in the group to roll beedi. 67.6

per cent respondents reported that they have windows and 11.2 per cent respondents

reported that they have latrine facilities. It can be pointed out from the above Table

that beedi roners of Rajnandgaon district have more amenities than those of Sagar

district.

Beedi workers are home-based in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. For

them, their homes are not only their dwellings but also their workplaces. The

conditions of the workers' homes varies from place to place. Since homes of workers,

in general, are small, using the homes as both workplace and to accommodate the

needs of family members is quite difficult. But on the whole, workers did try to

maintain a certain level of cleanliness and comfort. In Sagar, the houses are generally

smaller and earthen but very neat and clean. However, the localities are dirty with

garbage not being collected regularly and open gutters within the locality. Toilets are

shared and remain unclean. (ILO, 2003).

101

(iii) Source of Drinking Water:

Table 3.20: Sources of Drinking Water to Beedi Rollers

Name oftbe District Source of the Drinking Water Total

Sagar Rajnandgaon

Tap water 25 (12.50%) 46 (23.00%) 71 (35.50%)

Well 28 (14.00%) - 28 (14.00%)

Hand pump 46 (23.00%) 54 (27.00%) 100 (50.00%)

Others 1 (0.50%) - 1 (0.50%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The Table 3.20 reveals that 50 per cent of the household are getting safe and

sound water fonn the hand pump. 35.5 per cent workers are receiving water from the

tap. But 14 per cent workers are still using traditional source of well water which is

causing serious health problems and one family is using tube well water. On the basis

of table it can be said that in comparison with Sagar district, beedi rollers of

Rajnandgaon district have safer water facilities.

(iv) Indebtedness among the Beedi Rollers:

Table 3.21: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Debt and Membership

of Association

Membership of Union Indebt ness Total

Yes No

Yes 5 (2.50%) 14 (7.00%) 19 (9.50%)

No 43 (21.50 %) 138 (69.00%) 18! (90.50%)

Total 48 (24.00%) 152 (76.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.21 show that out of 200 beedi roller families, 19 (9.5

per cent) beedi roller families have taken debt. Out of these 2.5 per cent beedi rollers

are members of a union and 7 per cent workers are not members of any organisation.

90.5 per cent beedi rollers do not have indebtedness problems.

102

(v) Reason and Source of Debt:

Table 3.22: Purpose of Debt and Source of Debt

Source of Debt

Purpose of Private Total Debt Employer Family and National Money

Self help Friends Bank group

Lender

Entering new - - 4 - 3 7 business

:---' Housing - - - - 4 4

Medical 1 1 2 4 - -

requirement

Marriage of - 1 - 2 - 3 children

For livelihood 1 - - - - 1

n·tal 1 2 5 2 9 19

. Source: PrimalY Sun1ey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.22 show that self-help groups are the main source of

debt of the beedi rollers. Out of 19 beedi rollers, 9 beedi rollers have taken credit from

microfinance institutions like self-help group for the motives to enter new business, to

make, renovate and purchase house and medical requirement. -5 beedi rollers have

taken debt from the national banks for entering into new business and for medical

requirement. Personal loans from private money lenders for the marriage of children

have been in use; and other sources of debt are family/friends and employers.

Maximum 7 beedi rollers have taken loan for the purpose of entering into new

business and 4 beedi rollers have taken loan for the purpose of housing and medical

requirement. It can be said from the above data that microfinance instituticns arc

playing major role in the lives ofbeedi rollers.

During the field work it was realized' that beedi workers were not providing

reliable information about their borrowing some other studies conducted in the district

they are darning that high incidence to indebtedness found among the beedi rollers in

the district.

103

3.2.6 Relationship between No. of Beedi Rollers, Annual Income of

Household, and Identity Card:

Table 3.23: No. of Beedi Roller in the Family and its Annual Income

No. of Annual Income of Family (in Rs.)

More Total Beedi Less

20000 - 40000- 60000 - 80000 -than than Rollers 39000 59000 79000 99000

20000 100000 42 31 4 3 80

1 -(3.80%)

-(100.00%) (52.50%) (38.80%) (5.00%)

38 27 6 3 1 75 2

(1.30%) -

(100.00%) (50.70%) (36.00%) (8.00%) (4.00%)

3 14 11 3 1 ] 30

(36.70%) (10.00%0 (3.30%) - (3.30%) (100.00%) (46.70%)

4 4 6 10 - - - - (100.00%) (40.00%) (60.00%)

5 1 1 - - - - -

(100.00%) (100.00%)

6 3 3 - - - - - (100.00%) (100.00%) .

8 1 1 . - - - - -

(100.00%) (100.00%) . Total

98 80 13 4 4 1 200 (49.00%) (40.00%) (6.50%) (2.00%) (2.00%) (0.50%) (100.00%)

Source: Primary SunJey Data, 2006

The Table 3.23 shows that in 80 families with each having 1 beedi roller, 91

per cent families are earning less than RsAO, 000 per annum; marginally 9 per cent

families receiving more than Rs. 40,000 income for their living. Out of 75 families

with each family having 2 beedi rollers, 87 per cent· are getting less then Rs. 40,000

per annum and 13 per cent families are receiving more than Rs. 40,000 per annum.

Out of 30 families with each family having 3 beedi rollers, 85 per cent are in receipt

of below Rs. 40,000 per annum and 15 per cent are receiving above Rs. 40, 000 per

anpum. vespite this, those famiiies having 4, 5, 6, and 8 beedi rolJers are earning

under Rs. 40,000 per annum. It is clear from the above analysis that households

having more beedi workers are earning awfully low annual income because they are

totally dependent on beedi work. As further shown in the Table, those families having

fewer beedi rollers and their family members engaged in other work are earning an

adequate amount of money. Still, loss of income is not the only problem faced by

beedi rollers. Although most of the women do not smoke, working conditions threaten .

both their physical and economic well-being.

104

Table 3.24: Identity Card for Beedi Rollers

No. of Beedi Rollers in the Family Possessing Identity Card

No. of No. of Workers Possessing Identity Card Total Rollers No Card 1 2 3

I 30 (37.50%) 50 (62.50%) - - 80 (100.00%)

2 22 (29.30%) 42 (56.00%) I I (14.70%) - 75 (100.00%)

3 4 (13.30%) 18 (60.00%) 7 (23.30%) I (3.30%) 30 (100.00%)

4 - 2 (20.00%) 5 (50.00%) 3 (30.00%) - 10 (100.00%)

5 - - I (100.00%) - I (100.00%)

6 - I (33.30%) 2 (66.70%) - 3 (100.00%)

8 - - 1 (100.00%) - 1 (100.00%)

Total 58 (29.00%) 116 (58.00%) 25 (12.50%) 1 (0.50%) 20000.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Generally, identity card or pass book provided to the beedi workers contains

all essential infonnation about (pass book gives details of the worker's earnings,

receipts and other details) them and their families. Identity card recognises them as

workers. And. it is the most important document for claiming amenities. All beedi

workers, therefore, should be provided with identity cards as well as statutory

benefits. As can be clearly seen from the Table 3.24 out of 200 households, only 142

(71 per cent) beedi rollers possess identity cards. It means remaining 29 per cent beedi

rollers without identity cards are not entitled to receive any benefits from welfare

schemes and programmes. The Labour Welfare Organisations and the State

Governments are equally responsible for not issuing identity cards to the remaining

beedi workers and thus depriving them of the legitimate benefits of welfare schemes.

Table 3.25: Distribution of Beedi Rollers by Distance between their Home and

Distance No of Families Percent

Less than 1 Km. 33 16.5

1-3 Km. 132 66.0

3-5 Km. 27 13.5

5-7 Km. 5 2.5

7 & Above Km. 3 1.5

Total 200 100.0 .

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

105

Table 3.25 shows that 66 per cent beedi rollers live within 1-3 Km. distance from the

employers, 16.5 per cent lives within easily commutable distance and 17.5 per cent of

them live within a distance above 3 lan, which is quite far. Those who are staying far

away, they not only find travelling/walking long distance time consuming but also

expensive. These workers have to cover this distance twice in a week; once for getting

raw material and second time for the handing over beedies and receiving wages.

3.3 Nature of Employment:

Table 3.26: Distribution of Respondents by Status of Employer

Name of the District Status of Employer Total

Sagar Rajnandgaon

56 19 75 Directly by employer

(56.00%) (19.00%) (37.50%)

44 81 125 Through contractor

(44.00%) (81.00%) (62.50%)

Total 100 (100.00%) 100 (100.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The Table 3.26 shows that 37.5 per cent households are working with

principal employer and 65.5 per cent workers are working through contractors in the

field area. One important feature of employment in the beedi manufacturing industry

is the preponderance of hired workers through contractors. I According to the ASI

data, 44 per cent of the total numbers of workers were directly/regularly engaged

whereas the remaining 56 per cent were hired through contractors in 1994-95 as

against 46 per cent in 1989-90.2 Contract labourers are subject to exploitation vis-a­

vis direct labourers. Most of the beedi workers in the country are either casual

workers or home-based workers. This ultimately leaves the workers to the mercy of

contractors or s~ttedars. The co!!tractor generally procures tobacco and t~ndu patta

from factory owners and subsequently distributes them to the rollers or sometime

rollers themselves procure the materials from the contractors' places. The figures in

Table 3.26 reveal that 62.5 per cent beedi rollers are employed by the contractors in

I According to the Contract Labour Regulation (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970, "a workman shall be deemed to be employed as contract labour in or in connection with the work of an establishment when he is hired in or in connection with such work by or through a contractor with or without the knowledge of the principal employer", Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970, p. 4, cited in Sastry (1991). 2 CCSO (1996) and CSO (1998).

106

Sagar and Rajnandgaon. 37.5 per cent beedi rollers are employed direct1y by

employers3 in both districts.

Employers and intermediaries (also referred as contractors/traders/

sattedars/middlemen) are known to exploit homeworkers by supplying sub-standard

and under-weighed raw materials to the rollers, a practice which leads to rolling fewer

beedies. However, when collecting the ro11ed beedies the intermediaries do not make

any a110wances for the shortfa11 in ro11ing which might have resu1ted from poor

quality or under-weighed raw materials supplied. The fixed quota of beedies, which

could have been produced with the entire lot of raw materials supplied, had those

been in perfect condition, are demanded instead. Poor homeworkers are not able to

bargain with the middlemen for consideration on the ground of poor quality of raw

materials supplied out of fear that they may not be given ro1ling jobs if they do so.

They try to make good the shortfa11 by buying raw materials either from the employer

(or the middlemen) or the market and roning fresh beedies. They borrow money from

the market at high rates of interest and get indebted in the process. Middlemen .

themselves very often lend money to the ro1lers. Frequent failure to fulfi11 the quota,

either due to shortfa1ls or sudden increase in the pressure of domestic work due to

emergencies, may sometimes lead to grave consequences if workers have recourse to

frequent borrowing with high rates of interest. Risks of perpetual indebtedness may

result in the process, when fresh borrowing is necessary to repay old debt, resu1ting in

distress. Examples of women se11ing off their ornaments or committing suicide in

extreme cases have been cited in the literature.

3.3.1 Employment Condition:

Sagar and Rajnandgaon district are tota11y dependent on agriculture and a11ied

cwtivity. After ::lgr!cultnre, beedi ro]1jng is malT} occupati0n for the pt:"ople so thflt there

is a motto in Sagar that "when nothing is available for a person to survive, he or she

resorts to beedi ro11ing and once in beedi ro11ing then there is no escape". There is also

a saying that "a girl will not get married in Sagar ifher family does not have a 'supa'"

(an oval shape tray on which beedi leaves, tobacco and yam are kept for ro1ling

beedies).

3 Employer' means any person who employs, whether directly or through another person, on behalf of himself or any other person, one and more employees in any Scheduled Employment in respect of which the minimum rates of wages have been fixed under the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 by the Appropriate Government.

107

Table 3.27: Nature of Job

Name of the District Total Nature ofthe Work

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Pennanent 3 (1.50%) 4 (2.00%) 7 (3.50%)

Temporary 97 (48.5.00%) 96 (48.00%) 193 (96.50%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Table 3.27 reveals that employment condition of beedi roners is more or less

same in both Sagar and Rajnandgaon districts. Another fact that can be drawn out

from the Table is that only 3.5 per cent rollers responded as a pennanent beedi rollers

and rest of 96.5 per cent rollers reported working as temporary workers from long

period. Both districts do not have any alternative sources of employment thereby

compe11ing the beedi roners to continue in the beedi industry. Particularly in the Sagar

district, industrial development has not taken place. Majority of its working

population earn their livelihood either from agriculture or from beedi rolling.

3.3.2 Employer-Employee Relation:

Table 3.28: Distribution of Beedi Rollers by Number of Employers Changed

No. of ContractorlEmployer Name of the District Total

Changed Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (e.G.)

1 27 (27.00%) 40 (40.00%) 67 (33.50%)

2 17 (17.00%) 21 (21.00%) 38 (19.00%)

3 24 (24.00%) 12 (12.00%) 36 (18.00%)

4 9 (9.00%) 7 (7.00%) 16 (8.00%)

5 17 (17.00%) 10 (10.00%) 27(13.50%)

6 5(5.00%) 5(5.00%) 10(5.00%)

7 1(1.00%) 2(2.00%) 3(1.50%)

8 - 2(2.00%) 2(1.00%)

10 - 1(1.00%) 1(0.50%)

Total 100(100.00%) 100(100.00%) 200(100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The Table 3.28 reveals that only 33.5 per cent workers did not change their

employers; out of which 27 per cent, are fonn Sagar and 40 per cent are from

Rajnandgaon. Table further shows that majority of workers have changed their

108

employers in Sagar (72 per cent) and Rajnandgaon (60 per cent); over all 66.5 per

cent workers have changed their employers from 1 time to 9 times. "The workers

remain associated with the same employer/contractor for a considerable period of

time. In the majority of the cases, workers themselves were found changing •

contractors or employers and not the other way around.,,4 If workers work more than

6 months with an employer then they will demand identity card, other welfare

schemes and programmes. Beedi rollers should be treated as a permanent workers but

employers don't want permanent workers, for this they harass workers in many ways

viz they stopped workers wage for some time, supply in equate raw material, in case

raw material quality is very good and they provide less material some time.

3.4 Working Condition:

Although a number of indicators are available to assess the working conditions

of the workers, yet the nature of industry plays an important role in this regard.

Working conditions of industrial workers are generally studied under various heads

e.g. working hours, rest interval, spread over, weekly hours of work, weekly off,

holidays, cleanliness, ventilation lighting and ov~rcrowding.

3.4.1 Daily Working Hours:

The working hours in the Scheduled Employment 'Tobacco (including Beedi

Making) Manufactories' are governed by the Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of

Employment) Act, 1966. The Act restricts the hours of work to nine per day and forty

eight per week with a maximum spread over of 10 hours per day. Under the Act no

employee can be made to work beyond five hours without a rest interval of at least

half an hour. An adult employee can work in excess of the prescribed hours of work

subject to the paymem of ovenime wage rate. However, the period of work shouid not

exceed 10 hours in a day and 54 hours in a week, inclusive of overtime work.

The payment for overtime work has to be made at twice the ordinary rate of the wages

or the average daily full time earnings in case of piece rate workers. Beedi rolling is a

continuous process, whenever workers get time they start rolling. Especially women

started beedi rolling after finishing their household chores. Shelhe sits together in the

4 labour Bureau (1995), p. 54.

109

vamdah or yard, and roB beedies. When asked about daily working hours, they said

we could not say correct working hours. The following Table 3.29 depicted their

estimated working hours.

Table 3.29: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Daily Working Hours

Name of the District Working Hours Per Day Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

2-4 hours 2(2.00%) - 2(1.00%)

4-6 hours 38(38.00%) 5(5.00%) 43(21.50%)

6-8 hours 59(59.00%) 70(70.00%) 129(64.50%)

8-10 hours 1(1.00%) 25(25.00%) 26(13.00%)

Total 100(100.00%) 100(100.00%) 200(100.00%)

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

The data in Table 3.29 show that 59 per cent beedi rollers are working for 6-8

hours per day and 38 per cent beedi rollers are working for 4-6 h~U1"s per day in Sagar

district. In Rajnandgaon district 70 per cent beedi rollers are working for 6-8 hours

per day and 25 per cent rollers are working for 8-10 hours per day. It is apparent from

the Table that the beedi rollers of Rajnandgaon work long hours compared to Sagar

district. Due to long working hours rollers have to face lots of health problems.

3.4.2 Duration of Employment:

Table 3.30: Distribution of Workers by Years of Working in the Beedi Industry

Working Period No. ofBeedi Workers Percent Less then 5 year 18 9.0

6to15years 74 37.0

16 to 25 years 63 31.5

26 to 35 years 22 11.0

36 to 45 years 20 10.0

More then 45 03 01.5

Total 200 100

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Table 3.30 shows that out of 200 beedi rollers, 9 per cent have been serving

the industry for the last 5 years. Highest number of beedi ro)]ers working in beedi

industry from the last 6 to 15 years is 37 per cent; and 54 per cent workers have been

110

working for more than 16 years in this industry . .The fact that came out from the Table

is that most of workers are working long duration in this industry so that they are

entitled to all the schemes and programmes. Gol, 2001 report also states that 53.7 per

cent of the beedi workers and 49.7 per cent of beedi rollers had put in less than 10

years of service. The percentage of workers and beedi rollers with 10-20 years of

service is 39.6 per cent and 43.5 per cent and for those who had put in more than 20

years of service, it was 6.7 per cent and 6.8 per cent respectively. During the

discussions, Researcher found that the most of beedi rollers have started the

occupation from childhood in Sagar and Rajnandgaon districts. Workers are working

for very long period in the industry but they are still working on a temporary basis and

have not got any identity card, which is the biggest reason for being deprived of the

benefit of health and others schemes.

3.·'.3 Wages, Earnings and Mode of Payment to the Reedi Rollers in Reedi

Industry of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh:

. (i) Wage Rate for Beedi Roller or Earning of Beedi Rollers:

Uniform wage rate does not exist in the beedi industry. Every state has its own

mmimum wage. Even mode of payment also differs from place to place; some

workers getting their wages on the basis of per thousand beedi on the other hand some

workers being paid on daily basis. Diverse wages system exists at state level, division

level, district level, tehsillevel, blocks level and even within city in beedi sector.

Earnings of home workers (per 1,000 beedies) are less than the prescribed

minimum wages in all the states. States where home workers have substantially

higher earnings than the minimum earnings of the industrial workers are Andhra

Pradesh and Karnataka. Home workers' earnings are less than those of industrial

workers in Gujarat, Ivladhya Pradesh, Maharasntra and West BengaL, (Labour

Bureau, 1995). However, it is rare that any worker receives a minimum wage: in this

industry, the minimum wage is really a "maximum" wage. In fact, most employers

and contractors do not pay the minimum wage. When they claim to do so, they reduce

it by other ploys such as rejection, making the worker pay for extra leaves, or placing

pr.;:ssure on hislher to make extra beedies.

The Minimum Wages Act, 1948 is both a protective and beneficial legislation

guaranteeing the payment of minimum rates of wages to the workers in the various

111

Scheduled Employments scattered over different parts of the country. Although <the

Act does not provide for registration of establishments, yet it is applicable to

employments where the workers are particularly vulnerable to exploitation, due to

ignorance, poverty, illiteracy and lack of bargaining power. The workers in beedi

industry are scattered over large areas and do not have collective bargaining power.

Therefore, they are in need of protection. The Act empowers both the Central and the

State Governments to fix and revise the minimum rates of wages in the Scheduled

Employments falling under their respective jurisdictions. The beedi making

establishments fall under the Scheduled Employment 'Tobacco' (including Beedi

Making) Manufactories' in the State Sphere. Therefore, the responsibility for

implementation of the provisions of the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 rests with the

State Governments. They notify the minimum wages for beedi workers within their

jurisdiction.

In Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the rates of minimum wages for beedi .

rollers are fixed on a piece rate basis (number of beedies rolled), the traditional

measure being per thousand beedies. However, fixation and revision of minimum

wages is of no consequence unless these are actually paid to them. The problems of

the beedi workers continue to be a cause of concern for the labour administrators and

enforcement authorities as the workers often complain of the unfair treatment at the

~ands of manufacturers, contractors and agents in matters of rejection of finished

products, issue of inadequate quantity and poor quality of raw materials (tendu leaves,

tobacco, thread, etc.) as well as the violation of the provisions of the Beedi and Cigar

Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966, the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 and

the Equal Remuneration Act, 1976.

'Tobacco (inc1uding beedi making) Manufactories' ]s a Scheduled

f:mploym~!1t originally inc1uded in Pait-I of tht: Scht:duie appended to the Act. The

minimum wages applicable to the beedi workers at the time of the study were notified

by the State Government of Madhya Pradesh as provided under Section 3(1 )(b) and

Section 5 of the Minimum Wages Act, 1948. Prior to 1953, minimum wages were

fixed at Re. 0.62 to Rs. 1.37 per thousand beedies. These wages were revised to Rs.

2.00-2.25 for the first time in 1966. Since then, they have been revised several times.

The latest .wage revision, which was in force at the time of the study, had become

effective from 1st October, 2000 vide notification No. 1/9/A/5/97/32759-33288 dated

i12

12-10-2000. The minimum rates of wages for various categories of employees in

Tobacco (inc1uding beedi making) Manufactories appearing in Part I of the Schedule

were linked to the Consumer Price Index Numbers (Industrial Workers). At present,

the latest wages rate is Rs. 38.17 per thousand beedies (Gol, 2001).

Table 3.31: Wage Rate (per 1000 Beedies)

Existence of Wage Rate Among Beedi Rollers

Name of the District Wage (in Rs.) Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

20 3 (1.50%) 25 (12.50%) 28 (14.00%)

22 - 47 (23.50%) 47 (23.50%)

24 13 (6.50%) - 13 (6.50%)

25 20 (10.00%) 14 (7.00%) 34 (17.00%)

26 5 (2.50%) - 5 (2.50%)

27 2 (1.00%) - 2 (1.00%)

28 1 (.50'yo) - I (0.50%)

30 30 (15.00%) . - 30 (15.00%)

32 2 (1.00%) - 2 (1.00%)

33 21 (10.50%) - 21 (10.50%)

35 3 (1.50%) 3 (1.50%) 6 (3.00%)

36 - 10 (5.00%) 10 (5.00%)

40 - I (.50%) I (0.50%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: PrimOlY Survey Data, 2006

The figures in Table 3.31 show that different wages are found in the Sagar

district. Its range starts from Rs. 20 per thousand beedi to Rs. 35 per thousand beedi.

Wages are Rs. 20 to Rs. 40 per thousand beedi in the Rajnandgaon District. Different

loVage rates are found be~~use of contractor or sub-cuntractor system in this industry.

Sometime contractors take raw material from the factory owner and after that they

distribute his work to sub-contractor on less amounts. Those workers working with

the employer are receiving higher wage than those working with contractor. It was

observed during the field work that those workers receiving wage more than Rs. 30

for per thousand beedies, are using their own tendu Patta or tendu leave. 80 per cent

workers are getting wage !ess than Rs. 30 per thousand beedies and only 20 per cent

of workers are receiving more than Rs. 30 per thousand beedies. Madhya Pradesh

113

Government has approved Rs.38.14 for rolling one thousand beedies. But Table

shows that no one is receiving Government declared minimum wage in Sagar and

Rajnandgaon districts. The low proportion of awareness about prescribed wages,

ineffective enforcement machinery and lack of unionisation amongst the beedi rollers

are also reasons for low wage rate. At present, there was disparity in the wages paid to

beedi workers in different parts of the country. To correct the situation, national

common minimum wages should be introduced given that nearly 2 crore people

depend on the beedi industry and 60 lakh persons were involved in roBing beedies.5

Table 3.32: Wage Rate and Mode/l'ype of the Appointment

Wage Rate Mode/Type of the Appointment

Total Directly by employer Through contractor

Less then Rs. 25 7 (3.50%) 81 (40.50%) 88 (44.00%)

Rs. 25 to Rs. 30 29 (14.50%) 43 (21.50%) 72 (36.00%)

Rs. 31 to Rs. 35 28 (14.00%) 1 (0.50%) 29 (14.50%)

Rs. 36 and Above 11 (5.50%) . - 11 (5.50%) .

Total 75 (37.50%) 125 (62.50%) 200 (l 00.00%) .

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

Table 3.32 shows that 44 per cent beedi rollers are getting less then Rs. 25 per

thousand beedies. 36 per cent beedi rollers are getting wages in between Rs. 25 to Rs.

30 per thousand beedies. Only 14.5 per cent beedi rollers' wages are in between Rs.

31 to Rs. 35; and in this categories are mostly those rollers who are using their own

raw material for rol1ing beedies. Major reasons behind the different wages in beedi

industry are that low wage is a tool to exploit workers; it is being practised by the

contractors for earning more income. Different wages exist on national level and

every state has different minimum wages, even differeni wages are being presented in

district level, b!ot:'k level and city leveL

An analysis of the overall compliance with the wages revealed that beedi

rollers were exploited at every level at the hands of the employers, the middle men

and the contractors. As per the records, none of the beedi rollers were getting

prescribed wages (Rs. 38.14 per thousand beedies). Intensive probing from the beedi

rollers revealed that they were not paid as per the records and that heavy deductions

5 Mr. Nayar, vice-president, Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), in convention of beedi workers held in Mangalore, Kamataka (Apr II, 2007).

114

were made on flimsy grounds e.g. on account of 'Chhat' (rejected beedies), lower

output on account of sub-standard quality of tendu leaves and inadequate quantity of

tobacco issued to them for manufacture of beedies. It was revealed by them that they

were unable to roll the requisite number of beedies due to inadequate quantity and

poor quality of the raw material supplied to them. The high level of non-compliance

with the prescribed wages was also on account of the lack of organisation among the

workers, weak bargaining power and lack of employment avenues for most of female

home workers engaged in this activity (Gol, 2001).

The ILO (2003) study has also pointed out different wage rate in the different

states. Some states such as Gujarat and Kerala have linked minimum wages to

dearness allowance so that there is an increase in the rates every six months. Other

states, such as Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, revise the rates only every three

years. The result is that there is a wide variation of declared minimum wages across

the states. For example, in Gujarat the minimum wa.ge is 71 rupees per thousand

beedies whereas in Madhya Pradesh, with whom it shares a border, the rate is only 32

rupees. In Andhra Pradesh, the rate is 45.90 rupees. However, most workers on the

muster-roll of factories are registered as being paid 40 rupees per 1000 beedies on the

books but are paid 30 rupees in practice. In Kerala (KDB), it is 30 rupees plus a -

Voluntary Disclosure Agreement (VDA) of 31.20 rupees, making it a total of 61.20

ru~ees. However, VDA is paid only to those who have rolled a minimum of 900

beedies.

The difference in wage rates creates a major problem in implementing laws as

employers tend to shift their production to states (or countries) where rates are lower:

from Gujarat to Andhra Pradesh, from Kerala to Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, and now

from Madhya Pradesh to Bihar, Bengal and even Bangladesh. It can be concluded

that the beedi rollers, although constituted a large proportion of beedi employees yet

they failed to get their due share. Generally they were not aware of the wages

prescribed for them and wherever they were aware, they did not demand for the same.

Thus, there was wider scope for exploitation of the home workers at the hands of the

petty establishments producing un-branded beedies and their contractors, agents and

the middlemen.

lIS

(ii) Working Days:

Table 3.33: Working Days in a Week

Name of the District Working Days in a Week Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

5 5 (2.50%) 3 (1.50%) 8 (4.00%)

6 74 (37.00%) 88 (44.30%) 162 (81.00%)

7 21 (10.50%) 9 (4.50%) 30 (15.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Sun:ey Data, 2006

The Table 3.33 clearly shows that out of200 workers, 30 workers are working

for whole week; 162 workers are working for 6 days in a week; and only 8 workers

are working for 5 days in a week. It is true that beedi workers do not have a holiday, if

they have holiday it means there is some emergerycy, outside guests/relativ'es or they

have fallen sick. In such situations, they cannot work otherwise they work whole

week.

(iii) Weekly Income of Beedi Rollers:

Beedi rollers are engaged in the beedi industry either directly or through the

contractors. The dependants of the home workers render effective assistance in rolling

beedies. Thus there is a large segment of beedi rollers who could not be treated as

employees for want of an established employer-employee relationship. Hence for

properly analysing the earnings of the beedi rollers, it is necessary to identify and

isolate the contribution of this hidden segment ofbeedi rollers.

116

Table 3.34: Weekly Income and Co-operation Received by Women Beedi Rollers

by their Family Members

Weekly Income of Family Member Co-operation to Women worker

Total Co-operative to Beedi Rollers Co-operative Not applicable some extent

Less then Rs. 100 43 (21.50%) 5 (2.50%) 2 (1.00%) 50 (25.00%)

Rs. 100 to 200 13969.50%) 5 (2.50%) - 144 (72.00%)

Rs. 201 to 300 6 (3.00%) - - 6 (3.00%)

Total 188 (94.00%) 10 (5.00%) 2 (1.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary SunJey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.34 show that 72 per cent workers are earning between

Rs. 100 to Rs. 200 on weekly basis; 25 per cent beedi rollers are earning less then Rs.

100 per week; and 3 per cent beedi rollers are earning between Rs. 201 to Rs. 300 per

week. 94 per cent beedi rollers' family members are cooperating with women beedi

rollers.

(iv) Production .Capacity of :6eedi Rollers:

Production of beedi depends on an individual capacity, it IS manual

work/labour intensive work and it also depends of skill; some rollers can make beedi

very speedily other might take time. Those workers get assistance from the family

members for the household tasks and beedi making; they can make more beedi.

Table 3.35: Production of Beedi per Week

Name of the District Production of Beedi Per Week Total

Sagar Rajnandgaon

Less then 3000 3 (1.50%) 1 (0.50%) 4 (2.00%)

1000 to 5000 5) (2550%) 58 (20.00%) 109 (54.50%) .

5001 to 7000 26 (13.00%) 32 (16.00%) 58 (29.00%)

7001 to 9000 15 (7.50%) 9 (4.50%) 24 (12.00%)

9001 to 11000 3 (1.50%) - 3 (1.50%)

11001 & above 2 (1.00%) - 2 (1.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The Table 3.35 shows that out of 200 family 2 per cent families are making

lees than 3000 beedi per week on the other hand 54.5 per cent workers are making

117

beedi from the range of 3000 to 5000 beedi per week. 29 per cent workers are rolling

beedi in range of 5001 to 7000 beedi per week. Those rollers who are making more

beedi they are getting help from the children and other family members and these

families have more then one rollers in the family. In Rajnandgaon, 90 per cent rollers

are making beedies in the range of 3000 beedies to 9000 beedies per week.

(v) Mode of Payment and Pay Period:

Section 3(2) of the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 empowers the appropriate

Governments to fix the minimum rates of wages either for time-rated work or for

piece-rated work. In beedi making establishments employers have adopted both the

systems of payment of wages i.e., 'time rate' and 'piece rate'. Wages for beedi rolling,

wrapping, packing and labelling operations are paid on 'piece rate basis' while those in

all other operations on 'time rate basis'. And Section 3 (3b) of the Minimum Wages

Act, 1948 provides for different pay periods ranging from hour to month. The

minimum wages notified by the Government of Madhya Pradesh for different types of

operations were either time-rated or piece-rated. The pay periods adopted by the b~edi

manufacturers in the Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have been shown the

following Table:

Table 3.36: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Pay Period, Working

Place, and Mode of the Payment

Working Place Total

Mode of the Payment Pay Period At home

Piece rate Weekly 200 (100.00%) 200 (100.00%)

. Total 200 (100.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

According to the report of the survey carried out by the T ,abour Burp.~u (1995), .

the system of wage payment is the piece-rate for 80 per cent of the workers in the

industrial cities. For the rest, the system is time-rated. Home workers are paid on the

piece-rate basis only. Figures in the table 3.36 show that all surveyed beedi rollers are

working from home, their mode of the payment is piece rate6 and their pay period is

weekly. This is only uniformity found in the beedi rollers of Madhya Pradesh and

Chhattisgarh. It was observed that in beedi rolling, wages payments are made on

6 Piece-rate means payment according -to the number of beedies produced which are of acceptable quality.

118

weekly basis or adjusted on a monthly basis because of these adjustments after a week

or a month; the Beedi Rollers do not have a clear idea about their actual earnings.

3.4.4 Raw Material for Beedi Rolling:

Exploitation not only forces beedi workers to buy raw materials from the

market to make up the shortfalls. It was also observed that workers were required to

pay for thread and gum supplied by the employers/contractors. In a case study on

Kerala, it was noted that none of the workers in the unorganised sector was supplied

with work-tools. In the factory-based system, although 64 per cent of the workers

were supplied with tools, except scissors, all the workers were not so provided (not

even a cheap tool like a bamboo tray, a box on which to sit and scissors to cut the

leaf). Workers complained of not being provided with sufficient raw materials. For

example, they said that for 1,000 'long' beedies, 800 grams tendu leaves and 250

grlms of tobacco are required. However, the contractors give them only 550 grams7

of tendu leaves and 240 grams of tobacco, so they have to buy the rest from the open

market. One of the middlemen said: "I know that 1 am givin.g insufficient material but

I am also hclpless. The manufacturers haye fixed the quota for leaf and tobacco and

the required quantity is not being given. The leaf is also degraded and the thread they

gi'/e is 18 latli (pieces) for 100,000 beedies which is definitely insufficient."

Table 3.37: Is Raw Material Sufficient to Roll 1000 Beedies and Mode/Type of

the Appointment

Name ofthe Is Raw Mode/Type of the Appointment

Material Total District Directly by Through

Sufficient employer contractor

Yes - 6 (6.00%) 6 (6.00%) Sagar (M.P.)

No <:<: (56 "0°/ \ .JV .V 10) 38 (38.00%) 94 (94.001)-0) .

Sub-Total 56 (56.00%) 44 (44.00%) 100 (100.00%) .

Rajnandgaon Yes 1 (1.00%) 2 (2.00%) 3 (3.00%)

(C.G.) No 18 (18.00%) 79 (79.00%) 97 (97.00%)

Total 19 (19.00%) 81 (81.00%) 100 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data. 2006

7 Raw material for 1000 beedi is provided based on the size of the beedi to be rolled.

119

Figures in the Table 3.37 focus on raw material. Out of 200 families, 9

families state that raw material is sufficient to ron 1000 beedies. In Sagar District, 6

families said raw material is sufficient and in Rajnandgaon district 3 families reported

that raw material is sufficient. Out of 9 families, 6 families are working with

contractor in the Sagar district and in Rajnandgaon district 2 families are working

with contractor and 1 family is working with employer. This is dear from the

discussion that those workers working with contractor are provided sufficient raw

material to ron 1000 beedies. Out of 200 beedi rollers, 191 beedi rollers have reported

they are not getting sufficient raw material for rolling 1000 beedies.

One way for the contractors/employer to reduce labour earnmgs ]s by

providing less material than the amount needed. Throughout the survey, labour

complained of being provided with insufficient raw material for beedi rolling. To

make up for the short supply of tobacco, the roller must buy it from the market, which

costs between 8-12 rupees per 1,000 beedies. According to the main employer, the

raw material he distributes to the middlemen is the right amount and if the middleman .

gives less to the worker he hims~lf is not responsible. Also, the beedi manufactures

are issuing less number oftendu leaves to the workers but demanding full number of

beedies. This has resulted in large scale wage cuts and monetary loss to the workers.

However, one of the middlemen was quoted as saying that he receives a

commission of only 35 rupees per] 00,000 beedies from the manufacturers, a payment

which amounts to only] ,200 rupees per month. It must be taken into account that his

entire expenditure is four times as much as 1,200 rupees; that he has to deposit

security against the raw material he receives from the manufacturer; that tendu leaves

are of poor quality and are poorly packed by the Forest Department. He sums up,

saying: "We are getting less and giving even less to labour." Everywhere the

contractor insists that a worker must make! ,200 beedic:; out vf material ilitendt:d for

] ,000. So the worker has to assume the cost of the extra raw material even ifhe/she is

only paid for 1,000 beedies. Thus, he/she not only rolls 200 beedies free of charge but

also has to pay for the raw materials out ofhislher own earnings. No one is being paid

minimum wages in the whole district. Some employers like J. P. Pvt. Ltd. of Damoh,

Balak Beedi, B.S. Jain and Co., and a few others are paying 32 rupees per ] ,000

beedies. However, the actual earnings are much lower l:?ecause of rejection,

insufficient supply of raw materials, and forcing the worker to· make 1,200 beedies but

120

only paying himlher for 1,000. Other employers pay less than 32 rupees per 1,000 so

that the actual earnings of their workers are much lower. In practice, workers eam a

maximum of 24 rupees per 1,000 beedies, and often even as little as 10 rupees per

1,000 beedies. (ILO, 2003)

3.4.5 Role of Employers and Contractors in getting Identity Cards for Beed;

Rollers:

Table 3.38: Distribution of Beedi Rollers Having Identity Card and Modeffype

of the Appojntment

Having Identity Card Mode/Type of the Appointment

Total Directly hy employer Through contractor

Yes 63 (84.00%) 79 (63.20%) 142 (71.00%)

No 12 (16.00%) 46 (36.80%) 58 (29.00%)

Total 75 (100.00%) 125 (100.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primmy SunJey Datp, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.38 shows that out of 200 families, 75 families work

directly with employers and within them 16 families do not have identity card. Out of

125 families working with contractors, 63.2 per cent workers have identity cards. 36

per cent do not have identity card. Without identity cards, workers could not claim for

any amenities. Few of the illiterate women are aware of their legal rights as workers,

for example, and corrupt contractors sometimes deny them access to identity cards

needed to obtain benefits offered by a Beedi Workers Welfare Fund.

(i) Quality Checks of Beedies by the Employers and Contractors:

Rejection of beedies and issue of raw materials are very much part of the

system ofbeedi production. Except where the cooperative system has eliminated these

rrob!em~, rejection and supp!y Gf raw materjais are meihods by which the

manufacturers both control and exploit the workers. Rejection takes two forms~

beedies which are rejected by the checker on grounds of supposedly lower quality,

either of the wrong size, or made with damaged leaves, or too loose. Here again some

of this rejection may be justified but some is used for exploitation. In the 'justified'

rejection, the checker will destroy the beedies rejected, and will re-use the tobacco.

More often, the beedies will be just kept aside and sold along with the others. No one

121

knows how many of these rejected beedies are really oflower quality, and how many

are rejected just to cheat or intimidate the worker.

The second form of rejection is unconnected to quality and is purely

exploitative: the checker just takes a certain number of beedies out and does not pay

the workers wages for them. The number of bee dies thus 'rejected' varies from place

to place and depends on the relative bargaining position of worker and contractor. In

Sagar, where work is decreasing and employers are powerful; this type of "rejection"

occurs at the rate of 125 to 200 beedies per 1,000.

Table 3.39: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Rejection of Beedi by

Contractors/Employers

Rejection of Beedi ModelType of the Appointment

Through Total by Contractor Directly by

employer contractor

Yes 75 (37.50%) 121 (60.50%) 196 (98.00%)

No - 4 (2.00%) 4 (2.00%)

Total 75 (37.50%) 125 (62.50%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Figures in Table 3.39 shows that 98 per cent beedi rollers reported that their

beedies are rejected on name of 'chhant' or quality checks by the contractor and

employers. It doesn't matter whether they are working with employers or contractors.

100 per cent quality checks are found in those beedi roUers working with employers.

Only 2 per cent beedi rollers said that their beedi is not rejected. In this category are

those workers who have been working since very long period in this industry and they

are skilled rollers of contractors. As far as home-based workers are concerned, they

are often short-changed by the arbitrary rejection of finished beedies on the grounds

of poor qualit~, - sometimes due to contractcrs p::-cviding them \,;ith low-grade raVv

materials to begin with.

A closely related way of exploitation is by rejection of beedies on grounds of

poor quality. While poor quality may result from inferior quality of the raw materials

supplied, beedies may also be rejected if they are not judged up to standard. No wage

is paid for the rejected beedies. In the survey conducted by the Labour Bureau (1995),

50 per cent of beedi workers recruited through contractors reported such rejection.

Interestingly, rejected beedies are kept with the establishments/middlemen and either

122

sold in the market at a lower rate or broken and the tobacco given back to the rollers.

Such exploitation sometimes leads to shortfalls to the extent of 300 to 400 beedies per

1,000 contracted. According to the Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of

Employment) Act, 1966, no employer or contractor shall arbitrarily reject more than

2.5 per cent of the beedies as sub-standard beedies. Rejection of 5 per cent would

require making entries in writing recording the reasons for rejection so that the

workers have records.8 Among the home- based beedi workers recruited through

contractors, 56 per cent reported rejection within pennissible range.

(ii) No of Beedi Rejected out of 1000 Beedies by Contractors/Employers:

Table 3.40: Distribution of Beedi Rollers by Rejection of Beedies out of 1000

Beedies & Mode/Type of the Appointment

Rejection of Beedies out of Mode/Type of the Appointment

Total 1000 Beedies Directly by Through

Employer Contractor

Less then 100 Beedies 7 (3.50%) 6 (3.00%) 13 (6.50%)

100 to 150 Beedies 55 (27.10%) 103 (5] .50%) 158 (79.00%) .

151 to 200 Beedies 13 (6.50%) ]5 (7.50%) 28 (14.00%)

More then 200 Beedies - ] (0.50%) ] (0.50%)

Total 75 (50.00%) 125 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Figures in the Tables 3.40 show the trend of rejection of beedies out of 1000

beedies by the employers and contractors. Level of rejection of beedies is found very

high in the field area where 79 per cent beedi roI1ers state that 100 to 150 per

thousand beedies are rejected by the employers. After that 14 per cent beedi rollers

said that in between 151 to 200 beedies out of 1000 beedies are rejected on the basis

of 'chhant' or quality checks by employer. Only 6 per cent bf>erfi TOllers reported that

their rejected beedies are less than 100 beedies per 1000 beedies. Beedi roI1ers are not

getting wage for these rejected beedies and some time even they did not get raw

material. Rejection of beedi is used as a tool of extra income by the employers.

Overall 100 per cent workers reported that they are facing the beedi rejection

problems. Some roI1ers also reported that the rejected beedi later mix up with

g A study tour in Bangalore revealed that rejection was sometime as high as 250 per thousand. Lok Sabha Secretariat (1994-95), p. 14.

123

•

ac~epted beedi and employers earn lots of income. The entire time employers keep the

rejected beedi. All respondents said if they could not produce sufficient beedi with

prescribed raw material then employers cut their wage.

Apart from deductions due to rejections, intermediaries are also reported to be

taking commission from the workers.9 Women workers are the worst victims of such

ruthless exploitation because they constitute the bulk of the home-based beedi rollers.

It was found that the percentage of rejected beedies was very low in the units where

beedies were rolled within the establishment itself. This brings out clearly the link

between the nature of the organisation of production and production relations.

Exploitation is more intense in a system based on informal production relations where

intermediation occurs through contractors or any type of middlemen.

Table 3.41: Raw Material for Defective Beedies and Mode/Type of the

Appointment

Raw Material for Mode/Type of the Appointment

Defective Beedies Total

Directly by employer Through contractor

Yes 64 (85.30%) 60 (48.00%) 124 (62.00%)

No 11 (14.70%) 64 (51.20%) 75 (37.50%)

Not Applicable - 1 (0.80%) 1 (0.50%)

Total 75 (100.00%) 125 (100.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary SunJey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.41 reveal that 62 per cent workers receive raw material

for defective beedies and 37.5 per cent beedi workers do not receive raw material for

the defective beedies. Total 75 beedi workers are working with the employer, wherein

85.3 per cent are getting raw material for the defective beedies; and only 14.7 per cent

beedi rollers not ft:ceiviiJg raw material fOf defedive beeJies. RemainirJg 125 beedi

roBers are working with contractor in which 48 per cent are getting raw material for

the defective beedies. More then 51 per cent beedi rollers are not receiving raw

material for the defective beedies. All contract()fS are getting full material from their

main employers but they are not distributing this material to the beedi rollers. Rather,

9 J~ccording to a case study, such commission amounts to 100 beedis for every 1,000 beedis. Gopal (1 ~)99), p. 13.

124

they are cutting wage ofbeedi rol1ers if they are not able to roll sufficient beedies with

prescribed material.

3.5 Job Opportunities for Beedi Rollers/ Employment Diversification:

Employment diversification is the process by which workers switch their

employment activities from one industry to another. The 'pull' factors in

diversification operate when a worker leaves his or her employment when better

income, work opportunities or work conditions are available elsewhere. The 'push'

factors operate when a job deteriorates in tenns of earnings, employment availability

or working conditions. We shal1 attempt to identify the factors leading to employment

diversification as wel1 as the new employment sectors attracting workers.

For majority of the beedi workers, the employment engagement is generally in

beedi rolling regularly and many depends on the mercy of the contractors and on the

availability of work. But there are times when one may not find any work. During

such l~an period, some beedi roHers stated during the interview session that they go to

agencies and persons like contractors, their co-workers and look for work in

agriculture. It was also found that most of the workers look towards an opportunity in

government job as well or to start their own business.

Table 3.42: Beedi Workers' Employment Choice

Name of the District Preference of Job Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Agriculture & Related 1 (0.50%) 5 (2.50%) 6 (3.00%)

Causal Labour 7 (3.50%) 13 (6.50%) 20 (10.00%)

Construction Labour 3 (1.50%) 3 (1.50%) 6 (3.00%)

I Service 3 (1.50%) 13 (6.50%) . 16 (8.00%)

Others 56 (28.00%) 48 (24.00%) 104 (52.00%)

Not Applicable 30 (15.00%) 18 (9.00%) 48 (24.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

The figures in Table 3.42 show the preference of beedi rollers for changing

their employment..24 per cent rollers state that they are not wil1ing to change their job

and they are happy with beedi rolling. Only 9 per cent beedi rollers want to continue

125

their job in the Rajnandgaon district and 15 per cent beedi rollers of Sagar district

want to continue their work. Only 3 per cent workers said they want to work in .

primary sector as an agriculture labourer and other agriculture-related work. 10 per

cent beedi rollers desire to work as a causal labour, 3 per cent beedi rollers would like

to work as construction labour and 8 per cent worker prefer to work in organized

sector. The majority 52 per cent beedi rollers said that they want to do other work

because they want to be no more in the bee~i industry. Other work means that they

want to start their own business.

3.5.1 Other Work Situation:

Table 3.43: Involvement of Beedi Rollers in other than Beedi Work

Name of the District Other work Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Agarwatti 2 (1.00%) - 2 (1.00%)

Agriculture 2 (1.00%) - 2 (1.00%) . Not Applicable 96 (48.00%) 100 (50.00%) 196 (98.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

The Table 3.43 reveals that 98 per cent ofbeedi rollers don't have any option;

they have to engage only in beedi rolling. 100 per cent of the beedi rollers are doing

only beedi making job in Rajnandgaon district. Only 2 per cent beedi rollers are

engaged in Agarwatti making and other 2 per cent beedi rollers are engaged in

agriculture work in the Sagar district. Beedi rollers have lost preference for the work

but Table is clearly showing that beedi roller are not getting opportunity to work in

other sector because of their own uniqueness like illiteracy, lack of skill and lack of

employment opportunities in the both districts.

It has been noticed that educated children of beedi contractors or' small

manufacturers are not interested in beedi work. Their aspirations are different and

consider beedi brokership to be low-grade work. They are not ready to face the

humiliation their parents or forefathers had been subjected to by managers or

manufacturers. As beedi work fell into decline and with agriculture stagnant, workers

were forced to look for employment in other sectors. There is also, as we have seen, a

gr'.:!at deal of out-migration: entire families have left Sagar in search of work in other

126

states. As indicated earlier, the construction sector provided many job opportunities,

being the third main occupation in the area after agriculture and beedi work. It also

offers better wages: the minimum wage is 50 rupees a day for unskilled labour. Many

men have found jobs in construction, and although they may not be regular, they do

provide a living. More recently, women have also started working in construction,

es?ecially as unskilled labour and in heavier types of work. However, they are paid

less than men and find less regular work. 1o

3.6 Condition of Women Workers in the Beedi Rolling Industry:

Most of the working women are in the informal industry like beedi rolling

se.::tor due to societal and cultural bias towards them that they have to be in home­

based works. The key to the empowerment of all beedi rollers are education and the

assurance of minimum wages. While inaugurating the three-day south Asian policy

conference on Home-Based Workers organised by the Self-Employed Women's

Association (SEWA) and United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM),

Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh has stated that women's empowerment should be a

mlljor objective of social,political and economic policy in the South Asia region as a

whole since most home-based workers happen to be women. Traditionally, women

bear primary responsibility for the well-being of their families. Yet they are

systematically denied access to the resources they need to fulfil their responsibility,

which includes education, health care services, job training, and access and freedom

to use family planning services. Women's employment in family farms or businesses

is rarely recognised as economically productive either by men or women. And any

income generated from this work is generally controlled by the men. Such work is

unlikely to increase women's participation in allocating family finances.

A paper by Acharya and Mathrani (1991) highlights certain characteristics of

women's employment in the Indian labour force in general. Based on NSSO data, it

was shown that in the unorganised sector:

(i) women workers' work status was inferior to that of men workers;

(ii) the incidence of unemployment was higher among women;

(iii) men were better paid in all industry groups.

10 ILO, 2003, p.107.

127

The beedi industry reflects a similar feature of exploitation of female workers.

It was found that generally, the net earnings of female workers were less than those of

male workers, even if wage rates were the same.

An attempt has been made to study the impact of beedi rolling in female­

headed households, particulars covering working conditions, income generation,

creation expenditure pattern, decision making capacity in major household and work

variables, health and sanitation etc. have been included for the study. A major

departure from the main study is with relation to decision-making capacity of the

female heads. Decision making is a process wherein different members of the

household take part actively or passively about the decision of family maintenance,

working conditions, asset creation, new ventures, nature of expenditure, social

relations. The female head or female beedi roners can participate or take major

decisions on family maintenance, how the income has to be expended, education of

children, celebration of festivals, and recreation. They take an equal part in deciding

the nature of working conditions, assets creation, engagement of workers, repairs and

construction, work seeking and health. When. compared to male headed beedi

households, the decision analysis is equally spread over different aspects.

Table 3.44: Distribution of Beedi Rollers on the Basis of Decision-Making

N arne of the District Economic Decision Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Male Head of the Household 28 (14.00%) 21 (10.50%) 49 (24.50%)

female Head of the Household 12 (6.00%) 27 (13.50%) 39 (19.50%)

Both 60 (30.00%) 52 (26.00%) 112 (56.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006 .

Figures in the Table 3.44 state that 24.5 per cent male and 19.5 per cent of

female beedi rollers are taking economic decision in the family (mostly headed by the

female member). In 56 per cent of families, both male and female beedi roners are

participating in the major economic decision. Women beedi roners' participation in

the decision making process is 76.5 per cent because they are earning members of the

family. Beedi roners women from Rajnandgaon district are apparently more

empowered in comparison with female beedi rollers from Sagar District.

128

3.7 Condition of Child Labour in the Beedi Industry:

3.7.1 The Problem of Child Labour in India:

India is the glaring example of a nation beset with the problem of child labour.

Estimates cite figures of between 60 and 115 million working children in India -- the

highest number in the world (Human Rights Watch 1996, 1). According to the

provisional figures of Census 2001, out of the total child population of 252 million,

12.5 million children in the age group of 5-14 years are working. The 1981 Indian

census reports that there were 13.6 million child labourers in India (Census of India

1981). There has been a secular decline in the incidence of child labour reported in

India. As per the Census, the total number of child workers declined from 11 million

in 1991 to 3.6 million in 2001. Similar decline is also evident in the NSSO results but

th,~ estimated total number was 13.3 million in 1993-94 and 8.6 million in 2004-05.

They constituted about 6.2 per cent of children in the age group 5-14 years in 1993-94

and 3.4 per cent in 2004-05. The absolute number and proportio!1 of working male

children w~re more than those of girl children. The overall decline in child workers is

attributable to increasing awareness, greater participation in education by children

from poorer households, efforts by the state, international organisations such as the

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the ILO and national and international

non-governmental organisations towards elimi!1ation of child labour, and the

regulatory framework, (Report on "Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihoods

in the Unorganised Sector", August 2007).

There were about 9 million child labourers in 2004-05, of which majority were

in rural areas. The percentage of child labour was also slightly higher in the rural

areas, 3.7 per cent compared to 2.5 per cent in urban areas. About two-thirds of the

children were engaged in family enterprises as helpers, while more than one-third

were engaged as paid wage workers. However, in urban areas, nearly half the child

lahourers were wage workers. Two thirds of the child workers were engaged in

agriculture. It seems that majority of the working children were helping in the family

farms in rural areas but the sector still accounted for 72 per cent of the casual wage

child labourers and 9 per cent of the regular workers. Nearly one-fifth of the girls and

14 per cent of the boys worked in manufacturing industries and another 10 per cent of

the boys were engaged in trade (Report on "Conditions of Work and Promotion of

Livelihoods in the Unorganised Sector", August 2007).

129

Table 3.45 States with High Incidence of Child Labour (5 - 14 Years) •

(Percentage) 2004 - 2005

Child Labour State

Male Female Total

Andhra Pradesh 6.1 7.l 6.6

Orissa 5.3 4.6 5

Rajasthan 3.8 5.9 4.8

Meghalaya 5.8 3.3 4.6

Kamataka 4.3 4.8 4.6

Chhattisgarh 3.6 5.5 4.5

Uttar Pradesh 4.7 3.4 4.1

West Bengal 4.3 3.2 3.7

Maharashtra 3.2 3.7 3.5

All India. 3.5 3.3 3.4

Sources: Report on "Conditions (~f Work and Promotion (?f Livelihoods in the Unorganised Sector ", August 2007, pp 101

8

7

6

.". 5 ~ '!II ... : 4 o:J -. CI.I

".. 3

2

7.1

Figure 3.3: States with High Incidence of Child Labour

States with High (ncide nee of Child Labour

5.9

r

.8 " f-

5.8

4.6

5.5

States

4,7 .5

[j] Child La bour lVIa Ie : D Child Labour Female i : 0 Child Labour Total '

130

Figure 3.3 and Table 3.45 shows the states with child labour above the aII­

India average were Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Meghalaya, Karnataka,

Chattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Maharashtra. It has been argued by

scholars that poverty or lack of employment opportunities is not a sufficient condition

for the existence of child labour (Chandrasekhar, 1997). Child labour is also

significantly and negatively associated with opportunities for education of children

(Nangia, 1981). The high incidence of child deprivation indicates that part of the

problem may manifest as child labour and a larger part as lack of opportunity or

access to attend the school. Total 3.4 per cent of the children are working as labourers.

According to a draft report prepared by regional coordinator of the Tata

Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR), Bombay, two miIIion kids are employed in

India's deadly tobacco industry. They spend over 14 hours every day at a stretch in

contact with tobacco and usuaIIy work for about seven days in poorly ventilated

rooms without taking any rest, the TIFT report reveals. Despite the legislative

prohibition of children below 14 years of age from working in the beedi industry, the

practice continues unchecked and unabated in private homes a!1 over the country.

Children assisting their families in the home-based beedi work learn useful skills and

can also make a little extra money. After some time beedi work becomes the child's

main occupation.

The issue of child labour has generated renewed interest because of the-new

economic policy formulated in tune with the structural adjustment programme which

hopes to put the country on the global market economy. These sweeping economic

reforms aim to promote exports and offer incentives to foreign investors. The reforms

would lead to reduction in the expenditure on health, education, food subsidies and on

social services, al1 of which are needed by the poor. Thus the real cost of globalisation

of th~ economy has now became reality in the fOnTI of the \Vorld T iClue Organisation

(WTO), which is even trying to take over the social aspects in international

cooperation through the proposed social clauses (Kulshreshtha,1978).

Child labour is inefficient when used by parents as a substitute for negative

bequests (to transfer income from children to parents) or, because of capital market

imperfections, as a substitute for borrowing (to transfer income from the future to the

present). The poor quality of primary education in the region too contributes pushing

many children out of school and they have to work. Because of the possible or

131

expected earning (or saving), complicity arises, the parents of a child are then faced

with a dilemma. (i) Labour is harmful to the physical and mental development of the

child and therefore future productivity, leading to future deprivation and poverty,

whereas (ii) schooling deprives the parents from the immediate liquidity of the child's

current income from work. (Zutshi, 2002).

Children can be found in beedi rolling jobs as home workers in many states.

According to an estimate, about 3.7 per cent of the home workers were to be found in

West Bengal, followed by Orissa (2.6 per cent) and Bihar (0.6 per cent). Three piece­

rated child workers were working as piece-rate labellers/packers on industrial

premises in Madhya Pradesh for whom the average daily earnings were reported as

32.09 rupees (minimum) and 76.32 rupees (maximum). Two child workers were

reported on industrial premises in Bihar in beedi rolling jobs. The average daily

earnings for them were reported to be 9 rupees (minimum) and 18 rupees (maximum).

The status of boys and girls were not shown separately. I I

The dimension of exploitation of children has been difficult to analyze in the

absence of adequate reports. The survey carried out by the Labour Bureau shows that

children constitute only 1 per cent of homeworkers. It is suspected that child labour is

not reported because of the legal ban on the employment of child labour. The report of

the same survey found evidence that child labourers had been noticed in labelling and

packing jobs in the factories and in rolling work at homes, but their employment was

neither shown on records nor admitted by the employers.12 A case study of the beedi

industry in Kerala published in 1980 reports indicated that an important feature of the

industry in Kerala was the employment of helpers. The experienced worker confined

himselflherself exclusively to rolling 'and a helper was engaged for cutting the leaf,

tying the beedies and bundling them. These were a neglected group of children who

p.amed only 2 to " rupees per day. 13

II Labour Bureau (1995), pp. 92-93. /2 Ibid" p. 55 and 195. Suspicion was also roused regarding under-reporting of child labour when the estimates of this survey varied markedly from the results of an isolated case study. According to a survey in one district of West Bengal (Bagchi and Mukhopadhyaya, 1996), children constituted 15 per cent of the total workers in the district. See Sudarshan and Kaur (1999), p. 677. /3 Mohandas (1980), the adult wage for the ordinary variety ofbeedi was 7.12 rupees for rolling 1,000 beedis. In 1980, the US dollar was equal to 7.909 rupees p. 15 I 8.

132

3.7.2 The Economic Role of Children in Beedi Rolling Industry:

The United Nation (UN) Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan stated, "Child

Labour has serious consequences that stay with the individual and with society for far

longer than the years of childhood. Young workers not only face dangerous working

conditions, they face long term physical, intellectual and emotional stress. They face

an adulthood of unemployment and illiteracy."

Beedi rolling is a household activity in which nearly all members of the family

participate. Children below the age of 14 also regularly help in the beedi rolling as a

matter of routine. About 7 to 8 lakh children in the state might be regularly engaged in

beedi making in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. (Mahanti, 1999). According to

(Prepappadan, 2007) India has Six million Children, age 4 to 14, working fuIltime in

the beedi industry.

Child labour is a source of income for poor beedi rolling families. It is difficult

to cite a current figure for the number of children engaged in child labour in the beedi

rolling industry. The hazardous establishments in which most of the child labours

were identified are beedi manufacture, slate pencil manufacture, soap manufacture

and building and other constriction works in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. The

largest number of child labour employed in the hazardous sector is in beedi

manufacturing sector.

The most crucial factor to be considered is the condition of the child labour.

The contractors tend to employ child labour since it is cheaper and easily available

and that children could be kept as unregistered members so that the fringe benefits

accruing to them could be appropriated by them. Basic socio-economic measures are

called for complete abolition of child labour but. Since this is not a probable thing to

happen in the present context of the society, regulation chiid labour employment has

to be strengthened. In the schools situated in beedi rolling areas, vocational education

may be imparted whereby children could get education as well as training in and

earning by beedi rolling. This might apply especially female children who from the­

bulk ofbeedi child labour.

It would be of interest to quote from a communication received by the authors

from the All-India Beedi Industry Federation, Mumbai in response to a questionnaire

sent to them:

133

,

"It is a misnomer that the beedi industry employs large numbers of child

labour. It is a well-known fact that beedi manufacturing is done mostly by women at

home to supplement their earnings. They roll beedies as per their convenience. In the

process, if children of such women help their mother or other ladies in the family, it

cannot be said that the beedi manufacturers are engaging child labour for manufacture

of bee dies".

Table 3.46 Distribution of Beedi rollers Families on basis of Taking Assistance

from Children

Take assistance from Name of the District Total

Children Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Yes 41 (20.50%) 14 (7.00%) 55 (27.50%)

No 53 (26.50%) 86 (43.00%) 139 (69.50%)

Not Applicable 6 (3.00%) - 6 (3.00%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (50.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.46 show that out of 200 families, 27.5 per cent beedi

rollers' families are taking assistance from their children, in which 20.5 per cent

families belong to the Sagar district of Madhya Pradesh and 7 per cent families belong

to Rajnandgaon District of Chhattisgarh. 69.5 per cent beedi rollers are not taking

assistance from their children and 3 per cent families don't have children less than 14

years so it is not applicable. More incidences of child labour are found in the Sagar

district than Rajnandgaon district. A very high incidence of child labour can be found

in this field area. Some organisations are darning that 1 per cent of the total

workforce is working as a child labour. But this survey results show some thing

different fr()Jo tht: other studies.

3.7.3 Children's Participation in Reedi Rolling Process:

Section 24 and Section 25 of the Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of

Employment) Act, 1966 prohibit the employment of children below the age of 14

years and of young persons between the ages of 14 to 18 years in any industrial

premises. Section 25 also restricts the women workers working in night shifts from

7.00 p.m. to 6.00 a.m.

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Table 3.47: Distribution of Child Labour on the basis of Age and Sex

Age of Children No. of Boys No. of Girls Total

8 3 1 4

10 3 1 4

11 1 2 3

12 1 8 9

13 1 6 7

14 2 6 8

15 4 2 6

16 0 16 16

17 2 1 3

18 2 12 14

Total 19 55 74

Source: Primary Sun'ey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.47 clearly show that children are participating in the

beedi rolling process in the beginning stage of their childhood. Total 74 children are

found engaged in the beedi rolling occupation in the 55 beedi rollers families; wherein

19 boys and 55 girls assisting. Total 35 children bet'Yeen 8 year to 14 years are

engaged in beedi rolling found. Despite the legislation prohibiting children below 14

years of age from working in the beedi industry, the practice continues unchecked and

unabated in private homes all over the country. Due to home-based nature of the

industry and work, more girls can be found in beedi industry. Children mostly help in

the counting the beedies, tide the thread to the beedies and leaf cleaning. Some time

they go to the contractor or employer to submit beedies and to collect wages.

3.7.4 Reasons of Child Labour in the Beedi Rolling Industry:

Table 3.48: Reasons for the Child Labour in the Field Area*

Keasons for Chiid Labour No. of Responses .percentage

Supplement family income 51 54.3

Pay outstanding family debt 2 2.1

Learning skills 10 10.6

Schooling is irrelevant 10 10.6

Can not afford school fees 14 14.9

Others 7 7.4

Total 94 100.0

*145 missing cases; and based on 55 valid cases

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

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Table 3.48 shows the reasons behind children's involvement in the beedi

rolling industry. There are many factors that drive the children to seek work in the

beedi rolling industry. Here 54.3 per cent beedi rollers said that they are taking

children assistance because their family income is not sufficient for the livelihood of

the whole family so they are using children as a supplement of family income. 14.9

per cent beedi rollers reported that they can't afford school fees so it is better if

children should be engaged in productive activities. Another 10.6 per cent beedi

rollers said that they are involving children to teach skill. 10.6 per cent said that the

education is not appropriate. The straight and simple meaning of this argument is that

the faith of the children as well as their guardians in the present system of education is

evaporating. They are forced to go for work as their guardians cannot afford the

school fees and other expenses for education. 2.1 per cent beedi rollers involving their

children due to pay outstanding family debt. 7.4 per cent beedi rollers said others

reasons like after schooling they don't have much work so it is better if they help.

There is need thus to motivate these children and their parents.

3.7.5 Present Educational Status of Child Labour:

Table 3.49: Status of Child Labour Whether Attending School or Not

Name oftbe District Attending Scbool Total

Sagar (M.P.) Rajnandgaon (C .G.)

Yes 24 (12.00%) 12 (6.00%) 36 (18.00%)

No 17 (8.50%) 2 (1.00%) 19 (9.50%)

Not Applicable 59 (29.50%) 86 (43.00%) 145 (72.50%)

Total 100 (50.00%) 100 (5Q.00%) 200 (100.00%)

Source: Primary Survey Data, 2006

Figures in the Table 3.49 reveal that out of 200 families, 55 familieS' are taking

assistance from the children. 36 families are sending their children to the school and

. 19 families are taking full time assistance from the children, since children are not

capable to go to school. In Rajnandgaon district, most of children are attending school

as well as working in the beedi sector. Total 9.5 per cent families have taken out their

children from the school.

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3. 7.6 Reasons for Dropout:

Table 3.50: Main Reasons for the Drop-out of Children from School*

Reasons for Dropout No of Responses

School is too far 1

Parents cannot afford schooling 16

Family does not allow schooling 8

Poor in Studies/not interested in school 2

School not considered valuable 3

School not safe I

Help at home 5

School teachers are not good I

Total 37

180 missing cases; 20 valid cases*

Source: Primary SunJey Data, 2006

,

Percentage

2.7

43.2

21.6

5.4

8.1

2.7

13.5

2.7

100.0

Figures in Table 3.50 shows that, 43.2 per cent families reported that they

couldn't afford school fees so they have withdrawn their children from the schooling.

21.6 per cent beedi rollers reported that family did not allow schooling especially for

girl child; 13.5 per cent beedi ro11ers reported that they need children at home to help

in beedi rolling and other household chores. 2.7 per cent reported that School is too

far, school is no safe and school teachers are not good. 8.1 per cent respondents said

that school is not valuable for their children, after schooling they are not going to get

any job so it will be better for the children to gain knowledge of skills.

Child labour is a significant problem in India. Children are playing essential

. role in the beedi industry. There is need to withdraw the children from the beedi

rolling, the high incidence of female and child workers in the beedi industry also

justifies prvgru.;nme ratior.alisation and j;1tel:;1 ateG approaches because of the shared

common goals of providing income to mothers and withdrawing child workers from

the industry. Most of the workers in the focus groups were therefore benefiting from

BWWF scholarships for their children and others hoped to do so. This has definitely

reduced child labour in beedi work because half the day is spent in schools. The girl

children in many homes still roll beedies in their spare time. In other words, according

to the beedi rollers, their children are now doubly qualified: they are educated and

skilled too because they can roll beedies.

137

The Constitution of India clearly states that child labour is wrong and that

proper measures should be taken to end it. The government of India has implemented . the Child Labour Act in 1986 that outlaws child labour in certain areas and sets the

minimum age of employment at fourteen. This Act falls short of making all child

labour illegal, and fails to meet the ILO guideline concerning the minimum age of

employment set at fifteen years of age. Though policies are in place that could

potentially reduce the incidence of child labour, enforcement is a problem. If child

lahour is. to be eradicated in India, the government and those responsible for

enforcement need to start doing their jobs. Policies can and will be developed

concerning child labour, but without enforcement they are all useless.

3.3 Conclusion:

Beedi industry is an agro-based and labour intensive industry which employs

workers mainly from weaker sections of the Society. It is a main source of livelihood

to P?or section of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. A significant proportion of

women headed household found in the study af(~a. Most of workers were living in

owned houses in joint family; these houses also do not have basic facilities like

kitchen and bathroom. Majority ofbeedi workers are living in Kachha house. Housing

schemes of labour department totally failed. Majority of the beedi rollers belong to the

lower castes. Fifty per cent families' annual income is less than Rs. 20,000. Only 86

per cent of the household are getting safe and sound water form the hand pump and

tap. But 14 per cent workers are still using traditional source of well water which is

causing serious health problems and one family is using tube well water.

29 per cent beedi rollers are working without identity cards, due to that they

arc not entitled to receive any benefits from welfare schemes and programmes;

contract system is responsible for that. The Labour Welfare Organisations and the

State Governments are equally responsible for not issuing identity cards to the

remaining beedi workers and thus depriving them of the legitimate benefits of welfare

schemes. 96.5 per cent rollers are working as temporary workers for a long period.

64.50 per cent beedi rollers are working for 6-8 hours per day and 13 per cent beedi

roners are working for 8-10 hours per day in field area. 91 per cent beedi workers

have been serving this industry for the above 5 years. Uniform wage rate does not

exist in the beedi industry. Different wages are found in the field area. Its range starts

from Rs. 20 per thousand beedi to Rs. 40 per thousand beedi. And 191 beedi rollers

138

have reported that they are not getting sufficient raw material for rolling 1000 beedies.

98 per cent beedi rollers reported that their beedies are rejected in the name of 'chat'

or quality checks by the contractor and employers. Level of rejection of beedies is

found very high in the field area. 37.5 per cent beedi workers do not receive raw

material for the defective beedies.

India has Six million Children, age of between 4 to 14, working fulltime in the

beedi industry. Beedi rolling is a household activity in which nearly all members of

the family participate. Out of 200 families, 27.5 per cent beedi rol1ers' families are

taking assistance from their children, Total 74 children are found engaged in the beedi

rolling occupation in the 55 beedi rollers families; wherein 19 boys and 55 girls are

assisting. Reasons for Child Labour for supplement family income, learning skil1s,

schooling is irrelevant, and can not afford school fees.

139

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