CHAPTER TWO

THE FISHERMAN AND HIS SOCIETY

2.1. Origin of Fishermen: In India the basis of social division has always been 'the Chaturashrama' - Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and the Sudra. But the place of fishennen of Bengal in social hierarchy is not certain. We have a strong reference in the Mahabharata where they had been identified as Dasa. 119 However the Mahabharata has referred to them as boatmen or nabapajibi. According to the Tamil dictionary the word 'Kalinga' means a person living along the coastal area having ferocious attitude. It is clear from this that Tamil Kalinga is called khanri in Bengal. The local name of khanri is khali and we get many places suffixed with khali e.g. Genyokhali, Bakkhali, Patuakhali, Noakhali etc. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that these areas were colonized by the fishennen or boatmen.

Haraprasad Shastri argues that the name of Bengal does not figure in the Rig-Veda. But there are three ethnic races but not caste namely Banga, Bagadh and Cher. The general name of the Dravidian is Cher. Shastri moreover pointed out that there were three races or castes in North Bengal namely Kirat, Powndra and Kaivarta before the birth of Buddha.

The Dravidians were forced to settle in Bengal which may be proved from the Asoka' s 13th Stone Inscription where he has admitted that in the war of Kalinga one lakh men were killed, one and half lakh men were exiled and died many times than it. Though in this inscription Ashoka had not pointed out where he had sent them to exile, still we can know from Kautilya's Arthashashtra that there is a general rule by which the conqueror king exiles the lowest castes (non Aryans) from the defeated king's kingdom towards various sides. According to this rule Ashoka might have exiled the lowest castes of Kalinga at the one marginal end of his kingdom in a bushy area. We should keep it in our mind that the coastal Bengal is the southeast margin of the Maurya Kingdom and the Karatoya river originated from the Himalayas is the eastern margin of the Kingdom. The whole coastal area of South Bengal and the river side of the Karatoya was a bushy area. In ancient time it was admittedly denser.

Perhaps it may be said without any hesitation that a great portion of the exiled Kolingee settled in the bushy area of Southern and Northern Bengal. So it may be assumed that the exiled people settled in a desolate area and established various habitations. They added the Dravidian word as suffix to the villages they established. Still today one can find

119 Mitra. A, Tribes and Caste of Bengal, 1953, Calcutta, p. 45.

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some such villages. According Suniti Kumar Chattopadhyay, the Dravidians established the villages to which they added a Dravidian suffix.

Our assumption is that most of the persons exiled by Ashoka from Kalinga were fishermen and boatmen when we see that the exiled persons established some villages in South and North Bengal.

Here Acharya's observation finds further corroboration from Suniti Kumar Chattopadhyay regarding the same. Moreover Acharya has given reference of some villages of Midnapore, 24. Parganas districts. Geographically 24 Parganas is very proximate to Kolkata and we get names of two places, which are noted, in the Sanad of Farruksiyar, which was given to the East India Company. In the Sanad there are listed 38 villages of which 31st is Kalimba and 35th is Jala Kalimba. At present Jala Kalinga is seen in the Map of 1850, 'Drainage Map of Calcutta' a street named, 'South Callinga Street'. And even in the map of 1903, 'Plan of City of Calcutta' there is Callinga Bazar Street, Callinga Police Station and Callinga Bazar. Perhaps some people with water-based profession had established themselves at the Jala Kalinga village. Moreover in 24 Parganas and Nadia districts there are three villages named 'Kalinga maw} a'. It is notable that these three villages are famous and fairly old. Moreover, Acharya has shown a resemblance between the Makal Thakur of Southern Bengal and the Kaniamma goddess of Madras. He seeks to prove that the religious observances of the Dravidian fishermen are carried and brought up to the Southern Bengal.120

While commenting on the similarities of the boats on the Ganges (Bengal) and on the Nile (Egypt), Hornell has concluded that any similar or analogous conception can be treated in regard to the Indian boat-eye which although localized in Bengal is found sporadically all the way along the east coast from the Ganges to Tanjore and Ceylon. His (Hornell) imperfect knowledge of Hindu mythology does not permit him to say anything more. What all he can point to, is the fact that these Indian oculi are identical in position, and closely akin in form to the Egyptian sacred boat oculi and 'that this fact reinforces so strongly the evidence shown by similarities in hull form, sail plan and steering methods, that one cannot escape the conclusion that the Gangetic and ancient Egyptian have a common ancestry. How far this is due to the cultural drift, or to a common origin of the peoples of the ancient Egypt and of the Gangetic basin must remain for the present a subject for further research.

He believes the identity of these forms is due to the common origin of the peoples, that men of the Mediterranean race, to which the Egyptians belonged, had spread at one time prior to the influx of Aryan-speaking peoples from the Mediterranean through Egypt, Southern Arabia and Baluchistan to India, where they peopled the valleys of the Indus and the Ganges, carrying with them the knowledge of irrigation, and the use of boats of the type formerly used in Egypt and now dominant in the Gangetic region. The Egyptians themselves appear physically to have approximated to the Dravidian type as represented by the longheaded higher caste Tamil-speaking people of Southern India of the present day. It is noteworthy that the boats of the Ganges have nothing in common with those of

120 Acharya S.K: 'Banglai Kalingas Jalchinha' Lok, Kolkata, 2003, pp. 64-73.

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Burma, Siam and China. No Mongolian or Mongoloid influence whatsoever is traceable in the Indian types which connect solely with the West; judging from the evidence furnished by the study of the boats of the Ganges, it strongly .favours his theory that the early Dravidians spread into India from the West and were in close cultural relation with the peoples of Southern Arabia and Northern Africa with whom they were also racially identical. This gives fresh strength to the old theory that the Dravidians came into India through Baluchistan, leaving a record of the event in the survival of the Brahui language.

It would seem a just inference from the above that the influence of the Bengalis on the boat forms of the Ganges has b~en negligible. This is in consonance with the theory that they are of mountain origin and would have no knowledge of boat building other than that of forming a dug-our. If this were true, they would adopt whatever type of boat they found in use in the hands of the indigenous race occupyin~ the Ganges valley at the time they reached that region and became the dominant power. 1 1

The theory of Hornell proves the following historical facts.

1. It has been inferred from certain general resemblance among the Indus valley culture and the other early civilization as in Mesopotamia, Western Persia, Egypt and Seistan are also disclosed in a variety of objects recovered from these places, which can only be explained as the outcome of active intercourse between these regions at the close of the 41

h millennium B.C. The above noted civilizations are too old and contemporary.

2. It proves the theory of 'organic evolution'. The 'doctrine of decent' argues that the origin of organic substance takes place by the reaction of chemicals and inorganic reagents. The geographical and atmospheric change of the world brings the change in the first originated simple unicellular microcosm. Through various changes and complexity present living organisms are originated. In the history of evolution man is originated at the last step. So it proves 'the common origin of the people'.

3. As it proves 'the common origin of peoples', so it justified, the idea of 'internationalism' and 'international brotherhood'. This idea gives unity among the citizen of the world, and international brotherhood develops. According to Goldsmith, "Internationalism is the feeling that the individual is not only a member of his state, but a citizen of the world". After the two World Wars the idea has became prominent.

4. Due to 'the common origin of peoples' we should mention communal harmony and terrorism is not desirable.

121 Hornell J: 'The Boats of the Ganges', Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Mem, Vol- VIII, No.3, Calcutta, 1922-24. pp. 197-98.

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Regarding the origin of fishermen Hora argues that catching of fish is to be the exclusive vocation of particular communities owing to the social stigma attached to the occupation. The Manu Smrti assigns this task to a particular mixed caste, the Nisada. i.e. killing of fish to Nisadas, carpenter's work to Ayogava; to Medas, Andhra, Cuneus and Madgus the slaughter of wild animals. 122

Fish is mentioned only once in the Rig Veda where it does not indicate fish as an article of food among the Rig Vedic Aryans. It refers to the method of catching them with nets. In the later Vedas also, we find the mention of fish in various connections but it was never mentioned as an article of food fit for the Aryans. In the later Vedic literature fish is referred to in several places but here also it is not mentioned as an object of food. 123From this discussion it is clear that though the Aryans were not used to eat fish still they knew the method of catching fish with nets.

However, if we divide the social orders of India into horizontal groups we find that the lowest group invariably takes fish as a favorite article of food. This group also includes the tribal population. The higher groups, as a rule, avoid fish eating though in certain quarters, such as Bengal and the Mahratta tract, it is not found to be in strict observance, and even the breakers of the taboo, as if with a guilty conscience, acquiesce to the degraded position avowed by their non- fish- eating neighbors.124

In the medieval age, it was Bhabadev Bhatta who gave permission to take amish (protein) to the Bengali Brahmins. The amish were various kinds of rice, pulses and vegetables. But there is no reference of fish. 125 It is the Charjapad which gives the proof of the Bengali having inclination to fish 126 i. e. during the time gth to 1Oth century.

The Vajasaneyi Samhita and the Taittiriya Brahmana, however, in the list of victims in the Purusamedha (human sacrifice) include a number of names which seem to be those of persons who make a livelihood by fishing or by hunting, such as the Margara, hunter, the Kaivarta, Paunjistha Dasa, Mainala, 'fishermen' and perhaps the Bainda and the Anda, who seem to have been some sort of fishermen. The Taittiriya Brahmana explains the different methods of catching fish prevalent in those days from the various terms indicating fishermen. Here Das has given various kinds of tools and methods for fishing in those older days. Though fish, fishing methods, and fishermen occur in the different passages of the early and the later Vedic literature it is really strange that even once it does not appear as an article of food. 127

122 Hora S.L, 'Knowledge ofthe Ancient Hindus concerning Fish and Fisheries oflndia', Journal of the Asiatic Society Letters, Vol, XIX, No.2, 1953, p.70. Also see, Sur Atul: 'Samaj, Sanskriti o Dharma' Saradia Ananda Bazar Patrika, 1387 (Bengali), p. 56 123 Das T. C: 'The Cultural Significance ofFish in Bengal', Man in India Vol-XI, 1931, p. 294. 124 Das T.C: op. cit. pp. 276-77. 125 Sur Atul: 'Samaj, Sanskriti o Dharma', Saradia Ananda Bazar Patrika, 1357(Bengali), p. 59 126 The Ananda Bazar Patrika, a daily Bengali newspaper, Nadia-Murshidabad, 4th March 2006,p.ll. 127 Das T.C: op. cit. p.p. 294-95. Also see Reeves P: 'Inland waters and Freshwater Fisheries: Issue of control, Access and conservation in colonial India' Nature, culture, Imperialism: Essays on the Environmental History of South Asia, eds: David Arnold and R.C, Guha, OCP, 1996, p. 261.

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Though Macdonell and Keith in their Vedic Index have listed many kinds of food and drink it would be really strange to miss fish in their long list if it at all had been a kind of food used by the Aryans of the Vedic days. This gives us sufficient ground to suspect a sort of taboo on fish in their cultural pattern. But when the sacred literatures of later periods, which claim to rest on the Vedic traditions, cautiously lift a few of the restrictions imposed on fish eating, their attitude, corroborates qur suspicion and actuates us to believe in the existence of a definite taboo on fish eating in the Vedic days. 128

This position is however questioned by Hora. He argues that the Brhaspati Smrti, a much later work between 200-400. AD says the inhabitants of the East are fish eaters. By the East is meant obviously the eastern part of India, including Bengal as the lands and islands lying to the east of India. 129 However Hora has concluded that the Smrtis contain contradictory statements about the use of fish as food which shows the working of the social, religious and political influences by which taking of any kind of animal has became a taboo afterwards. 130

Hora has shown elsewhere that at the legendary lake Pampa, Lakshmana is advised to have the scales cleaned and the fishes roasted in an iron pan over the fire. In Aranyakanda Rama and Lakshmana are advised to cook rice and fish with salt and red pepper on reaching an asrama on the west bank of the Pampa lake. From a dietetic point of view, combination of rice and fish is very significant, for today also the rice-eating people of South East Asia derive their protein requirements from fish. 131

It is however interesting to know that fishing is strictly followed by the Non-Aryans and at the same time they are fish eater. On the other hand Hora has shown that Lakshmana was advised to use a spear for catching fish and both Rama and Laksmana prepared fish and rice as their food though they are Aryans. Hora concluded, "Roasting fish on fire and the use of salt and red pepper would appear to be very ancient traditional practice in India. "132

De has pointed out that the castes employed in fishing are low in social order. The reason, according to De, is that their blood is 'impure'. His arguments include both the Hindus and the Muslims fishing communities.133

.

The remaining two groups of people who probably contributed the greatest share in the racial ensemble of Bengal are the Pre-Dravidians and the brachycephalic Aryans who have been identified with the Alpines. The Pre- Dravidians formed the basic substratum of the population of Bengal. In all tracts fishing was in the hands of special castes who show marked Pre-Dravidian characteristics, both physical and cultural. Though certain kinds of fish are allowed as food in some of our Shastras, we do not find a single

128 Das T.C: op. cit. p. 296. 129 Hora.S.L' Knowledge ofthe Ancient Hindus concerning fish and fisheries oflndia', (4. Fish in the Sutra and Smrti Literature) J.A.S.Letters. Vol, XIX, No-2, 1953. p. 64. 130 Hora S.L: op. cit. p. 75. 131 Hora.S.L, 'Fish in the Ramayana', J.A.S.Letters, Vol, 18, No-2, 1952. p, 67. 132 Ibid. p. 67. 133 De.K.C, Report on The Fisheries of Easter. Bengal and Assam Shillong, 1910, p. 33.

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reference to Aryans following fishing as an occupation. The Dharmashastras are very strict in this matter and even while delineating apaddhasma they have not allowed it to the twice born. On the other hand, it is constantly mentioned as the occupation of lowbom people who do not belong to their culture or race. Thus it is possible that fishing was practised by the Pre- Dravidians only. Though fish is tabooed to higher castes throughout India under the influence of Midland culture yet it is used as an important article of food in the very same area among the lower castes. This appears to be the direct effect of the Pre-Dravidian basic substratum in the population of these regions. 134

Regarding the origin of the Valayans (a community of fishermen of South India) Moses says that the word Valayan is derived from Valai means net and their god Mahadeva presented them the first net. It is also notable that their god was Mahadeva135 like other low classes of Bengal. Though Moses argues that the Valayans are drawn fun among the lower classer136 still he raters to the title of them. The honorific title of this caste is 'Ambalakars' meaning apparently 'owners of temple'. There is a tradition that originally the Rameswaram temple was theirs, both regarding proprietorship and performance of religions rites. So many of them are named Poojari i.e. priest. Later the temple was handed over to the Brahmans on condition of their using as sacred threads, the threads of fishing nets. 137

This tradition goes opposite to his first comment i.e. Valayans are from among the lower classes.

Prior to the coming in of the East Bengal fishermen, the local fisherfolk, like the Rajbansi, the Dhibar and the Bagdi, used to do marine fishing on a small scale. Of these three castes, the Dhibars were mainly engaged in drying their catch, the Rajbansis used to operate one type of gill net and the Bagdis accompanied the Rajbansis as crewmen. 138It also proves that only low castes were engaged in fishing.

Regarding dry fish trade of Chittagong town of East Bengal he has pointed out that the moneylenders in this trade were the local Muslims and also a few local Hindus. It is interesting to note that not a single Marwari, who had captured nearly all the other trades and industries of India, has come in the field of dry fish trade. It may be that their religious and customary aversion to fish is the reason for their avoidance of this trade. 139

The incidence of taking loan is highest among the Kaivartas but the proportionate amount is not so high. The average amount of loan taken among the Kaivartas is a little whereas in the case of the Brahman and the Kayastha it may come more than its three times. 140

134 Das: op. cit. pp. 297-98. 135Moses. S.T, 'The Valayans ofPamban', Man in India, Vol-IX, 1929. p. 1~9. 136 Moses. S.T: op. cit. p. 152. 137 Moses. S.T: op. cit. p. 150. 138 Roy Chaudhari.B, The Moon and Net, Kolkata, 1980, p. 137. 139 Roychaudhari.B: op. cit. p.I38. 140 Roychaudhari.B: op. cit. p.l42.

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Table-2.1

Caste composition of the bahardars (team-leaders) in Bakkhali and Freaserganj.

Serial. No. Caste. Fishing ground. Bakkhali. Frasergunj. Total.

1. Kalbarta (Jala Das) 15 11 26 2. Kayastha. ........ 1 l 3. Mahishya. ........ 1 1 4. Sahu. 1 --- 1 5. Rajbanshi. 1 --- 1

Total. 17 13 30

Source: Roy Chaudhuri: op. cit. p. 22.

Presently, only one Kayastha is found engaged as the agent of fresh-fish trade centers at Namkhana. In dry fish trade a few Kayastha are working as the agents i.e. receive commission for their service. 141 It is interesting to note that a few Kayastha, whose social position is higher are engaged in this profession.

Tarak Chandra Das has shown instances of fish offering to god or goddess, which is mainly done by the low-castes. It also proved that the fishing occupation was strictly followed by the Non-Aryans and at the same time they were fish eater. Firstly, on the date of Dasami i.e. on the last day ofDurga Puja boa! fish, prepared on the previous day, is offered to the goddess Durga along with other objects. Secondly; Sheat- fish is also offered to the goddess Kali on the New Moon day on the month of Aswin i.e. on the Deepabali day, Thirdly, this variety of fish is also offered in the daily worship of Kali along with other offerings. Lastly, gajar fish are offered to Siva.142

Das observes that the deities to whom fish is offered do not seem to be unmixed products of Vedic Aryans conception. Thus, Kali, to whom fish is regularly offered on one occasion at least during the year, presents various un-Aryan elements. The groups of rites and ceremonies connected with the Chaitra Sankranti i.e. the last day of Bengali year is mainly un-Aryan and the particular occasion when fish is used as an offering in course of these rites is specially remarkable for its outlandish character which, he thinks, reaches its climax is the Hazra Puja. So it may be argued that fish was not introduced into the religious and social rites of Bengal by the dolichocephalic bearers of Midlandic culture. 143

141 Roychaudhari.B, 'Some fishing community of West Bengal', Man in India, Vol, 49, 3. p. 244. 142 Das. T.C: op .cit pp. 281-82. 143 Das. T.C: op. cit p. 297.

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Hora argues that an oblation of fish to the gods is prohibited in the Vishnu Dharmasutra. In the later period, fish offering to gods seems to have been considered proper, for the Yajnavalkya Smrti prescribed an oblation of fish, raw and cooked when worship is offered to Ganapati. There is another fish offering ceremony, istaka homa. Here the flesh of the fish, Satabali along with milk- porridge or soup is to be offered' .144

De has given us an account of the fishing castes of his study area. At the beginning, he has admitted, both among the Hindus and the Mohammedans, fishing, like hunting, was regarded as a degrading occupation. The Hindu fishermen are formed into separate and distinct castes. Though the .Muslims do not admit caste system, still the Muslim fishermen impose restrictions on eating and marrying, like the Hindus. 145

2.2. Kaivarta: It is derived from the Sanskrit word Ka (water), and Vrit (to engage); so it denotes that those who are engaged in occupations in or on water, and the title by which the members of this caste are generally known is Dasa. They are mainly engaged in fishing or boating. Their three principal divisions are Adi (first), Madhya (middle) and Antya (last). The first two classes have given up fishing and entirely engaged to agriculture. According to a prevailing legend a Madhya-Kaivarta is said to have rescued a son of King Ballal Sena · of Gaur from drowning, and the King rewarded them by proclaiming that their touch would no longer pollute water and might be used by the higher caste Hindus. 146 The agriculturist Kaivartas are called Halia (ploughman) or Chashi (cultivator) Kaivarta. Now a days they are known as Mahishya. They are originated from the Vaishya caste (agricultural varna)147

• Saha has pointed out that the Mahishya section of the Kaivarta has given up fishing and entirely engaged in agriculture. 148

They are Vaishanavas by religion and perform all Hindu rites and ceremonies. They have their own priests and these priests are regarded as fallen (patit). The water touched by them is never used by the high caste Hindus, but the ordinary barbers can serve them without losing their social status. Low class Hindu washer man only washes the clothes of the fishing castes. 149

Gupta has observed that they especially live in Midnapore and some of them are quite in affluent circumstances and own lands, such as the old Rajas of Tamluk in Midnapore. Most of them do not catch fish themselves but act as fish dealers and middlemen. 150

They do not eat food at the house of the Tiwars. They are generally God fearing and law­abiding people. They are timid and try to avoid law courts and seldom appear before

144 Hora.S.L, "Knowledge of the Ancient Hindus concerning fish and Fisheries oflndia', J.A.S.Letters, Vol­XIX, No, 2, 1953. p. 69. 145 De.K.C: op. cit. pp. 33-34.

146 De.K.C: 0p. cit: 34. Also see, Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 101. 147 De.K.C: op. cit. p. 34. 148Saha. K.C: op. cit. p. 101. 149 De.K.C: op. cit. p. 34. 150 Gupta. K.G: op. cit p. I I.

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officials. Their principal amusement appears to be to organize 'Kirtan'. Many of their families act as middlemen (wholesale dealers), some of them take lease of bits or other large fisheries, catch and cure fish and carry on an extensive business. In this community, men of high education and refinement are not absolutely wanting. 151

2.3. Malo or Jhalo: The word Malo is derived from the Arabic word Malia (boatman) and their original profession was plying boats. De has sited a cause of change of their profession, which is very significant. According to him, with the increase of their number and the expansion of railway and steamer communications, they adopted the profession of fishing by nets and hence came to be called Jalo or Jhalo (from Jal, net) According to De the Malos are transformed into the Jhalo i.e. the Malo and the Jhalo are the same. 15'2 According to Gupta, Mal, Mala and Mallah have derived their caste names from their occupation as boatman. In the beginning, fishing was a subsidiary calling with them. Subsequently those who restricted themselves to fishing only, adopted the name Jhalo. 153

There is a myth regarding Jhalo-Malo. A long days before a guru came to the house of Jhalo-Malo. While serving or honoring him (guru), Malo is not considered as patit (fallen). Both the brothers (Jhalo, Malo) served him very much. Then gurudev finished eating, took some rest, and rising from bed he wanted to go to toilet and ordered Malo to serve water. The order of guru is the final. But Malo did not obey the order, thinking that he was a patit. Then Jhalo quickly came forward and offered water to guru. The guru became pleased. From that time Malo became patit and Jhalo became Jalchal (whose water can be accepted). 154

We get another legend from Samaresh Basu in his famous novel on fishermen, Ganga about the first man of the Malo: It is a story of immemorial past. By His good grace, the race of the Malo, who came crossing over the sea, were brought up and spread. Then the Malo became the king of the land. Perhaps they came from the .south on foot on the sea, with Digambara (naked or like lord Shiva), who is dark colored curly haired and hooded of a snake on his forehead. When he reached the bank he faced a danger. It was the kingdom of Dakshin Rai (Royal Bengal Tiger). The followers of Dakshin Rai fought with him. He won. So being p,leased Dakshin Rai offered him a skin to wear. His kingdom was offered to him throughout the whole shore of the sea. 155

De points out that they perform all Hindu rites and ceremonies. Though they have their own priest who is socially 'fallen' but have no special barber or washer man. Generally they are Baishnava sect. They capture fish in the rivers and large bils with the help of net and boat, but do not make dried fish. They are very good weavers and repairers of fishing nets. Their older wives and widows go to the market to sell fish. They·also act as manjhis of boats. It is interesting to note that as boats must be kept for fishing, it is easy for a

151 De.K.C: op. cit. p. 34. 152 De.K.C: op. cit. p. 35. 153 Gupta.K.C: op. cit. p. 11. 154 Basu Samaresh, Ganga, a Bengali novel, Calcutta, 1984. p. 44. 155 Basu Samaresh: op. cit. p. 22.

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fisherman to tum into a boatman. So here also we see a change from fishermen to fishing net weaver or a boatman. 156

2.4. Tiwar and Rajbansi: The Sanskrit world 'tibara' means hunter and they prefer the name 'Tiwar'. Their original occupation is hunting, but with the clearing of forest they have been driven to agriculture and fishing as their means of livelihood. The origin of the Tiwar and the better class Rajbansi are the same, though somewhere the Tiwars are regarded as a separate caste from Rajbansi, who are not fishermen now, as the Tiwars are.

Here De has given the most popular legend regarding the origin of the Rajbansis in which they have traced their descent from a certain Raja of the Golden Age, who, having incurred the displeasure of a muni (hermit), was by his curse turned into a fisherman. They cannot however quote any authority for this tradition, which is not found in the Ramayana or the Mahabharata or any of the Puranas. In these ancient books, however, there is mention of a country called Matsya Desha (fish country) and its king was called the Matsya Raj. Some Rajbansis in Bihar wear the sacred thread, claiming Kshatriya descent. Though little value can be attached to this tradition, the Rajbansis are very particular in citing this legend with a sense of pride to show their superiority over the other fishing castes, but it is difficult to say whether the Rajbartsis or the Kaivartas carry the precedence in this respect. These Rajbansis are different from the Koch Rajbansis of North Bengal, and even some Bagdi fishermen claimed themselves as Rajbansi. Both the Tiwars and the Rajbansis are strict Hindus, and follow the Hindu rites and ceremonies. They have their own priest who is also 'fallen' (patit) Brahman and high caste Hindus do not take water from their hands. They have no special barbers or washer men of their own. Their mournin~ period is 30 days. They take lease of hils; capture fish generally by bamboo apparatus. 15

·

2.5. Nikaris: Fish marketing is controlled by one section of local Muslims known as Nikaris, who are economically well off. Now a days one section of the Nikaris is taking up catching fish in creeks with small bag nets. They dispose of their fresh catch. So they have lost their social status. 158

According to some recent observers there are mainly two classes of fishermen, Jirati and Bhasan in each Jalkar. The fishermen who live generally near the bank of a particular Jalkar are known as Jirati. Their rents are generally low in comparison with temporary (Bhasan) fishermen. But the Jirati fishermen do not pay regularly. According to custom they are required to pay all arrears even if they do not catch fish in any season. They were formerly inducted to protect the boundaries of the fisheries against the rival adjoining proprietors and also to pay boats as be gar when required by the zamindars. At present the latter do not keep any boats, majority being absentee zamindars. So the services of the fishermen as boatmen are not much required. These Jirati fishermen are living at particular places for generations. But they cannot exercise their alleged right of fishing in

156 De.K.C: op. cit. p. 35. 151 De.K.C: op. cit. pp. 34-35. 158 Roychaudhari B, 'Some Fishing communities ofWest Bengal', Man in India, Vol-49, No-3, 1969. p. 243.

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the Jalkar throughout the season on account of various methods of assessment throughout the year on temporary fishermen who fish with different kinds of nets. 159

There are also other fishing communities, like Karal, Namasudra, Pod, Bagdi etc.

Oral evidences indicate that there is a difference between Matasyajivi and Jele. According to old fishermen, ajele is a person who is a fisherman by caste and profession, and must remain connected with any section in the fishing industry. On the other hand, a Matasyajivi is a person who may be connected with any section of fishing industry, but non-fisherman by caste. So .they are converted fisherman. At present, the Matasyajivi includes both ofthem.160

It may be concluded from the above that the origin of fishermen has different theories. With the passing of time, within the fishermen community there arose different occupational groups. Some had been converted to agriculturist and occupied a higher position in the social hierarchy. The other group who had been completely dependent on fishing regarded as lower caste. Moreover, some non-fishermen by caste have entered in this industry. This fishing community is composed of the Hindu, Muslim, and Christian etc. and hence this community has no homologous character.

2.6. Mahajan: The Mahajan plays an important role in the life of fishermen. They enjoy the lion's share in fish trade whereas the fishermen are being exploited. The actual catchers and carriers are not so well off as the middlemen who keep information about demand and supply, and with the help of a modest capital can always secure a good trade. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the income of an average Calcutta middleman is said to have been not less than R~. 40 a month. Some of these men had in their own life secured a considerable fortune and lived in a substantial brick building. The prosperity of the middlemen proves that in some localities at least good business was done.

By contrast, the income of an ordinary fish catcher, working with parties or by himself, varied from Rs. 4 to Rs. 12. The income had undoubtedly risen over time, but so had prices all round. The fish catcher had never been a prosperous class. Their calling was at best precarious and uncertain, and owing to the extremely perishable nature of the article with which they dealt, and the necessity of disposing of it as quickly as possible, they were unable to reap the full advantage of a prosperous season and were often at the mercy of middlemen to whom they were under pecuniary obligations. It was the general opinion that the economic condition of fishermen had not improved. 161

In another Report of 1910, it has been argued that of all subsidiary occupations, those of trade in fresh fish and manufacture of salted fish were the most lucrative, and persons

159 Lahiri A.C, 'Report on the Rights in Fisheries in the Main Rivers of Bengal', Revenue Department, File No.8A-80 (5), 1938, Nos. 23829-30, Land Revenue, Calcutta, 15.11.38. West Bengal State Archives (Hereafter WBSA). 160 Oral evidence of a fisherman, Mirza Fakrul Beg of 52 years at Junput (Midnapore ), interviewed on 16.10.2005. 161 Gupta K.G, Results of Enquiry in to the Fisheries of Bengal and in to Fishery Matters in Europe and America, Calcutta, 1908. p. 13.

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engaged in these pursuits were in the most affluent circumstances. Fish is an extremely perishable article, and is sure to become useless unless quickly conveyed to the market or at once preserved. The catcher of the fish was therefore entirely dependent upon the middlemen, who had means of transport at his disposal, and upon the curer. Of these classes, the Kaivartas and the Nikaris were the most prominent. The middlemen on rivers Padma, and Jamuna were of two classes. The Parar Bepari (permanent traders) purchased or rented from the owner of the fishery the exclusive right of buying all fish caught there by all fishermen, or only such fishermen as employed particular kinds of nets, such as the gulli, ber, and the kona nets. Sometimes, they had the catches taken for themselves to the markets. At others they made a profit on the spot by reselling the fish immediately to the Nikaris or other middlemen present. These Beparis themselves fixed the market price of the catches and deducting two anas in the rupee as their commission paid the balance to the fishermen. The ordinary middlemen were called the Bhashan Bepari (temporary traders), who used to buy the catches of the fishermen on the river at wholesale prices, and either dispatched them to distant markets or sold them to the retail vendors in the locality. 162

The middleman used to make an advance to a party of fishermen, who could not after accepting the advance sell the fish they caught to any other middleman, not even to a consumer. The man who made the advance personally determined the value of the catch at gang dar (the rate on the river), deducted his commission of 4 anas in the rupee from the value, and paid the balance in cash to the fishermen. In this way the advance remained intact, and was sometimes paid off at the end of the season. No interest was charged on the advance. In some cases, the value of the catch was not determined on the spot, but the middleman took a quarter of the amount for which the whole catch was eventually sold. 163

The poor fishermen had often to borrow money for their maintenance in the slack season and also for marriages in their families. For these loans, they had often to pay as much as 150 per cent per annum. The middlemen were not often in debt, but the actual fish catchers were almost invariably indebted either to the middlemen or to the mahajans. 164

During the 1910s, it appears that their (middleman) average monthly income would be from Rs. 20 toRs. 200. The actual fishermen were, however, in a far worse plight, and their average monthly income is estimated at Rs. 7 to Rs. 20. The income of the retail vendors, the fisherwomen and the Katwars would be from Rs. 8 to Rs. 12 per month. The condition is well conveyed in a popular proverb, which says "Nikarir kaane sona, Jaliar parane tena'' (a middleman wears gold earrings and a fisherman wears rags). The income of the persons engaged in this industry used to rise during the fishing seasons and fall off during the slack months. 165

In 1914, Southwell argued that the trade was, strictly speaking, a monopoly, being almost entirely in the hands of a comparatively few men. The high price of fish is not entirely

162 De K.C, Report on the Fisheries of Eastern Bengal and Assam, Shillong, 1910. p. 40. 163 Ibid, p. 40. 164 Ibid, p. 40. 165 De K.C: op. cit. p. 41.

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due to scarcity but to the organization which existed for controlling these fisheries, and this organization was so powerful that nothing short of the opening out of the marine and estuarine fisheries would have the effect of alternatively lowering prices in Calcutta and in the Province generally, or of providing an adequate supply. 166

In 1938, Naidu, Fisheries Expert to the Government of Bengal, contended that the condition of the fishermen was very deplorable and it required immediate serious consideration. The poor fishermen were the actual toilers in the field and formed the basic unit or the very backbone of the industry. They were always indebted either to the city merchant or to the local·zamindars or to the 'Shylock' of his own village. He used to borrow money either for buying his boat or his nets or for his periodical excursions (which was in most cases for 3 weeks to 4 months) to the distant fishing grounds in the Sundarbans, the Hooghly, the Padma, the Meghna or the Brahmaputra for buying provisions, etc. for his fishing party or for his family. He used to pay the mahajan interest at 36 per cent. or even 75 per cent. at times. He was also bound to sell his catches only to the particular 'Nikaris' appointed by the mahajan who generally paid much less than the market rate. 167

Even by the middle of the twentieth century Hora was compelled to admit that nowhere in the world were fisherfolk so low economically and socially as in India. Though generally the fishermen were owners of the gear and tackle they operated and were not mere wage earners in many other places, they remained perpetually indebted to middlemen. The middlemen advanced loans to them during the off-season for their maintenance or other requirements, on the condition that all their catches would be sold to them at fixed prices. These prices were usually very low and formed unreasonably low percentages of the price at which the fish were resold by them to the consumers. As a result of this the income of the average fisherman was seldom more than sufficient for his daily needs and they were unable to clear their debts. They thus remained poor and almost permanently bounded to their creditors.

Fishery administrators in this country had generally been considering it necessary to weed out these middlemen to uplift the socio-economic condition of the fishermen. It appeared very improbable that for a long time to come, the middleman could be successfully eliminated from the trade without serious adverse repercussions on the industry as a whole. A general control in the marketing of fish as exercised in some of the South- East Asian countries would have arguably enabled the fishermen to derive the full benefit of their toil. The middleman also, just as the fishermen, could be induced to form co-operative organizations through which marketing could be undertaken in a regulated and controlled manner, ensuring fair treatment to all concerned in the industry. 168

S.N.Mitra, Deputy Conservator of Forest observed that most of the fisherman, except perhaps a handful of 'Nikaris' were more or less indebted to some or other mahajans.

166 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 63. 167 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 64. 168 Hora S.L, 'Major Problems of the Fisheries oflndia, with Suggestions for their Solution', J.A.S.S, Vol, XVIII, No, I, 1952. p. 90.

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Formerly they used to take advance or 'dadan', as it is called in Bengali, from the money-lenders on the hypothecation of their catches of fish at a fixed rate, much lower than the prevailing market rate, or to borrow money at a fixed rate of interest varying from 25 to 75 per cent. These systems had gone out of vogue to some extent since the passing of the Debt Settlement Act, which had made it difficult for the mahajan to extend their exorbitant demands, and as a result of the failure on the part of the fishermen to honour their debts due to increasing economic distress. The mahajans lent money only to a very few fishermen who were looked upon as most trustworthy, and could be depended upon to work of the debt; the interest charged was one ana per rupee per month. The leaders who thus borrowed money from the mahajan used to do so not only on their own account but also to help his fellow fishermen who were not trusted by the moneylenders. These lenders generally acted as agents for collection and tran~ortation of the fish caught by the respective group of fishermen attached to them. 16 The Report of the Techno- Economic Survey of West Bengal observes, 'Due to monopolistic control offish trade by a handful of middleman, the fishermen receive low ~rices for their catches while consumers have to pay high prices for what they purchase'. 1

The evidence of Heyden has also corroborated this phenomenon. Heyden argued that the West Bengal fish .traders had been mainly concerned with maintaining a very high price of fish in Calcutta even to the point of willfully limiting the availability of fish in the market. 171

Roy Chaudhuri has tried to explicate the problem. The main problem of the marine fisherfolk, he argues, was to secure cash to meet the huge expenditure (minimum six to seven thousand rupees for an established fishing unit) during the fishing season. To meet this expense, they were forced to take a major amount from financiers under the dadan system. The rest of the amount was secured from other villagers, friends and relatives at high rates of interest, which varied from 25% to 144%. Under these circumstances they were always in a state of insecurity in spite of their hard labour}72

Regarding the dadan system he added, the bahardars (team-leaders) were caught under the dadan system. By this system the mahajans floated money through their agents to different bahardars 'free of interest'. But the bahardars were to supply the catch of the whole season to the agents of their respective mahajans. The profit was as follows.

i. The bahardars got Rs 6 to 20 less than the prevailing market rate per maund or 8212 lbs.

ii. The bahardars had to give 42 kgs, or sometimes even' more for a maund of dry fish. 173

169 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 64. 170 Ibid, p. 64. 171 Ibid, p. 64. 172 Roy Chaudhuri B, 'Some Fishing Communities of West Bengal', Man in India, 1968, Vol, 49,3.

p. 246. 173 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 244-45.

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These capitalists also had a sort of association or some conventional obligations by which one mahajan abstained from advancing money to any team-leader till he repaid the whole amount borrowed in the previous year. It was also quite frequent that the mahajan could hardly realize the whole amount floated as dadan every year from the team-leaders. But it was customary for the mahajan to carry over the balance to the next year. 174

Thus one can see that the fishing trade had landed them in an abyss of hell due to unscrupulous and feudalistic exploitation by a section of middlemen and capitalist who had brought about ruination and almost complete extinction of this community. 175

More recently, Pramanik argues that the owners of the boats are generally compelled to take advance (dadan) from the aratdars (go-down owners) before commencement of fishing season. As the owners take dadan from the aratdars, thereby they are obliged to store the catches in their respective arats for auction. Sometimes the fishermen store their catch in the arats and they have to wait there several hours for sale. The aratdars provide them necessary ice for preservation. When the ice is not available locally, they purchase it from Kolkata at their own cost. During insufficient catches, the aratdars continue to advance money to the owners. Thus, even at present, there is no substitute for this mahajani system. Fishermen are tied to their mahajans though they are aware of being exploited. During auction the fishermen are · paid by the aratdars with several deductions. 176

If we go through each and every report on fishery of Bengal, in every case we can see the lamentation of the reporter for the distressed fishermen, and for this condition their arrow of complaint is always directed to the mahajan. Oral evidences can also substantiate this. The literary works, especially novels on fishermen, also show this role of the mahajan for the distress of fishermen. Zabbar's Eelis Marir Char, Manik Bandyopadhyay's Padma Nadir Majhi show how helpless these fishermen are, and they have no way to become free from the clutches of the mahajan. The role of the mahajan has also been also depicted in the same manner by Shakti Samanta in his film, Anyai Abichar. It shows the ruthless extortion of the fisherman by the mahajans. It resembles the Matsyanyay (the principle which holds that larger fishes will swallow or gobble up the smaller ones) i.e. a lawless or chaotic condition in which the strong exploited and oppressed the weak, during the year 637 to 750. In fishing industry the mahajans act as the larger fishes.

In a more recent study, Samanta has shown that the income of the fishermen of Sundarbans is dwindling still further. Most of them are perpetually in debt. It is seen that the sea-fishermen get as their remuneration only twenty per cent of their total catch and the rest goes to the pocket of various intermediate middlemen. Moreover, official reports show that fifty seven per cent of the seacoast fishermen are in debt in various ways. This, Samanta argues, perhaps is an underestimation. Infact, the number of indebted fishermen

174 Ibid, p. 245. 175 Saba K.C: op. cit. p. I 00. 176 Pramanik S.K, Fishermen community of coastal villages in West Bengal, Jaipur, 1993, pp. 132-33.

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is much more. The income of the fishermen with motorboat is naturally much higher but the expenditure of the fishermen of indigenous boat is more than their income. 177

One of the primary reasons for the backwardness in the progress of development of fisheries in India in general and West Bengal in particular was the economic helplessness of the fishermen community which had favored the easy entry of numerous middlemen and exploiters in the fish trade. 178 Moreover, in spite of limitations and difficulties, whatever fish is obtained by the poor fishermen in the Sundarbans estuaries, it will take 3-4 days to bring the catches to Calcutta market, which will lose some effective fishing days and thus fishing is likely to become an uneconomic and unattractive proposition to them. So they are to approach the 'Mahajans' who generally help them with cash advance in lieu of hypothecation of their expected catches at unseasonable low price and arrange for collection and transport of the catches from fishing fields and their subsequent marketing. 179

Though the State Fisheries Agency has arranged for quick transport facilities by departmental vessels at reasonable rate, but due to paucity of catches, it has not yet proved so fruitful. As the fishing fields were widely scattered, collection of the catches involve heavy expenditure on fuel. Moreover, non-availability of ice for proper preservation of fish in the fishing field is still another important difficulty for fishermen. At times, the mahajan take the ice in their carrier boats from Calcutta and distribute the same to their fishermen a¥encies. But more than 50 per cent of the ice melts down, adding to the cost of fish. 80 Various attempts have been made from time to time by different people, other than Nikaris, to buy directly from the fishermen, but they have all been unsuccessful, or, where temporarily successful, have eventually been frustrated by mishaps during the transit of the fish, or other accidents incident to the vagaries of a speculative business. 181

Moreover Government cannot take risk of insecure catch advance. But a 'mahajan' makes cash advance of several thousand to a 'savar' during winter going to Sundarbans for fishing without having any security or executing any formal agreement except some sort of verbal understanding. In the 'savar' the fishermen make their nets, boats etc. and then go to the fishing fields. The advance is then repaid from the value of fish they would catch and dispose of through their mahajan. If the poor fishermen do not get the cash advance in time, they would remain idle. If the fishermen do not get expected amount of fish during the season, then the mahajans' investment becomes a bad one towards repayment. 182

But the moot question is how did this mahajani system originate? In consequence of the Permanent Settlement, probably not more than 10 per cent of the fisheries belonged to the

177 Samanta A, Prakritik Biparjay o Manus, Kolkata, 2003, p. 38. 178 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 105. 179 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 47. 180 Ibid, p. 47. 181 Southwell T, Fishery Investigation, 1915. p. 44. 182 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 70.

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Government. For the most part of fishery rights belonged to zamindars. Hence the Government was not in a position to deal with the fisheries in the manner customary in other countries. Multiplicity in ownership of fishery right rendered uniformity of aims and objects almost impossible. The question was further complicated because zamindars were rarely able to take a practical interest in fisheries they owned. The cultivation of the soil was an occupation considered to be more befitting their rank and education. The result was that the fisheries were leased out for nominal sums. The lessee re-leased at a large profit and this process went on through several stages. Eventually the burden falls on the fisherman who ultimately becomes so poor that he is rarely able to purchase appliances necessary to continue his vocation with success. It is not unusual to find that under these circumstances fishermen have resorted to moneylenders and in this way have acquired liabilities from which they are never able to free themselves.183

Table-2.2

Sources of money taken on interest for the fishing season 1967-68.

Caste from whom Units on salary basis. Units on share basis. Total. loan taken.

Baroi

Brahman

Goal a

Kaibarta

Khaiari

Kayastha

Kumhar

Malo

Namasudra

Nap it

Sahu

Total

No, of Amount % of interest No. of Amount % of interest per No. of Amount % of interest occurrence (in Rs) per annum (in occurrence (in Rs) annum (in Rs) occurren (in Rs) per annum (in

Rs) ce. Rs).

Range Average Range Average Range Average.

3 2,000 36-48 44 ..................... ................... ................................. 3 2,000 36-48 44

......................... .................. ............. ............ 3 3,400 60--144 108 3 3,400 60--144 108

I 200 120 120 ...................... .............. .................. ................ I 200 120 120

7 2,200 25-144 72.14 5 1,700 60-144 108 12 3,900 25-144 87.08

2 700 25-36 30.50 .................... .................... .................. .............. 2 700 25 36 50.50

3 3,400 25-144 64.66 .................... .................. .................. ................ 3 3,400 25 144 64.66 -

......... .. .............. ............................. I 800 60 60 I 800 60 60

.......... .. .................. ............................... I 200 144 144 I 200 144 144

...... ................ ............. . ............ 2 850 60-98 78 2 850 6(}-96 78

2 900 3(}-36 28 ........... .......... _ --~-·-~--

............ 2 900 30-36 28

I 300 48 48 I 400 120 120 2 700 48-120 84

19 9,700 25-144 58.74 13 7,350 60-144 103.38 32 17,050 25-144 76.88

Source: Roy Chaudhuri: op. cit. p. 148.

Presently, the fishermen have a different story to tell. A fisherman, Khadal Gobra, 63 years, (Puri) recalls that in the year1972 the Government declared that the Government would offer mechanized boats to the fishermen with certain conditions. Those who

183 Southwell T, Certain Facts Relating to the Fisheries of Bengal Bihar and Orissa, Year of publication is not mentioned. pp. 1-2.

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sought to take the mechanized boat had to deposit security money of rupees one Iakh. So the actual fishermen could not accept the offer. But some non-fishermen, rich persons quickly came forward and accepted the offer. At present, they have become mahajan or aratdars i.e. the wholesalers of fish. Many poor fishermen are working there. So the actual fishermen are being deprived and find no change is their lot. 184

T. Southwell argues that at present, the fish trade of Calcutta is, strictly speaking, a monopoly, being almost entirely in the hand of a comparatively few men. There may be many middlemen between the fishermen and the retail buyer, but the two principal actors ones are the salesmen and the· Nikari remain. The Nikaris are to be found wherever there are fisheries of importance. They purchase directly from the fishermen, and, by close association to business, these Nikaris have succeeded in obtaining very extensive control over the fishermen. The Nikari collects the fish and forwards it direct to the salesmen in Calcutta or elsewhere. 185

The fact is further corroborated by De who notices that the fishery leases are taken very often by middlemen or dealers in fish, who are richer and can bid higher or give better security for rent than the actual fishermen. Hence, in most cases the lessee does not catch fish himself, but either divides the fishery in small sections and sublets them or grants licenses on payment of fees to the actual fish catchers". 186

In the famous Bengali novels like Zabbar's Eelis Marir Char, it has been shown that the fishermen were aspiring for a strip of land for building their own housing or for cultivation. Actually their degrading economic condition compelled them to give up their traditional occupation whenever it was possible and wanted to take part in the fish trade.

Risley had shown that the primary occupation of the fishermen community was to catch fish and sell it to the market. In the last decade of the 191

h century Dr. Wise had noticed an interesting social aspect of the fishermen community of Eastern Bengal. When a man of this class, he remarked, could save some money, his first idea was to give up fishing and become a fish monger (Nikari). 187

So it shows a change in cultural concept of the community over time. The transformation of fishermen to fish trader or middleman is significantly reflected in the social geography, social mobility and social structure. The advantage of English education and invention of new technology influenced the community. Moreover, many outsiders have penetrated within the community and there also developed 'a class within a class'.

But the question is why was it so? Scholars have also investigated the cause of such state of the poor fishermen. In former days, argues Basu, the village of a big zamindar was almost like a town and every class of professional caste could be found near about. But by the first half of the twentieth century the zamindars were all absentee landlords. New

184 Oral evidence of an old fisherman, Ganapati Dalai, 63 years at Puri, interviewed on 16.10.2005. 185 Southwell T, Fishery Investigation, 1915, p. 44. 186 D . 10 e: op. czt. p. . 187 Risley H.H,- Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol, I, Calcutta, reprint 1981, p. 381.

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towns were growing elsewhere at Government administrative centers. Consequently, the poor fishermen could find only a poor market at their old places. They had not the means to carry their catch to distant and better markets and they were compelled to sell their catch to the middlemen, which left only a small margin of profit for themselves. Moreover there was a great exodus of middle class people towards the towns, and Bengal villages were gradually getting deserted. In some of the districts like Jessore, Nadia, 24 Parganas, Hooghly, Howrah and ilurdwan, malaria had largely contributed to the deserted condition of villages. This resulted in leaving the poor fishermen poorer still and without the possibility sometimes even of properly selling their catch. 188 Similar complaint was raised by Gupta. He apprehended that there would also be trouble, especially in Calcutta, with the middlemen and wholesale dealers who had great influence over the actual catchers, many of the latter being under pecuniary obligation to them, and who would no doubt oppose any measure affecting their business arrangements. 189

Contemporary commentators suggested that it would be necessary to make arrangements in Calcutta for selling these fish retail. If this was not done, the full price of the fish would not be realized, middlemen would absorb almost all the profit, and the price of fish would still remain high. In fact the degree of success of any such enterprise would depend, in large measure, on retailing the fish, and thus saving the necessary and undesirable expenses of middlemen. 190

Saha rightly notices that fishery is the only source of living of the fishermen, but its ownership vested in a privileged few. Fisheries lies in the hands of the few rich and due to their monopoly the fishermen lead a life of fishery-less labors. Their crafts and gears are primitive and inefficient. Their economic problems relate to land reforms involving fishery, methods of production, purchase of domestic and production requisites, provisions of credit and marketing. Due to economic helplessness, they are compelled to sell their produce in advance to the middleman at a very low price in exchange of supply their domestic and production requirements and other credit accommodation, which they need. 'They buy dear and sell cheap' .191

A tentative conclusion can be drawn from all these. The fishermen are still in the darkest cavity of so-called civilized society of which we boast. Poverty and illiteracy, superstition and conservatism, a low social status and the humiliating rule of the caste Hindus, and above all, the primitive fishing equipments they are provided with, have jointly contributed to their present plight from which they never had had any occasion to rise up and assert themselves in the past. They have no say in the production of fish and their abject poverty have subjected them to a vicious circle where the maxim is 'exploit till he is dead', a condition similar to that of the slaves in medieval Europe. 192

188 Basu M, 'Economic Adjustment and Suggestion for Improvement of Fish, Fishing and Fishermen in a Bengal Village', The Calcutta Review, March 1946. p. 140. 1&9 Gupta K.G: op. cit. p. 34.

190 Southwell T, Fishery Investigation, Bull No.4, 1915, p. 22. 191 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.1 05. 192 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.1 02.

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In fact a complex and elaborate 'fish ring' operates in the fish trade even today taking advantages of the large breach between the demand and supply on the one hand and the economic helplessness of the fishermen on the other. The farias, nikaris, baparis, paikars, aratdars and retailers form a conspicuous chain of middlemen rather a chain of parasites. The monetary assistance with high rate of interest or the 'dadan' the fishermen receive to do their business far outweighs the good it does to them; rather this unsavory role acts as subtle mechanism to dictate price much below the prevailing market rate, exact illegal gratifications and to keep them in perpetual debt for generation to generation. It is disheartening that this vital food is virtually monopolized by a handful of traders and fishery owners in West Bengal today who look more to their own self-interest rather than to the national interest. 'Fishery to the fishermen' is still a far cry today like 'land to the tillers' .193

2. 7. Fishermen's Co-operatives: The idea of Co-operative is nothing new in essence and spirit to our countrymen or our forefathers. Co-operative is the foundation stone of the Hindu family in India. Its keynote is 'joint in food, worship and estate'. Co-operation is in the heritage of us and the Indians have been cultivating it for thousands of years. The caste system has taken a rigid mould over centuries. It is now hampering our national progress and threatening natural integration whereas such a system was evolved simply as a logical method of dividing labour with the object of securing maximum social efficiency and responsibility with minimum social friction. 194

Friedrich Wilhelm Raiffeisen, an important social reformer of Germany, initiated the Co­operative movement as early as in the nineteenth century. During the beginning of twentieth century the British Government introduced this movement in India. Then the Co-operative Credit Societies Act became law in this country in March 1904. This Act was supplemented subsequently by Co-operative Societies Act, 1912, Government of India's Act of 1919 and other Provincial Acts. In the year 1905 in Calcutta the first Co­operative Society appears to have been established. However, this was a credit society after the enactment of the Act of 1904, but the setting up of the fishermen's Co-operative Society was still obscure, and it came up at a much later date by some non-fishermen. 195

We have already explained the economic condition of the fishermen of Bengal and the extent of their exploitation by the middlemen. De in 1910 observed that he had made several attempts in various places to form co-operative societies among the fishermen. This was evidently a difficult task, as the fishermen were very ignorant and conservative, and the middlemen were only the more prosperous men of the same castes, who wielded enormous influence over their brethren, and De regretted that he had not met with any success yet. 196

.

193 Ibid, p. 102. 194 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.l 04. 195 Ibid, p. 104. 196 Saha K.C: op. cit. pp.l04- 05.

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To improve the condition of the fishermen Southwell suggested that there was one way in which a great step could be taken to improve the status of the fishermen, and that was to form co-operative societies. It would not be merely that of lending money to fishermen at a lower rate of interest than was extorted by moneylenders. It should be remembered that very frequently the fishermen had no security to offer. Further, it would be almost impossible to start societies at places far removed from central banks. There were several ways, he argued, in which co-operative societies could be useful. The objects to be attained would obviously vary at different places, but might be roughly summarized as follows:--

1. Helping to free fishermen from the clutches of the Nikaris and moneylenders.

2. Assisting fishermen to obtain nets and boats cheaply.

3. Assisting fishermen to dispose of their catches when necessary

4. Assisting bodies of fishermen to obtain fishery leases direct without the unnecessary intervention of series of middlemen. 197

About the necessity of co-operative system Basu suggested for the proper marketing some sort of training for the poor fishermen, and transport of catch to some neighboring markets. The Parois (fishermen) could procure a motor lorry for their village through some co-operative system. In that case they could easily send their catch every morning within an hour to Jessore, where fresh fish was almost unavailable. It would be very profitable to them and within a few years, they would be able to repay the debt of the co­operative bank with interest and henceforth go on making sufficient profit to enable them to live above want. 198

Regarding the Indian Co-operative movement Raina argued in the year 1928 that fish was an article of daily consumption in Bengal and a large quantity of them was obtained from the innumerable marshes of Bengal. This was really a business proposition and the Bengal Co-operative Department ought to try to secure the right of fishing, on lease or a monopoly, on behalf of a Co-operative Organization organized for the purpose. 199

About the fishermen of West Bengal, Saha observed in the year 1970, that there were about one lakh fishermen in trade in West Bengal most of whom were poor, illiterate, ignorant and superstitious, ill-fed and ill-clad, in debt over head and ears for generations. They belonged to a community most backward socially and economically for thousand of years. They were once the human objects of sacrifice in 'Purusamedha' like beasts in prehistoric ages, and they were then the most neglected community in the country, subject to various social injustice and inequalities. Food shelter and education were their

197 Southwell T, Certain Facts to the Fisheries of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, Year not mentioned, p. 3. 198 Basu M.C, Economic Adjustment and Suggestion for Improvement ofFish, Fishing and Fishermen in a Bengal village', The Calcutta Review, March, 1946, p. 141. 199 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.1 05.

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primary needs. Things would improve if fishermen were brought under co-operative system.200

At present, there are more than 500 fishermen co-operative engaged in fish trade and fishing industry all over West Bengal. It is said that the working of fisheries through fishermen co-operatives would be a means to end the existing evil practices. But there is hardly such a society, which is in a position to work independent of the middlemen exploiters. The principles of the Government are that in all matters of cash credit facilities, settlement of Jalkar, transport and marketing of catches and distribution of capital goods etc. preference should be given to fishermen co-operatives. But 'the middlemen exploiters and other vested interests, sometimes from among the fishermen themselves, come forward to take full advantage of the facilities offered with insincere motives'.

Ideally the co-operation, 'stands for individual rights tempered by considerations of justice, equality and fair dealing as between man and man, and its one great aim is to prevent the exploitation of the weaker by the stronger party'. Its motto is 'everybody for all and all for everybody'. But in West Bengal one can find that in the fishermen co­operative none of the high ideals is working actually. Here the comment of an eminent fishery scientist is very much relevant: 'co-operation makes very little effective appeal to the disparately poor, as also to the very rich'. One is too weak to successfully evoke any measure of self-help; the other is too strong economically to need any collective aid, and as the fishermen of Bengal are very much poor so co-operation has not made any appreciable progress among them. Some of the non-fishermen politicians are posing them as benefactors of the suffering community. They have a group of their own, set-up agents among the fishermen themselves, who ultimately deprive the workers controlling their respective co-operatives. 201

Though the co-operative movement has obtained sufficient momentum in recent years, still it has failed to serve its purpose to ameliorate the condition of the poor fishermen, to stop exploitation by the mahajans and bring the fishermen away form their tentacles and to enthuse the fishermen with new hope and aspiration. The inherent problems as were earlier are still there and would remain there till a fresh approach is made to this 'burning problem' to solve it entirely. Though the co-operative is concerned with production, preservation and transport, marketing and distribution is still in a nebulous state even after half a century of its work. The problem is not only a social or humanitarian one but a problem of a community going to extinction, also a far more complicated problem for the entire nation 'a problem of food production affecting the national health and nutrition of the people' .2°2

200 Ibid, p. 105. 201 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.l 05-06. 202 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.l 07.

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Table-2.3

Results of Co-operative movement in early years.

Year. Total No. of fishermen's Co- In West Bengal Districts. In East Bengal Districts. operative formed.

1917. 5 Nil. 5 1918. 5 2 3 1919. 8 6 2 1920. 3 Nil 3 1921. 16 I 15 1922. 2 Nil 2 1923. 5 Nil 5 Total. 44 9 35

Source: Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 106.

In the year 1923 total number of co-operative were 44 only in the undivided Bengal, while in 1965 this number came up to 503 in West Bengal alon:e. Though the number of the co-operatives has increased very much during these years in an area, which is one­third of the undivided Bengal, but the progress in the socio-economic field is not satisfactory at all. 203

Table- 2.4

After partition the picture in West Bengal is as follows.

Year. No. of fishermen's Co- Total No. of members. Share capital Rs. In Working capital Rs. In operative. lakh. lakh.

1949. 244 10,128 0.36 0.178 1965. 503 29,451. 6.76. 27.80

Source: Saha K.C: op. cit. p.J 07.

It is clear from the statistical evidence that the co-operative movement has a spectacular progress among the fishermen from organizational viewpoint. But the socio-economic condition of this community or even the portion under the co-operative fold now have not improved in any way while the benefits of such societies have been reaped only by a handful of intelligent persons of the community.204

In this way there grew 'a class within a class'. Mere formation of co-operative seems to be not the solution. Persons at the helm of affairs have persistently thought of improving the lot of fishermen and to eliminate the middlemen's exploitation through formation of co-operatives without attaching due importance to the handicaps and limitations. In case

203 Saha K.C: op. cit. p. 106-07. 204 Ibid, p. 107.

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of failure in achieving the aims, one generally speaks of the illiteracy, superstition, and various other vices etc. of the fishermen community and tries to throw the entire responsibility on those poor people.205

By the eighties of the twentieth century there were as many as 794 primary fishermen's co-operative societies, 18 Central Societies and 1 State Level Apex Co-operative, viz. West Bengal State Fishermen's Co-operative Federation Ltd. Their achievements are not uniform. In some societies the per capita income of a fisherman member has been more than Rs. 1,500 per month, but in majority of the functioning societies, the per capita income of a fishennan member has not exceeded Rs. 250 per month. The most hindrance to the development of these societies lies in the existence of middlemen and vested interests that intend to capture all powers of the society and utilize it as a source of their own economic benefit. The Fisheries Department in collaboration with the Co-operation Department has taken up the task of elimination of these obstacles.206

More recently, most of the big bils and baors have been leased out to the co-operative societies for undertaking pisciculture. For improvement of bil fisheries, adequate finance is available from N C D C as well as from the State Government. 207

West Bengal State Fishermen's Co-operative Federation Ltd. was set up in March 1978. Its primary function was to mobilize various fishery inputs like oilcakes, lime, rice-bran, fertilizers, twine, fishing nets, out-board engines etc. to the fish farmers at reasonable rates either directly or through primary co-operative societl' It brought co-ordination between the central and the primary co-operative societies?0 It is noteworthy that these fish farmers may be or may not be fishermen.

About the financial support to marine fishermen, the Annual Administrative Report for the year, 1981-82 seems encouraging:

Firstly, a scheme has been launched under I.R.D.P for the development of Sarani fishing in the coastal belt of Digha. This scheme provides subsidy @ 33113% which is borne by the Development and planning Department and subsidy @ 16213 % is provided by the Fisheries Department. The rest 50% is given by the State Bank of India as loan. During 1981-82, Fisheries Department released an amount of Rs. 17,700 as subsidy for this purpose during 1981-82.

Secondly, to provide financial support to the fish production groups, for acquiring nets and hapas, this department granted Rs. 4, 00, 000 in the year 1981-82 as subsidy. Under this scheme a subsidy @ 40% was provided by the State Government. The object was to build up community asset in the form of net or hapa to be owned by the fish production groups so that common service facilities for netting could be provided to other pisciculturists by these groups by letting their nets on hire.

205 Saha K.C: op. cit. p.l 06. 206 Annual Administrative Report for the year 1981-82, Dept. of Fisheries, Govt. ofW.B. p.6 207 Ibid, p. 6. 208 Ibid, p.6.

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Thirdly, under the ARDC Credit Project III and IV, financial assistance is extended to groups of fishennen or fishermen co-operatives engaged in fishing in the estuaries and in the in-shore, off-shore or coastal area of the sea for acquiring mechanized boats, combination vessels, country boats and nets. In such cases 25% of the project cost is provided by the department as subsidy and the balance 75% is .financed by the banks as loan to the beneficiaries. If the beneficiaries belong to S.C and S.T., below the poverty line, some additional subsidy may come from other sources e.g. (a) Subsidy from Fisheries Department- 25% of the project cost. (b) Subsidy from the D.M. under Special Component Plan with special Central assistance- 25% of the project cost.(c) Margin money loan from the W.B.S.C&T, Development and Finance Corporation Ltd.- 25% of the project cost. (d) Bank loan 25% of the project cost.

Lastly, there is still another scheme for providing financial assistance to fishermen belonging to Bhasa Behundi Net Group, Duba Behundi Net Group, Hook and Lime Group etc. in the coastal areas of Midnapore for the purpose of supplying nets, boats and other fishing equi~ments. Under this scheme, 40% of the cost of equipment is granted in kind as subsidy. 2 9

Nevertheless, oral evidence reveals that fishermen of Digha, Midnapore, are not willing to take any loan from Fishermen's Co- operative as the organization does not allegedly take proper care of the poor fishermen; at the same time it is a procrastinating process. On the other hand, the function of a fishermen's Co-operative at Phuleswar (Howrah) is satisfactory. 210

2.8. Rituals: Regional variation is an established fact in history. The fishermen community of Bengal though has some common features is also subject to variations. As both Hindus and Muslims belong to this community, the difference among them is noticeable in religion and social behaviors. But still their occupational pattern has imbibed among themselves a common feeling. This feeling has reflected in their folk songs and folk tales. Their hard struggle with the rivers, the sea, and their fluctuating fortunes according to the whims of the monsoons, bind both the communities together in their struggle for existence.

Roychaudhari rightly observes that marine fishing is a hard techno-economic task. In order to muster some strength of mind, to face the risk of great uncertainty in catch and danger of the environment, the fisherfolk are in constant look out for systematic support from supernatural beings. Therefore, they have naturally developed a certain amount of fatalism in their worldview? 11

On the other hand, Pramanik argues that their ritualistic practices have a religious connotation. As these practices are very old in origin, it is obvious that the religious nexus from which they originated must have been of necessity in some form of primitive

209 Annual Administrative Report for the year, 1981-82. pp. 8-9. 210 Oral evidence ofFishennan, Rabindra Seet of 52 years at Digha (Midnapur), on 15.10.06 and 16.10.05. 211 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 112.

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religion. So the difference between religion and magic is very thin indeed. People are still continuing certain magico-religious rites on some special solemn occasions because they believe that thereby they could be assured of the fulfillment of their ends. There is no explicit casual relation between the observance of a rite and the fulfillment of the objective for which it is observed, because in that case it would be a scientific procedure and not a rite at all. Sometimes, there is a rational kernel in the rite that is performed! and the performance of the rite can be in such cases, explained in utilitarian terms. But most rituals are not like this, so the utilitarian explanation does not solve the mystery of rites. Therefore the question is why do people have non-rational beliefs about the efficacy of religions rites and rituals?212

·

Rituals are symbolic expression of the society, and it helps preserve and perpetuate the values through which society expresses itself continually. When the group assembles to celebrate a rite, interpersonal relations are renewed and produce a new consciousness among the individuals. On ordinary days, men attend to their personals work, but on days of ritual feasts, their thoughts turn to 'their common beliefs, their common traditions, the memory of their great ancestors, the collective ideal of which they are incarnation, in a word, upon social things'. The rites enable every members of the group 'to carry out with confidence his important tasks, to maintain his poise and mental integrity in fits of anger, in throes of hate, of unrequited love, of despair and anxiety'. It is in these cohesive, revitalizing and euphoric functions that the social reference of rituals and the clue to the resilience of the non-rational magico- religious belief associated with them, are to be found? 13

This phenomenon is not unique in Bengal. S.Bhakthavatsala Bharathi observes in the South Indian fishing community that each society has its own tensions, sufferings, antagonisms, conflicts and protests which are manifestly or latently reflected in its magico-religious phenomena. Certain specific modes of actions connected with these phenomena serve as safety valves for venting offpressures.214

Coming to our own study area one can possibly rightly argue that the occupational hazards of the fishermen community had made them highly superstitious. While catching fish they had to face various natural calamities and in order to make themselves free from the calamities they had acquired beliefs in some supernatural activities. For the cure of the diseases for many days they believed in 'Gunin' and 'Ojha' (a quack claiming to have magical power of curing snake bite etc.). They had little belief in the modern medical system. While on the sea, they had different beliefs about the different winds. They had also belief of the ghosts, because the ghosts are supposed to be very fond of fish. It is quite natural that the fishermen should be very much afraid of the storm in the sea. They are used to attribute the cause of the storm to the death of a 'Gunin'. To their belief, after

212 Pramanik S.K: op. cit pp. 105-06. 213 Ibid, p. 106. 214 Bhakthavatsala Bharathi S, 'Spirit Possession and Healing Practices in a South India Fishing Community' Man in India, December 1993, 73(4). P. 343.

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the death the 'Gunin' becomes a 'Dana' (Demon). So in order to satisfy the storm, they performed various ceremonies.2 15

About the 'evil eye and amulets' Roy Chaudhuri argues that the majhi plays an important role in fishing. He and his crewmen are sometimes found to put on amulets made of astadhatu (eight specific varieties of metals) collected in a new moon night, on Saturday. The collector must be completely naked on that occasion. Sometimes, they may also be found to keep the kanta (spine) made of the surjamukhi (three spines in the tail ofSankar fish).

The fishermen have a strong belief in evil eye, evil spirit and evil face. It is believed that sometimes due to evil eye and evil face, fishes cannot be hauled. As a precautionary measure, some chanted water or saran parajal (a person who knows the secret of the art, collect the water from the western bank of a confined pond early in the morning, and the collector should go on reciting incantations and sawing the water, so collected, in the pot with some teethed implement like sickle.) is brought. It is sprinkled around the Khunti area at the time of its establishment and also sprinkled over the nets and the crewmen.

The fisher folk are not always guided by superstitions. There are some rational considerations too. When it is seen that the fishes are not entangled for some technical defects or for natural causes, rational steps are taken to meet these exigencies. But, if any technical defect cannot be detected and when it is seen that others are getting sufficient catches just by the side of one's net, then it is believed to be the effect of some evil eye or evil face. Then the chanted water is sprinkled over the spot.216

During preparation of fishing gears, the boat, the net etc. the fishermen perform certain rituals. These can be conveniently summarized as follows.

The boat: On the day of laying the keel of the boat, worship of bir (a deity) is performed by the caste priest with fruits and flowers as offerings. When the boat becomes complete it is again worshipped. Married women smear the stern and prow of the boat with vermilion and mustard oil. They greet the boat with barandala (a winnowing fan containing some cereals, paddy, peas, barley, an earthen lamp, water, blades of grass, mango twig etc.) Some sweets are also distributed on this occasion. When a boat is purchased and brought to the owner's house, the women also perform the same greeting with barandala. 217

The net: The number of meshes in a net depends on the rashi i.e. the position of the planet at the time of birth of the net owner. It is believed that the successful catch is expected if the net is prepared in conformity with the number of the rash nam. It is also believed that till the different parts of the net are joined together, they are separate inanimate objects; but as soon as they are joined together, they are considered as animate

215 Basu S, Ganga, A Bengali Novel. pp. 91, 113. 216 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 112-13. 217 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 114.

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objects with the power of feel and see when the ritual connected with it is over?18 Phur­basani i.e. the life infusing ceremony is the most important ritual connected with net making. It is performed when the four chokhs, which are separately knitted, are joined, and then it infuses life in the net.

Three or five married women greet the net with baran data containing three earthen lamps, an earthen pot, vermilion etc. One iron nail, a conch shell, bach, turmeric, a small date palm tree having one leaf, a little piece of gold and silver, sandal wood paste, vermilion and curd are tied together in a bundle with seven mango leaves. Such four bundles are tied to the four eyes of the net where vermilion marks are also made. Then four men sit in a stooping posture in front of the four eyes of the net. They chew betel leaf, betel nut and green turmeric and blow air from their mouth over the eyes of the net. It is believed that if the net is made impure with air blow from the mouth or spitted over, the evil spirits would divert their route, and the net will be saved. The iron nail has a supposedly magical power to frighten away the evil spirits. Some fresh fish are also strewn over the net at the time of ritual with the idea that it will bring more fish in the net.219 The fishermen believe that they cannot net fish unless the fish allow themselves to be caught. So, they worship the fish. 22° Finalli, Pramanik argues that the observations of ceremonies give confidence to the fishermen? 1

Prior to their departure for voyage, they perform three kinds of rituals i.e. paying offerings to deities in the form of a puja. One of them is Shani puja, performed on the Saturday to avert any danger in the sea. Secondly, Satya Narayan puja is performed in a certain way and devotional songs depicting the honour of the Lord Krishna are sung. Lastly, Ganga puja is very important in the life of fisherfolk. They believe that their life and success in fishing depend on her grace. Those who had made special vows to Ganga may sacrifice goats while others worship her with fruits and flowers. 222 Pramanik however believes that two more ceremonies are performed, namely, Harirloot and Buro Thakuranir puja. Harirloot is performed to honour 'Trinath ': Brahma, Vishnu and Maheswara in the belief that there will be no calamity during the fishing expedition. On the other hand, Buro Thakuranir puja is performed in a special manner. Fishermen believe that they will not be able to haul a good catch if they do not follow these faithfully. If they are satisfied with proper puja, they will fetch a good catch. A few things are also prohibited in the context of their fishing. For example, the fishermen do not touch their nets in the morning before having a bath if they had indulged in sexual intercourse the previous night. Secondly, the arrangement and actual performance of the Buro Thakuranir puja is done only by a widow who does not menstruate. This idea is due to the fact that she is free from lust and so fit to worship god.223

218 Roy Chaudhuri: op. cit. p. 115, also see Pramanik S.K: op. cit. p. 112. 219 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit pp. 114-16. 220 Pramanik S.K: op. cit. p. 107. 221 Pramanik S.K: op. cit. p. 108. 222 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 117. 223 Pramanik S.K: op. cit. pp. 108-10.

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In the morning of the day of the voyage, five married women bring one baran dala to the riverside. They smear the two ends of the boat with mustard oil and sprinkle some water over it. It is a symbolic bathing ritual of the boat and Kastha Davis, the female goddess, who is the presiding deity of it. Then two ends of the boat are smeared with vermilion, and garlanded. Some paddy grains are strewn over it and turmeric mixed with water, thought to be auspicious and symbolically representing water mixed with gold and silver, is sprinkled with basil (tulsi) leaves and blades of grass. Womenfolk then make some uludhwani (a sound made by Hindu women by moving their tongues within their mouths on any occasion) and perform arati (act of greeting a deity by waving a lamp, fan etc. before his I her face) with the earthen lamp. Lastly, they salute the boat and sweets are distributed there.224

Moreover, in case of any danger, vows are made in the name of Ganga and she is propitiated accordingly. It is also believed that the deities sometimes appear in dream to any of the fortunate crewmen who lives in austerity. The deity is believed to give some indications about the success or failure in fishing or about any imminent danger or of her desire to have any special propitiation, and therefore she is appeased accordingly.225

In every fishing ground there is one presiding deity which is known as different names in different fishing grounds e g. Badar Saheb (a Muslim Pir), Banadevi, Kopil Baba (Muni), Gaji Saheb (a Muslim Pir), Nai Kali etc. On reaching the shore, they perform certain rituals and establish the shrine for Ganga within the khunti area and worship it.

Goddess Ganga is invariably represented by an earthen pot while some other deities like Gaji, Ban Davis etc. are represented by earthen mounds or earthen pots. Many other deities Ganga, Kali, Narayana, Ganesha, Durga, Mahadeva are represented by printed picture. But Gaji must be placed separately though under the same shed.

It is interesting to note here that the east Bangladesh fisherfolk are not aware of the deity Banabibi, which is very common in West Bengal. After their migration, the Muslim suffix bibi has been replaced by the Hindu suffix devi. But the fisher folk of West Bengal have not changed her name. It is believed that the Banadevi is the presiding deity of the poisonous snakes, tigers and other wild animals, which infest the area of Sundarbans. As they have to collect firewood from the jungle when they are in the fishing ground, they try to appease her.226 The position ofBanadevi is quite high.227

After the establishment of the shrine, it is worshipped thrice a day. After the third worship the incense burner is taken round the Khunti area. This is done to drive away the evils of the Khunti. In their frank statements the economic rationality is also reflected that vows, performing of rituals and devotional songs alone cannot give better catch, nor can they bring sweet water in their wells to quench their thrust. Even then vows are made in

224 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 118. 225 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 120. 226 Chattopadhyay, Sutapa, Colonial Agrarian Policy and Socio-Cultural Changes in the Sundarbans, Chapter III, pp. 39-76. Unpublished Ph D Dissertation, Calcutta University, 2000 227 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp.l20-3.

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case of any imminent danger in the sea or repeated damage of the wooden posts holding the net when set in the sea and Ganga is propitiated with great devotion with the expectation that the desired beneficial results would follow.

The whole of the Khunti area is considered sacred and various taboos are connected with it. No one should commit nuisance within that area. Even after taking their meal they do not wash their mouth and hand within the Khunti area. Pairing of nails or cropping of hair is also tabooed within the area. Boiling of dirty clothing is also not allowed. Even wild pigs, which are in abundance in the island, are not allowed to be cooked within the Khunti for fear of pollution. So some of them take it in the boat. Further, it was observed that once the catch is spread within the Khunti area for drying, they are not taken again for personal or others consumption, nor can they be sold fresh till completely dried.

All these observances give some charm and a taste for variety in their isolated life so fully tied to the routine of techno-economic activities.Z28

Regarding the first net setting certain rituals are also observed. The worship of the shrine of Ganga is performed properly and all the fishing gears are marked with :vermilion etc. Then the fishing gears with all accessories are carried over to the boat and certain rituals are performed and the boats . start. After reaching the selected spot, some of the worshipped articles (flowers etc.) are thrown in the sea. Before dropping the net it is firmly tied with two vertically fixed wooden posts. The majhi sprinkles some water from his mouth into the open end of the net to avert the evils of the sea. Some of the majhis also throw ducks eggs marked with vermilion. They have a belief that if any of the crewmen feels that the net should be treated with preservative his desire is to be fulfilled even at the cost of some economic loss, lest any ill luck befalls. The fisherfolk of East Bengal return to their villages every day and their females take active part in fishing rituals.229

The rituals performed by fishermen residing at the coastal areas of Bengal can be well compared to the rituals about the first catch performed by the fisherfolk of East Bengal. When the first catch arrives the shore, it is greeted by five married women with a baran dala. Some betel leaves and turmeric are purchased with the money of sold fish (first catch) and some amount of money is left for the performance of Ganga puja. In Chittagong the catch used to be offered in the name of Radar Saheb. Sometimes the fish is sold and the money so realized is used for performing the worship celebrated at that time or at the annual Ganga puja. They say about their first catch: when Mother Ganga has given us the fish, we should not burn it, although it can be boiled in water. But this perception is not always shared by the crewmen. 230

About the first challan some rituals are performed in some of the share-based fishing units. None of the crewmen crops hair, pairs nails, cleans clothes, nor do they use soap or

228 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 123-124. 229 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 125-26. 230 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 126-27.

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oil, fry the catch in oil, smoke it till the first challan is made. Five basketful dried fish are kept near the shrine of Ganga and some sea water is ~rinkled over it. They are also marked with vermilion and certain rituals are performed. 31

The annual Ganga Puja is an important festival of the fishermen. Roychaudhari says it is performed by raising subscriptions from all of the Khuntis to relieve the monotony of life. The management is a performed by the bahardars or by the officials of Government. The Muslims do not take any active part in this ritual, although they pay subscriptions. They attend the ceremony and some of the energetic Muslim young are found to dance in the cultural functions connected with the Puja. Friends and relatives of members attend the Puja. They purchase the image of the deity from neighboring township. The goddess is represented by a female form with four hands riding on a makar (an imaginary sea animal). They bring the image at the eleventh hour, which depends on the volume of catch, which they cannot foresee. Those who cannot get the image, perform the worship on earthen pot.

In the morning of the worship, the bahardar carries a new earthen pot marked with vermilion and mango twig into its mouth and sings devotional songs. One of the crewmen goes on sprinkling water from another pot with the idea of purifying the whole track and the bahardar installs the pot in the name of Ganga. The offerings are, in general, fruits and flowers. Goats may also be offered or let loose after the worship if there is such a vow. The colour of the goat depends according to vow. The bahardar offers a few strings of hair from his head expressing his great reverence. At the end of the ceremony, some chanted water is sprinkled over all the fishing gears.

In the process of letting loose of the goat, after bathing it, its horns and head are smeared with turmeric and vermilion. A few tulsi leaves, wood apple and blade of grass are tied round its neck. The bahardar gets hold of the goat and recites some incantations as prompted by the caste priest. Some quantity of rice and a few coins are also tied round the neck with a new napkin. Then the goat is just raised a little from the ground by the bahardar and is touched with the earthen pot installed in the name of deity, and finally it is let loose and they make good use of it. But it cannot be slain inside the khunti nor can it be cooked there to avoid pollution of the khunti area, if the bahardar is a Vaisnavite, but it could be feasted on at other places or in boats.

Some superstitious beliefs are connected with this day. It is believed that the deity herself moves about on the sea with her followers. 232 The same Puja is also performed by the Oriya fishermen.233 Samares Bose in his Bengali novel Ganga has dwelt at length on the annual Ganga Puja: It is known as sajar. Everybody contributes to this puja. The mode of payment is not direct, but the complete haul of a bhata is given by selling the catches as contribution to the puja. It matters little who has given much or less, everyone gives according to his haul. But still there is a competition; he who can offer the highest, receives the highest applause.

231 Ibid, p. 127. 232 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 128-30. 233 Tietze U, Artisanal Marine Fisherfolk of Orissa, Cuttack, 1985. p. 74.

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As a recreational part of this ceremony, cultural groups come from Kolkata, and the performance generally continues at least consecutive five nights. Kabigan (song tournament), Kirtan (devotional songs) are common. Loudspeakers are used. There follows a great amusement. 234

Some rituals are also observed regarding the winding up of fishing camp. lt is claimed that the fishermen of Bangladesh used to get indication in dream when the khunti was to be wound up. Ganga appeared in dream in different forms. The bahardar has a special power to read the implication of the dream. If so implied, he used to wind up the khunti if there was sufficient catch or its possibilities, for otherwise some ill luck might befall them. But when the fishermen of West Bengal feel anxious for their family at the later part of fishing season, they think it not wise to continue the process any more, for some ill luck might follow. When the decision to wind up is taken, a flag is hoisted there. There they offer their worship to Bana Devi, and devotional songs are sung.

On the day of their return, Ganga is again propitiated in the shrine of the khunti. When the worship is completed, the pots installed in the name of Ganga are immersed in the sea. Once the pot is immersed, none can pass a night in the khunti any more. In their return voyage, a few bahardars of the same locality ply their boats together. It breaks their monotony of journey and also gives them a sense of security to face the danger on the way. When they reach their natal villages, five married women greet them with baran da!a?35

Some recent scholars argue that Muslim fisherfolk on the day of their starting voyage generally call a mendicant who recites passages from Mil at Sarif (a sacred book of the Muslim) and some sweets are distributed. Some also do the same after their first catch, when any danger in the sea is overcome and on the last day of winding up. The Muslim fisherfolk of 24 Parganas contribute fifty paise per unit for every challan to appease the Pir, Aminia Madras a. The total return of the last catch is also contributed for this. 236

During voyage, the boatman and steersman take proper place in the boat and touching their steer and rudder they utter expressing importance with humble devotion: 'We, the children, keeping the holy Ganges in our head remember the five Pirs '. They are namely, Giasuddin, Samsuddin, Sekindar Shah, Bara Khan Gaji and Kalu.237But oral evidence reveals that these five Pirs are Baba Saheb, Dewan Saheb, Bara Pir Saheb, Pir Baba etc.238

A fishing boat requires a daily bath like a human being. Before a bath, argues Pramanik, mustered oil is applied on the galui. It is heard that once a boatman did not give his boat

234 Bose S, Ganga, a Bengali Novel, Calcutta, 1984. pp. 214-15. 235 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. pp. 130-32. 236 Roy Chaudhuri B: op. cit. p. 134. 237 Das Girindranath: Bangia pir Sahityer Katha, Kolkata, I 998, p. 171. 238 Oral evidenced of a fisherman, Shaik Asrafil, 60 years, at Junput (Midnapore) interviewed on 16.10.2005.

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the usual bath, and when it was in the middle of the river, it sanlc The crew escaped but the boatman received a message in a dream from Kastha Devi (goddess of wood) that she could not bear the heat of the sun and submerged herself in the river.

When the fishermen are in the open sea, their women at home remain anxious for them and they promise tel sindoor (mustard oil and vermilion) to Ma Ganga so that the men folk may not face any danger and return home safely.Z39

The nature is the original God, which is reflected in various folk prayers of fishermen. Most of the rivers and ponds·are infested with snakes, and in order to satisfy the Goddess of the snake, 'Manasa', they perform Manasa puja. This is very important puja of the Jalos. Moreover, they perform 'Jala Bia '. In the Purana there is a saying: When Behula made a journey with her dead husband, Lakshindara, her mother-in-law offered her some seeds. It was told that when there would be germination, her husband would get back his life. There is also another custom among the fishermen. Their daughters are often married off with the paddy plant. It is believed that their real husband would always remain immune of any kind of snake biting.Z40

Paramanik, the headman of a number of fishing families used to decide all social disputes, and was regarded as the headman in all social matters. The Paramanik exercised the power of permitting a bachelor to live with a widow as husband and wife, if a fine and feast was given to the caste people. 241 Hunter argued that there were headmen ofthe fishing caste called sardars, who used to possess a hereditary right to the title. The duties of the sardars were to preside over marriages, religious ceremonies and feasts, and to decide all questions relating to caste and social disputes. For the performance of these duties, they received from one to four rupees, and sometimes were also presented money and cloth, according to their rank.242The same process was also seen in Bombay. The head of the Jamat (well organized and powerful unit) was called Patil and his important function was to perform for his people the dispensation of justice. He decided the complaints about fight, quarrels and petty disputes. The Patil did not get any fixed remuneration, but he had a share in the marriage tax that the parties paid to the Jamat. 243

Pramanik's observation finds unwitting corroboration in Firth who argues that skill in fishing is not denied, but skill is not finally effective. Adequate fishing gear may yield good results, but observances of appropriate ceremonies give the fishermen an extra fillip to their fishing expedition. The psychological influence of this observance is considerable. The observation of ceremonies also fosters a sense of friendship among the fishermen. It helps them avoid frictions among the member of the fishing unit and helps build up a good neighborly relation.

239 Pramanik S.K: op. cit. pp. 111-13. 240 Malia Barman A, Titus Ekti Nadir Nam (A Bengal Novel) p.244. 241 De K. C. op. cit. p.35. 242 Hunter W. W.A Statistical Account of Bengal, Noakhali, New Delhi, 1875, p. 257. 243 Punekar V. B. The Son Kolis of Bombay, Bombay, 1959, pp. 24-25.

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The reliance on God of the fisherwomen at that time gives them solace, and helps them forget the anxiety for the men and perform normal domestic duties undisturbed. Finally, 'by considering fishing gear as animate objects, the fishermen take more than ordinary care in handing them. Thus religion is woven into the texture of their life' ?44

In ancient time, the physical environment was unfavorable and full of obstacles. Man was like a helpless child when he used to face the impediments like flood, earthquake, crash of thunder, storm and rain and snowstorm. The causal relation of natural calamities was unknown to ancient people, and they were very afraid of it. They used to believe that supernatural power is responsible for natural calamities.

Now a days advanced technology is being used by the fishermen community to earn their livelihood. But they are like an ancient people in the matter of observance of rites. In the vast sea the uncertainty of their life and livelihood made them ritualistic. In the observance of rites they have no remarkable change from the ancient time.

244 Pramanik S.K. op. cit. pp. 113-14.

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