Chapter V

Relations of Power in the Village

In order to understand the dynamics of relations of power in which the ruralites are

incorporated, it is necessary that we situate the same in a historical context. This chapter

attempts a historical reconstruction of relations of power with focus on the agrarian sites.

The data collected from various sources has been classified under four historical phases

and each of this period is covered under a separate section.

Section A

Section B

Section C -

Section D -

TraditionallFeudal Phase: Prior to the British rule

Beginning ofthe 20th Century: Under British rule

Post Independence Phase from 1950's to Mid 1970's

The Contemporary Village Scene (1995 and 2005)

To begin with many significant sites of relations of power prevalent during each

historical phase are covered with emphasis on the agrarian sites of relations of power.

The salient features of relations of power covered in the analysis are as follows:

• Forms of power

• Patterns of Asymmetry

• Strategies and Practices

• DiscourseslTruth claims

• Resources/Capacities

• Objects and Effects

• Resistance.

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Chapter V: Section A

TraditionaIlFeudal Phase: Prior to the British Rule

Introduction

Traditional Villages in the Tuluva society assumed their distinctive character, through a

long period pre-dating the Christian era. Along with certain commonalities, which they

came to share with other regions in the Indian sub-continent, Tuluva villages had their

unique characteristics. Various factors of social change and the processes that become

operational as a result since the establishment of village settlements had their impact on

the village (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change -1).

Attempts can only be made to reconstruct a historical picture of relations of power in the

village as they prevailed in the past based on fragmentary evidence such as ethnographic

data, place and territorial names, archaeological remnants, inscriptions, genealogies of

established kin-groups in the village and oral histories of the elderly and knowledgeable

inhabitants. Materials such as folk tales and ballads of Tulunadu called Paddanas, the

ceremonies and festivals associated with Bhuta or spirit worship, myths stories and

residues of earlier cultural practices, writings and survey reports of early colonial

officers, provide some useful insights in this regard. For the region as a while, besides the

sources listed here, other literacy sources and research reports are also available.

There is some evidence to indicate the prevalence of particular type of feudal relations of

dominance in village Mudusede. The sources of evidence are mainly three fold.

• The paddana or folk tale/song commemorating Jarandaya - a Bhuta cult of Tulunadu

that is said to have originated in the Jara region of Mudusede and some ethnographic

and archaeological evidence to corroborate the events which are claimed to have

occurred then (Annexure III: A version of the Paddana of Jarandaya). Some

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evidence regarding Bailupete in the neighbouring zones and ethnographic materials

associated with it (Annexure IV: Bailupete - The Historical Trading Centre).

• The ethnographic evidence associated with guttus and manes (territorial units)

within the village which were leased out by feudal overlords to matrilineal kin­

households and functioned as production, distribution and surplus appropriation as

well as semi-autonomous politicaUjuridical units under the leadership of the guttu

yajamana (male) in the past. These guttusfmanes have undergone many changes but

the vestiges of the past remain.

• Official records of the colonial period, including reports of British officials.

The Sites of Relations of Power

The major sites of relations of power during this period for which some information is

available are sites of agrarian production, Bhuta worship, local governance, education

and health which are integrally connected. By focusing on salient features of relations of

power in the agrarian sites, an attempt would be made to bring out the co-relation

between relations of power in the agrarian sites and the sites of Bhuta worship as well as

local governance in particular.

Agrarian Sites

The villages being agrarian settlements in their origin, any historical study of relations of

power in the village has to focus on agriculture and agrarian production relations.

Mudusede was part of a wider geo-political region (Tulunadu) and as such shared with it

the features of the agrarian patterns of settlement as well as land relations.

Guttus - A Distinct Site of Agrarian Production: A distinct form of hierarchical

organisation of agricultural production in the village localities known as 'Guttu system'

had come into being in the Tuluva region. Village under study is no exception. The origin

of the system of organizing production has not been adequately explored. The term

'Guttu' was used to refer originally to the territorial unit under the control of a matrilineal

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kin-group, whose very identity inclusive of name became associated with the territory.

GuttuS-<JT territorial units in the village (comparable to the Theravadas of Nayars of

Kerala) -historically formed the sites of agrarian production units in the village

(Annexure V: Tulu Concepts, Concept oJGuttu).

The guttus were not only spatial or geographic locations, but were also economic

production, distribution and surplus appropriation units which functioned as semi­

autonomous, politico-juridical zones in the past. These territorial units were inherited

through matrilineal lines and were controlled by the matrilineal kin-groups usually

belonging to the dominant peasant Jati of Dakshina Kannada (the Bunts) and some upper

intermediary peasant Jati (the Pujarys) and others such as Mogaveeras (fisher folk). Some

of the Guttus were also linked to Jain kin-groups. The broader territorial units controlled

by Jain matrilineages are usually called beedus (i.e. the Kuluru beedu of the Jarandaya

tale). The guttus may have been originally the sub-territories leased or gifted by the

rulers/chieftains (i.e. sub-feudal) to those capable of managing or organizing agricultural

production and revenue collection. The deconstruction of the term guthedar (the holder of

the guttu right) or guthige (implying leased property) suggests such a possibility. The

larger territorial units under rulers were ranked as Desa, Rajya, Nadu, Seeme and Megane

and Grama and Uru. The guttu was a unit of the grama or uru (Gowda, 1991 :15).

Characteristics of Guttus: In order to understand the relations of power within the

agrarian society of the traditional times, it is necessary to explore the characteristics of

guttu/manes as agrarian sites or production in the villages of Tulunadu

i) Matrilineal pattern of inheritance was a predominant characteristic of the guttu.

Traditionally many of the Jatis in the Tuluva region under consideration including

Bunts, Pujarys and Mogaveras followed a matrilineal form of inheritance - both

property and lineage (Annexure V: Tulu Concepts, Kutumba) name were inherited

from the maternal side. The marriage within the kin-group was common. Although

such relations within exogamous clans or baris (bali Kannada - or lineage), were not

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I

looked upon with favour. There were many exogamous and endogamous baris

within each jati group. As per one account the Bunts traced their affinity to as many

as 16 baris (another account gives the number as 20 baris). Cross-cousin marriages

were encouraged to ensure that the territory property did not move out of the hands

of the consanguine and their descendants. Infact the family genealogies collected by

the researcher of guttus/manes in Mudusede reveal many such kin marriages (the

older the generation, the more such marriages).

ii) Tlte Differential Size of tlte Kin-Group: The number of kinsfolk settled on the

guttu or territory or associated with it as holders of rights over land and its produce

differed from one guttu to another. Because of the differential proliferation of kin

within matrilineal kin households and variations in female birth rate from one

generation to the next, guttus had relatively small or large number of kin. In other

words, the size of the kin-group varied because of the number of branches (locally

called Kavaru) it produced. For example, in one of the guttus/manes studied in

Mudusede, a female head had three daughters. Each daughter had varying number of

children and grand children. Each daughter became one Kavaru or branch of the

matrilineage.

iii) Tlte Yajamana. Male Yajamana or Male Leadersltip of Guttu was anotller Major

C1,aracteristic Feature: Although the property was inherited through female lines

under the Aliyasanthana system or Aliyakattu (literally meaning inheritance through

the nephew or Aliya), the leadership or headmanship of the matrilineal kutumba or

household vested with the male (usually the eldest or youngest brother of the mother

or female inheritor - her children's maternal uncle (or Mama-Tulu or Mava­

Kannada) and was inherited by his nephew or sister's son). This element brings out

the similarity between Aliyasanthana system of Tuluvas.and the Marumakkatayam

law of the Nayars of Kerala wherein Karanavar (brother of he female inheritor)

exercised power. Traditionally the maternal uncle had a position of predominance

and authority in all matters pertaining to the kin-group. He managed the undivided

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These characteristics of GuttuslManes make it clear that these were sites of complexity

of relations of power in the past. The relations of power between members of the kin­

group themselves, especially the kin-group yajamana and other members (seniors or

juniors, female and male) and relational proximity and distance between males and

females (seniors and juniors) and between females themselves (seniors and juniors) are

significant here. At the same time the relations of power between Vargadar/landlords and

their tenants and attached agrarian labourers are also equally significant. The inter-guttu

relations were also based on domination. From the historical sources and evidence

collected from a large number of oral histories or genealogies of a cross section of the

inhabitants of the village, it is possible to construct the relations of power that were

prevalent in the past within the guttu/mane context.

The Site of Bhuta Worship: Ritualistic Representation of Relations of

Power

Bhuta worship is a cult of spirit worship particularly found in the Tuluva region. The

roots of Bhuta cults appear to lie very deep within the cultural heritage of the region.

Understanding of relation of power in an agrarian society of this historical zone is

incomplete unless one studies the Bhuta cult which symbolizes in a ritual form not only

the relations of domination but also the relations of productive power along with

resistance against the processes of domination and subjectification. According to some

researchers the Bhuta cults appeared to have originated in Tulunadu during the period of

transition from a kin-based social organization to a feudal one (D'Silva, 1983). Available

historical records indicate that Tuluva society was already feudal during the early

centuries of Christian era (Ramesh, 1970). Some assert that Bhutaradhana emerged prior

to the incursion of religious groups into the region and was later co-opted into the Vedic

scheme. Yet others associate Bhuta· worship with emergence of Saivism in the region

(said to be from the 5th century A.D) as Bhutas, are labelled as Ganas of Siva.

There are various types of Bhutas or spirits. Some are heroes or heroines who died

fighting for the rulers, some others are spirits of heroes and heroines from oppressed

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class/Jati, who died fighting against injustice and oppression to which they and their Jati

counterparts were subjected by the rulers and their intermediaries (i.e. Koti-Chennaya

brothers and Thaniya). Yet others like Jarandaya (a spirit in the form of a stone) could be

interpreted to symbolize the spirit of protest or resistance of an oppressed class/Jati

against upper class/Jati domination during the feudal period of Tuluva history. There are

also Bhutas that symbolize animals such as wild pig (panjurli) and tiger (Pilli).

AU the village residents except Brahmin, Gowda Saraswat, Christian and Muslim are

propitiators of Bhuta in Tuluva Society. However tenants and labourers of Guttu/Mane

territories from the Christian and Muslim groups used to participate in celebrations

organized for the Bhutas in the past, until most of them were brought more strictly under

the disciplinary gaze of their respective religious leaders cum other adherents to the faith.

Even today there are persons from other religions who associate themselves with these

rituals resisting all attempts made to dissuade them from such practices by their priests

and co-religionists, Brahmins associate themselves as performers of specific purification

rituals at the time of Kola or Nema (festivals associated with Bhutaradhana) and on other

special occasions associated with propitiation ceremonies for the Bhutas.

Certain significant functions are associated with the Bhuta cult. The function of providing

a sense of security: Benevolent Bhutas are said to protect the worshippers against pain

and sorrow. The village and the territorial units are held to be secure under the all

encompassing gaze of the respective Bhuta or Bhutas. The malevolent ones punish those

who transgress the morals and codes of the society. Bhutas provoke fear among the

villagers. Any misfortune affecting the village, matrilineage or client household is held to

be caused by the displeasure of the respective BhutalBhutas. Anyone who steals the

produce from the territorial units under the guardianship of spirit incurs the displeasure of

Bhuta, so also those who violate the customs and conventions or rights and duties of the

agrarian society. Bhuta worship acted as a parallel system of political administration. The

hierarchical administrative units were represented by hierarchies of Bhutas. The Seeme

Bhuta was called Arasu Bhuta (royal Bhuta). The Bhutas of Seeme, Megane, Grama,

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territory on behalf of the matrilineal kin-group (both living in the territory/or living

outside it).

IV) Partitiollillg alld Alienatioll of Rigllts: All the rights related to land and its produce

including the Varg and Inam right could be inherited, transferred, sold and

mortgaged by the respective holder of the right. As a result of land grants (Inams),

partitioning, sale and mortgage as well as purchase of territory (partially or fully),

sub units of guttu territory called Manes had been established in the village. The

alienation through land grants, sale, mortgage and other means had brought in many

new elements into the villages. For example, in the village studied, Brahmins as

Inamdars were placed above the agriculturists. Jhati Pujary's guttu became

subordinate to the Brahmin Inamdars. Similarly many territorial units originally

under the control of Pujary and other intermediate jati matrilineages came under the

control of Bunts who become superior lease holders (Guttedar), landlords and

Vargadars of vast village territories (The process of when and how the process of

land alienation and establishment of multiple rights over land occurred in Tuluva

villages requires further investigation).

v) Gradatiolls or Economic Differentiatioll amollg ti,e Vargadar Kin due to

Inequities in Access to and Control over Land alld its Produce: The customary

inheritance practices partitioning and alienation of rights had led to the emergence of

inequalities even among the kin of each guttu. There was also partitioning, sale or

mortgage of territories or portions by the new elements. As a result some portions of

territories had seen more or less frequent change of ownership. There were

inequalities among the kin of even the new lessors or purchasers of territorial units.

vi) The Variation in Numerical Strength of Agriculturists' vis-a-vis their Clients ill

guttulmalles: The number of Vargadars (kin and non-kin) with right over the

territory, and that of the tenants as well as attached agrarian labourer households

living on the territory differed from one guttu to another.

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Guttu and Mane are ranked one below the other, with layers below being subordinate to

those above. The Bhutas of lower ranks reportedly obey the Bhutas ranked above them.

So the power of the Bhutas was limited to the concerned geographic region (Gowda,

1991:17). Like the King, the Bhuta of the Kingdom had equivalent royal seat (patta). The

roles associated with rulers such as that of a protector, punisher and judge are performed

by Bhutas at the respective level of their jurisdiction at the ritual level. Thus Bhuta cult

symbolized ritualistically the prevalent patterns of hierarchical rule, patriarchal,

patrimonial relations of feudal domination as well as the associated jati hierarchy. Most

importantly it contributed to the reinforcement or fixation of historically constituted

identities such as Ballalas, Brahmins, Guttedars and all distinct vocational, Jati identities

in the traditional agrarian society.

Temples, Basadis, Churches and Mosques: As Sites of or Priestly Power

The religious sites such as Devasthanas (temples), Basadis, (places of worship of Jain),

Churches and Mosques had emerged as sites of power from early times in the history of

Tulunadu. These served as venues of ethno-religious identity construction by exercising

specific forms of domination, control and constructive influence on its adherents. All

places of worship had also become receivers of land grants or inams (fully or partially

revenue free) from the rulers and village notables in Tulunadu, i.e. the Ballalas and the

GuttulMane Yajamanas respectively. The revenue records of the British period reveal the

presence of Bhutasthanas and temples (Daivasthanas) as receivers of land grants. Rents

from the tenants attached to the temple lands went to the temple. The contributions in the

fonn of gifts, (i.e. cash, gold, grain, vegetables, fruits on a regular basis and on special

occasions (festivals, ritualistic celebration) and free services to the temple were the other

modes of surplus appropriation in all the si tes of religious worship in Mudusede.

The priestly class began to exercise considerable dominance over those who came to be

incorporated as its adherents as well as others who came within the milieu of its influence

in one way or the other. Through religious discourses and practices (inclusive of rituals)

and forms of religious training and various forms of disciplining, the priests themselves

llO

were constructed as superior identities vis-a-vis the believers or faithful. The Jain Indras,

Vedic purohits, Pujarys or Swamiji's, Islamic Khajis or Maulavi (Mullah) or Imams,

Catholic and protestant priests/pastors and Bishops who were constituted through specific

historico-cultural processes came to acquire superordinate role in Tuluva society. By

exercising domination and control and accessing share of the surplus from the differently

ranked faithful, they emerged quite influential. They started exercising control over

practically all events in the life cycle of adherents, such as birth, initiation, marriage,

family life and death (a form of pastoral power). This enabled them to gain control over

the religious beliefs and rituals in the locality/region.

In the village under study, as per the records available, adherents of Jain religion the

Ballalas, appear to be the most dominant religious group to exercise control at supra local

level from a specific phase in its history. Presence of a Jain Basadi towards the eastern

boundary of the village has been reported. The Saivite Brahmins too had established a

temple in Jara under the patronage of Ballalas. However with the revolt of Jhati Pujary of

Jarandaya fame, the Saivite presence appears to have been eliminated. However villagers

came under the influence of Vedic cults through temples situated in various parts of

Tuluva society near and far including some distant pilgrim centres. Vaisnavite Brahmins

come in much later into the village at the invitation of the village notables. It is also not

clear when exactly the Muslims and Christians arrived on the village scene. There is

every reason to believe the Muslims presence in the village predates many centuries.

Bailupete, the trading centre that emerged historically was just across the narrow river

stream to the northern part of the village (Annexure IV - Bailupete). British census report

of 1901 reveals the presence of Muslim traders in the village. The land records also show

that there were two prominent Muslim landlords with control over large territories. The

mosque situated next to the famous Durgah of Sheikare Pandit (meaning Sheik are - Arab

Sheik referred to with respect locally, pandith meaning a person of learning or an expert

healer or both) in Bailupete was the place of worship for the resident Muslims of

Mudusede as well.

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The Christians appear to have come into the village much later and taken over lands for

tilling as tenants of the established landed households. Some of the tenants present in the

village are able to trace their history to four or five generations. The British records 1904

show the presence of a Christian Pattadar but he was on absentee landlord who had his

land cultivated through a Mulgeni tenant, a Bunt. The villagers came under the influence

of these religious cults to a greater or lesser extent. Attempts at constructing,

reconstituting and fixing religious identities, has been a continuous process in the history

of the village as elsewhere.

Site of Governance in the Traditional Village

The village inhabitants were associated in relations of power in the site ofIocal as well as

supra-local governance.

Supra-Local Level: At the supra-local level the governance of the village was with the

Balialas from a particular point of its history (Jarandaya legend). The Ballalas were

responsible for the overall maintenance of law and order. They provided legitimacy to the

hierarchical agrarian society. They defended the interest of local groups especially the

high ranking agrarian groups who were the revenue payers to the treasury. Ballalas

functioned as the chief judiciary in case of disputes that could not be resolved at lower

levels. Jaranadaya legend reveals that the Ballalas could become ruthless when their writ

was opposed.

Village Level: It is not clear what the traditional governance structures at the village level

were. The presence of village headman (in the case of Jara territory - the Brahmin) is

noted in the tale of Jarandaya. A Jain was probably the headman or Patel in the Sede

region. The position of Patel was assumed by the yajamana of a Bunt lineage which

acquired this territory through purchase, about three generations ago. It could be

hypothetically stated that the council of elders of all the guttus/mane's or representatives

of more prominent of the matrilineal yajamanas with the headman of the village or the

Patel may have formed the local governance body. Inter-guttu or village based disputes

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were settled at the Oru Chavadi or Nyayakatte (village courtyard of Justice), a venue set

aside for the purpose.

The Patel the headman of the village and yajarnana of one of the most prominent

matrilineage (guttulmane) was the link between the supra local Ballalas and the village

residents. Such hereditary positions reinforced the supremacy of not only the matrilineage

but also the Jati to which the headman belonged (in the case of village under study the

Brahmin in the Jara region and probably the Jain landlord in the Sede region were the

headman of the respective locality during the traditional times). There were also position

holders such as Shanbhags or accountants. They were not present in all the villages, but

helped the royals by maintaining the accounts of the revenue. This was also a hereditary

position. There were also village servants at the lowest level of the local administration

who were responsible for cleanliness and other tasks given to them by the village

headmaniPatel.

Territorial Level: At the territorial level, the yajamana of each territory guttulmane were

responsible for governance. Maintaining order within the territorial unit between and

among kinsfolk, tenants and labourers was their responsibility. The Chavadi or Nyaya

chavadi-an open courtyard or verandah-attached to the residence of the

landlord/employer or amidst the guttu kin houses became the venue where all parties

would gather to resolve the dispute under the leadership of the yajamana or senior lineage

heads.

Jati Level: Council of elders or Gurikaras of Jati groups was a traditional structure of

governance concerned with the affairs of many Jati groups in the village. The earliest

dwellers in the Tulunadu - the region of thick forests and rich bio-diversity - are said to

be food gathering groups such as Koragas (now categorized as a scheduled tribe), other

ethnic groups such as MayiJJas, Adi Dravidas, Madigas (Now brought under Scheduled

caste list), Paravas, Nalikes and Pambadas (associated with Bhuta dance - now coming

under S.C category, the Pujarys (or Billavas -literally meaning people with bows/arrows

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also labelled as Murthedars or toddy tapers in traditional times) and the Mogaveras (the

fisher folk) in the coastal villages of the region (now brought under the label other

Backward castes). Historically these social groups lived in contiguous territories,

practicing swidden (swift and Bum) cultivation. They had their own internal systems of

governance. The Gurikaras or elders of senior lineages representing different geographic

locations within the broad territory of settlement were responsible for upholding the

customs/rules of each Jati. All matters such as rituals/practices and festivals associated

with Bhuta worship, marriage, child birth, death ceremonies and intra-Jati conflict

resolution were handled by the Gurikaras. As enforcers of customs and traditions and

adjudicators of intra-family, intra-Jati disputes, the Gurikaras were able to exercise

traditional authority over the members of their respective Jatis. The Gurikara system was

also retained by Christians of the region in a new form (a parish is divided into

wados/wards and a Gurkar is appointed for each wado, who together form the parish

council).

All these governance structures at various levels were sites of relations of domination as

well as identify construction and reinforcement in the traditional village. These sustained

and legitimized the hierarchies that were prevalent in the other sites such as agrarian, Jati,

household and ritual sites of the village.

The Sites of Health Care

The traditional site of health appears to have been predominantly that of folk medicine.

Those practising folk medicine were known as Baidya in Tulu (Vaidya -Kannada).

Baidya male healer, Baidyathi - a female healer, Abu Baidyathi of Jarandaya fame

appears to have been a respected traditional healer or medicine woman. There were such

Baidya or Vaidyas among Pujarys and other earliest ethnic groups to dwell in the region

of Tulunadu. The oral narratives speak of the presence of other healers - i.e. Sheikare

Pandith (The Arab Sheik who was a popular Pandith residing in a village to the North of

Sede across the narrow river stream).

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By the time of British rule, the Brahmin dominance in the field of health care in the form

of Ayurveda along with Unani system of health care (Arabic origin) in certain pockets

appears to have gained predominance, subjugating the former folk based healing

practices to a position of inferiority. The Ayurveda and to some extent even the Unani

Pandiths who had been able to collect and further refine knowledge of healing, accessed

by them from folk systems from various locations near and far because of their mobility

and literacy, emerged as an influential group. Their medical knowledge further

strengthening their domination. Most traditional healers held their medical knowledge as

a secret and passed it on to the next generation or one or more of their chosen disciples.

Sites of Education

Brahmins and Jains of the village sent their children to formal sites of education such as

ashrams which were situated in centres of religious worship or run by learned Brahmin

gurus. In these sites literacy skills were imparted along with knowledge of religious

scriptures. These sites reinforced the Dvija or so called twice born identities. Similarly

military training was imparted in formal centres of training. No organized educational

facilities were there for others. Learning by living and working and at times through

apprenticeship (i.e. to skilled artisans) were the major modes of acquiring

education/competence during the early phase of history.

Languages such as Tulu, Kannada, Byari Bhasa and Konkani along with dialects spoken

by various ethnic groups were the major modes of information exchange and cultural

transmission in the village as in other parts of the region. Rich in words proverbs,

sayings, tales, songs and riddles, the language was a major medium through which the

distinct world views of the Tuluvas and other settlers in the region could be passed on

from one generation to the next. Not only the lived experiences and beliefs of many

generations but also the prejudices and biases along with syncretic notions were

transmitted through the language. Bayalata a form of dance drams was widely used to

enact the tales of Bhutas and later other vedic deities. It took the form of Yakshagana

under the leadership of Brahmins. Tala Maddale and Harikatha forms of oral recitation of

115

tales of heroes and epics were other cultural practice in vogue (Joshi, 1991: 22; 32).

There were also other art foons and games such as Cenne (Claus, 1986: 265-293).

Traditional Society had evolved a highly complex system of signs and symbols as a mode

of communication to pass on the cultural heritage from one generation to another.

In short mUltiple sites of relations of power had emerged in the traditional/feudal society

incorporating village residents into various fonus of domination. The nature of power at

work in the agrarian sites in association with other sites is the thrust of analysis in the

following pages.

Forms of Power in Historical Times

Foons of power associated with relations of domination as well as facilitative power were

found to be in operation at the sites of agrarian production, governance (local and supra­

local) as well as site of Bhuta and other sites of religious worship.

A dominant foon of power prevalent in the traditional society was sovereign power, the

power of the king or ruler exercised through the Ballala or feudal overlord above the

village SUbjects. It was a patrimonial form of power exercised through the semi-feudal

inteonediaries such as the Brahmin headman of the village in Jara and other semi-feudal

yajamanas. Unlike in the western society it was not episodic in nature exercised just

intenuittently. The Ballalas not only claimed surplus in the fonu of revenue, taxes and

free labour at regular intervals, but also sought to exercise control over the belief and

rituals of the village level subjects (See Paddana of Jarandaya- Annexure - III). Similarly,

the yajamanas not only claimed rents at regular intervals from clients but kept watch over

the tenants and their actions. The mane okkalu or attached agrarian labourers too were

under their control. They were not free to sell their labour to others when the yajamana

required the same.

Secondly, it was also a patriarchal power. The patriarchs were the central figures here.

The king or the monarch when they were strong, were at the top of the patriarchal ladder.

Supra-local overlords or Ballalas came next to them, followed by village headman and

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and inferior), labourers (attached and casual, males and females). These relations based

on asymmetry or hierarchy have been further explored in this research with the help of

historical records and oral traditions.

Hierarchy among Rulers: There were gradations among rulers in the traditional society.

There were Maharajas or superior kings who were representatives of ruling dynasties at

the supra-local level who established supremacy over Tuluva region during different

periods of history. Ballalas who were followers of Jainism were the sub-feudal overlords

in most parts of Tulunadu for centuries prior to the arrival of British. They were

chieftains of beedu or budu (territorial units usually associated with J ains in Dakshina

Kannada), which were more or less extensive, covering more or less number of villages.

When central rulers of Megane, Seeme, Nadu, Rajya and Desa (in an order of ranking)

were strong the Ballalas tended to be subordinate to them. When central authority of the

kings was weak or not present, the Ballalas themselves were the predominant figures.

The Jara territory of Mudusede village along with contiguous territories of

PadusedelPachanady villages to the West of Mudusede village came under the

jurisdiction of the Jain Ballalas of Kulur beedu in the feudal past. The Ballalas were

subordinate to superior rulers such as Vijayanagara emperors and Sultans of Mysore

during the centuries preceding British rule.

The lain Ballala chieftain and his kin-groups had superior claim on surplus produced by

the actual tillers, a share of which was given by them to the central rulers of higher level

administrative units whenever such rulers made their presence felt. They collected the

surplus in the form of revenue through village level intermediaries who belonged to the

Brahmin caste in the case of Jara territory. They also exercised cultural dominance on the

village residents. The ideological independence of the actual cultivators/peasants was not

tolerated by the rulers and their intermediaries and steps were taken to suppress them. As

per the paddana of Jarandaya, the villagers could not worship any spirit or deity without

pennission from the Ballalas. It is reported that Jhati Pujary and his sister Abubaidyathi

did so secretly, fearing the Ballalas (Annexure III).

Hierarchy of bran/dars: There was hierarchy among inamdars or land grantees during

the British period. Many inscriptions discovered in other parts of Dakshina Kannada

reveal that such grants were made to Brahmins, temples and deities and others who

served the overlords (for i.e. in their anny) from 7tt. century A.D. and these grants were

known as Inam or Umballi (locally). Land grants were also made to the village based

artisans and village servants but these were very small in extent. As per the Pad dana of

Jarandaya, the more superior inamdar in the Jara region during a specific historical phase

of traditional society was a Brahmin, who had been appointed the headman of the Jara

territory which came to be a part of the Mudusede village later. His title Tiruvadi Chite

(literally translated as chite meaning headman, vadi-hamlet, Tiru-sacred or holy could be

interpreted to imply that he was the headman of a territory associated with some deity (in

this case Lord Siva). There is every reason to believe that he was a receiver of a land

grant made by the Jain ruler to the temple or deity. He reportedly lived with his kin in the

Jara house in the midst of Jara territory (Western side of Mudusede village). The temple

dedicated to Lord Siva officiated by the Brahmins under the patronage of B allal as was on

the hill towards the right of the Jara house.

'Inam' or 'Umballi' was a revenue free (full or partial) land. When giving villages or

large territories to the Inamdars such as Brahmins or temples, the rulers transferred the

right of collecting revenue and rents from the actual cultivators living on the said

territories to the Inamdars either partially or fully (The revenue records of the British

period prove the presence of many inam right holders with claims on revenue of the

village Mudusede). The superior Inamdars appropriated considerable surplus and

exercised influence or authority over the actual cultivators who lived on the land. Inferior

Inamdars had small plots of land which was provided to them in lieu of their services to

the village as artisans or village servants. They received only a small portion of the grain

heap as a payment for the services rendered by them to the members of the landed elite

and other agrarian households as well as to the village as a whole.

territorial yajamanas who functioned as patriarchs for the village as a whole in the former

case and for the kin and clients who came within their territory in all cases. As patriarchs

they had to provide protection and security to those who came within their respective

jurisdiction and assist them in times of need and crisis. At the same time all those who

were subject to the patriarchs had to be loyal to him and obey his commands.

Thirdly, there was a form of priestly power in the traditional village. The Brahmin, as

the priest of the templelbasadi claimed for himself the highest rituals standing. All other

villagers belonging to the subordinate jatis came under the ritual dominance of Brahmins.

The priestly power also came to be a dominant power among the Muslims as well as

Christians.

Fourthly, Patriarchy namely male dominance and female subordination was a

predominant form of power prevalent in the traditional society. Males were the authority

figures at all levels (supra-local, local to the household) despite the fact that the

traditional village practiced matrilineal system of inheritance.

Asymmetry or Hierarchy

Asymmetry or hierarchy was a predominant feature of relations of power in the agrarian

and other related sites of the feudal village. Relations between Ballalas or Supra-local

lords, the inamdars or holders of land grants, the guttus/manes yajamanas and

yajamanthis, the guttu kinsfolk (superiors and inferiors, seniors and juniors, women and

men), the Mulgeni and Chalgeni tenants, the mane okkalu or attached and other agrarian

labourers (men and women labourers) were asymmetrical. At the top of the agrarian

hierarchy there were the feudal rulers or sub-feudals known as Ballalas. The

guttus/manes themselves were hierarchically graded with the yajamanas of prominent

guttus ranked high followed by yajamanas of guttus/manes of other territories ranked one

below the other. Within each guttuJmane the relations between the yajamana and among

the kin elements themselves were asymmetrical. Hierarchy characterised the relations

between guttu yajamanas and his kin and other self-cultivating raiyats, tenants (superior

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Hierarchy amol1g the Guttus/Mal1es Territorial ullits: The guttus/manes (territorial

units controlled by a matrilineage) were ranked in a hierarchy depending on the

reputation and status, economic prosperity and political prominence of the kin-group at

the intra-village as well as supra local level. Variation in the size and prosperity of the

territory, extent of surplus appropriated from the subordinate groups within the territory •

and the kinship links to the superordinate rulers/kings were significant factors which

determined their ranking among the village guttus/manes. The territory could be more or

less extensive and more or less productive or fertile. The size of the guttu territories

varied depending on various factors. Some were very large or small from the time of

origin. Some others because of partitioning, sa Ie, mortgage of portions to others had been

divided between the kin or alienated to non-kin elements and so differed in size. The wet

lands which could yield two or three crops of paddy a year and garden lands were

considered most productive, and dry lands the least productive. The more the extent of

lands (especially the wet lands), brought under cultivation, higher was the number of

clientele associated with the territory i.e. tenants (Mulgenidars, Chalgenidars), artisans

(such as pot makers (Moolyas), carpenters and Smiths-Acharis) and agrarian labourers

and higher was the productivity. Accordingly the reputation or influence of kin-groups

and their yajamanas in the village varied from one guttu to another (The names of these

territorial units, the Jati identity of the Matrilineage that controls them at present and the

relative rank ascribed to the original guttus/mane by some key informers is provided on

page 122).

The most prominent territorial unit in the Sede zone of the village was known as Guttu

house. The village had many other territorial units such as Kalkarabettu,_ Arbi, Kottara,

Botikere, Ballike, Megina Mane that were highly prosperous. So was Jara territorial unit

under Jhati Pujary and his kinsfolk in the Jara zone of the village. There was consensus

among the informants concerning those guttus/manes that came at the top of the

hierarchy but no such agreement was there concerning Manes or sub-tcrritorics that were

ranked at the intermediate or lower level. There were some guttus/manes of Pujarys

mentioned by the inhabitants. But some of these guttus/manes or portions of these are

under the control of Bunt land owners and attached to their own territories at present. As

a result it is difficult to ascertain their ranking. In the Jara region however the J ara guttu

retains its position of prominence because of the historical reasons as explained by the

legend of Jarandaya. There are no other Pujary guttus in that part of the village.

Due to many changes that have occurred in guttu territorial units in the village, especially

change in ownership of lands because of sale, mortgage and other fonns of land

alienation, it is very difficult to clearly identify the original guttus in the Village. The

residents gave a Jist of large number of territorial units, only three of which are titled

'Guttu' and some others as 'Mane' (literally meaning house). The later namely 'Mane' is

a partitioned portion of land linked to an original territory or a sub-divided unit of the

original guttu. Some territories or portions of territories were also probably alienated to

others during certain phases of village history. For instance the guttu house territorial

unit, which had come to be under the control of Arasas a matrilineage, had been probably

alienated by the Arasas to the Kodialbail Guttu in later years, while they continued to till

the land as tenants.

Kodialbail guttu which held best portions of Mudusede territory had a high reputation.

This guttu was a matrilineage of Bunts from the centre of Mangalore (some lands within

the city of Mangalore continue to be under the control of kinsfolk of this matrilineage to

this day along with lands elsewhere not alienated or claimed by tenants). This

matrilineage which owned the most fertile territory in the centre of Mangalore in the past,

had started controlling vast amount of lands in a number of villages near and far and

enjoyed very high reputation in the region (The Bunts to this day consider it a privilege to

be associated as consanguine or affine of this kin-group). The saying goes that this kin­

group had been able to reap golden paddy shoots in their territory, implying the

prosperity of the territory and the reputation and prestige of the kin-group associated with

it. It is not clear when and how this matrilineage came to acquire the portions of the

territory in Mudusede village. Did the Arasa ancestors mortgage the territory to the kin of

Kodialbail guttu as they were not able to repay the debts or meet the revenue demand?

There are residents who say that this may have been the case.

Relative Ranking among the Territorial Units

Linked with the Bunts Linked with Pujarys

Guttu House (Arasara Guttu) Jara Guttu (Portions with Pujarys and others)

Arbi House Jara Mane (Associated with Tiruvadi chite the Brahmin

Kalkerabettu headman earlier - now with Jhati Pujary kin)

Kottara Mugila (with Bunts now)

Mugera Guttu Didupe (with Bunts now)

BaUike Botta (portions with Pujarys and Bunts)

Moodumane Dota (with Pujarys)

Botikere Bongamane (with Pujarys)

Gudemane Arenthota (with Pujarys)

Meginamane

Nadumane Other Territories

Sthanadamane Udupara Mane (Brahmins/purohit household)

Hosalakke Achari Bailu (Associated with artisans earlier - now

Hosamane portion with Acharis, Bunts and Pujarys).

Yalangoor Genada Mane (Associated with oil extractors earlier -

Choutaramane now with Bunts)

Achemane Kiram (with Pujarys earlier - now Christians and others

Thalekadakoodi - erstwhile tenants, now vargadars).

Ganadamane Sabera Bailu (with Muslims earlier - later with Bunts

Note: Ranking of Guttus! Manes under portions sold to Christians in 2006, portions with Bunts)

Bunt control as per the key informers. Byari Bailu (with Muslim earlier - now with Bunts).

Note: Ito IV, are considered traditionally the most prominenllerritorial units in the village. All four trace themselves to the Jain feudal rulers. All fa ur worship Arasu Gudedar a Bhuta or spirit said to be associated with the Jain rulers and keep the ritual objects of this Bhuta in their house to this day. However it is not clear whether the original matrilineal kin or others have control over the central lerritory in all cases.

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AsymmetrylHierarchy within each GuttulMane (Intra-Guttu)

The intra-Guttu relations, both between Yajamana and kinsfolk, (seniors and juniors and

matrilineal and patrilineal) and between women and men were characterized by hierarchy

or asymmetry. Further the relationship between the kin yajamana, kinsfolk, tenants and

labourers were also asymmetrical. Such asymmetrical relations are dealt with in more

details in the following pages.

Asymmetrical Relations between Kin Elements: The relations within kin-group between

Yajamana and others, Matrilineal Yajamanthi and others and between the members of the

kin-group were asymmetrical.

There was asymmetry between the yajamana and kinsfolk. The traditional rights

bestowed on the yajamana did playa significant role in this regard. The position of the

yajamana was an inherited one. It was inh.erited as per matrilineal principle by mother's

brother or father's sister's son who could at the same time also be son-in-law (locally

both are addressed by the kinship term aliya) because of cross cousins marriage. The

synonymity of the word for both types of relations is thus very significant. Traditionally,

yajamana had only a life estate in the property and the right to live in the house along

with his wife and children till his death. The guttulmane yajamana during his tenure of

office which could last till his illness/death or partitioning of rights was a very powerful

figure in the past like the Jajman of Gujarat and other northern states. The yajamana had

the right to enforce obedience from all who live on his territory. His authority was based

on the ranking of the guttu/mane at the intra and extra - local levels, its prosperity, the

reputation of the kin-groups and also his ability to organize and manage the affairs of the

household and agrarian relations both intra - kin and kin and client. If the yajamana was

married, the reputation and prosperity of his wife's matrilineage and territory (Guttu)

could add to his clout in the eyes of his own kin, client groups and other villagers

including other guttus. Yajamana was the link person between the guttu and the Ballalas

or overlords. He was responsible for revenue payment to the Ballalas. His authority had

supra-local recognition and legitimacy.

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The authority of the yajamana derived not only from customary authority and economic -

status, but also ability to manage kin and territorial affairs. Ideally speaking all kinsfolk

male and female accepted the customary authority of the yajamana and gave him respect

and behaved differentially in his presence (i.e. not talking or laughing loudly in his

presence, not sitting in his presence, especially when outsiders are present, and generally

manifesting postures and gestures of humility). But in reality, the relations of power

between the Yajamana and kinsfolk varied depending on his economic dominance,

political position, relational proximity to the kin, the position of various kin in relation to

the matrilineage (there being superior or inferior Kavaru or branches of the lineage), as

well as age and sex of members. Some kin with inferior rights over portions, especially

widowed females and their children may have suffered discrimination while their

superior kin, may have received preferential treatment.

Asymmetry in Relations between Kinsfolk themselves: The relations between the

kinsfolk themselves were asymmetrical. The relations between superior kin and inferior

kin and female and male kin were asymmetrical. In this regard let us look at the relations

between guttu yajamana and yajamantbi (matrilineal female head). A very prominent

figure in the guttu household was the senior female especially one on whom the Vargadar

right was vested. These women vargadars were subordinate to the yajamana by custom.

However when these women were seniors they had considerable equity in relation to the

yajamanas. Many yajamanas would consult such women mother, elder or younger sister

in affairs ofthe kin-group and territory. Some yajamanthis themselves had to assume role

of managers of the territory Goint or portioned) on behalf of the kin-group or household

as the case may be in the event of death, or illness of the yajamana or his absence from

the household. Such Yajamanthis or female heads were obeyed by both junior males and

females.

Asymmetry in Relationship between Kinswomen and Kinsmen: But by and large

kinswomen behaved as subordinates to the males who were their superiors i.e. fathers,

husbands or bigger brothers, father-in-law and elder brother in law. Traditionally they

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refused to even say the names of their father-in-law or husband as a mark of respect (The

researcher came across a few women who adhered to this norm in \995/2005).

The junior females were more strictly controlled. Their mobility was under constant

surveillance. Inter caste marriages were not tolerated and force was used to prevent any

such alliances. While sexual transgressions among men were tolerated, the women's

sexuality was kept under strict control as the prestige and reputation of the kin-group and

Jati was dependent on the purity of its women. However, remarriage of women was

encouraged. Young widowed women with or without children were remarried.

Researcher came across such instances in the village. The puritanical conceptions of

Vedic pativrata dhanna (where once married the women became the property of her

husband and had to remain unmarried even ifhe died or deserted her) had not entered the

world view of Bunt, Pujary and such other kin-groups in the villages of Tulunadu during

the traditional period. However patriarchy was strongly entrenched. Women were

disciplined to behave in subordinate ways and adhere strictly to Jati as well as kin-group

norms among the landed elite Jatis in the village.

Traditionally matrilineal kinswomen had the right to reside in her marital home. The day

her husband (even if he is the yajamana) died, his wife had to move out of her marital

home with her children and her personal belongings and move into her maternal home.

She and her children had customary right to reside and share in the produce as well as

right over portion of the territory when it is partitioned in her maternal home. The

husband's portion of the property reverted to his sisters' and their children. There were

rare cases of polygamy among the yajamanas and other kinsmen.

Asymmetry in Relations between Kinsmen: Relations between kinsmen themselves

could not be disassociated from power. However when the matrilineal inheritance rules

were strictly followed in traditional times what form such relations between male kin

took is difficult to hypothesize. But these were oral reports of violent conflicts between

male kinsfolk over the territory in some cases during the later historical periods.

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,

Hierarchical Relations between GuttuiMane Kinsmen and Subordinate Client Groups:

The relations between yajamana, kinsfolk and their client groups such as tenants and

labourers were also characterised by hierarchy. Relations between landlords and tenants

(superior and inferior) and labourers could be analysed here.

Hierarchies of Landlords and Tenants: There was widespread and graded tenancy

arrangement in traditional villages of Tulunadu as per the folk tales and Paddanas of

Bhutas. Buchanan in his reports of the journey in Kanara in 1807 has reported that

tenancy system was extensively prevalent in the region. These were oral tenancies. The

Brahmins and temples had been allotted extensive lands (full or partially revenue free) by

the kings and overlord Ballalas, which were leased out to tenants. Both Jains and Bunts

who had assumed superior control over vast territorial units (Beedu, Guttu) had also

leased out portions of their land to others. The Pujary Guthedars also similarly leased out

lands. Many of the erstwhile Pattadars were subjugated to the level of tenancy because of

sale or mortgage of their lands to the Brahmins and Bunts. Tenancy arrangements may

have also risen as a result of partitioning of the matrilineal territorial units. The

matrilineal portion holding kin living in the village or other villages leased out their

portions to their own kin in the village, to the kin of other guttus or members of other Jati

groups (Such tenancy arrangements were prevalent in the village up to 1974).

A complex gradation of superior and inferior landlords and tenants had come to prevail

from a certain phase in Tuluva history. The fonns of tenancy contract that were

constituted in the Tulunadu were primarily of two types, Mulgeni and Chalgeni. The

Mulgeni right was a superior right assumed by the tenant directly from the Pattadar on a \

permanently fixed rent. Whereas Chalgeni was an inferior and temporary fonn oftenancy

either assumed directly from the PattadarNargadar or indirectly from the Mulgenidar

which had to be renewed on a yearly basis. There were also other inferior forms of

tenancy such as ola-Chalgeni (internal Chalgeni) where in a Chalgenidar himself/herself

allotted a portion of the land assumed by him/her to another tenant. There were also

vayide genidars (time bound tenants) who had to give up tenancy as soon as the time

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period for which they were allotted land had lapsed. There is every reason to believe that

many of the older settlers had been gradually subordinated to the roles of inferior or

Chalgeni tenants by those who assumed superior control and Muli or Varg right over

larger territorial units as well as Mulgeni right over considerable portions oflands.

The relations of power between the land rentiers and tenants differed depending on

various factors, the nature of tenancy, extent and fertility of lands, types of crops grown,

the relative prominence of the Guttu or Mane, the reputation, and positions of authority

associated with the landlord yajamana, kinsmen or women Pattadars and the Guttu and

Jati affiliation of the landlords vis-a-vis the tenants. Generally, the Mulgenidars paid rents

in perpetuity and relatively lower rates to the land rentiers or Pattadars, whereas the

Chalgenidars paid higher rent that was increased from time to time. Rents were paid in

kind as share of paddy grown. Besides paying rents, the inferior tenants had to work on

the self-cultivated farms of the landlord during the agricultural season. Free labour and

gifts were also associated with tenants. They had to go with fruits and a fowl to request

the landlords for the renewal of tenancy from one year to another. The tenants who were

unable to meet the obligations were evicted from the land. As the tenants had to depend

on the plough animals and other inputs of the landlords, they had to pay in grain for the

same.

The tenancy (both Mulgeni and Chalgeni) was a right that was passed on from one

generation to the next. In other words, it was inherited either on matrilineal or patrilineal

lines, depending on the tradition practiced by the Jati group to which the tenant belonged.

The superior Mulgenidars including some Chalgenidars or tenants, usually belonged to

the dominant peasant Jatis (for example Bunts). They were in a position of advantage

over the land rentiers or Vargadars. In some cases, superior tenants could effectively

reduce the payment of rent. They were not obliged to render or refused to render other

services to the land rentiers. Whereas the inferior tenants were from the subordinate Jatis

and much surplus was appropriated from them.

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Artisans and Vii/age Servants in tile Agrarian Hierarchy: Artisans were also placed at

the lower levels of hierarchy in the agrarian sector. Dakshina Kannada villages as

elsewhere did have more or less number of artisan households living within its borders,

such as weavers, oil extractors, iron smiths, carpenters and pot makers. Besides, there

were also village servants such as village guards, forest guards, dhobi or washer men,

barber and Bhuta dancers. Some guthu territorial units had artisan households within

them.

As far as Mudusede is concerned names of certain territories such as Acharibailu

(' Achari' --carpenter or Smith, 'Bailu' -Territory or farm land of the 'wet' category), the

ganigaramane (oil extractors house), suggests the presence of artisans. There were

Moolyas or pot makers too in the village. A Christian was appointed by the agriculturists

to guard the commonly held village forest during the later decades of the colonial period

in the village.

The artisans and village servants were engaged in various types of patron client relations,

that remind one of the Jajmani system in North India explored by Wiser (1936) and

Breman (1974). They were allotted Inam lands by the GuthedarslPattadars and had the

right to claim a share of the grain heap at the time of harvesting from each of the

Pattadars. They received remuneration which was not commensurate with their services.

For instance for a little share of the grain heap a barber had to render services to all the

Pattadars and members of their household through out the year. It was a relation of

domination between the artisans, village servants and Pattadars. Surplus was extracted

from these groups in terms of low paid products and services by the landlords/proprietors.

Some of the artisans and their family members were engaged as labourers during the

agricultural season.

Asymmetrical Relations between Landlord/Cultivators and Labourers: The relations

between landlord/cultivators and various types of labourers were based on asymmetry.

The agrarian labourers were the lowest ranked group in the agrarian sites of the village.

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In the traditional society attached labourers known as Mane okkalu-literally meaning

mane-house and okkalu-tenants were usually found in the larger agrarian sites. The

number of such labourers differed from one territorial unit to another depending on the

extent of land under personal cultivation of the landlord/proprietor. Whenever the lands

were partitioned, inherited, gifted, sold, leased out to tenants and mortgaged, the attached

labourers tied to the lands were not disturbed. The attached labourers had the hereditary

right to live and work on the land. They had the obligation to serve the landowner by

rendering labour related to agriculture and other services. There were various types of

labourers in the traditional Tuluva villages: called Mannalu (labourers attached to the

soil), Honnalu - debt bonded slaves or bonded labourers, (called jeetadalu as well)

Gandalu (male labourers) and Hennalu (female labourers) and Holeyalu or the

untouchable slaves. They were among the significant surplus generators in agriculture.

Some of these labourers had a relatively better standing compared to others. The payment

differed for various categories of labourers. For instance, the debt bonded labourers

(Jeethadalu) or Honnalu were made to slog only for their upkeep. They were not paid any

wages. They were the most oppressed and exploited categories of labourers at the bottom

of the agrarian hierarchy.lfthe labourers were indebted, the labourer could not labour for

other landlords. When a labourer was unable to return the loan, his sister's children could

be sold by the landlord to recover the due. If not he could transfer the labourer to another

owner and recover the dues (Buchanan, 1807:35-36). Such practices reveal that the

labourers were highly exploited in the villages of the region. The surplus generated by

them through years of hard work was reaped by the pattadars. The labourers were

primarily from the lower Jatis including those treated as 'untouchable' castes. The

bonded labourers usually belong to those jatis that were subjugated as outcastes and

subjected to various practices of untouchability by the dominant Jati groups.

Gender disparity was also prevalent among the labourers. For instance, evidence

available towards the end of 18th century reveals the prevalence of disparity in wages paid

to men and women labourers in Tuluva villages. A male labourer was paid at the rate of

2anas (half a rupee) per day, 21% bushels of grain per annum. He would receive clothes

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worth Rs.I.50/- and a hut to live. A women labourer was paid :y. of the wages paid to men

and clothes worth Rs.I.SO/- per annum (Buchanan, 1807). There is no reason to believe

that this situation was different in the village under consideration.

Asymmetry between Traders and Agriculturists: Traders comprised an important

component of the village population. The presence of Baiiupete, a trading centre just

across the narrow river stream, towards the north of the village of Mudusede reveal, that

the village had trade links since historical times. The 190 I census of colonial period

reveals the presence of traders in the Village. There is no evidence which could be used to

construct the relations of power between the traders and the growers in traditional village.

The traders' presence was essential for agriculture. It could be hypothetically stated that

the agrarian units could sustain relatively large kinsfolk, agrarian labourers and tenants

because the villages had its trade links. There is reason to believe that village had trade

links with the marketing centre of Bunder in the city of Mangalore and perhaps with the

Guilds of traders from near and far situated there and linked with Bailupete. Further

historical investigation in different villages is required to throw light on the relations of

power that prevailed between various categories of village residents in general, farmer

producers in particular and traders.

Toddy Tappers (Murlhedaras) in lite Agrarian Hierarchy: One of the major means of

livelihoods practiced in the agrarian society was toddy tapping from the palm and

coconut trees. Those from the Pujary Jati (also known as Billavas) were skilled in this

task. Toddy tapping was a significant means of living for a number of rural households in

traditional times along with agriculture (Paddanas of Tulunadu including that of

Jarandaya also highlight this fact). Skilled toddy tapers called Murthedaras (Tulu) tapped

toddy from the trees in their own lands and as well as trees taken by them on lease from

the land of other Pattadars and genidars. There were fixed rates that the toddy tapers had

to pay the owners of the trees depending on the productivity of the tree/trees concerned.

While the owners appropriated share of the gains made by the murthedaras, the later had

130

to engage in climbing the tall trees and perform the necessary tasks needed for collecting

the today from the same. More the number of trees in the possession of a land controller,

higher the surplus he could collect from the toddy tapper.

Hierarchies of Bhutas Reinforced Social Ranking or Asymmetry: The ritual ranking

associated with the Bhutas co-related with the socio-economic ranking in the agrarian

society. The Bhuta associated with the supra-local feudal has the highest rank. For

instance, the Kalkarottu territory, one of the most affluent territories of Mudusede could

be traced to the kin elements who were Jain by religion (now under Bunt Matrilineal kin).

They were propitiators of Arasu Gudedar a Bhuta who is considered Satvic (vegetarian),

in other words no animal sacrifice is associated with him and so he is considered to be

high on the ladder of purity. Arasu Gudedar is the principal deity in Sede part of the

village. He is propitiated as Rajan daiva or the king spirit. All the prominent Guttus and

associated sub-territories i.e. Kalkarottu (relatively new owners), Guttu house, Arbi house

and Kottara worship Arasu Gudedar. All residents of the village are required to honour

this spirit.

Jarandaya as a principal deity is associated with Jara territory which probably was a

distinct territory under the Ballalas of Kuluru Beedu (Besides Jara in the Western side of

village Mudusede, Jara constituted big portions of Padusede and Pachanady villages as

well). Jaranadaya is propitiated by the Pujarys of Jara region. The Jain Ballalas of Kuluru

are invited to be the guest of honour since historical past at the time of specific festivals

organized to propitiate this spirit in the Jara side. Later Bunts of Sede also started holding

separate Kola and Nema for Jarandaya by building a Bhutasthana for Jarnadaya.

All the matrilineages, their tenants and attached labourers both with longer history of

dwelling in the village or relatively new propitiate one or more Bhutas such as Jumadi,

PanjurIi, Dhumavathi, Kalurti, Kalkutiga, Thaniya and Kordabu who are also placed in

an hierarchical order based on their association with variously ranked guttus and jati

groups in the village. The Bhutas worshipped by the top guttus/ma!les;,,qr~onsidered to

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be superior and Bhutas worshipped by those who are lower in the ladder are considered

as inferior.

Bhuta worship reinforced the agrarian hierarchies in another way. When festivals (Kola

or Nema) to propitiate the Bhutas are held the man possessed by the Bhuta calls the

names of the Brahmin priest, the Ballala and guttu yajamanas in an order of ranking

associated with each territory. Such a practice symbolically reinforced the relations of

domination and subordination especially those based on hierarchical ranking among

varied supra local and local agrarian and jati groups.

Convergence ~etween Asymmetrical Relationsb~tween Agraria_n Class

and Jati Groups ~"" I

The description of the asymmetrical relations attempted thus far reveal gradations based

on agrarian production, Bhuta worship, local governance and jati affiliation. This section

summarises the link between the agrarian production based groups and the jatis in the

village under study. The supra local overlords were from a dominant lineage/jati of Jains

and they had the supreme control over lands, which could be given as grants by them or

leased out to the collectors of revenue. They practiced vegetarian diet and held a

relatively high position in the ritual hierarchy. The local revenue collecting intermediaries

with lease rights (Guttige) over the land belonged to the Jain, Brahmin and later Bunt

Jatis/lineages. Brahmins were also priests, (purohits) and astrologers who were

considered by others as having higher ritual status. The Mulgenidars were either Bunts or

Pujarys, Chalgenidars belonged predominantly to the Pujary and other intermediary Jati

members, artisans belonged to intermediate and backward. Jati groups such as Acharis

(carpenter, masons), Mulyas (pot makers), Moilys (drum beaters and musicians) and

Shettigars (i.e. weavers), Ganigas to name some. Pujarys were also medicine men/women

(Baidya, Baidethi in Tulu) and Toddy Tappers (murthedaras). They were considered low

in ritual ranking. The agrarian labourers belonged to the backward Jati groups as well as

those Jatis categorised as ati Sudra or 'untouchables'. They had only the right to live and

work on the land. Those subjugated to the lowest levels of Jati hierarchy included people

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belonging to the Nalke, Parava and Pambada Jatis. Besides being attached labourers, they

functioned as paddana reciters and dancers during the Bhuta festivals.

Strategies or Practices of Power

Various strategies and practices of power were in operation in the agrarian sites of the

village. The strategies of domination that were put into operation by various agents in

situations of relative dominance included threats of physical violence and actual physical

violence such as torture, beatings, (by using men armed with metal weapons), destruction

of goods and properties belonging to the subordinate groups, exile from the territory and

the village and verbal abuse. The ballad of Jarandaya brings out the extreme forms of

cruelty that could be perpetrated on the subordinate groups (See Annexure III- Paddana

of Jarandaya). The type of strategies used in sites of agrarian relations differed based on

the relative position of those on whom these were being used. The yajamana could

behave either strictly or leniently to enforce discipline over the kin depending on the

standing of the kin (superior to inferior). He could use repressive strategies which

included physical beatings usually in the case of younger members and or verbal abuse in

the case of both the young and the old. The tenants and the labourers were subjected to

various negative sanctions if they failed to meet their obligations and perform their

duties. Those who violated the Jati norms were punished through isolating them (by

preventing others from having any interaction with such an individual and hislher

family). The local term Bahishkara was used to label such a process of social isolation.

Practices of social discrimination inclusive of gender discrimination (both overt and

subtle) that were followed in various sites of relations such as households, work sites,

sites of worship could also be considered as strategies of power. Adoption of such

practices - led to the enforcement of unequal access to essentials (food, clothing and

health care), unequal hold over resources (such as land, water, forest bodies, finances,

knowledge and competencies), unequal access to benefits of production and opportunities

available for acquisition of education, employment and positions of authority and unequal

access to private and public space. Such discriminatory practices undermined the dignity

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and self image of those discriminated against (i.e. women, those subjected to

untouchability) and made them develop inferiority complex.

At the same time the strategies or practices of facilitative power such as the

performance of daily routines based on a historically evolved and normalized patterns of

division of labour, enforcement of traditional customs and norms and adherence to rituals

associated with Bhuta cults and other religious worship sites were at work reconstructing

and fixing the already constructed vocational, jati and gender identities. Some of these

strategies of facilitative/productive power are dealt with in the following pages. '\ I , I I ! I ~ ',' ••

i) Division of labour or task was a major strategy associated with facilitative power. All

the hierarchically constituted subjects in the related sites of production, local governance

and Bhuta or religious sites of worship had their specific tasks or routines to perform. In

the agrarian site the tasks/responsibilities associated with yajamana, yajamanthi and other

male and female kinsfolk, tenants and labourers (both males and females) in relation to

agricultural production, the household and the Bhuta worship were quite specific and

clearly spelt out. The Yajamolla and the superior kinfolks performed the tasks related to

organization and management of production activities. All decisions pertaining to

farming were made by them, by themselves or in association with other superior kin

(male and sometimes even female). He was the top manager, coordinator of the self­

cultivated farms which involved tasks of engaging, organizing and controlling agrarian

labourers. He had to handle all affairs pertaining to tenants (collect rents, raise rents,

engage new tenants, evict those who failed to meet the demands, resume the leased lands

fully or partly for self-cultivation. He handled the finances and distributed the surplus

among the kin-group members. They wou[d distribute responsibilities to their labourers -

and sit or stand under a tree or under the shade of an umbrella when there is hot sun and

monitor the work of farm labourers. The yajamallu was the chief decision maker in all

matters pertaining to the matrilineage. He had to maintain order and harmony within

undivided Kutumba or jf divided over inter and intra household affairs. He had to

represent the guttu in all the external affairs whether of the J ati, village or ritual of

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Bhutaradhana. As a yajamana he also functioned as a chief in all the rituals and

ceremonies associated with the Bhutas ofthe guttu or territory, or that of the matrilineage

(kutumba Bhutas). The elite yajamanas not only collected revenue on behalf of the

Ballalas but also took part in the coronation ceremonies of the new Ballala. So the

yajamana of a guttu could be considered the chief elite of the guttu. The yajamana also

handled the task of settling intra-kin and intra-client disputes. Such dispute settlements

termed panchayatige. Those yajamanas who performed their duties and met their

obligations towards kin and the clients were highly respected. The elder inhabitants both

kinsfolk, tenants and labourers of Mudusede speak of some such yajamanas of the past

with awe and continue to eulogize the competence manifested by them to increase the

prosperity and consequently the reputation of the kin-group. At the same time there were

yajamanas who were criticized for being inefficient, vice-ridden, ruthless and selfish.

The yajamanthi usually supervised and managed the food preparation work for the

kinfolk and the farm labourers with the help of other kinswomen and more or less

number of labourers depending on the number of persons (kinsfolk and labourers) to be

catered to. In some cases, when Yajamana is dead, disabled or sick or not efficient the

Yajamanthi or matrilineal heads did assume the role of managing or monitoring the

farming activities (few such competent women yajamanthis/landladies were present

during the 1995 and 2005 in the village).

The division of labour incorporated the kinsfolk as well. All the tasks of territory

management as well as household management were differentially shared by the

yajamana and kinsfolk. In prosperous territories, both male and female kin had to assume

different tasks related to cultivation and household. In some territories, one or the other

kin also assisted the yajamana in the tasks of managing farm operations. If the territorial

units were less prosperous and unable to afford extemallabour, the kinsfolk, both males

and females had to perform tasks related to cultivation.

135

Superior kinsfolk usually abstained from direct manual work. The women folk of such

households were mostly engaged in tasks associated with the houselkitchen for example

management of food preparation and in some cases certain post harvest operations.

Inferior kinsfolk were often engaged in direct work. Some of them rented out their •

portions of the territory and were dependent on rent. Many tenant landlords abstained

from manual work, as they cultivated the lands leased in by employing labourers or sub­

leased it to other tenants. The inferior tenants some small Malgenidars and Chalgenidars

performed the tasks associated with fanning by themselves with involvement of their

family labour.

The marginal cultivators, inferior tenants and agrarian labourers perfonned all the

manual tasks related to cultivation. There was gender division of labour here. The males

would do the digging, land preparation, ploughing, sowing of grains, women would be

engaged in weeding, transplanting, pounding of paddy, de-husking the same with crude,

wooden devices operated by hand or leg and winnowing the grains. Manually irrigating

the lands by pulling water from the wells. with the help of certain crude hand operated

devices, was a highly laborious task performed by men and women of the labouring

households or tenants as well the small and marginal cultivators. Even the children from

tenant and agrarian labourer households were engaged in farming operation from a very

young age. Both boys and girls were engaged to clean the cowsheds, work in the houses

and kitchen (of their landlords) and perform many farm and households related tasks.

Usually boys and sometime girls too were sent to rear cows.

ii) Enforcement of Traditional Customs and Rules as Strategies and Practices of

Facilitative Power: Facilitative power was exercised through the enforcement of

traditional customs and norms related to rights and duties of various agrarian social

groups.

Customs associated witlt Rights and Duties of Patrimonial Rulers/Yajamanas: During

the early periods of history, there were customary rights and responsibilities attached to

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the Ballalas the supra-local overlords. The tribute due to them had to be given by the

village residents. In times of conflicts or wars with other overlords - the territorial units

had to send men to provide military service to these rulers. Whenever there was a

celebration or festival in the household of the rulers, the villagers had to provide their

share of gifts (in kind) and labour. At the same time the rulers had the obligation to

provide protection to all the people within the villages under their jurisdiction and

support them in times of emergency or crisis. The Yajamanas of the guttu also had their

rights and obligations in relation to their kin, the tenants and labourers as well as the

village as a whole. Weber's notion of traditional authority could be found reflected here.

Customs associated with Matrilineal System: The majority of Jati based identity groups

in the geo--political zone inclusive of the village under consideration followed matrilineal

system of descent and inheritance of property (land cum house, cattle wealth and other

movable property). This meant that the matrilineage Yajamana had to strictly follow the

customs and traditions of matrilineal system. The superior rights over inheritance, that

were held by his mother, sisters and nieces and their children over that of his own wife

and children had to be recognized and respected by him. He had to function as a

patrimonial figure keeping the wellbeing of the matrilineage in mind. Arranging the

marriages of his sister's children (girls and boys) by adhering to the traditional norms of

intra Jati lineage endogamy was also his responsibility.

The Customary Rights over Land and its Produce and Customs Associated with

Alienation of these Rights: The historically constituted agrarian society organized

into production/surplus distribution units (guttus/manes) recognized the customary rights

of all the kin and non kin-groups associated with the territory. The overlords had

customary right to procure share of the surplus in the form of tribute, rents, revenue and

levies from all the joint and single holders of the agrarian territories. This also meant

customary right to demand services from the subjects during the times of wars,

ceremonies and other celebrations. Jarandaya tale speaks of the demand for fresh

vegetables by the Ballala from Jhati Pujary as the former was celebrating a wedding in

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his household. The tenants as well as attached labourers had their customary rights to live

and work on the land as tenants and labourers.

AIl the groups in the agrarian hierarchy could alienate their respective rights as per

traditions and customs of the Tuluva region. This meant they could inherit, partition,

purchase, sell, lease out and mortgage their own rights only and not the right of others on

the same portion of the territory. For instance, a vargadari right holder could only sell

hislher varg or muli (original) right, the Mulgenidar could sell his Mulgeni right and the

Chalgenidar could seIl his Chalgeni's right. Such transactions which brought in various

new elements into the agrarian production units were not uncommon in traditional Tuluva

society. As land rights were orally partitioned from time to time as per the rule of

matrilineal inheritance, both women and men and children of the matrilineage held rights

over lands and its produce both in residence and absentia (a fluctuating status-as some

could return to reside on the land for various reasons i.e. widowhood among women).

The customary rights of the superior Mulgeni and inferior Chalgeni tenants meant that

they could not be evicted from the land as long as they paid the rents fixed through oral

contracts (permanently in the case of the former and temporarily in the case of the latter).

The Chalgeni was in theory a temporary right. However customs had been evolved

wherein the Chalgenidars right to continue the tenancy and pass it on to his descendents

was respected as long as the Chalgenidars adhered to the obligations of tenancy.

Customs associated witll Kumki lands: In the traditional village, all the agranan

households including the Vargadars, Mulgenidars and Chalgenidars (superior and inferior

tenants) had Kumki rights to lands. Kumki rights meant the rights related to collection of

green manure, fodder for the cattle, fuel wood, grass for their thatched houses and other

essential products from clearly specified portions of the lands attached to their farms

usually on the hill slopes. The extent of Kumki land co-related with the extent of land

under farming especiaIly paddy crops in traditional times. The Kumki right accompanied

the right over the farm land. When portions of the farm lands were alienated, portions of

Kumki had to be given too. The tenancy contracts incorporated the rights of tenants over

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not only the farm lands but also Kumki territory which was clearly demarcated and

allotted to them. The Kumki right could be inherited, transferred, purchased partitioned

and leased along with the cultivable land, Kumki lands usually had wild growth of

biologically diverse species, which sustained the ecological health of the village/region.

Customs alld Rights related to Commoll Property Resources: In earlier times, Customs

and rights related to common property resources such as water, grazing lands and forests

were also prevalent. The villagers could use such lands for grazing their cattle or claim

differential share of the produce (i.e. grass for their thatched roofs and green leaves for

their farms) and medicinal herbs (leaves, roots, fruits, flowers, seeds, husks of plants or

trees)from the common property resources. The villagers appointed a guard to safeguard

the forest wealth. On particular days in a year the green leaves could be cut. Water was in

abundance and freely available for all. Wells, tanks and rivers were the source of water.

Rain water was also tapped by building temporary water storing structures called bundhs

(katta in Tulu). The customary rights associated with water, whether wells, tanks (Kere),

streams (Thodu) and river were recognized and no one could block the water source to

those who had customary right to its use for domestic and irrigation purposes. However

access to water varied depending on the territory and availability of traditional devices to

pull water and the labour to fetch water from near and far for consumption purposes.

Customs Related to Illtra-Jati alld Illter-Jati Illteractiolls: In the caste based feudal

Tuluva society, customs regulating interaction within Jati and inter-Jati were also equally

important. The interactions between the kinsfolk and Jati members (men and men, men

and women and WOmen and women) and the interaction between members (women and

men) of various Jatis were custom bound. The inter-Jati marriages were strictly opposed.

Tradition associated with purity and pollution in relation to other jatis and women and

men of the same jati were followed strictly by the upper caste groups such as Brahmins

and Jains.

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Customs Associated witlt Gender Relations: In the traditional Tuluva society, women of

matrilineal communities had inheritable rights to matrilineal properties (both lands and its

produce). The women of patrilineal communities did not have such rights. Bride price

was a norm in most Jati groups (both superior and inferior). Herein bridegrooms had to

pay a price or a levy (locally called Tera or Sirdosi) to the bride's party. This practice

continued for a long time until the mid 50's of the twentieth century and even later in the

viIJage among some of the Jati groups. The position of women in the matrilineal

household despite having superior rights of descent and inheritance was that of a

subordinate being to the Yajamana or patriarch (mother's brother or maternal uncle in '~

most cases). However, they had right to residence and share ofJand and produce in their

matrilineage. In the marital homes as housewives and mothers, women were not only

subordinate to the Yajamana of the matrilineage to which their husbands belong but also

to the Yajamanthi or other matrilineal kinswomen who held superior claims to the

matrilineal properties. The wife's right to the marital home and property, ended the day

her husband died. She had to return with her children to her matrilineage with all her

belongings immediately after the funeral ("Your stay here has ended, you may pack and

leave" a widow was told). The cross--cousin marriages being common, matrilineal

territorial unit could be retained with the kin of the matrilineage itself. There was no bar

on widow remarriage. Birth of girls was a welcome event, as it contributed to the

perpetuation of the matrilineage which would otherwise' end with the death of sons,

whose children would not be a part of the "Kutumba" (the kin-group tracing its descent

from the maternal side).

iii) Rituals as Strategies and Practices of Power: Rituals associated with the worship of

Bhuta and other religious rituals could also be considered as strategies of facilitative

power.

Rituals of Propitiation of Bllutas as Strategies of Facilitative Power: All the superior

rituals connected with Bhuta worship are performed by the yajamanas. The role of priest

or pathri (pujary) is associated with the Guttu/Mane yajamana and it is usually passed on

140

through matrilineal lines. Bhuta worship programmes known as 'nema' and 'kola' are

collectively organised by the kin of the matrilineage under the leadership of the

Yajamana. Other villagers may be invited for the public celebrations depending on the

prominence of the Bhuta and the prosperity of the matrilineage. For instance all are

invited to participate when Jaranadaya Bhutaradhana festivals are organised in the Jara

region. The seating arrangements are made depending on the customary norms wherein

the superiors or guttuimane yajamanas get the top priority. The women including the kins

women and members of the subjugated jatis are required to occupy clearly demarcated

places from where they can watch the celebrations as they are held to be ritually impure.

Tenants, agrarian labourers too propitiate the Bhutas in their own houses and join in

celebrations of Bhuta festivals at village and guttuimane levels. Even among them it is

the lineage headmen or Gurikaras who perform the superior rituals associated with Bhuta,

while women are associated only in peripheral tasks related to the worship. Bhuta

worship thus represents as well as reinforces in a ritualistic form the relations based on

economic, Jati, political and gender domination in the village and could be considered as

a very effective strategy offacilitative/productive power in the village.

Facilitative strategies and practices of power were also at work in other religious sites of

worship. For example the men and women folk of Brahmin priestly households inclusive

of children were subjected to various forms of purity and pollution practices in their

everyday lives. Infact the Brahmin themselves were the products of the Brahmanical

disciplinary practices of purity and pollution. Similarly the catholic priests, Muslim

mullahs are products of disciplinary practices in seminaries or centres of training for

priesthood. Through rituals/pujas associated with various stages of the life cycle such as

birth, initiation, death, the priests (Vedic, Christian and Muslim) were able to exercise

facilitative power on the adherents to the respective faith.

Discourses/Truth Claims

The discourses or truth claims that provided the knowledge basis required for the exercise

of power in traditional Tuluva society were, (i) the discourse of the divine right of the

141

king to rule, (ii) Discourse associated with the Bhutas, (iii) the patriarchal discourse

which was implicated in the dominance of men over women, (iv) the Brahmanical

discourse of vamadharma and other religio-cultural discourses or truth claims which

provided legitimacy to the prevalent hierarchical relations in the society. These

discourses/truth claims are briefly dealt wi th here.

(i) The discourse of the divine right of the king to rule: The king, the Ballala and the

yajamana were considered to be agents chosen by the divine power to rule over the

people of their respective territorial jurisdiction. As per this discourse their rule

could ensure order in the area. They were there to protect their subjects from

invaders and provide them certain essential facilities such as construction and

maintenance of water tanks (kere). Because of such truth claims, these

patrimoniaUpatriarchal figures could place legitimate claim over a share of the

surplus generated by subjects and command their obedience.

(ii) There are discourses/truth claims associated with the Bhutas especially Jarandaya.

The Pujarys of Jara zone hold that Jarandaya emerged in Jara. Infact as per the

version of the larandaya collected by the researcher there is no mention of Bunt

GuttuslManes of Sede zone of the village. Bunts of Sede have their own truth claims

in this regard. They hold that Jarandaya first arrived and dwelt in a particular

territory in Sede part of the viIlage and later was found by the Pujarys in the river in

the form of a stone. The version of the Paddana collected by the researcher appears

to reinforce this claim. However all the personages and evidence associated with

Jarandaya in the Paddana as well as in reality appear to link the spirit with lara and

Jhati Pujary. So it could be said that the claim of Bunts of Sede zone in this regard is

probably an effort to safeguard and reinforce their position of superiority vis-it-vis

the Pujarys of Jara and Sede. Discourse of Bhutaradhana or Bhuta worship lays

emphasis on the traditional obligations and customary duties of all the inhabitants,

thus constituting them into obedient followers of traditional norms.

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(iii) The discourse of patriarchy was implicated in the dominance of men over women: In

the traditional Tuluva society, the sllperiority of men over women was discursively

upheld though the matrilineal traditions were prevalent among many ethnic groups.

Such discourses and their effects on gender relations need to be explored further.

(iv) The Brahmanical discourse of vamadharma and other religio-cultural discourses or

truth claims: The Brahmanical discourse by involving the authority of the sacred

scriptures such as Vedas sought to provide the basis for the hierarchical ordering of

persons and groups based on their occupational, ethnic and gender identities.

Vamadharma discourse invoked the divine authority to rank order the various ethnic

groups that were present in the Tuluva region at the time of Brahmin arrival into the

region at the invitation of feudal rulers. The varnadharma ideology widely diffused

in the northern part of Indian sub-continent had penetrated deeply into the Tuluva

society from a particular historical phase. The Brahmins were able to evoke the

legend of 'Parasurama' to make the claim that it was they who were the first settlers

in the region reclaimed from the sea by lord 'Parasurama' by throwing the axe across

the sea. Such Brahmin pro-discourses were widely diffused in the vilJage as in other

parts of the region.

Resources and Capacities

In the traditional village, land or the territory was a very significant resource which

included the extent of lands under tenancy and under self-cultivation. The claims over

land and its produce differed. Those who held superior rights over the territory as tribute

collectors (Ballalas), as Vargadars and Mulgenidars (superior or permanent tenants) were

able to appropriate higher amount of surplus. Those who held inferior rights such as

Chalgenidars (temporary tenants), Ola Chalgenidars (internal temporary tenants), and , attached labourers and village servants received much lower share. The access to surplus

was dependent on the quantity and quality of land owned and cultivated. From the land

records of the early years of the British p.eriod, it can be ascertained that the best type of

wet and garden lands were under the control of certain Guttus or portion holding kin of

143

those Guttus (sub territorial units referred to as manelhouse). The manner in which lands

were utilized for production purposes could increase the economic dominance of one

Guttu/Mane and agrarian units over a less efficient one. The established agrarian

households including tenants had rights over Kumki lands. Kumki lands provided the

much needed fuel, grass, green leaves and other products for the owners and to a much

lesser extent to their tenants and labourers.

In the traditional/feudal society, water was a most important resource. The classification

of lands into wet (1't, 2nd and3rd quality), dry and garden (once again into 7 types in terms

of quality) highlight the fact that the availability of water source, made a big difference.

The bailu territories were turned into agrarian productive units mainly because of the

availability of water. Access to open wells, ponds, tanks (Kere), streams, and river with

perennial supply of water, added value to the territory. Tanks (Kere) were constructed by

the prominent Yajamanas in alliance with the Ballalas by using the labour of the

subordination groups to preserve water inclusive of rain water for irrigation. The map of

the village makes a mention of two such tanks on the lands of portion holding kin of two

reputed local guttulmane. Pillikula (the tiger's pond), the large natural pond formed on

top of the hilly terrain was a permanent source of water for wild animals and later for the

cattle of the villagers. The water that flowed from this lake downward even during the

non-rainy season made certain territorial units or guttus/manes prosperous. Conflicts over

water between the various matrilineages and tenants and their landlords were not

uncommon.

In the past, the cattle wealth especially number of pairs of plough animals, milch cattle

and the effective utilization of these animals for productive ends, the natural manure

produced by these animals and its utilization in farming added to the resource pool. There

were local breeds of fowls, goats and in rare cases pigs raised by some village residents.

Village had a very large cattle population with variety of breeds. Not only land owners,

landlords, but also tenants and in some cases attached labourers owned cattle. The

prosperous and middle level landlord/proprietors and larger Vargadars had relatively

144

more good quality milch cows, pairs of plough animals such as bulls and buffalos. Others c

had relatively few. Buffalo race was a sport annually held in the village to showcase the

relative superiority of prosperous landlords/vargadars.

Common Property Resources (CPR's) was another significant community asset. In

principal, these resources (CPR's) were meant for the collective use of all, and all had

access to them. However the prominent matrilineal kin could access more benefits from

it. Obviously because they had more cattle to graze, more labourers as well as kinsmen

and women who could cut the green leaves from the reserved/guarded forests on pre­

fixed days. The CPR's were used by the villagers for collection of fuel wood, medical

herbs, fruits, nuts and edible plants. The inferior tenants and labourers during lean

seasons when they had no work could assuage their hunger by eating jackfruits and other

forest edibles of nutritive value collected from such common property resource zones.

The CPR's provided grass for the thatched huts of the village landlords, tenants and

labourers in the past (before the tiles were manufactured) and later for many subordinate

groups. The villagers could use these green covered areas for sanitary purposes.

Medicinal herbs found here, provided the villagers remedies against common ailments.

The laterite and black stone resources wjthin the village territory remained untouched

during the traditional period.

The positions of authority such as that of Guttu yajamana, Patel, Shanbhag, yajamanthi,

Guttu kin, Gurikars or leaders of specific Jatis ritual positions were also important

resources. Reputation associated with Jain rulers, various matrilineage and various

positions of authority were also significant resources. The privileges granted in the form

of Inam lands (Manya-partially revenue free and Sarve Manya-fully revenue free)

ensured higher retention of surplus in the hands of the grantees.

Alliances and Networks could be considered as resources that facilitated the exercise of

power. Alliance with supra-local political forces did serve as a major resource in the past.

Various kin-groups belonging to a jati forged alliances based on exchange of women.

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Such alliances were spoken of between Bunt households of the village i.e. Mugila and

Gudemane, Ballike, Hosamane and Meginamane, Hosalekke and Hosamane; Arbi and

Ballike and between Pujarys of Bota and Jara. Alliances enabled the superior kin-groups

or jati groups to forge unity as well as project an image of solidarity, to all their vertically

ranked client groups. The guttu kin of various territories would unite whenever their

interest was threatened. Protesting or dissident tenants or agrarian labourers of one

territorial unit were usually not supported directly by the kinsmen of other territorial

units. The presence of numerically large number of tenants or labourers who shared

common Jati identity, made it hard for the landlords and supra-local overlords to abuse

their authority, as the tenants could align against such an effort. Similarly the tenants and

labourers could not demand reduction of rents and increased perquisites respectively as

landlords/employers could align against giving into such demands.

In earlier times, weapons, such as swords and other means of violence possessed by the

Ballalas as well as the local landlords, the number of kinsmen, labourers/tenants settled

on their territory that they could mobilize to fight on their behalf, enabled the superior

groups to exercise domination over the subordinate groups by instilling fear in them.

In the past, the differential competencies or skills the landlords/proprietors, tenants and

labourers possessed, placed them in a position of advantage in relation to others. The

landlords/Yajamanas with competence to manage the territory as well as human

resources such as tenants and labourers and retain them on the soil could maximize

production in the territory and access surplus to a higher extent. Similarly competent

tenants who could raise the production and pay regular rents could acquire more lands

under tenancy. Attached labourers with higher levels of competence could raise their

worth in the eyes oftheir masters.

Knowledge of Farming, Crafts and Folk Medicine: There was traditional knowledge of

farming, arts and crafts and healing in the village as in other areas of the geo-political

zone. Knowledge and techniques of farming, use of green manure, J~opping to

" \~L/~~ 0'1!.'/~ -......:\'9~ .I .-,;' or T.1.~).s.:n 146 \:Jl "I;

~J\,.. d}, *

rejuvenate the soil, rain water harvesting ensured sustainability of agriculture. Even

leaves collected from the Kumki lands and village commons (at fixed intervals) were

used as organic manure. The cow dung and urine, two of the rich sources of manure were

extensively used in farming. The village had diverse varieties of paddy, vegetables and

breeds of local cattle as in other parts of the district. Seeds were exchanged among the

agriculturists or were provided to the marginal farmers and inferior pure tenants in return

for a share of the paddy after the harvest. A very sophisticated calendar called the Tuluva

Panchanga was in use. This Dravidian calendar that had been evolved from the

experience of natural life cycles, seasons and observation of various life forms and events

was a significant resource for the Tuluvas in scheduling agricultural operations as well as

certain life cycle and Bhuta rituals. The knowledge of folk medicines quite diffused

among the people facilitated resort to self-healing practices.

Cultural Symhols: Cultural symbols inclusive of religious ones had been evolved in the

agrarian society of the traditional/feudal times and utilized to a variable extent in the

exercise of power. Examples of such cultural symbols are linguistic (concepts mantras,

slokas, bhajans, proverbs, sayings, tales), written (i.e. scriptures, inscriptions, palm leaf

documents), visual such as colours (i.e. saffron associated with sages), pictures and

images of deities, heroes and heroines, monuments and objects (palaces, temples,

mosques, Basadis, chariots, statues, flags, beads and other ritual objects such as masks,

dress, jewellery associated with specific Bhutas and other deities, clothes, rings, chains,

bangles and other objects associated with men and women; sacred symbols and deities

associated with life forms both flora and fauna (serpents, cows, monkeys, plants such as

tulasi, trees such as ashwatha , flowers such as lotus, parijatha, rivers, mountains and

forests) and names and quotes of charismatic figures. These symbols were selectively

utilized within specific sites of relations {)f power to exercise not only domination but

also facilitative/ disciplinary power by various individuals and groups in the village and ,., at the supra-local levels. -

\

,

147

ObjectslEffects of Power

Objectives of relations of power in the traditional society inclusive of the village under

study were mainly two fold. One to gain access to the surplus produced in agriculture in

the form of revenue, gifts, rent and low paid and free labour as wel1 as to further increase

ones hold over the lands and other prodl;lctive resources. The other object of relations of '\ '-

power was to preserve or safeguard once rights, privileges and benefits and strengthen the

already posited or socio-culturally constructed identities vis-a.-vis others.

The relations of power manifested divergent effects in Tuluva villages. While the

prominent guttuimane kinsfolk lived in comfort, the subordinate groups within the

agrarian units such as small and marginal Vargadars, inferior/pure tenants and various

categories of labourers lived a hand to mouth existence, dependent on landed elite for

survival. Especially during the non-agricultural season the subordinate groups did not

have adequate food security and had to depend on whatever edible items they could find

around besides foraging for food in the forests. While the prominent landlord/proprietor

elite lived in spacious well-built thatched one to two floor houses, the subordinate tenants

and labourers lived in small thatched huts.

The identities constituted in Tuluva villages were also effects of relations of power in

divergent sites of social relations. The supra local Arasas or Kings, the Ballala, the

guttulmane yajamana and yajamanthi, the geni okkalu (Mulgeni, Chalgeni and

Vayidegeni) or tenants, the Mane okkalu or attached labourers, the various types of

labourers such as Hennalu (women labour), Gandalu (men labour) and Honnalulleetadalu

(debt bonded labourers) had been constituted and fixed in the traditional Tuluva society.

Various ethnic identities based on religion such as Bhuta worshipers, lains, Vedic

Brahmins, Christians and Muslims, tracing their origin to various jatis and gotras

established themselves in the villages of the region. Alohg with superior jati/vama groups

such as Brahmins, Pujarys, Bunts, Mulyas, many other intermediary peasant, artisan and

subjugated untouchable identities had also been constructed and fixed as effects of power

during various phases of Tuluva history. Positional identities such as Pateis, Shanbhags

148

were also constituted as superior identities in the villages of the region. As shown earlier

these identities had been ranked as superiors and inferiors in the agrarian sites of relations

of power.

Resistance in Traditional Society

Resistance against relations of power in the villages of Tulunadu occurred in every site of

relations of power namely agrarian production, households, Bhuta worship and

governance. Both overlord Ballalas and local feudals did not have absolute power over

their followers. There were limits laid down by customs and conventions which they

could not cross. No evidence can be collected concerning the day to day acts of resistance

put up by those subjected to power in the traditional society. There are certain sources of

evidence such as the ballad of Jarandaya that brings out clearly that the subordinate

groups may have resorted to violent forms of resistance against domination at a particular ,

juncture during the feudal period. When the practices of subjugation, surplus extraction

and untouchability perpetrated by the dominant forces became too oppressive to the

subordinate groups, they rose in revolt. Abubaidyathi and Jathi Pujary of Jarandaya tale

perhaps led one such revolt which resulted in violent backlash against the local Brahmin

headman and his patron the Ballala.

The Cult of Jarandaya: Resistance against domination and subjectification: The Jara

territory in Mudusede is said to be the location of the origin of Jarandaya, a spirit

worshipped as a chief village deity in Mudusede to this day (See Annexure III for a

version of the story associated with Jarandaya). The story in short is that Jhati Pujary -

the yajamana and Abubaidyathi, the matrilineal female head lived and cultivated the

lands in Jara. The blessings of Jarandaya the spirit they found in the form of a stone

enabled them to reap rich harvest of vegetables and toddy and they prospered

economically. Seeing this, Brahmin headman of the village was envious and complained

to the Ballalas. The story in short is that the Ballala annoyed by the audacity of his

subordinate subject to worship a spirit without his approval and envious of his new found

prosperity subjected Jhati Pujary to tests which could inflict on him excessive physical

149

harm. Jati was able to withstand all this and demonstrate his courage, valour and healing

power. Possessed by the power of Jarandaya, he broke the nonn of untouchability

imposed on him by jumping into and bathing in the well used by the Brahmins. Jhati

Pujary made the Ballala recognize the power of Jarandaya - the spirit, demonstrated

through his own body (the descendants of Ballala chieftains reportedly retain in their

house the ritual objects of Jarandaya (i.e. a hanging cot) and worship him to this day).

The struggle which ensued led to the destruction (Maya) of some Brahmin kin elements

and eviction of the rest, as they were seen as being directly responsible for the oppression

and exploitation of village subjects.

What is important here is that since the revolt the inalienable direct right of Jathi Pujary

and his descendants over the fertile Jara territory has been recognized by the ruling

Ballalas and all the other state powers that followed. No intermediaries were placed

above them. As per the 1904 (Fasli 1314) land settlement records, the matrilineage of

Jathi Pujary controlled more than 175 acres of land. The land title continues to be in the

name of the matrilineal female head to this day (The kinsfolk of this matrilineage

continue to retain control over some of the best or most fertile part of Jara territory even

now, despite alienation of much of their territory to the erstwhile tenants, and other

settlers including a Brahmin (priest by profession) and loss of a major portions of their

territory in other villages because of land acquisition by the government for the

Mangalore Harbour Project). In comparison, the major share of almost all other

territories or guttus in the village of Mudusede including most of those associated with

Pujarys are now under the control of Bunts (here again there is some alienation of

properties to the erstwhile tenants because of land reforms). The descendants of Jhati

Pujary have also retained their superior position in the Jarandaya rituals and propitiation

ceremonies held in the Jara region, whereas the control and management of such

rituals/festivals is concentrated in the hands of Bunts in the non-Jara region. The

Jarandaya tale makes it clear that when the domination, exploitation, repression as well as

manipUlation by the feudal overlords, village headman and other yajamanas went beyond

tolerable limits, the village residents manifested their resistance. The tale of Jarandaya

ISO

reveals that such resistance could take even violent protest leading to the annihilation of

those seen as being responsible for the injustice.

Further investigation is needed before one can establish the historical veracity of the

struggle between some of the agrarian classes/castes of Mudusede village which perhaps

led to the origin of Jarandaya cult. A hypothetical attempt at deconstruction of the

discursive and non-discursive (i.e. rituals) elements associated with Jarandaya cult

however makes it clear that centuries earlier, the village under study had hierarchical or

unequal relations. This led to economic exploitation and cultural subjugation of the

subaltern classes/Jatis by the dominant classes/Jatis. The domination was based on

superior rights over the land and its produce, political authority, ideological dominance

and status of ritual purity. There were layers of intermediaries within the agrarian

hierarchy who claimed share of surplus from the peasantry. However, such domination

and control was not total. It was contested by the subjugated groups. The subordinate

groups in the agrarian hierarchy were able to exercise their counter power through

specific strategies (in this case-the possession by a spirit or Bhuta) and were able to resist

attempts at constructing them as economically and socially subordinate and ritually

inferior identities.

Subjugated Knowledge of StrugglelResistance

The struggle of the oppressed peasantry which may have occurred under the leadership of

Jhati Pujary was soon neutralized through its ritualization. Along with many such

struggles led by the subaltern groups elsewhere in Tulunadu, the memory of the

resistance at Jara has been subjugated Annexure VII: Clarification of Other Concepts -2).

There are many other popular Paddanas of Bhutas such as Koti and Chennaya, the two

brothers who revolted against Ballalas and their Brahmin intermediaries, Kalurti -

Kalkutiga - the sister - brother duo, who rose in revolt against the highly oppressive acts

of Ballalas who cut Kalkutiga's hands to prevent him from sculpting the beautiful statues

of Bahubali for any other ruler; The tale of Thaniya Bhuta from an untouchable caste,

151

who revolted against the practice of untouchability; Ali Bhuta and Babbarya (both traders

from Arabia), who became heroes in the Tuluva region because of their valorous deeds in

the sea and generous acts. The knowledges of such struggles against domination,

exploitation and subjectification or construction of oppressive untouchable and sectarian

identities and traditions have been violently repressed. All the heroes who revolted, met

untimely death or were killed (became Maya or disappeared as per the Paddanas). The

Paddana reciters give voice to the anger and agony of repressed people during the Bhuta

worship (Gowda, 1991: 13). Recovery of such memories as Foucault suggests, may have

tactical implications for political action of the oppressed groups in the contemporary

region of Dakshina Kannada. This task is not easy, because the actual genealogies of

struggle behind myths and systems ofBhuta worship have been totally subverted to serve

the interests of the dominant groups. Reinterpretation of these belief/ritual systems from a

subaltern perspective may provoke violent backlash. The very people who have been

constructed through such ritual practices and myths to interpret the struggle of their

oppressed ancestors in the service of the dominant power (which includes elements from

these erstwhile oppressed castes) and not; in favour of the subjugated may resist such

reinterpretation. The reluctance of scholars who have undertaken research on Bhuta cults

of Dakshina Kannada to openly engage in such reinterpretation or deconstruction of the

dominant discourses around Bhuta cults could be understood from this angle, although

they subtly and directly dwell on it through their writings (Gowda, 1990; 1991).

Conclusion

In the traditional period under consideration the villages which were primarily agrarian

localities manifested certain distinctive characteristics with regard to the salient features of

relations of power. The sites of relations of power were few. All the major sites of

relations of agrarian production, kin households termed Guttus/manes, sites of Bhuta and

religious worship and local governance remained highly integrated or intertwined at the

village locality level. The relations of domination and relations of facilitative power

took on various forms. While the former namely relations of domination assumed

patrimonial, patriarchal, feudal forms all of which were faces of sovereign power, the

152

later namely facilitative relations of power assumed the fonn of social conditioning social

control.

Asymmetry characterised the agrarian sites (Guttus/Manes). These sites differed in

tenns of extent and types of lands held under direct cultivation, within and outside the

village, leased out to tenants (superior and inferior tenants) and lands leased in from other

territories within and outside the village. Consequently the agrarian sites themselves

manifested variable asymmetry. There were relatively large territorial units partitioned

between kinsfolk but jointly cultivated and there were those that had not been subdivided

but held by a single pattadar on behalf of his/her matrilineage. In such agrarian sites

complex asymmetrical relations could be noted between the yajamana, yajamanthi, other

superior kinsfolk - male kin and female kin both junior and seniors. There was asymmetry

between the yajamana and matrilineal kinsfolk (superior and inferior) on the one hand and

non-kin pure tenants and landless labourers on the other, who were at the lower levels of

agrarian hierarchy in such sites. Secondly there were very large number of agrarian sites

that were self cultivated by both the portion holding kinsmen and other vargadars to whom

portions of land had been alienated. There was asymmetry among these sites. There was

asymmetry even among the pure tenants, with the pure mulgenidars ranked above the pure

chalgenidars within the agrarian site. There was asymmetry among the agrarian labourers

who were at the lowest rung of the agrarian ladder. Attached labourers held more rights in

relation to the land and an assured share of work and produce from the land. The labourers

such as bonded labourers were the worst off. Agrarian society as a whole presented a

picture of hierarchically graded agrarian groups -large landlords/proprietors or yajamanas

of guttu/mane at the top, medium level vargadars, a vast number of small and marginal

fanners, superior and inferior pure tenants and differently ranked agrarian labourers. The

asymmetrical relations had both ethnic Uatilreligion) and gender dimension. The Jain,

Brahmins and Bunts ranked high in the agrarian sites (one household of jati Pujary being

an exception) the intennediate jatis of peasants/artisans were ranked below them and those

subjugated to the level of untouchability ranked the lowest. There was asymmetry among

the intermediate peasant and artisan jati and the other subjugated jatis with some jatis

153

ascribing relatively higher rank to themselves and lower ranks to others. The ranks

ascribed to Bhutas at the top, the middle and bottom level coincided with the ranks

associated with the ranking of territories and ranking among the agrarian classes and

ethnic groups. These facts highlight the prevalence of multiple hierarchies or asymmetrical

relations in the agrarian society one reinforcing the other. Hierarchy or asymmetry marked

every site of social relations in the village.

Strategies and Practices of domination included threat of arms and use of arms to inflict

injury or cause death of the person, destruction of property, forceful confiscation of

property, strategies or practices of surplus appropriation such as land revenue settlement,

levying of various taxes on villagers, fixing rents for various types of tenancies and

various types of lands, varying rates of wages for varied categories of labourers and modes

of extraction of free labour and bonded labour had been systematised in the traditional

agrarian society. At the same time, strategies and practices of facilitative power such as

division of labour, routine performance of tasks, rituals, ceremonies and festivals,

communication strategies inclusive of folk media such as Bayalata and later Yakshagana,

Tala Maddale, Harikatha and games such as Cenne, Kambla (buffalo race) were used to

incorporate the villagers within relations of power.

Resources such as land, water, cattle, agricultural instruments, weapons, access to

traditional knowledge and skills i.e. astrology, agriculture, traditional healing, kinship jati,

religious, trade and supra local links were variously utilized by the subjects engaged in

relations of power to exercise power over one another. Discourses/truth claims such as

divine right of kings, Vedic Brahmanical discourses of various religions were incorporated

in relations of power. The Objects and Effects differed in traditional society. Power not

only sought maximum access to surplus but also control over the behaviours or acts of the

subject. The effects of power were manifested in variations in the living and working

conditions of various social groups. There were those who lived in situations of high food

security because of the surplus of food stored in their granaries, where as those at the

lower rungs of the ladder led lives of extreme deprivation poverty and hunger. The

154

combined effects of domination and facilitative relations of power were manifested in the

identities that were constructed, altered, fixed or reconstituted in various sites of relations

of power. Yajamanthis, Guttu kin, tenants (Mulgeni, Chalgeni) Agrarian labourers

(attached - mane okkalu and others, variously graded ethnic UatiJreligions) identities and

ritual identities -Brahmin, Sudras, Ati Sudras governance related identities such as rajas,

maharajas, Ballalas, patels, shanbhags. Gurikaras were products or effects of relations of

power. It is clearly established from this analysis that relations of power had already

attained a certain degree of complexity before the arrival of British feudal rule in the

regIOn.

155

Chapter V: Section B

Beginning of the 20th Century: Under British Rule

Introduction

There is much debate around the question of the impact of the British rule (which

spanned a period of 150 to 200 years in various parts ofIndia) on the relations of power.

A look at the literature on the subject reveals atleast four distinct perspectives. According

to one view, British rule led to increased domination (exploitation and oppression) and

resulted in decline and deterioration in Indian society as a whole and villages in particular

as there was drain of wealth from India to Britain. The second perspective associates

British rule with economic advancement. As per this view, British rule led to the

expansion of market economy and technological progress in some parts of India. It

weakened feudal relations and advanced domination of the capitalist class over the

labouring groups. The third view, associates British rule with neither decline nor

progress. The assertion here is that the foreign rulers could not alter the dynamics of

power in Indian society. It left the Indian society without bringing any radical alterations

in the relations of power based on lineage, caste, gender, vocation and wealth. The fourth

notion asserts that the colonial rule had contradictory impact on relations of power in

Indian society. In other words, it led to progress in some ways and deterioration or

stagnation in others. It altered certain forms of domination but reinforced certain other

forms (Noronha, 1991:137-154). Various factors of social change are associated with the

colonial rule in India (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change - 2). An attempt is made

here to summarise the demographic data and changes in the relations of production in the

agrarian and other related sites of social relations and the modifications that appear to

have occurred in the relations of power by the beginning of the 20th century as a result of

the impact of some of the factors of social change.

156

History of British Governance in Dakshina Kannada

The Kanara territory was annexed by British after the defeat of Tipu Sultan, last of the

supra local Sovereign rulers of Mysore in 1799. The Kanara territory was divided into

South Kanara (inclusive of Udupi district) and North Kanara. Later South Kanara

(present Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts) was brought under the Madras

Presidency, while North Kanara remained with the Bombay Presidency. The first British

Deputy Commissioner, Sir Munro assumed office in July 1799 in Mangalore. Few

official records collected by the researcher provide certain indicators of the demographic

and agrarian trends in the village during the closing decades of the 19th century. The

region was under the British rule for a period of more than 100 years by then.

Demographic Trends: A Summary

The data presented on the demographic situation of the village in Section A of this

Chapter reveal some important facts (Chapter IV, Table IV-I). By the end of the 19th

century, the population of the village was 1,240 persons. There were 595 men and 645

women. 1n other words, the village had totally 1.25 thousand persons. The female

population exceeded the male by 50 persons.

The religion wise composition of the population show that the people labelled as Hindu

were 962 persons, Muslim 173 and all the rest namely Christians, Jains were listed under

the category 'Other'. This reveals that the village had retained the characteristic of

religious diversity in early part of the 20th century. As far as occupation is concerned a

significant majority of workers were engaged in agrarian sector as cultivators and

labourers.

Sites of Relations of Power

The British land revenue settlement records and other literary sources of evidence

provide us some evidence into various aspects of relations of power not only in the

agrarian site but also other more or less rclated sites of the village inclusive of sites of

religion, governance (local and supra-local), school, health centres and legal services to

157

name some. Some of these sites such as agrarian and certain religious sites were old,

where as many others such as schools, health centre, British administrative offices, law

courts were new sites of relations of power. A more detailed analysis of the agrarian site

and brief description of some of the other sites of relations of power are provided here.

The Agrarian Site

The agrarian sites continued to be the most significant production avenues in the villages

during the historical period under study as in the earlier period. After bringing the district

of Dakshina Kannada under the Madras presidency in 1799, the British continued the

Raiyatwari system of revenue settlement reportedly prevalent in Tulunadu from early

times (Buchanan, H. 1807, Noronha, 1991 (a). By 1904, however the surveying of all

lands in the Kanara districts was completed and Raiyatwari Land Revenue Settlement

policy was systematized. As in other parts of Dakshina Kannada district and most part of

the Madras Presidency, the British appear to have executed their more systematised

Raiyatwari land Settlement Policy in Mudusede village in 1904 (Fasli 1312). The revenue

settlement records of the British period, despite their inherent limitations provide us some

glimpses into the agrarian sites in Mudusede village during the early years of the 20th

century.

The Ecological Context of Agrarian Production: Certain ecological characteristics of

the agrarian sites are available from the British Land Revenue Settlements records of

1904 which includes type and quality of land and land use patterns. As per these records

out of 548 acres of land occupied by villagers in 1904, there were various types of lands

in Mudusede village (Table V-I). Nearly 489 acres were considered wet which

comprised slightly more than one-third of the lands under assessment. These areas were

utilized to grow paddy crops twice or thrice a year. There was some area (50.28 acres)

under the garden crop already, in other words, cash crops were being cultivated on

relatively small percentage of cultivated village lands. The village had more than 792

acres of unoccupied land (including the land under Kumki right and nearly 128 acres of

158

paramboke lands Of land under government control). It is clear that considerable portions

of village lands were common property resources during the early years oflast century.

Table V-I

Type, Extent of Lands and Revenue Assessment in 1904

Abstract of the village of Mud use de (Fasli l312)

Extent of land Revenue Assessment Type of Land

Acres cents Rupees Anas

Wet Nanja - I st Class 169.18 1,333.15

Wet Nanja - 2"d Class 183.36 1,025.00

Wet Nanja - 3'" Class 136.27 333.5

Total Wet 488.81 2,691.40

Garden (Bagaithu 2"d sort) 3.91 27.60

Garden (Bagaithu 3'" sort) 6.56 39.60

Garden (Bagaithu 4th sort) 6.09 30.70

Garden (8agaithu 5th sort) 11.80 47.40

Garden (Bagaithu 6th sort) 9.49 28.80

Garden (Bagaithu 7th sort) 12.43 25.00

Total Garden 50.28 197.15

Dry (punja) 8.81 1.30

Total Wet, Garden & Dry 547.90 2,898.30

Unoccupied (Anadeena) 792.33 398.70

Paramboke 127.68 -

Grand Total ofthe Village 1467.91 3,296.10

159

With reference to the quality of village lands, Buchanan appears to have retained the

five fold division of lands of coastal Kanara prevalent in the traditional times. This

division could be applied to the village as well. There were Bayalu or Bailu lands where

atleast three crops of paddy could be raised and so it was known as first category wet

land. The second category of paddy growing wet lands, were known as Majalu where 2

crops could be cultivated. The third category wet lands, were known as Bettu where one

crop could be cultivated with rain water (Aneel crop). Fourth was labelled Thota

(garden), where crops such as areca, coconut and pepper were grown and the fifth type of

land was named Rola, a field where paddy and vegetables were cultivated (Buchanan, H,

1807). Village Mudusede had all these types of lands though varying in extent. As per the

Adangal Fasli 1312, descriptive memoir of Mudusede village (No. 75) dated 1904 the

village had brought nearly 548 acres of land under cultivation. 1 st, 2nd or 3rd class wet

lands (Nanja) were those where three, two or one crop of paddy respectively could be

cultivated. In Mudusede, most Bailu lands could usually be used to cultivate two crops of

paddy only. As the lands were water logged because of the overflow of Gurpur

(Phalguni) river during the monsoons, most BaHu lands could not be cultivated the third

time.

The land survey of the village in 1904 revealed that important facts about the quality of

lands. The first class, 2nd class and 3rd class wet lands were the most important categories

of lands in the village. The village had only 169 acres of I st quality wet lands. Nearly two

thirds (320 acres) of the wet lands were of the 2nd and 3rd quality. The village had no first

class garden lands but had 2nd to 7th sort garden lands between 3.91 acres to 12.43 acres.

Once again more than two thirds of the garden lands were of 5th to 7th sort. The land

tenned dry under assessment was very limited, less than 10 acres. These facts indicate

that village lands under cultivation were by and large fertile wet lands with some

variations in quality.

Crops Cultivated in the ViI/age: There is also some evidence regarding the crops

cultivated in the village. As per the Adangal Fasli 1312 (1904), the chief crops cultivated

160

in the village are paddy, green-gram, horse-gram, black-gram, coconut, areca nut and

betel-leaves. In other words, though paddy was the predominant crop, there were other

crops which provided people access to the market. As per the census of agricultural stock

in the year 1903, the village had 369 ploughs. This fact shows clearly that the lands were

under paddy cultivation to a considerable extent during early years of the last century.

Numerical Strength of Pattadars and Workforce in Agriculture: The settlement records

of 1904 provide some data regarding the numerical strength of Pattadars in particular and

the number oflandholders and labourers in general.

Table V-2

Number of Revenue paying Pattadars, Extent of Land and Assessment of

Raiyatwari Holdings (Year of Settlement 1904 - Fasli, 1312)

Number of Revenue Extent Average

Amount of Revenue Size of Assessment paying Pattadars of Land

(Rupees) Land

Single Joint Total Acres (a\!res) Rs. Anas

10 & less but over I 5 3 8 II. 6 1.38 42 10

30 & less but over 10 II - 11 39.17 3.56 250 9

50 & less but over 30 5 I 6 41.66 6.94 234 9

lao & less but over 50 6 2 8 92.19 11.52 509 7

250 & less but over 100 10 - 10 302.38 30.24 1526 13

500 & less but over 250 1 - 1 61.44 61.44 334 3

Total 38 6 44 547.90 12.45 2898 3

Note: The number of Pal/adars listed in Table V-2 varies slightly from the number of Pal/adars listed in Table V- 3 (51 as against 44). This is due to the fact, that the seven minors or dependents shown as Pal/adars in the Adangal (Fasli 1312) were not listed among the revenue payers, as their elder kinsfolk paid revenue on their behalf.

From the data in Table V-2 it could be surmised, that the number of Pattadars with

whom the British settled land, was very small in 1904 (namely 44 Pattadars) and together

they controlled 548 acres of cultivable land. The largest majority of the Pattadars were

161

listed as single at the time of settlement (38 out of 44). A reading of names ofPattadars in

the Adangal or settlement register also makes it clear that many territories had already

been partitioned between members of a kin-group, who are shown as independent

revenue payers. For example, Devu Shetty of the reputed Kodialbail Guttu is listed as an

independent Pattadar, while his nieces Korapalu and Maire are also shown as being

independent Pattadars. To give another example, there was one Rama Naik, a joint holder

who paid revenue on behalf of self and his four kin who had already been allotted Varg

right over portions of the territory. When we co-relate the type of ownership (single or

joint) with the amount of revenue paid, we find that all the 38 Pattadars including all

those who pay Rs.l 00/- and above as revenue are listed as single Pattadars. Out of 6 joint

Pattadars as many as 4 Pattadars paid Rs.SOI- or less as revenue. When we compare the

average size of land held we find no joint Pattadars in the category of those who own

above 30 acres or more land on an average. It is obvious from this data that joint

households were not the controllers of the largest extent of land nor were they the highest

revenue payers in the village. In short, the agrarian sites in the village differed in terms of

type, quality and extent of land and in terms of type of ownership (single or joint) and in

terms of the amount ofland revenue paid.

The data on workforce in agriculture (Chapter IV, Table IV-I) brings out that, as

many as 479 were listed as land holders or cultivators and 92 as landless as per 1891

census. In 1901, the number of land holders had declined to 370 and the landless had

increased to 263 persons. There is no evidence to explain the reasons for such alteration.

There is reason to believe that all those cultivating orally partitioned portions of lands

may have been included in the category of landholders in the census (revenue settlement

records reveal the presence of only forty four revenue paying Pattadars in the village).

The data however does not make it clear whether mulgenidars and chalgenidars too were

included among the cultivators in the census. It is also not clear apart from children and

dependents which occupational groups were present among those who were brought

under the category 'Others' (who numbered 471 in 1891 and 607 by 1901). What is

162

important here is that there were as many as 633 persons who were engaged in the

various agrarian sites of the village as cultivators and labourers in 190 I.

Sites of Governance

Constitution of Bureaucracy/Officialdom (Revellue, Police alld Law Courts): The

colonial establishment in India consisted of a highly structured and rule bound

bureaucracy. The Deputy Collector at the district level, Thahasildars and other village

level officers took over the functions of revenue collection and maintenance of law. They

were supported in this process by the police and the law courts. The hierarchically

organized colonial government servants (in reality very powerful bureaucratic

representatives of the British rulers) and the unequally constituted village subjects

became associated in new relations of power. The objective was to maintain law and

order and gain control over the surplus in the form of revenue. The revenue collection

was undertaken by the administrators as per the norms. The Pattadars who were unable to

meet the revenue obligations, who were unable to repay their debts taken from the money

lenders cum landlords and all others who were considered as breakers of law including

political activists, had to deal with a new face of state power, the police and the law

courts and at times the army.

Sites of Legal Services: Legal services were established in all the districts of India during

the British rule. Lawyers were constituted as a new category of professionals to mediate

between the litigants and the courts of law. The village residents especially the

landlord/proprietors approached the courts through lawyers for the settlement of disputes

concerning properties and persons, not only against their own kin hut also kin of other

guttus as well as tenants. Lawyers or advocates as professionals, emerged as a significant

group who could interpret and use the laws to defend their clients. The inter-guttu and

intra-guttu based mechanisms for settlement of disputes lost their traditional significance

and legitimacy to some extent, undermining the authority of the feudal forces in the

village.

Department of Forestry: Policies of the British, in relation to Kumeri Cultivation and

forests did not leave the village unaffected. Kumeri (Swift and burn cultivation) which

entailed the clearing of the forest land by fire was a widely used practice in the past all

over the region. This form of cultivation was going on for a long time (Buchanan, 1807

cited in the South Kanara Gazetteer), which quietly altered the character of forest

vegetation in the region as elsewhere. In 1860, the British government passed an order to

stop Kumeri (cited in Government of Kamataka, South Kanara District Gazetteer, 1973:

15 -16). Subsequently, this strict rule was relaxed to some extent in order to meet the

needs of certain forest tribes. In 1898, only limited area was given to hill tribes for slash

and burn cultivation and they were encouraged to plant teak on that land.

After the enactment of Madras Forest Act in 1874, the British Government initiated steps

to demarcate valuable forest land as government property. Only small area of the forest

land in the district of South Kanara had any legal claim to be considered private forest. A

large extent of land under forest cover was held to be government property, subject only

to rights of way; water, pasture and forest produce (Sturrock, 1894 cited in Gazetteer of

South Kanara District, 1973).

Such ac~s did not leave the village unaffected. Much of the forest land over which the

people of the village had collective control, were taken over by the British government

after 1874. A large portion of the unoccupied land on the north eastern side of the village

was brought under the Forest Act. As a result the villagers lost their common property

rights (CPR's) over the forests. Officials and guards were appointed to safeguard forests

or to prevent villagers' access to it. Since then the people of the village continued to have

control over common property resources such as grazing lands and the lands earmarked

as "Devarakadu" literally "God's Forest" only.

The state control over forests deprived the villagers especially the tribals their rights over

major portions of forests. Those residents such as adivasi Koragas (forest dependent

ethnic groups), landless and other groups who depended on forest products such as fruits,

164

nuts and other edibles to overcome hunger especially during non-agricultural season were

the worst affected because of the government control over forests. All the villagers who

were dependent on CPR's for food, herbal medicines, fuel wood and grass for their

thatched roofs were the losers. The British made use of the forests to access timber and

other marketable products which could result in gains for the British treasury.

Emergence of Schools as Sites of Relations of Power

The first formal school under the aegis of District Board of Education under Madras

Presidency was established in the vicinity of the village in 1912 according to the

headmaster of the school who was interviewed by the research scholar during the 1 st

phase of the study (1995). Children of about 5 surrounding villages such as Mudusede,

Padusede, Pachanady, Tiruvail, Mallur started attending this Primary school. This school

situated on slopes of the hill, was not easy for the people to reach from the plain areas of

the village especially from the central and eastern sides of the plains or Bailu zone.

Missionaries (Christian religious congregations of men and women) had established

schools/college in Mangalore by then.

What is important to note here is that for the first time the children of the village

irrespective of caste and gender had access to secular formal education and atleast some

could acquire knowledge of 3 R's. It was the children of the upper and dominant

communities who were able to access education to a larger extent than others during the

first century of British rule. To begin with children of the upper and landlord/proprietary

castes/class started acquiring education in schools established by the Christian

missionaries and government. Some land owners say they used to walk long distances to

reach these schools. Some boys of the village could access education to a much higher

extent than the girls. Many elderly women even among the landlordNargadars of the

village were found to be either non literate or with a minimal education not beyond

primary or higher primary at the time of the study. Even the elderly Christian tenants both

men and women were found to be either non-literate or with little education.

165

,

The schools emerged as new sites of relations of power. The education had been

envisioned as a tool of preparing obedient subjects for the British Empire to serve at the

lower levels of the British bureaucracy. The disciplinary processes set in motion by the

schools including the forms of domination exercised over children, led to the construction

of student subjects with certain forms of knowledge, skills and attitudes. The learners

were not taught to question the unjust realities/the prevalent relations of domination and

divisive and unequal social identities such as Jati, gender, vocation, religion and race.

Docile subjects who obey orders and do n-ot question were needed by the colonial power.

The schools did not encourage critical thinking as this was not in the interest of the )

colonial rulers. The rational thinking imparted through higher educational institutions

was restricted to the Sciences and Humanities that had been generated in post renaissance

European society. School texts were not free of Euro-centric, elite Gati and class) and

gender bias. Both English and Kannada medium schools were established by the

Christian missionaries whereas government run schools taught in Kannada medium. The

English language emerged as a superior language of the elite in the region. Speaking in

English was considered as a sign of superiority. The children of the agrarian elites who

had early access to English education could assume professional positions, administrative

roles and move to distant locations for jobs. The Kannada languages spoken by the

dominant elite became the standard language of education in Kanna,da medium schools.

The spoken languages of vast sections of the Tuluva people (Tulu, Konkani and Urdu)

were relegated to the background. This analysis would hold good for the process of

formal schooling in the village under consideration. Formal education became a valued

resource which could provide access to better jobs and other privileges.

Sites of Health Care

During the colonial rule, the western system of medicine namely allopathy appears to

have emerged as a predominant one. The Wenlock hospital and Lady Goshen were the

first public hospitals that emerged during the colonial period in the city of Mangalore to

cater to the health care needs of residents of Mangalore and many villages near and far.

Homeopathy also made inroads in the City of Mangalore because of a German

166

Missionary Fr. Muller more than 100 years ago. All indigenous healing systems (folk,

ayurveda, unani) and homoeopathy were gradually sidelined. Allopathic physicians

emerged as a dominant force in the health sector with a claim on surplus generated in the

fonn of fees. The other traditions continued to exist at the peripheral levels with people

selectively resorting to various modes of treatment for different diseases. The folk

traditions though subordinate continued to survive in the fonn of village level healers and

home based herbal preparations.

Sites of Worship/Religion

Site of BltUta Worship: The sites of Bhuta worship continued to be significant ones

throughout the colonial period as in the earlier period. The Bhutas continued to be held in

reverence and propitiated. However the villagers were unable to spend much surplus on

festivals for Bhuta, so these could not be celebrated with grandeur as in the past. The

physical structures of Bhuta worship or Daivasthanas remained neglected and in a

dilapidated condition as the patronage for their renovation had not been forthcoming and

the higher share of surplus generated in agriculture was siphoned off by the royal

treasury. But despite this, Bhuta worship continued to provide meaning, security and

identity to the village households.

Continued Dominance of Vedic Temples: The Vedic temples continued being dominant

sites of worship and legitimacy throughout the colonial period. The Brahmins in the

village as elsewhere were able to access new resources generated during the period such

as education and access to salaried jobs, especially teaching and retain their dominance at

the socio-cultural inclusive of ritual level.

Emergence of Churches as Sites of Power Relations: As in Malabar and Kasargod

coast, the traders who had embraced Christianity in the early years of the Christian era

may have come to Mangalapura (the ancient city of Mangalore) as members of the

traders' guild from the Mediterranean countries. Some natives may have accepted

Christianity as their religion, not in a strict sense, but as a fluctuating syncretic identity.

167

There were however no established churches in the region until the arrival of the

Portuguese, Spanish and other European missionaries. These missionaries built churches

and established schools, colleges, hospitals, orphanages and welfare organizations in the

region. The first printing press in Kannada and the 1st publication in Kannada are traced

to the Protestant Christian Missionaries of Balmatta (an area in the centre of Mangalore)

of the Church of South India. First Kannada dictionary was produced by Rev. Kittle, a

missionary of this church). The Christians of Tuluva society were brought under the

relations of pastoral power to a greater extent after the establishment of churches and

church based institutions in the region. The Christians of village Mudusede were linked

for religious services to a Church in a neighbouring village (pachanady - Bondel) about 5

Kilometres away from Mudusede to the North Western side of the village. The distance

made it difficult to exercise continued pastoral control over such Christian households

during the colonial period as a result the Christians of the viIlage may have followed

many ofthe syncretic traditions of worship inclusive of Bhuta worship during this period.

The major sites of social relations that emerged during the colonial period either

reinforced or altered various salient features of relations of power in the village in general

and agrarian sites in particular. A brief analysis of the salient features of power with

focus on agriculture has been attempted here.

Forms of Power

The patrimonial, patriarchal, feudalistic sovereign power forms continued to remain

predominant in the village as in other parts of the region during this colonial phase of

history as in the preceding phase. The British imperialists replaced the Ballala feudal

rulers at the supra local level. The Brahmanical form of priestly power continued to be

strong. The church and its other institutional networks began incorporating the people of

the region and villagers covered by the study inclusive of Christians in certain new fonns

of domination. The traditional facilitative power forms also continued to be present

sustaining and perpetuating identities based on certain issues of salience such as age,

gender, kinship, jati, religion as in the earlier historical phase.

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There were some significant new forms of facilitative/disciplinary power that were

found to have been established in the vi1lage during the period under study. The new ., disciplinary forms of power supported by western philosophies of enlightenment and

social sciences which had been established in the west were diffused in the localities of

colonies to a more or less extent. The agrarian localities did not remain immune to the

influence of these forms of power. The aU pervasive British bureaucracy, the police, the

school, the health centres, and the new agents such as British officials (both foreign and

local), teachers, judges, lawyers, doctors who emerged in these sites became associated

with village subjects in new relations of disciplinary/productive forms of power. Through

these agents the colonial rule incorporated the village subject, in certain forms of pastoral

power relations, somewhat similar to tnose described by Foucault in relation to the

modem western society (1986: 213-216).

In short it could be stated from the analysis of the village scene especially agrarian scene '

in the e~ly decades of the 20th century that the colonial rule had contradictory effects on

relations of power: It led to the weakening of certain agents of domination (Ballalas),

while.reinforcing the domination of certain other traditional elites (sub-feudal landlords).

It did not interfere with the patterns of socialization, social conditioning and social \

control (the mechanisms of informal or incidental education). It led to the emergence of'

certain new forms of facilitative/disciplinary power in the country as a whole inclusive of

the village under consideration.

Manifestations of Asymmetry in the Village

There is sufficient evidence to infer the continued prevalence of asymmetry or hierarchy

in the agrarian and other related sites of social relations during the period under

consideration. By focusing on agrarian sites, attempts will be made to show how the

asymmetrical relations in other sites have reinforced asymmetry in the agrarian sites.

169

Asymmetry in the Agrarian Site

The agrarian sites of production continued being asymmetrical during the historical

period under study. Evidence available from the British land revenue settlement records

provide some facts to understand the gradations based on ownership of land under

cultivation (and revenue assessment). The size of land holdings (in acres) with various

Pattadars, jati and sex-wise in the village is given in (Table V - 3).

The data clearly shows that the size of cultivable land under the control of various

Pattadars is from less than one acre to nearly 100 acres. The majority of the holdings in

the village ranged from I to 10 acres (30 out of 51 holdings) and only 15 of these were

between 10 to 60 acres in size. Only one holding was above 60 acres to be specific it

controlled nearly 98 acres of assessed land in the village.

Asymmetry among the Pattadars is further highlighted by the variation in the revenue

paid by them to the British treasury. Am{)ng the large revenue payers, that is between

Rs,SO/- to Rs.250/-, there were 19 Pattadars. The extent of land settled with these 19

Pattadars was as much as 456 acres out of 548 acres. In comparison, the relatively low

revenue payers (Rs.I/- to Rs.sO/-) were assessed for less than 92 acres of land only. The

variation in the amount of revenue paid by the Pattadars was Rs.l/- to above Rs.250/-.

Out of 44 Pattadars, as many as 25 Pattadars paid between Rs.l/- to Rs.50/- as land

revenue. These facts indicate wide differences in revenue payments.

Such variations in land revenue, reflects not only the inequalities in the extent of land

controlled by various Vargadars, but also variation in the quality of lands held by them.

The second and third quality wet lands, various sorts the garden lands and the dry land

were charged differential rates of revenue as there was variation in productivity of these

lands (Table V-2). These facts highlight that there was asymmetry among the Pattadars.

This data does not indicate how many Pattadars are direct cultivators of all the lands

under their control and how many have rented out their lands either fully or partially to

others. In other words how of many of these Pattadars are actually landlords and direct

cultivators is not revealed by this data.

170

,

It has to be noted here that not only the joint land owners, but also many of the single

Pattadars with whom the British settled revenue were not the individual proprietors or

raiyats in the sense that British made them out to be. They were revenue paying vargadars

of the undivided or orally partitioned matrilineal territories on behalf of the kin group.

Many of them leased out lands to tenants and some of them had leased in lands from

others too, besides having various extent of land under personal cultivation. The surplus

from the land was usually distributed by them among the other kin households who held

variable rights over portions/produce ofthe territory.

Jati and gender asymmetry among tile Pattadars: The data regarding jati and sex wise

distribution of Pattadars is significant as it provides further understanding of the

characteristics of asymmetrical relations among the Pattadars.

Jati Asymmetry among tile Pattadars: The Numerical size of pattadars belonging to

various jatis is a good indicator of the co-relation between agrarian class and jati

asymmetry in the village (Table V-3).

Table V-3 -I Jati and Sex Wise Distribution ofPattadars and the Extent of Land under them (1904)

Extent of land Jati and Sex wise distribution of Pattadars

(acres) Bdnt Pujary Brahmin Muslim Christian Koragas Total

M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T M F T

Less thah one acre 2 - 2 - - - - - - - 1 1 - - - - - - 2 1 3

,1.1 tiJ'5 acres 7 10 17 2 - 2 2 1 3 - 1 1 - - - 1 0 1 12 12 24

5.1 to 10 acres 4 2 6 - - - - - - 2 - 2 - - - - - - 6 2 8

10.1 to 20 acres 2 3 5 - - - 1 - 1 - - - 1 - 1 - - - 4 3 7

20.1 to 30 acres 4 - 4 - - - - - - I - 1 - - - - - - 5 - 5

30.1 to 60 acres 3 - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - 3

60.1 to 100 acres - - - 1 - I - - - - - - - - - - - - I - 1

Total 22 15 37 3 - 3 3 1 4 3 2 5 1 - I 1 0 1 33 18 51

Source: Computedfrom Adangal, Fasli 1312. Archives, Deputy Commissioners Office, Mangalore.

~ r~_~~i) 171

~4~. dJ, '1

Out of 51 Pattadars 37 are Bunts. Only 3 pattadars are Pujarys, 5 are Muslims and one

was a Christian and one a Koraga. It is very clear from this that at the start of the 20th

century, the predominant group among the Pattadars in the village was Bunts.

The amount of land controlled by Pattadars of varied jatis is another indicator of their

relative economic dominance vis-ii-vis the other jatis in the village. This includes lands

under Kumki rights as well. The data is brought out in Table V--4.

Table V-4

Extent of Land Controlled by Pattadars - Jati Wise (1904)

Jati affiliation of Pattadars Extent ofland

held Bunts 486.20 Pujaris 191.97 Muslims 48.54

Brahmins(including Devasthana) 16.04

Christians 11.17

Koraga 3.74

Total Land under private control (inclusive of Kumki) 757.66

Government control (paramhokc) 127.68 Unoccupied lands 582.57

Total 1467.91

Source: Computed from Adangal. Fasli 1312. Archives. Deputy Commissioner's Office. Mangalore.

The Bunts, the dominant agricultural Jati households, held patta and Kumki right over the

maximum amount of land (out of 758 acres as much as 486 acres of land). A Pujary joint

holder namely Jhati Pujary as noted earlier held right over a large territory too, but the

total land controlled by this intermediate peasant group was considerably low (only 192

acres) compared to the Bunts. The lone Brahmin family in the village who were invited to

settle in the village appear to have partitioned its land between a few kin. So, although a

single Brahmin household was there in the village at the time of British settlement,

pattadars are listed as being four. Though five Muslim Pattadars are present, three of

them were minors holding portions of the sub-divided territory of one of the Muslim

172

Pattadars. A lone Christian absentee landlord was also the owner of a relatively large

holding in Mudusede. He may have either taken the land by bidding in an auction (a

common practice when the pattadars were unable to pay the revenue or clear the debts) or

purchased the same. A person named Koraga possessed nearly 3.70 acres of land in the

territory that was in the middle of the Gopalkrishna Temple and larandaya Daivasthana.

As suffix of Jati identity is incorporated in his name, it could be said that he belongs to

the Koraga tribe (listed as a Scheduled Tribe). Koragas though a tribe were treated as

untouchables by other Jati groups and made to perform all types of menial jobs including

waste disposal. Probably the Koraga Pattadar was a village servant who held lnam land in

lieu of his services. It is significant to note here, that not a single person belonging to

other intermediate, backward or the erstwhile Ati-Sudra castes was a Pattadar in the

village during the colonial period.

In short, in the early part of the last century, the super-ordinate elements at the village

level were dominantly Bunt as in the earlier phases, exception being a Pujary who held

patta right over the biggest territorial unit (the historical reason responsible for this has

been revealed in the Paddana of Jarandaya - Annexure III). A very high co-relation

between land ownership and Jati affiliation of the Pattadars could be ascertained from the

British official data. The control over land had emerged as a major mechanism of surplus

appropriation for the rural elite of upper/dominant castes in particular. The data makes it

clear that the patterns of land ownership were highly unequal at the time of Raiyatwari

Land Revenue Settlement. The Pattadars joint and single with whom the British settled

their revenue demand were an economically differentiated group.

Gender Asymmetry among tile Pattadars: Sex wIse distribution of Pattadars does

provide us some clues regarding the gender inequalities in land ownership and control

that had emerged during early part of the last century. The data reveal that out of 51

Pattadars, a significant majority that is 33 were male Pattadars, only 18 were female

Pattadars. Besides, out of 16 holdings of size above 10 acres, as many as 13 Pattadars are

men. These facts indicate that the joint holding matrilineages had already been

173

partitioned or sub·divided between kinsfolk. The male kinsmen of matrilineages had been

able to register their name as Pattadars over most territorial units by the beginning of the

19th century. The guttus/manes as matrilineage controlled territorial units in the original

or traditional sense in most cases had become considerably reduced in size. Much land of

the matrilineages had been alienated to patrilineal kin as well as new purchasers or

acquirers of portions of the territorial unit. The matrilineal rights over village lands

appear to have weakened during the British period further reinforcing the gender

divisions that were quite sharp in the village as elsewhere since historical times. An

analysis of asymmetrical relations undertaken here enables us to attempt ranking among

the agrarian groups of the village that prevailed at the beginning of the 20th century.

Hierarchical Gradations in tile Agrarialt Site: The asymmetry in the agrarian society

during the early part of the 20th century manifested certain modifications in the

hierarchical gradations prevalent in the traditional village. The British rule weakened the

Ballala domination at the supra local levels and at the local level in the village. Ballalas

as supra local overlords could no more exercise. their domination over the village

SUbjects. Number of roles/activities performed by the Ballala rulers such as supra· local

governance and maintenance of law and order were taken over by the British law and

order administration. The British established their network for collecting land revenue

directly from the local Pattadars. As a consequence, the Ballalas could no more have

superior claim on the revenue, nor use their patriarchal/patrimonial authority to claim

allegiance from the villagers as the latter were no more the subjects of the former.

However the Ballalas may have continued being Inamdars with a significant share of

revenue collected by the British from those areas/villages including Mudusede that were

historically under their jurisdiction.

Revenue Appropriating Supra-Local British Feudal Rulers: Revenue continued being a

major source of surplus during the British rule. The facts collected on the issue of

revenue demand and revenue disbursal for the year 1904 provide adequate evidence to

arrive at certain conclusions in this regard. The term revenue demand refers to the total

174

amount of the revenue on the varg lands of the village which includes certain remissions

and deductions. The term revenue disbursal refers to the revenue amount distributed

among the inamdars and remitted to the British treasury (Table V-5).

Table V - 5

Revenue Demand and Disbursal (1904)

Revenue Amount

(Rs.)

Net demand of the year 2416

Remissions and deductions 482

Total Raiyatwari demand 2898

Amount collected within the year 1743

Amount disbursed to Inamdars under Berez deductions 1017

Amount remitted to Treasury 726

SOUTce: Adangal. Fasli 1312. Archives, Deputy Commissioners Office, Mangalore.

Totally the extent of land revenue assessed was Rs.2,898/-. Out of which an amount of

Rs.1,743/- had been collected during the assessment year (1904) by the British

administration from the village. From this amount, the amount that was remitted to

British treasury was Rs.726/-. At the supra-local level the British rulers emerged as the

top ranking feudal class appropriating a significant share of the surplus produced in

agrarian sites of the village as in other parts of India. The revenue rates were considered

exorbitant by the Pattadars. There was variation in revenue on the type and area of land

(Table V - 6),

The data highlights the fact that almost 548 acres of land had been brought under

assessment by the British administration and revenue was collected from the Pattadars

mainly for the 1 sl crop of paddy only. The amount collected for the 2nd crop was quite

low. The maximum amount of revenue came from paddy cultivation and to a much lesser

extent from garden crops. It could be inferred from these facts that the British rulers and

175

their local agents could access and use considerable amount of surplus generated from

agriculture and emerged as the most prominent force of domination on the village

residents.

Table V-6

Type and area of land in relation to revenue 1904 (Fasli -1312)

Type orLand Area of land Revenue

(acres) (Rupees)

Wet 489 2,691.00 Garden 50 198.00 Dry 9 9.00

Total 548 2898.00

Note: Weiland revenue includes Rs. 2751-from 2'd crop.

lnamdars: A Privileged Group witltin tlte Agrarian Hierarchy: Though in South Kanara

the British had undertaken raiyatwari land settlement policy recognising the traditional

raiyatwaripractices prevalent in the region, they accepted the rights of the Inamdars. The .. t '

inamdars held rights over portions of revenue and inam lands that were partially or fully

free of revenue. Grantees of such inams included Ballalas and their intermediaries,

Bhutasthanas, Brahmins and the temples, Patels or village headman and shanbhags or !

village accountants and village servants. Out of revenue collected from the village

(totally Rs.l,743/-), as much as Rs.l,017/- was disbursed to Inamdars under the Berez

deduction system (Table V-6). Further historical research is required to find out who

these Inamdars actually were and how many of them were supra local erstwhile feudal

elements who lived on surplus collected from the villages and how many of them are

from the local landlord, peasant, artisan, village servants and other vocational/jati groups.

There is every reason to believe that a major share of revenue dispersed to the lnamdars

went to the erstwhile overlord Ballalas who held rights over the revenue from the land

(unless they had revolted against the British) and there is no evidence to aver that such

resistance did occur.

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LandlordiProprietors: The agrarian groups situated at the top of the hierarchy in the

village namely landlord/proprietors appear to have been strengthened further by the

British. As a result of Raiyatwari Land Settlement Policy, many male local landlord/

proprietors or Pattadars were able to acquire increased private control over land and

related resources such as water and Kumki lands, as their rights were officially

documented and legally recognized. They continued to have access to surplus in the form

of rents from genidars and low paid and surplus labour from wage workers/inferior

tenants. Some of them continued CUltivating leased lands from portion holding kinsfolk

of their own or other matrilineages or vargadars.

Old and New Categories of Absentee Landlords: A study of land records and the names

of the Pattadars indicate that the Varg rights to many portions of the village territories

continued to be with absentee landlords - kin elements of the local guttus, non local kin

elements of other guttus and non kin purchasers or acquirers (through auctions) of these

rights. The exorbitant revenue demands from the Vargadars during British period and the

inability to meet the revenue demands meant that some of the Patta holders of lands were

forced to mortgage it and the authorities could auction it when the leased lands were not

freed by the indebted. Similarly, portions of land may have been sold by the vargadars to

their kinsfolk or others. As a result the kin of non local matrilineage and other neo-rich

purchasers assumed control over some portions of the territories of the village leading to

the emergence of new absentee landlords. The new Pattadars in some cases may have

granted the Mulgeni right to the old Vargadars themselves (This may have occurred in

the case of Arasas, a matrilineage called guttu house or Arasara guttu in the village. They

became the Mulgeni tenants of Kodialbail guttu, a reputed matrilineage of the region).

\

Emergence of Capitalist Farmers: Did Capitalist farmers (predominantly cash crop

producers for the market by employing wage labourers) emerge in the village by the

beginning of the 20th century? There is no evidence to provide definite answers to this I

question. However, there are facts available to indicate that by 1904 the village had some

lands under cash crops such as areca, coconut and betel. Portions of the surplus of paddy

177

and pulses, may have found entry into the market. Village was linked by boat to

Bailupete and Bunder in Mangalore. The commodities for the market were being

produced not only by the owner cultivators but also by tenants. At the time of land

reforms in 1974, an elderly Christian tenant possessed a geni receipt that had been given

to him by the landlord 35 years earlier and his kinsfolk were paying the geni in areca nut

and cash at that time. However these facts do not confirm that feudal relations had ended

and capitalist ones had emerged in the village. The presence of a significant number of

landlords and tenants in every major territory of the village show that up to mid 1970's,

the village could not give rise to a pure capitalist farming class.

Medium, Small and Marginal Cultivators: Further subdivision and fragmentation of

guttu/mane territories and varg lands occurred during the colonial period. Most

guttus/manes as jointly managed territorial units became further sub-divided due to oral

and legal partitioning between kin elements, as well as sale or mortgage to others. As a

result the number of medium, small and marginal farmers in the village rose significantly.

Evidence however is lacking to arrive at definite conclusion regarding the numerical size

and levels of asymmetry between various vargadars and portion holding cultivators in the

village.

It is reasonable to infer that many of the Vargadars with whom British settled revenue

may have had some lands under personal cultivation. But it is equally important to note

that many of these Vargadars themselves were landlords who leased portions of land

under their Muli or Varg right to Chalgenidars or inferior tenants. Thus the Pattadars with

whom the British settled revenue in most cases were a mix of landlord/proprietors and

not pure raiyats. On the other hand, some of these Vargadars themselves were Mulgeni

and Chalgeni tenants. They assumed lands of other resident or non resident kin for

cultivation on tenancy. The landlord, Vargadars and tenants were an overlapping

category in the village and this does not get reflected in the land revenue records of the

British period.

Mulgellidars: An agrarian group that appears to have entered the British revenue records

is that of Mulgenidars (the permanent lease holders who paid some fixed rents in

perpetuity). The Adangal (Fasli 1312) gives the names of only three such tenants in the

village, (i)Basappa Marla (reportedly a Bunt), who was the Mulgenidar of 11.17 acres of

land under a Christian absentee landlord by name S.F.J Saldanha, (ii) Shankaru and Jaru

Pujary who were Mulgenidars of some portion (1.20 acres) of the land under the

Pattadarship of Jhati Pujary and (iii) Somakke (reportedly a Matrilineal headwoman of

the Bunt caste), who held the Mulgeni right over some portions (1.20 cents) of the land,

owned by an absentee landlady kinswoman (Korapalu) of the Kodialbail Guttu. The total

lands under Mulgeni right was 14 acres and 21 cents only. Thus the land under geni right

registered in Adangal appears to be quite small. Only few Mulgeni right holders in the

village were thus duly recognized and their right was reinforced through the official

document namely "Record ofTenancy and Cropping" (R.T.C).

C1talgellidars: British official records of 1904 do not indicate the presence of temporary

tenants or Chalgenidars in Mudusede. But there is sufficient evidence to suggest that

increasing land in rural South Kanara was being tilled by chalgenidars or inferior tenants

(Census ofIndia, Madras, 1901 and 1951 cited by Damle, 1989:56). Data collected from

other sources reveal, that Mudusede was no exception to this. The position of

Chalgenidars however appears to have been considerably weakened by the British who

failed to recognize their right as tillers over the land. Even during the early years of the

20th century, the British intervention may have also led to the take over of some leased

lands for personal cultivation by Pattadar elements, as they wished to avoid written

contracts with tenants.

Declille ill Rural artisalls: There is evidence to confirm that the decline of rural artisans

may have occurred in the countryside, pushing most artisans towards proletarianization. I

Only 7 weavers are listed as weavers in British records.

179

Agrarian Labourers: There were only 92 landless labourers listed in 1891. But by 1901

their number rose to 263, a jump of 171 labourers within a decade. These facts indicate

that there were considerable number of agrarian labourers in the village and their number

was rising, the decline in number of agriculturists appears to coincide with increase in the

number of landless labourers in the reports of two decennial censuses (Chapter IV, Table'

IV -1). Did the definition of landless labour alter during the later period or did something

happen during the decade to cause this jump? Further research is required to answer this

question. The increasing number of landless labourers is an indicator of the process of

prolitarianisation of the peasantry and perhaps the displacement of tenants as welL

Landless labourers continued to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian hierarchy and

dependent on landed elements for survival. Their traditional rights to live and work on

the lands were not recognized in writing anywhere during the British period, though the

traditional customary rights were not interfered with. The relations of power between the

Pattadars and agrarian labourers remained one of domination, patronage and exploitation. , \. . • ',"'of(' \r-" \- .

... I , ... \ \ \' ') t·) •

These facts reveal that the agrarian society of the time was an asymmetI:ical.Q1!~' There

was high co-relation between hierarchies or gradations based on land ownership, control

and utilization and other rights over the Ian d (inclusive of superior - Mulgeni and inferior

- Chalgeni as well as rights of the attached labourers) and those based on affiliation to the

matrilineal or patrilineal kinship group (GuttulMane) and Jati affiliation of the

households concerned. So the inequalities continued to be cumulative or clustered as in

the past. The overlapping between identities continued to be there as in the traditional

. village, many of the cultivators holding multiple rights as Pattadars, landlords,

Mulgenidars as well as in some cases Chalgenidars. Similarly among some small

agriculturists and inferior/pure tenants there was overlapping of roles.

Strategies and Practices of Power

All the old strategies of domination and discrimination were in operation to a lesser or

greater extent in the village. The strategies of facilitative power also fixed or strengthened

traditional identities as in the earlier historical period. Some of the new technologies of

180

\ ")

discipline however were western innovations which became diffused in Indian villages

since the time of colonial rule. New legislative practices in the form of civil as well as

criminal codes and the institutions for their enforcement (the police, the law courts,

lawyers, and prisons) sought to discipline and govern the colonized subjects. The

surveillance mechanisms in the form of colonial police force and the army provoked

much fear among the villagers though the police station was situated at a distance and the

presence of armed soldiers did not take place unless there was disturbance or law and

order problem in the village. Some village residents became the subjects of strategies and

practices of disciplinary power such as time schedules, routines of the relatively modem

work sites-such as government offices, factories (especially tile factory) and schools.

However not many especially from those at the lower levels of agrarian or occupational

hierarchies could enter schools or get jobs in government offices and undergo the

disciplining process within them. However no villager could escape from the totalizing

disciplinary process set in motion by the colonial state through its technologies of power.

As a result one cannot say that they were left unaffected by the process of disciplining.

Strategies such as surveying and mapping the village lands and creating documentary

proof of superior right holders as pattadars and mulgenidars in the form of documents

such as Register of Tenancy and Cropping (RTC) and patta or Hakkupatra (land

ownership record) meant the claim of superior right holders were legally recognized. The

names of inferior right holders were not included in these documents. Such practices

weakened the rights of categories of inferior tenants and attached agrarian labourers to

the land.

The Discourses of the Colonial Regime

The historical truth claims of divine right of kings which upheld the former rule of kings

and Ballalas and now that of the colonial sovereign and their local intermediaries

remained as a significant truth claim during the early part of the 20th century. The

discourse of imperialism upheld the truth claims of superiority and competency of the

English men (the White people) to rule over the native Indians (the Brown people). The

181

Bhutaradhana and the Brahmanical discourses continued to remain strong in the village

as elsewhere in the region. During the early part of the 20th century, alternative discourses

such as 'anti - Brahmin' discourses of charismatic figures such Shri Narayana Guru had

become diffused generating a new consciousness among the Pujarys in this region as

among their counterparts (Izhavas) in Kerala. It enabled the Pujarys (Billavas) to form

associations which could play a significant role in demanding more privileges for the

members of their caste from the British giving rise to caste based organization among

them and other intermediary groups as well. However such discourses did not alter the

jati hierarchy in the region or the village. The so called discourses evolved in the western

nation states which combined the nationalist and liberal-capitalist discourses, were also

beginning to spread in Dakshina Kannada as in other parts ofIndia. It is not clear to what

extent the people of the village were influenced by such discourses. The legal discourse

based on private property, natural justice and rule of law was considered to be more

objective and scientific over the traditional juridical forms. The village subjects from the

landlord/proprietors to the landless were required not to violate these codes, which sought

to uphold private property and justice (in the restricted legal sense of the term). . . II, ~ , , . ~

"

Human sciences generat~)n !he~estern milieu emerged as new discourses, as bases of

true knowledge undermining seniority, experience, native wisdom and indigenous

____ knowldeges. Such discourses or the truth claims of the western objective knowledges

transmitted through schools/colleges claimed superiority over indigenous knowledges.

For example, HerballAyurvedic and other indigenous healing systems like unani (Arabic

in origin) were gradually sidelined by allopathic and to a much lesser extent by

Homeopathy. The western legal, educational and medical discourses gained ascendancy.

The early-colonial discourse on villages in India summed up by Thakur (2005:25-26) is

of relevance here. According to him, Anthropologists and Historians have convincingly

demonstrated the increasing play of the nexus of colonial power and knowledge in the

conceptualisation of Indian village and caste. Early colonial, scholar - administrators

viewed Indian society as a sum total of its multitude of little repUblics. Such notions

182

about the village did not derive from the realities of the constitution of India society.

Similarly the notions of caste did not reflect the caste realities. Thakur (2005:26) cites

Heesterman (1985:181) in this connection 'neither the vogue of the village or the caste,

seems to derive from any real Indian arrangement, but rather from the needs of the

modem bureaucratic state as it was introduced at the beginning of the last (19th) century.

The village as an autonomous unit filled and legitimised the colonial need for a well­

defined basic unit. Further, Thakur adds the village made Indian Territory intelligible and

manageable to the colonial rulers. Not only the people had to be categorised and counted

but land to be mapped out in well demarcated universal units. In any case, "making the

village knowable was part of the enterprise of making it governable" (Smith, 1985: 1 56

cited in Thakur, 2005:26). However after the introduction of decennial census and the

change in orientation of the colonial investigative modalities, the caste view replaced the

village view (Smith, 1985 and Cohn, 1987,1997 cited in Thakur, 2005:26). Scholars such

as Said, E. (I978) have similarly shown how the British rulers projected the colonised

societies in their conceptions of oriental vis-it-vis their own societies. The implication of

such a discourse for governance of village under study as a part of the colonial empire is

obvious.

Appadurai, 1993 has drawn explicit parallels between colonial census taking and

Foucauldian parallels of powerlknowledge. According to him in the second half of the

19th century the colonial Indian census changed from an instrument of taxes to an

instrument of knowledge giving rise to over population discourse. Over Population

discourse gained momentum over the course of 1930's and 1940's. The discourse upheld

the truth claim that the problem of India's poverty is due to over population and it can

only be overcome through birth control (Hodges, 2004: 1161).

Resources and Capacities

The traditionally important resources such as lands, water, milch cattle, ploughs and

plough animals, linkages and associations continued to be significant recourses during

this period of history. The new resources of power generated during the British rule

183

included potential access to fonnal education, new technologies of fanning, new patterns

of cropping, government jobs and other employment possibilities in plantations and

enterprises outside the village, access to infonnation and city markets for fann produce

and new legal measures. The old and new resources were used by village subjects to a

differential extent to empower themselves. Those placed in privileged positions could

access these new resources along with the old resources to a much larger extent to

increase their ability to exert domination over others.

Along with cultural symbols already established, there were new ones that were added

during the colonial period. Cultural symbols associated with Christianity (i.e. cross,

monuments such as churches), written documents (i.e. Record of tenancy and cropping

and other property right documents), buildings (i.e. palatial houses of colonial

administrators, courts) and imperial flag of the British. To cite another example of the

colonial period khaki shots associated with the British soldier and the policemen became ':-

a symbol of power/authority and discipline. Many a cultural symbols were mobilized,

created and utilized effectively by the leaders of the freedom struggle to mobilize masses

during the later part of the colonial period.

Objects and Effects of Power

The object of power as in the earlier period of history was to extract as much surplus as

possible from the subjects. The colonial administration not only undertook a thorough

survey of lands in the village for the purpose but streamlined revenue collection by

establishing very effective administration mechanisms for the purpose. The object of

colonial power was also to maintain law and order so as to minimise the costs of rule. It

was in this connection that the disciplinary apparatuses of the colonial power namely the

police, law courts, schools (inclusive of schools run by the colonial government in the

village) could contribute by constituting the people into docile and obedient subjects. The

British rule lasted nearly 148 years in the region under study. By the middle of the 20th

century the agrarian society that emerged in the Tuluva region had already borne both the

positive as well as the negative impact of the British rule. The variations in the impact

184

7

however, could also be seen depending on the internal dynamics of the particular micro­

macro society and the response of the individual and collective agrarian groups to the

forces set in motion by the British. The living conditions of the people and the changes

that occurred in traditional identities and production of new identities provide us some

understanding into the effects of relations of power during this period.

The Effects 011 tlte Livillg Condition: The cumulative effect of the colonial rule appears

to have had a contradictory impact on the living conditions of people of the village. The

agrarian groups situated on top and middle levels of the village hierarchy could meet their

basic needs and have adequate surplus for constructing good houses with tiles, wooden

beams and other ornate pillars. All others lived in dilapidated small tenements or mostly

thatched huts. The infrastructural situation in the villages continued to remain extremely

backward and amenities for transportation and communication were non existent.

Out migration from the village is another effect of relations of power. Shrinking work

opportunities and low productivity in agriculture appear to have facilitated increased

occupational mobility. Oral histories of village residents reveal that the early decades of

the 20th century had increased the mobility of both kin and non-kin elements outside the

village. This was not merely because of marriage and settlements of matrilineal kin in

other regions or out migration of non-kin elements to become tenant/labourers in other

villages, as in the past. The development of certain industries such as tile, cashew peeling

and coffee curing in Mangalore, establishment of plantations by the British proprietors

are responsible for the increased occupational mobility. Many members of landless

households (inclusive of dalits) as well as, some kin elements of marginal land owning

groups moved into districts such as erstwhile Coorg (now Kodagu) and Chickmagalore to

seek work as salaried personnel from among the relatively better educated and wage

labourers in plantations (Relations of power within plantations could be an interesting

subject for future study). The development of cities such as Bombay (Mumbai), Madras

(Chennai) and Bangalore led many enterprising kinsfolk to migrate to these cities, to

establish business ventures such as hotels, shops and transport. They employed persons

185

from the village as well as other villages in such enterprises. This provided increased

work opportunities to the localites in cities.

\ Construction of Identities as Effects oj Power: Colonial rule had impact on supra-local

and local identities. The historical records available and the details collected from the

elderly persons that the research scholar met during mid 1990's, provide some clues

regarding the type of identities present in the village during their childhood days namely

early decades of the 20th century. During the British rule, some of these identities were

weakened, some others were strengthened and new identities were constituted as effects

of power. Decline of Ballalas ended the direct control which they had exercised for

centuries over the village. The traditional hereditary leaders were gradually weakened

as the role of revenue collection was dissociated from the landlords/Guttu

yajamanaslPatels, as Pattadars had to pay revenue directly to the British treasury through

the British appointed agents. Their role as dispute settlers at the village level especially at

the inter-Guttu level and between intra-guttu kin elements became weak in certain ways,

because of the establishment of law courts. Patel however continued to play the role as a

mediator between the local people and the organs of the British state, the revenue and the

police. The elderly residents say that for all purposes Patel still remained the central

figure until 1950. He could influence decisions and enforce his will on others. People

held him with respect. All the officials who entered the village approached him first. The

Patelship continued to be hereditary position. In the village under consideration, the

patelship was with a prominent Yajamana ofa territory (new purchaser of the portions of

a large territorial unit) towards the last decades of the colonial period.

The colonial rule led to the construction ,of new identities. The newly appointed officials

from the district level ,Deputy Commissioner to the village level officials emerged

powerful during the colonial rule. These colonial bureaucratic identities replicated Pax

Britannica identities in English society of that time. The government bureaucrats such as

Deputy Collect%, Assistant collector, T~ahasildar, village level revenue collectors,

judges, lawyers, police, teachers, doctors with varied levels of formal education, were the

186

newly established social identities. All had claims over the surplus, in the form of salaries

(paid from the revenues and taxes collected from the residents ofviIlagers and cities) and

in the form of fees (i.e. lawyers, doctors). The residents of the village under consideration

also were engaged in asymmetrical relations with such new social identities in various

capacities as producers and providers of surplus in the form of land revenue and other

taxes, as receivers of services (education, medical care, legal service) and at times as

litigants and violators oflaw.

Some of these social identities such as government bureaucrats, the police, judges,

lawyers and teachers were discursively constituted social identities. In other words, the

products of powerlknowledge based discursive or disciplinary practices. They were

constituted through a process of educatioo/training to be the docile, obedient servants of

the hierarchical British administration in India and the British Empire at the global level.

They were themselves products of relations of power. In tum they became exercises of

power over village subjects seeking to discipline the latter into useful and docile servants

of the British Raj. Schools and colleges established during the colonial period contributed

to this process. The first doctor from the village was from the Bunt community. Some of

the earliest teachers in the locality were from the Brahmin landlord and Christian

communities from the erstwhile tenant groups.

t I \, ~

Reinforcement and Alteration of Jati Identities: The Jati identity groups and their

ranking could not be altered by the British and it was not their concern either. By

practices such as annual census which counted the people on the basis of their Jati

(termed Caste by the British following the Portuguese term Casta), it could be said that

the British reinforced Jati identities further. Secular system of education, spread of ---- ----western scientific (including human sciences) discourse, increased mobility may have '-------~

ushered in certain changes in the relations among various Jati affiliated identities in the

agrarian site of the village. But the inequalities between the adherents of various Jatis

which were rooted in endogamous marital alliances, control over lands and reinforced by

division of labour and ritual practices of purity and pollution remai ~ wever, the

~I~ (6t~1'§J 187

't*, -'.--"'0 ))

process of questioning of jati inequalities may have received increased momentum due to

the influence of rationalist liberal discourses of the west, leading the members of jatis to

form associations sometimes in alliance with others in similar situations to safeguard

their interests and place claims on state benefits.

Association between Education and Class, Joti and Gender Identities: The more or less

educated identities emerged at the village level among the upper and dominant caste

Pattadars who controlled more land and appropriated higher amount of surplus. Men to a

much larger extent than women were able to access education. Relatively few males and •

fewer females from among the intermediary castes as well as Christians and very few

from the dalit Jatis and Muslims could access education. Vast majority of those,

belonging to the later groups, more women than men continued being non-literate.

Reinforcement of Exclusivist Religious Identities: The practice of census found useful

by the British to govern their own population, was implemented in India to facilitate

governance of the indigenous people. The new exclusionary term - 'the Hindu' was used

in the census. It was a term, historically traced to the Arabs who used it to distinguish

themselves from people of other faiths and worship practices beyond river' Sindhu'. This

term which had been linguistically reinforced by the Muslims, Christians and later Vedic

Brahmins through frequent usage became a part of the official vocabulary. It brought the

numerous Tuluva Jati identities rooted as they were in the worship of Bhutas and nature

worship (i.e. Naga or Serpent worship) under a common label 'the Hindu'. According to

the elderly residents they rarely addressed themselves as 'Hindu' during their childhood

days. They referred to themselves and others including other religious groups as Jatis (i.e.

Christian Jati, Muslim Jati) during this period. The process of Hindu identity construction

however was sustained during the British rule. The exclusivist Muslim and Christian

identities too appear to have been reinforced during the British rule. The villagers under

consideration were also incorporated in such pan India processes. However they resisted

such exclusivist identity construction attempts and retained their syncretic world views

during this period.

188

,.." ..... r \. •

\ . , . ~ Resistance \ .

There is very little infonnation available concerning resistance in the agrarian site of the '

village during this period of history. Did the Pattadars resist paying revenue to the British I treasury and if so what methods did they resort to? Did the Mulgeni and Chalgeni tenants '

resist paying rents to their respective landlords? Who were successful in such attempts? • What techniques were adopted for the purpose? Did the agrarian labourers resist being \

subjected to the low paid labour and unpaid labour? What resistance did various class,

gender, caste, religious identities put up against fixing them as unequal identities? There

are no adequate facts to answer these questions. From the oral accounts collected from

the villagers it could be gathered that there was resistance especially from the inferior

tenants and agrarian labourers against exploitation and domination. Some of them left the

village for cities and neighbouring districts in search of alternative work. Leaving the

village to find a better means of earning livelihood was a tactic that was resorted to by

individuals belonging to all groups in the agrarian hierarchy, from those at the top, to

those at the bottom. Some dalits and tribals reported that their elderly relatives too had

done so. The non-enrolment in schools as well as high drop-out rates among those who \

joined the school could be considered as acts of resistance by parents and children to the

disciplinary processes of the school, though economic and cultural factors played a ,

significant role in this regard. --t '1

Landlords/Pattadars appear to have resorted to court cases against the kin elements as

well as non-kin elements as a mechanism of exercising domination but also as a tactic of

resistance against domination and exploitation. The resistance against facilitative power

especially practices of socialization, social control and construction of identities in the

day to day life continued as in the earlier periods of history. Further exploration is

required to find out how domination as well as facilitative power especially new

strategies of disciplinary power was resisted by village subjects. The high rate of revenue

and diffusion of discourse of nationalism may have contributed to the emergence of

resistance against the British rule in the village. Further exploration is required to collect

evidence in this regard.

Conclusion

The various features of relations of power during the early years of the 20th century reveal

not only continuities from the past but also alterations:

As far as sites of relations of power are concerned agrarian sites continued being the

predominant sites of production as well as employment in the village. Sites of Bhuta and

religious worship remained significant though these suffered neglect due to the decline of

supra-local (patronage except in the form of revenue concessions (inams). New sites of

relations of power such as colonial bureaucracy (District collectorate and its tal uk, hobli

and village level units, police, law courts, legal services, schools within the village (the

village had its I st school in 1912 itself) and in the surrounding villages and city of

Mangalore, factories such as tile, health centres of allopathic medicine brought the village

inhabitants into new forms of domination as well as disciplinary power. Through such

forms of relations of power villages were incorporated to a greater or lesser extent either

locally or from a distance, into disciplinary processes, subjugating them to become useful

and yet docile subjects of British rule which could last nearly 150 years.

Multiple asymmetries or inequalities continued to characterise the relations of power in

the agrarian sites and other related sites with a few modifications in the gradations

prevalent in the traditional society. The British rulers took the position of the Ballalas at

the supra local level. The Ballala overlords, who may have had continued access to a

share of revenue from the colonial administration, could not exercise direct authority over

the villagers nor directly access the revenue or levy any other taxes or mobilize the

villagers for maintaining armed services.

The agrarian units further sub-divided and alienated as they were continued to manifest

variable patterns of asymmetry as in the past. There were layers of vargadars/landlords

both kin based and others and layers of tenants and labourers. The agrarian role

hierarchies continued to be highly co-related with ethnic (jati/religious) hierarchies. Some

of these agrarian sites were relatively large agrarian units but reduced in size compared to

past. Varying number of superior and inferior matrilineal kin with rights over varying

190

portions of the territory and produce, mulgenidars chalgenidars and labourers, mane

okkalu or attached labourers and other types of labourers were found in these sites. Most

of sites were either medium sized or small and marginal sites. Such sites were by and

large under self cultivation or leased out to others (whole or portions of it). These

agrarian sites were either dependent on attached labourers or seasonal labourers or only

family labour. Pure tenants and agrarian labourers remained at the lower levels of

agrarian hierarchy as in the past. Overlapping of roles of vargadars, landlords and tenants

among the agrarian groups both superior and inferior as in the earlier period of history

added to the complexity of asymmetry in the agrarian sites and the agrarian society.

There was high correlation between the agrarian role hierarchies, the jati hierarchies

and the supra local and local governance hierarchies in the traditional village.

Along with the old strategies and practices of domination certain new strategies or

practices of disciplining village subjects to be more productive as well as docile and

obedient were put into operation in the context of disciplinary power during the period

under study. Schools, factories, police, armies with their strict time schedules or time

bound tasks and routines, loud bells, uniforms; assembly lines started incorporating

villagers to a greater or lesser extent in disciplinary modes of control exercised over the

bodies. Village and caste based research studies, decennial census and mapping of village

lands were the new technologies that were put into operation not only to know the village

but also to govern the same. As smith (1985) states making village knowable was part of

the enterprise of making it governable (cited in Thakur, 2005:26).

Along with the old resources new resources such as educational qualifications or

certificates, scientific knowledge and expertise, permanent jobs in the government and

government run institutions were added to the resource pool. Discourses/truth claims old

and new continued to be integrated with power. Western enlightenment philosophies and

human sciences inclusive of agriculture and Biology became additional discourses/truth

claims during this period which undermined the traditional knowledge systems. Diffusion

of liberal so called enlightenment discourses occurred during this period. The discourse

191

or truth claims generated around the village (terming it a little republic) and castes/tribes

in particular and a part of the orient in general, facilitated governance of the colonised

Indian society from the village to the national level.

Objects and effects of power had added dimensions during the colonial rule. The

relations of disciplinary power had the objective of constituting village inhabitants into

submissive subjects to British rulers and their local agents. The power produced widely

divergent living and work conditions for the various social groups in the village. Many

vargadar kin of large and prosperous agrarian sites lived in relative comfort and security

on the surplus generated as in the past. The high revenue demand may have pushed some

of these vargadar elements into poverty and pauperisation forcing them to alienate their

lands to kin or non-kin purchasers from other villages. Some genealogical accounts

reveal that the present matrilineages controlling certain prosperous territories were that of

new purchasers. Vast sections of small and marginal vargadars, pure tenants and agrarian

labourers continued to survive in miserable conditions without food and livelihood

security as in the past. Some moved out of the village to find livelihood opportunities

elsewhere in the cities or plantations that had become centres of economic activities

during the British rule.

British rule had contradictory effects on traditional identities based on wealth, position of

authority, reputation, jati, gender and religion. Some identities such as Ballalas, patels

were weakened. Landlord proprietors, mulgenidars were further strengthened. The pure

chalgenidars and attached labourers were weakened during the period. Enlightenment

discourses, practices of census, caste based reservations in education and jobs and

variable access to educational opportunities in state run and missionary schools had

contradictory effects on Jati identities which were strengthened in some ways and

weakened in some other ways. New administrative and professional identities (i.e. civil

servants, police, lawyers, judges teachers, allopathic and homoeopathic doctors) emerged

in the region during the period replicating such western identities and incorporating the

villagers into new relations power at the supra local and local level. Artisan identities

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especially weavers were weakened. Resistance in the agrarian and other sites of

relations of power, during this phase of village history did occur. Agrarian labourers

moving out of the village, tenants giving up lands and many educated leaving the village

could be considered as acts of resistance. Further research on this subject is required to

find out whether the agrarian elements of the village put up any collective struggle during

the British rule or not, as in many other parts of the sub-continent of India including the

region under study.

It could be surmised from this analysis that the agrarian sites in particular and the

agrarian society in general remained highly asymmetrical and became more disciplinary

during this phase of village history.

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..

Chapter V: Section C

Post independence Phase from 1950's to

Mid 1970's

Introduction

Forces of social change in different combinations continued to have variable and

contradictory impact on relations of power in the agrarian and other sites of social

relations (both old and new) since Independence in late1947. A number of factors of

social change both unplanned and planned (i.e. five year plans/other central cum state

related plans, land reforms and market based mechanisms respectively) have impacted

villagers in various parts of India (Annexure VI: Factors of Social Change - 3). The

residents of Mud use de have also experienced differential impact ofthese forces.

Demographic Trends

To begin with let us take a bird's eye view of the demographic trends prevalent during

1960's and 1970's. The data provided in (Chapter IV - Table IV-l and IV- 2) provides us

understanding of the changing demographic trends in the village. In 1901 the numbers of

households were 212 which composed a popUlation of 1,240 persons. By 1961 the

occupied resident houses had increased to 258 only and the village had 1923 persons

within its borders, a mere addition of 46 households and 683 persons in 60 years. Such

low rise of population could be attributed to movement of some households out of the

village in search of other livelihood options (i.e. self-employment ventures such as

hotels) and villagers in search of salaried jobs. Within a period of one decade that is by

1971, the population increased by a mere 267 persons to make a total of 2,190 persons,

however the number of households increased to 354, an addition of 102 residential

houses. Besides establishment of new families, partitioning of jointly held and

individually held properties among kinsforth and descendents and claiming separate

number for the dwelling (house or portion of the old house) from the panchayat may have

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been the main factor responsible for showing such rise in number of houses, as the total

number of persons does not show much increase to suggest the arrival of many new

settlers into the village.

The census of 1961 and 1971 provide a picture of relatively high occupational diversity

(Chapter IV, Table IV- 6) in the village. There were cultivators, agricultural labourers,

workers in manufacturing industries, other services, mine workers, workers in household

industry, trade and commerce. It is significant to note that the manufacturing industry had

relatively large number of 198 workers only next to the agrarian sites as per 1961 census.

Some of these workers may have been employed in the tile and other industries that had

come up in the vicinity of Mangalore during the early decades of 19th century. From the

village, male labourers may have travelled by boat via Phalguni River to the shores of

Bunder to work in tile units. Elderly villagers remember seeing many boats transporting

red clay across the river Phalguni to tile factories situated on the other end of the river.

There were 62 workers engaged in other services. In 1971 after the agriculture (which

engaged 661 workers), the construction sector emerged as a dominant sector with 265

workers whereas manufacturing sector employed relatively small number of workers (34

only).

Sites of Relations of Power

Agrarian sector continued being a predominant production as well as vocational site

during this phase of village history as in the preceding phases covered by the study.

However as the data on occupational diversities reveal more sites of production (mostly

non-village based) had started incorporating villagers. Many new sites of relations of

power such as political parties, panchayats, development oriented government

departments inclusive of extension education offices, schools, health centres, banks,

cooperative societies and non-government organizations came into existence in the region

incorporating the villagers into new forms of relations of power from near and far. To

begin with a brief description is provided here of the emerging characteristics of agrarian

tf{~~) ~:C~(T.I.S.s. ~P:;:: 195

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sites with a brief description of the characteristics of some of the significant old and new

sites of relations of power incorporating the village residents during this phase of history.

Agrarian Sites

Sites of agrarian production continued being major sites of power relations during this

historical phase as in the past. The combined effects of colonial rule which lasted nearly

150 years in the region and some of the factors of change that were set in motion during

the first two and half decades of independence left their marks on the agrarian sites in the

village. The in-depth interviews with erstwhile elderly tenants, agrarian labourers and

their kin as well as agriculturists cum landlords and official records inclusive of records

of the tenants who filed declarations enable us to identify some of the changing trends in

the agrarian sites of the village which could be described as follows:

Workforce in the Agrarian sites: In both the historical phases covered in earlier sections

agrarian sites continued to provide a means of livelihood to the largest majority among

the villagers. The census data available for the period 1961 and 1971 brings out the

numerical size of workers engaged in the agrarian sites (Table V -7).

Table V-7

Workforce in Agriculture (1961 to 1971)

Year of the Census Type of

1961 1971 Occupation

M F Total M F Total

I. Cultivator 147 48.2 98 25.8 245 35.8 143 45.0 121 35.3 264 39.9

II. Agricultural 158 51.8 282 74.2 440 64.2 175 55.0 222 64.7 397 60.1

Labour

Total 305 100 380 100 685 100 318 100 343 100 661 100

Out of 1,022 persons in the village 685 were reported to be associated with agriculture as

per 1961 census. To be specific the village had as many as 245 workers listed as

cultivators and 440 as agricultural labourers. The labourers exceeded the number of

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cultivators by 195 persons in 1961. By 1971 there was variation in the number of

cultivators and agrarian labourers of the village who numbered 264 and 397 respectively.

Percentage wise distribution of cultivation vis-a-vis agrarian labourers as per 1961 and

1971 reveal that the latter continued to outnumber the former as in the early years of last

century. However four percent rise is noted among the cultivators and four percent

decrease is noted among the agrarian labourers during this decade. It is also very evident

that the female labourers outnumbered all other categories namely male and female

cultivation as well as male labourers in 1961 as well as 1971. Slight increase in the

number of male labourers and decline in the number of female labourers from 1961 to

1971 could be noted from the data. The percentage of cultivators among males decreased

to a small extent from 1961 to 1971, whereas among the females there was nearly 10

percent increase.

A look at the percentage of workers engaged in agriculture vis-a-vis other workers

provide us further insights into the continued significance of agrarian sites in the village

(Table V- 8).

Table V- 8

Percentage of Agriculture based workers in relation to other workers

Year of the Census

Sector of 1961 1971

Occupation Male Female Total Male Female Total

No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % No. 0/.

Agrarian 305 59 380 75 685 67 318 55 343 62 661 58

Others 208 41 129 25 337 33 257 45 213 38 470 42

Total 513 100 509 100 1022 100 575 100 556 100 1131 100

Percentage wise there were 67 percent of workers in agriculture as per1961 census. Their

number declined by 9 percent to constitute 58 percent of the workers in 1971. Though the

percentage of workers employed in the agrarian sector kept declining it remained the

major employer of the village residents in 1971 as earlier. Gender wise percentage of

workers in agriculture reveals that in 1961 as many as 75 percent of women workers were

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engaged in fanning (relatively less number of cultivators compared to agricultural

labourers among them). By 1971, the percent of women workers in agriculture declined

by 13 percent to fonn a total of 62 percent of the women work force, whereas among

males there were 59 percent of male workers in agriculture in 1961 and by 1971 their

number declined slightly (by 4 percent) to constitute 55 percent of the male workforce.

These facts highlight that significantly large number of women workers continued to be

engaged in the agrarian sector compared to men. It is important to bear in mind here that

a significant number of workers directly engaged in this sector both as labouring

cultivators and agrarian labourers did not have security oflivelihood through out the year

as the paddy fields being water logged during the monsoons, only two paddy crops could

be raised on vast portions of wet lands of the village.

Abolition of Inamdari rigilts and Privileges: The government of Independent India

abolished the rights of all intennediaries such as Zamindars and Inamdars over portions

of revenue which had been recognised and reinforced by the British. Many inamdars

were superior or dominant elements. The abolition of privy purses and privileges

inclusive of inams thus ended the customary right over portions of land revenue enjoyed

by the inheritors of erstwhile feudals and semi-feudals. The inamdars could no more

claim privileges such as share of revenue and freedom from paying the land revenue

either fully or partially. However those who held portions oflands as inams could convert

the same into Patta lands.

Variation in the Dominance of Yajamanas: Due to partitioning of territory among

kinsfolk and alienation of portions to the non-kin elements, the economic context on

which yajamanas authority rested altered further. Many yajamanas gradually lost their

position of predominance and authority within their household and the territory. Although

they continued to play major role as leaders in ritual affairs, celebration of life events

(example birth, marriage, death) associated with the members of the kin-group and

matters of collective interest to the kin-groups, their authority in many cases continued to

decline. The neglect of Bhuta cults during the mid decades of the last century led to

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further decline of the ritual role of the yajamana. There were few yajamanas in Mudusede

during mid sixties and seventies who could be considered as yajamanas in the ideal sense

as described in Section A of this chapter. Some yajamanas had to leave the kin territory

they managed after it was partitioned as the right over the central house in the territory

was inherited by their sister's son. In one such case a yajamana who had been responsible

for the prosperity of the territory and had built a well decorated house for the kin-group,

had to leave the house after the territory was partitioned. Old and ailing he lived in his

wife's property in another village. In yet another case a Yajamana was permitted by his

kinsfolk after the partitioning to live in the central house till his death at his own request,

as the kinsfolk who inherited the house were not residing in the village.

Few of the yajamanas continued to manage undivided territories or larger portions of

divided territorial units and held considerable hold as yajamanas over the GuttulMane

during sixties and seventies of the last century. A few assumed positions of authority as

leaders or members of the panchayat and political parties and continued to exercise

considerable domination over the affairs ofthe village.

Partitioning and Alienation ofGuttulMam Territorial Units: By sixties to seventies of

last century, further partitioning of various rights over the territorial units in the village,

appears to have become a reality. Some territories were partitioned into 15 to 80 or more

portions. One of the large territories was said to have been partitioned into 75 portions

and another into 80 portions. Variable rights over the territorial units in the village such

as right over self-cultivated territory, right over geni and right over the Kumki land were

the major rights which appear to have been partitioned further since Independence. For

instance a Christian tenant had orally partitioned his garden lands and Kumki lands under

tenancy into three portions which were being held separately by his two sons and the

widowed daughter-in-law and her children in early 1970's. Such partitions were

dominantly oral. Registering such partitions was considered cumbersome, expensive and

not necessary as people found the courts and government offices too alien. As a result of

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partitioning (oral and written), the number of the kin households with stake in portions of

the territorial unit (GuttulMane) differed in number.

Weakening of GuttuiMane or Matrilineal System: Introduction of Legislative measures

such as Madras Aliyasanthana Act of 1949, the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, the

Madras Aliyasanthana (Mysore Amendment) Act of 1961 altered the Matrilineal or

Aliyasanthana system of inheritance further. The Madras Aliyasanthana Act of 1949

appears to have codified and modified the customary Aliyasanthana law, allowing for

partitioning of the territory among matrilineal kin. But this act allowed the males only a

life interest in the property. The pressure from the patriarchs of the matrilineal

communities especially Bunts from all over the district to stake claims to their own share

of ancestral property, led to the passing of Madras Aliyasanthana (Mysore Amendment

Act) 1961. This act which was in keeping with some of the provision of the Hindu

Succession Act of 1956 recognized the right of male members of the matrilineage to

bequeath his interest in property to his wife and children after his death. Makkalakattu or

inheritance by children which applied thus far to the self-earned properties of the

males/females now applied to the ancestral property as well. As per the new law the

males would have the right to pass on the portions inherited by them to their own wife

and children and these portions would not revert back to their matrilineal Kutumba or

sisters children after their death. So a male member of the matrilineage, who had acquired

shares of territory through inheritance or purchase, was able to get it registered in his

name and pass it on to his wife and children.

By mid sixties/seventies a curious blend of property rights had emerged in the village

studied as elsewhere, some kin-groups refusing to give up the custom of matrilineal

inheritance others willingly utilizing the provisions of the new laws to claim share for

self.. As a result, there were kin-groups in the village continuing to adhere to the

traditions of matrilineal system of descent. Most others had converted their own

partitioned holdings as self owned registered properties to be passed on to their wife and

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children. The lands associated with Bhutas of the Kutumba however were left to be

governed under matrilineal norms.

Tlte ejection of unknown number of iliferior and pure lenallls: Ejection of tenants also

occurred during the period (1950's to 1970's) which reveals the relative dominance of

landlords' vis-a.-vis their inferior tenants. After independence from the British, the

Madras Ejection of Tenants Act 1954 was the first tenancy reform Act that was

applicable to the tenants of Dakshina Kannada as it was a part of the Madras State along

with North Kanara until 1956. This act provided tenants protection against ejection at will

by the landlord. Some amendments were brought to the Act in 1956, permitting eviction

of tenants from lands if the landlord wished to bring the land under direct cultivation. But

when doing so he/she had to permit the tenants to keep 50 per cent of the land. If the

landlord had more than 13 acres of wet land, tenant was not obliged to give up the land to

the landlord. Besides, those landlords who were paying income tax were not permitted to

assume land for personal cultivation by ejecting tenants. The amended Act of 1956 also

placed limits on the rents to be charged from the tenants which could not exceed 33 to 40

per cent of the produce from the land. These tenancy reforms provided some security to

the tenants of all districts that came under the Madras State at that time. It is not clear

what impact the amended Act had on tenants of the village, because that year Dakshina

Kannada became a part of the unified State of Mysore (later Karnataka). The Kamataka

Land Reforms passed in 1961 became applicable to the district of Dakshina Kannada as

well. However it was implemented only in October 1965, almost 3Y2 years after receiving

presidential assent for the bill. Such a tactic of delay which some critics say was

purposeful by the landlord dominant state machinery (legislative as well as the executive)

provided sufficient time for the landlords to eject the tenants who had traditional rights

over the lands which they had been cultivating for years. Even this Act permitted the

landlords to legally evict the tenants if they wished to cultivate lands directly.

The genealogical accounts of elderly villagers especially tenants reveal that there were

many cases of ejection of tenants in the village especially since 50's and 60's of the last

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century. The eviction occurred because of various reasons in most cases the landlords

gave non payment or balance of rents as an excuse for evicting tenants. In some cases the

landlords wished to take over lands for personal cultivation and yet others wanted to

prevent the tenants from establishing claims over the land.

In one case, a Chalgeni tenant belonging to the Moolya caste was unable to pay rents that

had been raised by a portion holding landlord of a dominant Guttu in the village. He was

forced to leave with his wife, little children and farm animals his ancestral home and

lands that were cultivated by him for generations. Although he was offered shelter by the

kin of another territory, he was unable to overcome the loss of all that he had slogged to

make - his house, coconut trees, fruit trees and paddy fields. He committed suicide

within a year of his ejection. His very old and sickly wife with her children and grand

children continues to live in the house that they had occupied after being evicted, but still

had no right over the land when the researcher visited her in 1995 (She was no more in

2005 and her children had no right over the land either). Some of the established tenants

were ejected to prevent them from proving their customary right. For instance during

early sixties of this century, a landlord who was fighting a court battle with his kin over

the land, made the tenants of the territory, pay him the rents (without giving receipts), but

got them all evicted from their lands by filing a court case against them for non-payment

of rents. The erstwhile tenants relative say that the police arrived all of a sudden with a

court notice, threw all their belongings out of the house and made the tenant leave the

house with his wife and little children. The landlords evicted tenants for other reasons as

well. In one case, a landlord had asked one of his Koraga tenant who had taken over the

cultivation of leased lands of his ancestors, to eject another tenant forcefully from his

house. The tenant refused to undertake such a task. The landlord asked him to leave

without giving him any compensation. As a gesture of defiance he did so and settled on

the slopes of the hill by occupying vacant government land.

In some cases, the descendants of tenant households were offered a new lease over

considerably smaller portions of the old territory which was being tilled by their

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ancestors. In the case of one Pujary tenant and another case of a Moolya, both tenants

were tilling lands of kinsfolk, belonging to two different guttulmane territories, this

appears to have occurred. The landlord who inherited the Varg right decided to bring the

rest of the land under personal cultivation.

Introductioll of New Techllologies ill Agriculture: Technologies such as iron ploughs,

pump-sets and even hullers were increasingly used by the better off fanners in the village

since late seventies. The pumpsets were used to lift water not only from the wells but also

to lift water from the Phalguni River flowing across the northern boundary of the village

for atleast two months after the rains. Most fanners utilized diesel pumpsets in the early

stages. Green revolution technologies had also been introduced gradually into the village

which led to the cultivation of high yielding varieties of paddy by some fanners.

Sites of Manufacturing and Service Industries

Significant number of villagers were engaged as producers and workers in the

manufacturing, construction and other service sites of the village or elsewhere .. Such

sites of production of goods and services, other than agriculture incorporated villagers

into distinct fonns of relations of power. More and more villagers started consuming

increasing number of products and services from these sectors. The farmers who resisted

the green revolution technology to begin with were gradually persuaded to adopt the

same through extension services established by the State in alliance with the Western

corporations such as Ford Foundation. Agriculture too became more and more market

centred in terms of inputs sourced and outputs produced and marketed. Farmers started

purchasing inputs such as highbred seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, farm implements, hullers

and pumpsets from the industrial corporations (public and private). The farmers paid

much higher prices for the industrial goods purchased by them and received very low

price for their produce. The decline in production by artisans in the region including the

village based ones and increasing dependence of villagers as consumers of various goods

produced by the industrial sector occurred during this period. The process of

commodification of education and health services in particular had also begun to

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incorporate villagers into new networks of relations of power. Industrial capital had

become well established as a force of domination as well as a mode of appropriation of

surplus by mid 1970's.

Sites of Democratic Governance

Introduction of parliamentary democratic form of government with adult franchise

meant the village adults became a part of the electorate. For the first time the numerical

strength of voters became an important resource of power. People could be mobilized by

the political party elite on issues or on class or J ati basis. Positions of legitimate authority

and influence as people's representatives (M.P's, M.L.A's), ministers and heads of

various government boards and commissions as well as local government bodies became

highly desirable positions to strive for.

Leaders, members and subjects of vote Banks of political parties were constructed in the

village of Mudusede as in other villages. In the case of Mudusede the National Congress

Party was able to establish itself as the party of choice during the period under

consideration as in most parts of the district, the state and the nation as a whole. Other

political parties such as Communist Parties (Community Party of India and Communist

Party of India, Marxist), Swatantra Party and Jana Sangh were able to gain very little

presence in the village as in most other parts of the district.

The leaders of political parties in Mudusede were members of the prominent

GuttuiManes or territories of the village. The active members of the political party were

also mostly from among the relatively better off and reputed landlord/proprietor category.

They were members of the dominant Jatis namely Bunts, Brahmins and Jains. The other

sections of the village population namely small and marginal farmers, tenants and the

attached labourers could be vertically mobilized by village level political party leaders

and members to vote for the candidates of their choice in Parliamentary and State

Assembly elections. Such candidates though not from the village, shared kinship and or

J ati links with the village elite.

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Panchayati Raj Bodies

As a strategic intervention to strengthen self governance, the Government of India

invoked the constitutional mandate to set up Panchayati Raj institutions. The States had

to pass Panchayati Raj Acts. The first Panchayati Raj Act that applied to the South

Kanara district was the Madras Grama Panchayat Act of 1950 as the district remained

part of Madras State even after Independence. The first Grama Panchayat was constituted

in Mudusede on 1110511956. Mudusede, Padusede and Maracada villages came within

the jurisdiction of Mudusede Grama Panchayat which had 7 elected representatives. In

1956, the district became a part of the Mysore state. The year saw the passing of a new

panchayat act namely the Grama Panchayat, Town Panchayat, Taluk Board and District

council Act of 1959. Atleast three elections were held under this Act for Panchayati Raj

bodies in the State of Karnataka inclusive of Mudusede. Though the panchayats had

meagre funds and could contribute little in the form of development activities in the

village during the period under study, it was a significant site of relations of power in the

village.

Some of the major decisions made by the panchayat and the outcome of these decisions

reveal its relative prominence vis-a-vis the higher level government bureaucracy during

this period. On Oct 25th, 1956 (about three weeks after it started functioning on Oct 2,

1956) the members of the panchayat unanimously decided to oppose the proposal to set

up the TB Sanatorium in the hill area (Padavu), and the Mangalore Water Supply Project

in the village. It was decided to write to the Thahasildar of Mangalore to retain the hilly

areas of Mudusede for grazing cattle, to provide grass for the thatched houses in the

village and green manure for the farms. However the resolution of the panchayat was not

heeded to by the higher authorities. Much of the grazing land was fenced and the TB

Sanatorium was built. The proposed work of water supply from the village to the city had

to be shelved because of the shortage of water and as another more appropriate source of

water had been located elsewhere in the district. On December 1956, Panchayat resolved

to request the Regional Transport Officer (RTO), to arrange for a bus to ply to the village

as teachers, students and other residents faced extreme difficulty and had to walk long

205

distances to reach the school. This resolution makes it clear that there was no bus service

to the village until then. However it took the village some more years to get the bus

service to the village. The outcomes of such decisions reveal that the state authorities had

assumed greater degree of dominance and the panchayat had less influence in altering the

village situation.

Government Departments as Sites of Village Development

The Community DeveloprnentlNational Extension Service programme introduced all

over the country since 1953, brought new forces to the fore in rural India inclusive of the

village being studied. The Deputy Collector who was primarily responsible for revenue

collection and maintenance of law and order was also made responsible for the added

function of rural development (as a head of the District Rural Development Agency­

DRDA). At the block level (coinciding with a taluk or part of it) there was the Block

Development Officer. Mudusede village became linked to the Block Development

Office, Mangalore as it came within the Mangalore Taluk. Since then a Grama Sevak was

appointed at the village level and became a link person between the Block Development

Office and the village. Setting up of district and block and village level official structure

and government interventions through them brought the government functionaries and

villagers into specific forms of relations of power.

Adoption of various programmes and schemes for rural areas and rural people facilitated

incorporation of villagers into new relations of power. Agricultural extension programme

with a view to introduce modem farming or green revolution technology into rural areas

brought the agriculturists into interaction with the agricultural extension

officers/agricultural universities. Relatively large land holding farmers could reap the

benefits of such extension schemes much more than the small and marginal farmers, pure

tenants and agrarian labourers. Many other government interventions or schemes for

specific target groups and rural areas such as agriculture development programmes to

raise agricultural productivity offarms (i.e. construction of wells, for irrigation purposes,

loans for cash crop farming and subsidies for agricultural inputs such as pump-sets and

206

other implements) were introduced. Expansion and establishment of government schools,

health, postal services and building of roads were some of the other initiatives. There

were also a number of constitutional provisions and legislative measures undertaken such

as zamindari/inamdari abolition, land reforms and schemes of providing sites for the

landless and land grants to the cultivators. The government departments and

functionaries, who were constituted to execute these schemes and Legislative measures

such as Land Reforms (i.e. Land Tribunals), became associated with village residents in

new relations of power.

Multipurpose Cooperative Society

Establishment of Multipurpose cooperative society in a central village of the Hobli with

membership offarmers mobilized from a group of villages inclusive of village Mudusede

brought the villagers into a system of government controlled credit and input (seed,

fertilizers and pesticides) supply network. Farmers were gradually roped into the circle of

loans and repayments (A look at the village scene show that farmers of Mudusede as

elsewhere are deeply entangled in these networks to this day). The once independent

subsistence farmers gradually were turning into farmers who had to depend on

government benefits, schemes and subsidies.

Ration Shops

Ration shops known as Public Distribution System (PDS) to supply subsidized food

grains and other essentials such as kerosene were also established during this period. The

private party who became the officially recognised ration distributor was from a

prominent landlord matrilineage (guttu/mane). Control over PDS in the village did

become an important means of appropriating surplus. All the agrarian households as

ration card holders were incorporated into the PDS network.

Health Services

Health extension services led to the establishment of a primary health sub-centre with an

Auxiliary Nurse Mid wife in the village. Besides the government hospitals that had

207

emerged during the colonial days in the City of Mangalore, many private hospitals and

clinics too came up in the neighbouring localities of the village and the city of

Mangalore. Allopathic system of health care had become strongly established during this

period. Some practitioners of traditional healing systems (outside the village) were also

being approached by villagers for different ailments. Village residents however had least

access to health services within the village.

While keeping the focus on the salient features of relations of power in the agrarian site,

the linkages between agrarian and other sites of relations of power where applicable

would be dealt with in the analysis of relations of power that follow.

Forms of Power

F arms of power during this phase of village history were a combination of old as well as

new. The subservient tenants, agrarian labourers continued to be incorporated in

patrimonial feudal relations with their landlords/proprietors. The reciprocal rights and

obligations were adhered to by the tenants and agrarian labourers and their landlords to a

more or less extent in the agrarian site. The village Panchayat emerged as a site wherein

such patrimonial! patriarchal fonns of power could be further reinforced. The majority of

panchayat members and leaders who were the yajamanas or superior kin of guttus/manes

could utilize the state schemes of welfare, reservation, house site allocation and subsidy

distribution (i.e. to fanners) and aid to the flood victims of the village to further

strengthen their patrimonial - patriarchal ties with the subordinate groups (small and

marginal vargadars, pure inferior tenants and labourers) in the village. However in some

of the agrarian sites patrimonial ties had begun to weaken by mid 70's of last century.

The traditional facilitative fonn of power (enforcing customs and norms and conditioning

people to adhere to the same) did not alter in any significant way.

The productive and disciplinary fonns of power inclusive of professional fonns of

power also became more rooted in the village as in other parts of India during the first

quarter of Independence. More and more villages- children (girls and boys) and adults

208

(men and women) were increasingly incorporated in professional and bureaucratic forms

of relations of power within the schools, legal services, courts, police, hospitals/clinics

(both public and private) and government departments or agencies. The government

officers in charge of development and extension such as agriculture, home science,

health, social education, small industries emerged as new agents of disciplinary forms of

power.

Asymmetry

The asymmetrical relations with the agrarian sites of village underwent some change

during the first 212 decades after independence as a consequence of some major factors of

social change that had been initiated. The asymmetry differed from one agrarian site to

another. Those guttu territorial units under guttu yajamanas who had succeeded in

retaining large portions of territories under their control and or acquiring more lands

through purchase or encroachment of unoccupied village lands and who had more lands

under tenancy as well as personal cultivation were highly prosperous. These subsistence

oriented agrarian units which were controlled by small and marginal self-cultivating

vargadars did not have other ranked groups except seasonal labourers to perform the time

bound agricultural operations. As a result we see the continuity of an agrarian society

with multiple sites of agrarian production with variation in gradation or ranking of

agrarian elements (individuals/groups) within them during the period under study. The

multiple asymmetrical relations in the agrarian site are dealt with here.

Asymmetry among the landlords: The official records of land reforms reveal that there

were together 71 landlords against whom the tenants had filed declarations (Table V-9).

Out of these 62 were supposedly single and the 9 were joint holders. There were more

landlords than those shown in the land reform records (some had already evicted the

tenants on their lands and a few tenants especially in the Sede part of the village had not

filed declarations against their powerful landlords). There were resident and absentee

landlords among them. For instance the portion holding kin of Kod guttu and a Jain

Pattadar and many absentee kin of sub divided portions of guttulmane territories were

209

absentee landlords. The maximum number of landlords against whom the declaration had

been filed were from the Jar territory (18 landlords) followed by Arb (10 landlords) and

Bot (9 landlords). There were also 5 landlords (absentee) of Kod guttu. Some other

territories had only 1 or 2 landlords at the most. There were new purchasers and others

among the landlords in some of these territorial units (Table V-9).

TableV-9

Guttu affiliation oflandlords and numerical size of landlords and their tenant applicants under Land Reforms Act, 1974

Numerical size of landlords and Name ofthe tenants

GuttulTerritory No. of No. of

landlords tenants

Guttu Kod 5 25 Guttu H 1 1 Mane Arb 10 16 ManeKot 1 1

GuttuMog 1 1 ManeBal 5 7

Mane Bot 9 10 Mane Meg 2 2 Mane 8th 1 1 Mane Hos - -Mane Hosa 2 3 ManeCha 1 1 Mane Udu 1 1 Guttu Jar 19 56 Mane Sam 1 1 Other territories 12 13

Total 71 139

Note: This is based on the data collectedfrom the Taluk office and has not been counterchecked with residents, as many are relUClantto share such information. Only first few letters of the gUllulmane territories have been retained not to reveal the identity.

There was wide differentiation among the landlords themselves. These were affluent

landlords, cultivators of relatively large tracts of lands under personal cultivation. In

between there were medium level landlords cum self - cultivators. The number of pure

landlords (constituting portion holding kin of guttus/manes including widows who had

210

leased out their lands to their own kinsman, other vargadars or tenants) was relatively

small. Some of these landlords (men and women) held varying portions of lands in one

or more villages (inherited by them or their marital partners from their matrilineal or

patrilineal side or purchased by them).

There was jati differentiation or asymmetry among the landlords. Nearly two thirds of the

landlords were from the Bunt jati, followed by Pujarys. There was a lone Brahmin and a

Jain among the landlords. In sede zone the landlords were from the Bunt caste and lara

zone they were predominantly kinsfolk of Jhati Pujary's household. There was gender

differentiation among landlord elements. There were women and men among them,

especially portion holding kins women of the guttulmane matrilineages, both resident and

absentee. There was differentiation or asymmetry based on position among the

landlordlvargadars. Some of them were able to become Presidents, Vice-presidents and

members of the village panchayat and members and leaders of political parties at the

local level.

Information collected on the number of tenants and the extent of lands claimed by these

from the landlords bring out the relative dominance of landlords belonging to various

jatis in the village during the mid 1970's.The matrilineal landlord kin of lara had

maximum number of tenants who placed claims on land (56 out of 139 tenants). Together

these tenants claimed as much as 52 acres of land, one of the highest claims over the

territory in the village. The second group of landlords who had large group of tenants

who filed declaration were kinsfolk of Kod guttu. All the five kinsfolk (3 minors among

them) were absentee landlords.

Another Bunt kin-group with control over Bal territory appears to have leased out nearly

19 acres of its land to its 7 tenant claimants, who belong to the Bunt community like

them. These tenants were landlords cum Pattadars of portions of lands of other

guttus/manes i.e. Rosa mane, Cha mane, and Arb house. There were also some other

landlords against whom the declarations had been filed. An absentee Jain landlord, the

211

only Jain to have had Patta right over the village lands had leased more than 13 acres of

his land to his Pujary tenant. Most other landlords who had tenants were purchasers of

lands of the established guttus/manes in the village or the grantees of government lands

(as freedom fighters and members of the National congress) in hilly areas or Padavu

zone. From these facts it could be inferred that there was wide inequality among the

landlords.

Asymmetry among Self-Cultivating Vargadars: As per the census of 1961 and 1971

cultivators numbered 245 and 264 respectively. It is evident that this group includes the

landlords. However it is not clear whether this group includes the pure tenant elements of

the village.

Multiple types of asymmetries or hierarchies highly correlated at the top and bottom

levels emerged among the vargadars. Kin households associated with original Guttus had

become further economically differentiated. The inheritance laws favoured the

households with smaller number of claimants. For instance, a female inheritor of a

matrilineage or Kutumba had one son, which meant the son would inherit the total share

of the properties of his mother. His cousins (brothers or sisters) who belong to the other

branches of the matrilineage may inherit smaller portions from their maternal side. The

struggle over partitioning of properties led the kin to stake claims to the best portions of

the territory. In some case; kinsmen who were powerful and manipulative were able to

get the best garden and wet lands as well as contiguous territories. Others received more

fragmented portions and relatively poor quality plots. Subordinate kinsfolk especially

widows in some cases were able to get only inferior quality and fragmented holdings.

Similarly, the lands under Kumki right were also unequally divided. Superior or

dominant kinsmen got the major share of Kumki in most advantageous direction from

their lands, while the subordinate kin were able to get little share of Kumki sometimes

situated distantly from their cultivated territories.

212

Some kin and non kin households had been able to extend their territory by purchasing

and incorporating portions of territories of their own kin and that of other guttus. This

was done through acquisition of mortgaged territory as those who had mortgaged the

same could not release their properties from the money lenders/landlords (Levadevi

Vyavahara was the local term used by villagers for such a mortgage). After oral and at

times legal partitioning, a land holder may acquire as herlhis portion land that was

already under personal cultivation or land under tenancy or both. She or he could then

decide to retain the tenant or evict them. Some portion holders appear to have taken over

land for personal cultivation from tenants after oral partitioning of kin territory. As they

were inferior right holders and themselves economically backward, keeping tenants on

land and depending only on rent was not considered adequate by them for their survival.

Because of all these reasons there were wide variations in economic conditions among

the vargadars.

Gender based asymmetry was also prevalent among the self-cultivating vargadars. There

were relatively lesser number of females among them in 1961 (98 women and 147 men)

and 121 women and 143 men among them in 1971.

Asymmetry among the Tenants: As some of the pure/inferior tenants had already been

ejected from their lands during the 1950's and 1960's, the number of tenants left in the

village was less than that of the earlier historical phase. Out of the tenant elements

present in the village in 1974, a very large number (nearly 140 of them) appear to have

filed declaration for the lands that they were tilling as shown in Table V - 10. A few

tenants did not do so (Researcher came across 8 such cases during fieldwork in the

village). What was the extent of land for which the tenants filed declaration? Who were

these tenants? Answers to these questions provide us clues to understand the tenants and

asymmetrical relations not only between the landlords and tenants but the asymmetry

among the tenants themselves.

213

The largest majority of tenants (104 out of 139) who have filed declarations have done so

for relatively small portion of land ranging from 10 cents to 2 acres. A relatively small

minority of30 out of 139 tenants have done so, for lands between 2.1 to 10 acres. Only a

minority of 5 tenants have filed declaration for lands above 10 to below 15 acres. Thus

the area claimed under tenancy by most that is 104 out of 139 tenants is relatively quite

low (Table V-IO). However total amount of lands claimed under tenancy was nearly 259

acres which was a significant proportion of the land under cultivation in the village. From

these facts it could be deduced that there was wide spread prevalence of tenancy in the

village.

Table V -10

Extent ofland declared by tenants correlated with Jati affiliation of tenants

Jati wise distribution of tenants Extent ofland

Bunts Pujarys Cbristians Muslims Brahmins others Total

10 cents and below I 12 - - - 4 17 10 to 20 cents 4 8 1 1 - 10 24 20 to 50 cents 3 6 4 - I 7 21 50 to 100 cents 5 4 5 - I 3 18 Above 1 acre to 2 acres 9 5 3 - - 7 24 2 to 3 acres 6 2 - - I 1 10 3 to 4 acres I 2 - - - 2 5 4 to 5 acres 3 2 - - - I 6 5 to 10 acres 6 1 - I - 1 9 10to 15 acres - 1 - - - J 2 15 acres and above 2 I - - - - 3

Total 40 44 13 2 3 37 139

There is evidence to ascertain wide variation among the tenants who filed declarations for

land. Many of the tenants were members of the landlord cum proprietor class. They had

leased in portions of land of their own kinsfolk (resident or non resident) and or non-kin

Pattadars. They had leased out land to others and had lands under personal cultivation as

well. Relatively small proportion of tenants could be considered as pure tenants, who

were dependent totally on land leased in by them to earn their livelihood. In most cases

the tenants were associated with a particular landlord, but there were cases where a tenant

214

would live in one territory by taking some land under tenancy there from a portion holder

of one territory, but at the same time lease in land of a portion holder of another territory.

There were tenants who had leased in lands both inside and outside the village.

The guttulmane (kinship) and lati affiliation of tenants and the extent of land held by

them under tenancy contributed to the variation among the tenants themselves and their

relations with the landlords. Those tenants who shared kinship and jati links with their

landlords stood in a favourable position compared to those whose lineages and jati were

considered inferior to that of the landlord. From the data (Table V - 10) it can be seen

that the majority of the tenants belong to the intermediate and dominant peasant latis-the

Pujarys and Bunts. But when we consider the land area claimed, the superiority of Bunts

over Pujarys is quite clearly established. While as many as 18 out of 40 Bunts have

claimed more than 2 acres of land, only 9 out of 44 Pujarys tenants have filed declaration

for relatively large portions of lands. Among all the others who have placed claims over

village lands such as Christians, Moolyas, Kottaris, Madivalas, Saphaligas and Muslims

there are few who have done so for above 2 acres of land. It is possible to conclude from

this data that control over leased in land was predominantly with the Bunts and to a much

less extent among the Pujarys and others.

Asymmetry among tenants was manifested in differing terms and conditions of tenancy.

Permanent tenants or mulgenidars and temporary tenants or chalgenidars were present in

different number until mid 70's in the village under study. The terms of payment of

rents (geni) differed as in the past between mulgenidars or superior tenants (from the

same lineage and jati as their landlord) and chalgenidars inferior tenants. Rates of rents

paid by the tenants were usually those that prevailed in the region at that time. During the

sixties to seventies of this century the rents fluctuated from 8 to 12 mudis (one mudi

equals 42 seers or38 Kilograms) per one mudi fann land (80 cents ofland where grains

worth 38 Kilograms could be sown). The geni in the case of paddy fields was paid

usually in kind and geni was charged usually for the first crop only (wet lands). In case

the tenants could not pay the rent fully from the first crop, he could pay the balance

215

during the second crop. But usually accumulation of such balance was discouraged. Even

the tenants preferred not to have big deficits in their name. In some cases rents were also

paid in cash as well as kind (i.e. fixed number of arecanuts) especially for the garden

land. The rent was further increased if the landlord supplied water or incurred the

expenses connected with seeds, manure and plough animals. All the rents had to be paid

in time as in earlier historical periods. If not a subordinate tenant could face ej ection from

the land.

The inferior/pure tenants continued providing labour to the landlords whenever it was

demanded· of them as in the past. Some tenants say they had to take their plough

animals and tools and complete the work of tilling and transplanting in the farms of

their landlords first and only later work in their own fields. Yet others claim that there

were times when they had to work at nights in the moonlight or by lighting lanterns to

complete the work in their own farms during the agricultural season. The women of the

tenant households were also required to give services in the farms and houses of their

landlords, whenever required as in the earlier historical periods. The tenants had to boil

the paddy, dry it, pound it (manually) clean the rice, and then carry the rice well bundled

to the landlords house which meant a lot of labour. The practice of giving free services

or low wage services and gifts in the form of fowls, vegetables and fruits to the landlords

periodically, continued up to mid seventies. They had to give their services at all the

celebrations (i.e. marriage, Bhuta worship) and construction works of the landlord as in

the past. They had to give their share of fees and other material contributions in

connection with the Bhutaradhana rituals held in the village twice a year. Tenants

provided other types of services as well. To cite an example, a woman of a tenant

household breast fed the ailing infant son (only child) of her landlord and nourished him

back to health (she was a Christian and her landlord a Bunt). Sustained patrimonial

relations between landlords and tenants made the tenants duty bound to render such

services to the lands.

216

Asymmetry among Labourers: There were different types oflabour in the agrarian sites

of the village.

Attached Labourers: There were attached labourers, casual labourers, bonded labourers,

male and female labourers. Variable number of agrarian labourers (mane okkalu)

continued being attached to the territory of the landlordJpattadars as well as mulgenidars.

They continued to hold a plot of land (between 5 to 20 cents) in the territory of the

employer. They lived in thatched huts and .cultivated the surrounding plot of land with

fruit and coconut trees and some times vegetables. They were obliged to work for the

land owners whenever he needed their services as in the earlier periods. The number of

attached labourers differed from one agrarian site to another as in the earlier historical

periods, depending on the history of the settlements, size of the territory, its fertility and

cropping patterns. However, the prevalence of a significant number of other workers in

the population makes one assume that atleast some members of the attached agrarian

labour households has shifted to other occupations by early 1970' s.

Casual or Temporary Labourers: Casual or temporary labourers were also employed by

the cultivators in varying number during the agricultural season in particular. These

labourers were either other members of the attached agrarian labour households or others

(resident and non-resident). Being temporary labourers they were at a inferior level

compared to permanent labourers. There were also other categories of inferior and most

subordinate and exploited labourers in the agrarian hierarchy of the village as elsewhere

in the district. They were debt bonded labourers as in the past. Few such labourers were

found in some of agrarian sites during this period.

There was Jati and Gender Asymmetry among lite Agrarian Labourers: Agrarian

labourers belonged to various jatis as in the past. Most of them were from the

intermediate peasant jatis and other subj ugated jatis. The treatment meted out to the

labourers did vary depending on their jati status as in the past. The women outnumbered

men in the agrarian labour force during 1961 and 1971 (Table V - 7). The tasks

associated with male and female labourers did not change from the earlier historical

217

phase. Women continued to get lower wages in kind compared to men. By mid seventies

they were getting only two seers of rice a day. The men were given some money in

addition to 3 seers of grain for ploughing and other tasks.

Gradations in the Agrarian Society: From the analysis of multiple asymmetries

prevalent in the agrarian sites of the village during mid1970's, the hierarchically situated

agrarian groups could be listed as follows:

The prosperous vargadarsllandlords: The large vargadars/landlords with relatively large

lands under personal cultivation as well as leased out to tenants, could be considered as

the top ranking agrarian group in the village of this period. Some rich vargadars

continued to control best portions of kin territory, purchased portions of other territories

and also portions of territories inherited by their wives and fathers elsewhere. These

owned more than 10 acres of fertile agricultural land in the village. Some of these

agriculturists generally prospered through cash crop farming and labour intensive

technology. They were also able to gain access to government and bank schemes and

other resources, enabling them to increase their wealth. Many of them had leased in land

from other portion holding kin or non-kin vargadars/landlords.

Progressive/Capitalist Farmers: A few progressive farmers as a class category began to

take root during this period. Some large landlords started converting portions of their

lands into plantations to expand production of commodities for the market. Area under

coconut, areca nut, cashew (hilly regions) and sugarcane began to increase during this

period. Such farmers not only tapped and utilized government schemes and subsidies

effectively but also took to more modem methods of farming. Atleast some of the

landlord - proprietors started adopting more modem technologies of farming to raise

their agricultural production with a view to earn higher profits. These farmers were not

yet fully out of the feudal ties as they continued to have leased out lands (to tenants) and

in some cases leased in lands from other vargadars/landlords.

218

Middle level vargadarllandlords: The third ranking group in the agrarian hierarchy was

that of middle level farmers who owned between 5 to 10 acres. They had a viable plot of

wet land to cultivate and could employ a few permanent labourers and required number

of seasonal labourers. Some of these were landlords as well who had given some portions

of their land on tenancy. These led a relatively secure life.

Small and Marginal vargadarsllandlords: The fourth ranked group in the agrarian

hierarchy were small and marginal vargadars. Some of these small and marginal

landholders were holders of relatively small portions of rights over lands and or produce.

They owned less than 3 acres of land. Such farmers cultivated the land mainly with

family labour and employed seasonal labour when absolutely essential to complete the

agrarian tasks. Those unable to till the land themselves leased it out to their own kinsmen

or other vargadars or pure tenants. The economically backward agriculturists including

those of GuttuiMane kin households tended to depend on the richer agriculturists (kin or

otherwise) for support in times of distress. They worked on wages in the farms of their

richer counterparts. Some of them had to alienate portions of their lands to their more

prosperous counterparts during the early decades after Independence.

Pure tenants: Pure tenants formed the fifth ranking group in the agrarian hierarchy.

There were few mulgenidars and a significant number of chalgenidars among them. The ~

mulgenidars among them belonged to the same jati as their landlord and enjoyed better

equation with their landlords compared to the chalgenidars as in the past. Those from the

intermediate (backward jatis) and from the outcaste groups continued to be highly

exploited and oppressed. The women tenants of the lower jatis continued to be most

exploited section among them. The pure tenants also worked as agrarian labourers when

work was available. In such cases the tenants and agrarian labourers were at the same

level in the agrarian hierarchy. However ejection from the territory and subjection to

labour was considered a threat to their self-respect by the inferior tenants. The pure

tenants also employed labourers during heavy agricultural season. In the case of tenants

who being to the marginalized economic and Jati categories, most of the work related to

219

agriculture was perfonned by them with the help of family labour and in rare cases

labourers were employed.

The Agrariall Labourers: The agrarian labourers continued to be at the bottom of the

hierarchy in the agrarian site and the agrarian society as a whole. The labourers were

graded below the pure tenants in the agrarian hierarchy, although both were graded lower

than the agriculturists (both rich and poor farmers). At the lowest level were the agrarian

women labourers and bonded labourers. The conditions of labour continued to be harsh

for the agrarian labourers during the period under study as in the past. They had to start

work early in the morning by 8:00pm and work till dusk usually 6:30pm or later during

the heavy transplanting or harvesting season (in the case of ploughmen as early as 4 to 5

o'clock in the morning). They had a little break during the mid day. They went home, had

a hurried meal of the leftovers from the previous day, if spared by their hungry little

children and left for the field again. The rice given in the form of wages was brought

home and women did cooking and attended to all household work. Only a most

benevolent landlord would give us some congi to eat say the elderly labourers. There

were many labourers but little work available during non-agricultural season. During the

work season, the labourers could cook and eat congi atleast, but during the non­

agricultural season especially rainy months they had to remain hungry. Many labourers

speak of surviving on boiled jackfruits, and green leaves. They boiled horse gram,

groundnuts and green grams too as these pulses were cultivated in the area and they could

pick up the fallen grain from the fields. A landlady told the researcher that we used to

dump all the leftover food into a big. earthen pot the next day to feed our cows. Our

untouchable labourer (locally called as Dikke by the upper caste people) used to take rice

from that pot and eat and used to say that it was good for health. Children of labourers

used to search for houses where horse gram was being boiled for the plough animals to

request a share of boiled grains. The raw fact of hunger among the agrarian labourers

remains hidden in such disclosures. Both men and women of the agrarian labourer

household had to work to make two ends meet as in the past. Even their children were

sent at a very young age to rear the cows of the landlord cultivator or made to do odd jobs

220

for meagre payments or just some food. In one such case an elderly labourer said that the

Yajamana prevented him from attending the school when he was a child, although a

Christian priest had motivated him to join the school.

Besides working on the farm the agrarian labourers were also made to perform other

tasks that were demanded of them. Prosperous landlord/proprietors could mobilize their

agrarian labourers to discipline, threaten or evict a tenant who failed in his obligations.

They could use them to discipline other labourers as well. Some agrarian labourers may

have accessed more extra-legal authority because oftheir closeness to and trust placed in

them by their employers.

There was variation in the extent of inequality between various agrarian labourers with

respect to variously ranked cultivators above them. Their position was highly unequal to

the superior vargadar/landlords of guttu/mane households or other prosperous households

of dominant jatis, whereas their standing with the small and marginal cultivators

especially those who were inferior kinsmen and other was less unequal. The pure tenants

also employed labourers during heavy agricultural season. Their position vis-a-vis pure

tenants varied depending on their economic standing and extent of lands leased in by

them and their jati affiliation.

Though provision in the Kamataka Land Reforms Act 1974 had been provided for the

agrarian labour inhabitants attached to and residing in various territories, an opportunity

to file declaration for their homesteads (house and the surrounding lands which were in

their direct possesses and use), the majority of the attached labourers especially in the

Sede zone region did not file declarations though they had lived on those lands for many

years and had cultivated coconut and other trees around their house. The general theme of

their responses was fear of antagonising their landlord/employers. While many tenants

dared file declaration, the labourers refused to do so as they were mainly dependent on

the agriculturists for employment and survival. The risk of living in close proximity to a

hostile land owner after going against him was a deterring factor: Most of the attached

221

labourers who filed declarations were from the Jara zone as the Pujary land owners of

lara territory were considerably mild in their approach compared to the Bunts of Sede

zone.

Co-relation between Wealth and Jati based Asymmetry: The commonly held view that

the upper castes are landlords and. lower castes are tenants and labourers does not appear

to hold good in all cases during this phase of village history as in the past. There were

Bunts who were landlords, Vargadars, Mulgeni as well as Chalgeni tenants. Similarly the

Pujarys were landlord/Vargadars, tenants and agricultural labourers. Only the Brahmins

and Jains were pure landlords. But their number was very limited. Infact, in the Sede

region of the village a large number of tenants belonged to the dominant peasant caste

namely Bunt. In Pujary controlled Jara region as well as Bunt dominant Sede there were

some tenants from intennediate Jatis such as Pujarys, Moolyas, Kottaris, Madivalas,

Koragas (scheduled tribe) and scheduled caste and Christians. There were also

landlord/pattadars of one territory who had assumed land under tenancy of a portion

holder in another territory. Some of the tenants controlling the largest territories under

lease were from the same Jati as their landlord. For example, in Jara region-a tenant with

a relatively large holding was a Pujary like his landlord. Similarly, the Bunts of Guttu

house and Yalangoor belonged to the same caste as their landlord/landladies of the

Kodialbail Guttu. At the same time it needs to be noted that a number of such tenants

were also landlords who rented out lands to other tillers. There is reason to believe that

this situation prevailed in many other dominant peasant caste Tuluva villages especially

in inland Dakshina Kannada.

There was significant correlation between the Jati affiliation of vargadar/landlords and

their labourers as well. While the employers were usually Bunts and Brahmins and in a

few cases Pujarys by Jati, the labourers were predominantly from the Pujary, Moolya,

Madivala and Muslim Jatis in the village. There were also some dalits especially

belonging to the Mundala or Mugera caste and Koragas (households of a ST group)

among them. The labourers usually stood at lower levels of ritual hierarchy compared to

222

their employers both landlordlPattadars (big, medium and small) and Mulgeni and

Chalgeni tenants as in the past.

Asymmetrical Relations in tile Agrarian site Reinforced through the Village

PancJtayat: The co-relation between the agrarian elements and the panchayat members

and leaders elected during the first four elections held for the village panchayat provide

us further insight into the relations of asymmetry in the village (Table V-II).

Characteristics of PancJtayat Members and Leaders: The Jati, gender, occupational and

Guttu affiliation of members, leaders of the gram panchayat provides us further insight

into the asymmetrical relations of power that led some rural elements to control and use

the panchayat as a major resource in their relations with the villagers. The Jati and gender

affiliation of members of the panchayat during the period 1956 to 1986 is shown in Table

V-II.

Table V -11

Gender wise classification ofPanchayat Members inclusive of leaders

Total Villages Years of Operation

M F Mudusede Padusede May 1956 to Nov 1959 7 -Maracada Mudusede Padusede Jan 1960 to 1967 11 2 Marae.d. Mudusede Padusede Jun J 968 to Feb 1978 10 2 Maracada Mudusede Padusede Feb 1979 to 1986 12 3 Maracada

T

7

13

12

IS

The gender wise classification shows that the first panchayat had no female

representation. The second and third panchayats had two women representatives. There

were three women panchayat members in the fourth panchayat. It is clear that gender

wise males were predominant in number in all the four gram panchayats bodies elected

from 1956 to 1979. It could be said that panchayats helped reinforce patriarchal relations

223

and subordination of women. However, a few women began to assume leadership roles

through the panchayat bodies.

Occupational profile of Panchayat members reveals that all except one member of the

panchayat were agriculturists in 1956. The lone dalit agricultural labourer was nominated

by the Panchayat leader who was his employer. In all the other three panchayat bodies

that followed mostly agriculturists by occupation were the members. Continued

prominence of agrarian elements is clearly seen in the panchayat composition during this

period. Relatively wealthy landlord/proprietors from the established guttulmane territorial

units were able to assume control over panchayat in all the four elections and exercise

power over other village residents.

Jati Profile of members and leaders of Grama panchayats show that since the very start

the Bunts were the predominant majority in all the four gram panchayats formed from

1956 to 1979. Out of 7 members representing 3 villages as many as 5 were Bunts, and

one was a Brahmin in 1956. Only one member of the scheduled caste, an attached

labourer of a prosperous agrarian territory was selected for the reserved seat at the behest

of his employer. In the second panchayat body out of 13 members, as many as 9 were

from among the Bunts. In the third and fourth panchayat constituted in 1968 and 1979

respectively, Bunt domination continued, although there was slight decrease in the

number of Bunts in the panchayat formed in 1968 compared to the preceding and

succeeding periods. These facts show that Bunts dominance in the village affairs was

reflected in the gram panchayat as well.

Though Pujarys form a numerically significant Jati group in the village, there was no

Pujary in the first and third Grama panchayats. There was one Pujary representative in

the second panchayat and it rose to two in the fourth panchayat. It is clear that the Pujarys

remained a subordinate group in local politics. The number of Christians though nil in the

panchayat was found to increase from a mere one representative in the second panchayat,

to four in the third and three in the fourth panchayat. All other Jati groups had little or no

224

presence in the village panchayat. Members of the scheduled caste occupied the reserved

seats only. Though there are very few families of Brahmins, their representative was

there in the first and third panchayats. These facts make it clear, that the Bunts and

Brahmins and to a much lesser extent Christians (primarily in Padusede village) emerged

dominant in the local site of governance. It could be concluded from the data that the

dominant caste land owning elite from the three villages could mobilize the voters in

significant number to support their candidature in panchayat eJections. They were able to

utilize the new resource of power namely position of leadership and membership in the

panchayat body to exercise further dominance over the subordinate groups.

Gender and Jati Affiliation of Leaders of the Ponchayat: In all four panchayat bodies

formed since 1956, a male from the Bunt Community was the president/chairman. In fact

an elite Bunt who had inherited the position of Patel from his paternal side, became the

first president of the village panchayat and later his kinsmen held this position. Similarly

in three out of the four local bodies, a Bunt male continued being the vice-president as

well. The position of the vice president went to a Christian representative from the

Padusede village in the fourth panchayat constituted in 1979. Position of members and

chairman of the panchayat and membership of taluk panchayat became an arena of

conflict between yajamanas of some reputed GuttuslManes of the village since 1956, the

year of 1 st election to the panchayat in Mudusede. These positions were monopolized by

the elite yajamanas of prominent territories during the period covered. 1t could be claimed

from these facts that gram panchayats contributed to the supremacy of male, landed elite

in the village. It further reinforced the male identities vis-a-vis the female, the

landlord/proprietors identity vis-a-vis the subsistence farmers, tenants and landless

labourers, and Bunt Jati identity vis-a-vis all other subordinate Jati groups in the village

during the early decades after Independence.

All other sites of relations of power such as legislative bodies (Central and State, political

parties and factions, government departments/officers, schools and colleges, financial

institutions and certain new vocational avenues contributed to the reinforcement of

225

differentiations based on age, gender, jati, vocation, position, reputation and other

privileges. The major beneficiaries of all these resources (inclusive of positions of

authority, schemes of the government, access to better and higher level education and

professional competencies) generated in these sites were those at the higher levels of the

agrarian society.

Strategies and Practices of Power

The use of certain old strategies and practices of domination, discrimination as well as

disciplinary power continued during this period. Strategies of domination such as

forceful extraction of surplus from tenants through high rates of rent, extraction of free or

partially free labour from the inferior tenants and labourers, forceful ejection of tenants

and attached labourers from their houses and plots of land in their possession were in use

in the agrarian sites. The landlords used various tactics of threat and compromise to

prevent the tenants from staking the claim to the lands leased out to them in response to

the Land Reform Acts. In some cases, landlords were successful in preventing the tenants

from filing declarations or withdrawing the declarations filed. Strategies of Domination

such as extraction of free labour continued to be used. Some elderly labourers state that if

the labourers absented themselves for work they would be abused by their employers,

(even physical beatings were not uncommon). Money/grain lending practices bound the

tenants and agrarian labourers further in a relationship of domination and dependency on

the landlords. The loans had to be repaid with interest usually through labour and in cash

or grain. Use of courts to safeguard ones interest was a strategy of domination that was

used by the rural elite to subjugate the other portion holding kin and other

landlords/vargadars as well as tenants. Struggles over land led some kin to resort to court

cases particularly during mid decades ofthe 20th century.

Some of the measures and programmes undertaken by the state government

predominantly under the control of elite agrarian legislators in the early decades after

Independence were actually very subtle strategies or practices of domination/control.

Four such significant measures could be cited as examples here namely the schemes of

226

grantblg Darkastll or portions of unoccupied lands to private parties, land to the

freedom fighters and military personnel, house sites to the Landless and laws related to

inheritance of property. The scheme of darkasth initiated by the government in 1974

enabled both internal and external forces in alliance with revenue authorities to gain

control over significant portions of unoccupied village lands!common property resources.

Atleast 2 landlords were able to get 15 to 25 acres of unoccupied village lands for cashew

cultivation by using this government policy. Few other landowners accessed smaller

portions.

The scheme of providing land grants to freedom fighters and military personnel was

also utilized by the urban elite to stake claim on village lands. Atleast nine of the parties

who received such revenue grants were Gowda Saraswat Brahmins (upper caste

households from the trading background), from the city of Mangalore. A few were

resident Pattadars themselves. The external elements were able to get totally 55 acres of

land ranging from 4.50 acres to 5 acres sanctioned in their names (Register of land record

(1965). Very few tenants and labourers had been able to occupy village lands on slopes of

the hills prior to the land reforms period. The policy makers being dominantly land

owning elite, they did not make any plan to rejuvenate the rural society by distributing

the unoccupied lands among the rural labourers and other landless. Instead it was the

landed gentry and urban commercial interests who accessed the lands for their private

use. A major means available for poverty alleviation, social and gender equity namely

acquisition of control (collective or individual) over unoccupied village lands by the

marginalized peasants and landless labourers inclusive of women was denied to them.

Those who benefited the most from such schemes and laws were the patriarchal elite in

the village. The marginalized peasants/labourers and women in general were the losers.

Scheme of providing 5 cents land as house sites to agrarian labourers (landless)

highlights this point further. This scheme was approved by the State Assembly of

Kamataka at the same time as the passing of the Kamataka Land Reforms Act of 1974.

The State Assembly dominated by landlord/proprietors along with the bureaucrats from

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the landed elite families may have pressed for this measure to safeguard their lands from

the attached labourers as they were well aware of the implications of the Land Reforms

Act 1974, which aimed at granting land to the tillers and attached labourers. This scheme

appeared to benefit the landlords/rich farmers in two ways. Safeguard their lands from

being claimed by their attached agrarian labourers whose hutslhouses were often in the

midst of their territory and keep them within the village at a safe-distance to have

sustained labour supply for agriculture. So landlords encouraged their labourers to move

up and settle in Padavu the hill zone. The devastating flood that occurred in mid seventies

was used as an excuse to motivate labourers to settle in 5 cent colonies.

,

Laws related to inheritance o!property passed by tile central and state legislature could i also be considered as strategies of patriarchal domination. These laws not only weakened

the matrilineages but also weakened the superior hold the women of the matrilineages

had 'over the territories and other properties. The male elite of the land owning families

were able to increase their control over productive resources and further subjugate the

women.

Various strategies and practices utilized by the villagers to procure government schemes

such as pressure action (individual and collective), bribing the government officers

(revenue and development) who had the authority to sanction various schemes such as

house sites, income certificates, ration cards and land documents required by the villagers

could be considered as practices of manipulation or subtle domination. Utilization of

kinship, Jati, political party and factional links to tap the benefits, was yet another

strategy employed by the residents to secure access to schemes and benefits. Because of

such practices of subtle domination the benefits of most of these schemes were cornered

by the rural elite and relatively better off villagers. The large majority of the marginalized

were unable to access the same.

Strategies of Facilitative Power such as adherence to traditional practices based on

mutual rights and obligations bound the landlords/vargadars and their tenants and

228

labourers in certain processes of conditioning. The evidence available points out that

there was no modification in the division of activities based on position and gender. The

elites of various territories were also found to be resorting to facilitative/productive

strategies such as taking active role in conflict resolution at the inter-guttu level and intra­

guttu levels in order to retain their influence over the villagers.

Community development/national extension service programme and many welfare

oriented schemes of tlte government could also be considered as new strategies or

practices of disciplinary power. Examples are the agricultural and health extension

programmes or schemes of reservation for the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and

women (first started by the colonial government), other programmes for the development

of agriculture and related sectors, target group centred programme meant for small and

marginal farmers, agrarian labourers and rural artisans during the early decades of

Independence. Such development, welfare, extension strategies were used to discipline

the agrarian people into dependent and obedient subjects of the new democratic state

regime. For instance the strategies of extension had been found useful in the west in the

construction of capitalist farmers out of feudal serfs, and homemakers out of the women

ofthe farming households. More in-depth enquiry is required to find out what effect these

discursive practices or strategies had on various categories of farmers such as land

lords/proprietors, small and marginal farmers and both men and women in the village and

how they responded to such interventions. Formation of associations (Le. gender and age

related organizations such as mahila, yuvathi and yuvaka mandals) could be considered

as a strategy of facilitative/disciplinary power. Such associations along with caste based

organizations established in some of the territorial units covered by the study played a

role in reinforcing the traditional identities and constructing ruralites into dependent

subjects.

Discourses/Truth Claims

The Brahmanical discourse, other religio-cultural discourses as well as patriarchal

discourse continued to be integrated within all the sites of relations of power - agrarian,

229

local governance, education and religiosity. Discourses of welfare, charity, positive \

discrimination (reservation policies) which had been introduced during the colonial

regime in alliance with the Christian missionaries and social reformers acquired the

support of the State in India. Along with the nationalist discourse, tile liberal democratic

discourse too had started making deeper inrQads in the form of emphasis on individual

rights. The private property discourse gradually started replacing the discourse that

upheld the collective interest of the matrilineal kin (guttulmane). Certain modern

discourses of community development, extension education since early 1950's and the

discourse of green revolution since late 1960's too became diffused in the rural areas of

India. The extension discourse upheld the truth claim that it was based on sound scientific

experiments carried out by experts. Consequently knowledge, technologies and practices

(i.e. farming, health or healing) disseminated from universities and research centres by

the extension agents were held to be scientific and progressive that could result in raising

production and reducing poverty. On the contrary, the traditional knowledges associated

with fields such as agriculture, health, water conservation, arts and crafts were considered

unscientific and naive knowldeges. The officials were trained to believe these truth

claims and started functioning as agents to uphold and disseminate the same. Gradually a

significant number of village residents to begin with the elite farmers in the village

started accepting such discourses. Diffusion of such truth claims of modem productive

power led to disastrous consequence on agriculture, arts, crafts and ecology (land, water

and forest bodies) which could be seen in later years.

Another truth claim projected through the Community Development Programme was that

the village as a homogenous and harmonious community. Historical continuities across

colonial and nationalist discourses and the views concerning villages in post-independent

development discourse have been pointed out by scholars. The state policies for

development and change in independent India continued to view the village as an archaic

and primary nucleus of Indian society, an autonomous politico-administrative unit and

economically self-sufficient entity which had lost its ingrained harmony due to the

exploitative colonial rule. The evidence of historically rooted and currently sustained

230

widespread diversities and inequalities was disregarded in such accounts of the village.

The regional variations and historical specificities of village localities were not

considered in such a discourse (Thakur, 2005: 38-39). Such conceptions led to the

conclusion that villagers could be mobilized to participate for the development of all

members of the village community and resulted in strategies of development that failed to

radically transform the rural societies. Such perspectives which created an illusion of

governance through people's participation failed to transform relations of power in the

village.

Over population discourse, which was a part of the colonial power/knowledge legacy,

was upheld by the state of India after independence. Birth control was posited as a major

solution to the problems of over popUlation/poverty. Family was mobilized to control the

population by resorting to birth control measures. While early efforts sought to convince

if not convert Indians (change their attitudes) to the modernising philosophy of over

population discourse, subsequent programmes set their sights literally on statistical

targets. As a result the target of governance changed from being attitudes, to that of

outcomes. Attempts were made through such discourse to transform the reproductive

family into an agent of governance in alliance with the state. In other words the family

was used as a tool of governance (Hodges. 2004: 1157-1162). Further study is required to "'­

find out the variable affect of such a discourse on village subjects.

Resources and capacities

Old resources such as land, water, plough and plough animals, cattle and other farm

animals continued being important in the agrarian sites. Certain tools and technologies

such as pump-sets, hullers were new resources which could also be rented out for raising

ones earnings. The educational qualifications, non-agrarian vocational competencies,

availability of new vocational inclusive of self-employment opportunities in and around

the village and in distant cities added to the resource pool. Traditional alliances and

networks based on kinship, jati and vocation continued being utilized by villagers to seek

various benefits or tap government schemes and access government and private. sector

231

jobs. Kinship and jati affinities with higher level political party leaders and bureaucrats

and supra local associations could be used for the benefit of specific individuals, groups

and areas within the village. It also enabled village elite to stake and win claim for

candidacy in elections to the higher level panchayat bodies (i.e. taluk panchayat).

Positions of leadership and membership in pancltayat, political parties and supra local

associations were additional resources during this period. Such positions enabled the

resident and non-resident elite to comer benefits to themselves and perform acts of

patronage through distribution of government schemes and benefits to their kinsfolk, jati

members and their party/factional loyalists to a much larger extent than others. As a

result the elite members belonging to the Brahmin and Bunt Jatis were able to reap higher

benefits as they had their kinsmen or Jati men at higher levels of the political body and

bureaucracy to a much greater extent during this period.

Some of the cultural symbols of the traditional as well as colonial times continued to be

used during the post-independent period. Some symbols such as the British flag was

replaced by the tri-colour flag of Independent India. New cultural symbols such as

National anthem, bird, animal and flower became significant ones in the process of

producing villagers into patriotic citizens of the nation state.

Objects and Effects of Power

The relations of power continued to have the objective of appropriation of surplus. But I unlike in the former historical periods, land revenue stopped being the major mode of /'

appropriation of surplus. The appropriation of surplus in the form of maximum rents I

(geni), low paid and unpaid labour continued being objects of exploitative fonn of power. I

The maximisation of profits through commodity production emerged as a major objective

of capitalist relations of domination within and outside the village during this period.

Further the exercise of power was directed at acquiring more modern resources such as

education (especially higher technical and professional), government schemes, subsidies,

jobs and positions of political representation. The disciplinary objective of power began

232

to emerge as an important one during this period. The expansIOn of government

bureaucracy, the police, the schools and media networks (i.e. newspapers, radio) served

the object of disciplining villagers further as obedient and docile subjects of the new

parliamentary democratic but socially undemocratic state.

The relations of power as they emerged in the agrarian site during the first quarter of the

century left contradictory effects on the situation of village as a whole and various

categories of villagers. As far as the socio-economic situation of the villagers in

concerned, there was further intensification of inequalities between those ranked at the

top and the large majority of those ranked below. Relatively small per cent of

landlords/farmer proprietors were economically prosperous and lived in relative comfort.

Most other matrilineal and patrilineal vargadars and many women among them lived a

life of hardShip as they had to fend for themselves after the partitioning of rights over

lands over both self cultivated lands and lands under tenancy. The large majority of

farmers, tenants and labourers continued to lead a deprived existence. Formally educated

and other unemployed youth moved out of the village to seek job or self employment

opportunities that could provide them sustained income. The jati and gender and class

based discrimination remained widespread. With regard to infrastructural situation, the

village saw some progress during this period i.e. establishment of a new school,

conversion of the government primary school into higher primary school, the broadening

and construction of a thar road to the village, establishment of some shops and other

commercial establishments in Shalapadavu area in particular and starting bus service to

the village. However the village remained highly backward. The narrow roads leading

from the agricultural sites were very difficult to traverse. People continued to use well

water for drinking purposes and had no facilities for sanitation in most houses.

The relations of power did affect social identity construction and alteration. Combined

use of strategies and practices of domination and disciplinary power had the effect of

alienating certain established traditional identities, weakening of some others, sustaining!

strengthening of certain traditional identities and establishment of certain new identities.

233

Among the identities that were eliminated were inamdars, Patels and other traditional

officers such as Shanbhags. GuttulMane yajamanas were weakened further during this

period. Besides landlords and vargadars (GuttulMane or yajamanas among them),

genidars (tenants) both chalgenidars and mulgenidars too continued to be sustained along

with mane okkalu or attached agrarian labourers (women and men) and other types of

labourers until mid 1970's. Jati identities and their ranking did not show much sign of

change during this period. Asymmetrical gender identities too remained by and large

unaltered.

The effects of power were also manifested in the construction of certain progressive

farmer identities because of state interventions to develop the so called scientific farming.

The government bureaucrats in the gui se of agents of rural deve/opment, panchayat

leaders and members, political party leaders and members were the new identities

constituted during the Post independence decades as the new face of state power. At the

supra local level political representatives such as MLA's and MP's were also constituted

as superior identities along with the higher level government officers.

Resistance

Certain manifestations of resistance at all levels of agrarian hierarchy during this period

could also be noted. Resistance to the modem agricultural practices such as use of hybrid

varieties of paddy, use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides was strong during late sixties

and early seventies in the village as elsewhere. Reasons offered for non-acceptance of the

claims of agricultural universities and extension officers were many. The new inputs

were considered not beneficial to farmers. The hybrid rice varieties were held to be not

tasty to consume. The inputs that had to be used such as fertilizers, pesticides were not

locally available and were costly to procure. Most medium, small and marginal farmers

inclusive of tenants refused to adapt the green revolution technologies during the

seventies. The resistance of farmers and the type of landlord/tenancy relations that were

extensively prevalent in the village did not facilitate the wider diffusion of modem

farming technology until the early eighties.

234

There was resistance from all categories of subordinate groups against domination by

their superiors. Kinsmen resisted the attempts of their dominant kin to monopolize more

and better land for themselves by resorting to court cases. Some times struggles led to

violent fights between the kinsmen over land. Instances of resistance among the kinsfolk

against Yajamanas were not uncommon in the village during this period. There were

some kinsfolk who were addicted to alcohol, cock fights, gambling and other vices and

resisted attempts at disciplining them. There were instances of kinsmen moving out of the

household and village and being in ones wife's territory in some other village. In one

such case the son of a landlord did not return to the village until his father was too ill to

manage the territory. There were instances of kin members from the matrilineage moving

out and assuming lands under tenancy or taking up other occupations outside the village

as an act of resistance against superior kinsmen. Filing of dec/aration could also be

considered as an act of resistance against the landlords by the pure and inferior tenants.

It was seen as an opportunity to come out of the situation of domination/exploitation.

Tenants also put up resistance against the landlords when the landlords failed to meet the

traditional obligations towards them. In one case a tenant revealed, that he met with an

accident and had a injury while working on the landlords' farm, but he was treated

insensitively by the landlord. So he decided to give up the lands cultivated by him under

tenancy and started living only in the house in the territory of the landlord. The

labouring groups both tenants and attached labourers would absent themselves feigning

sickness or giving other excuses. If the demands were too harsh, they would leave the

territory of the landlord or proprietor to work elsewhere as in the past. An old dalit man

said to the researcher that many of our kin and others moved out of the village because

these agriculturists were making us slog too much (Bari banga korondithere - in Tulu

literally meaning they used to give us much trouble). So in some cases they just ran away

from the village and took up jobs in the estates or with other employers elsewhere. Some

of them assumed tenancy either in the village or elsewhere in order to raise their status.

235

Conclusion

An analysis of the Post independence village scene reveals certain continuities and

certain variations in salient features of power in the agrarian society since the last phase

of history. Addition of many new sites of relations of power to the already established

ones was a major development during the first quarter of Independence. Besides

industrial and service corporations (situated outside the village), sites of democratic

polity - political parties and elected representative offices (M.P's, MLA's in particular),

government departments and offices (National, State, District to the local), Panchayati

Raj bodies were some of the predominant ones. There were also sites such as

cooperatives, ration shops and a new school. These and other sites incorporated the

villagers into relations of power either directly or indirectly, from within the jurisdiction

of the village or from outside.

Some of the old forms of domination such as patrimonial and feudal continued to

prevail to a lesser extent than in the past. The facilitative forms of power exercised

through the socialization process did not show major signs of alteration. The

facilitative/disciplinary fonn of power expanded its coverage through incorporation of

larger number of village residents into schools, health care centres, agricultural extension

and other development programmes. Development oriented government machinery was a

major addition to the disciplinary form of power during this period which contributed to

the construction of agrarian elements and other village inhabitants into dependent and

obedient subjects of the state.

The relations of power in the agrarian, local governance and other associated sites reveal

the prevalence of multiple and correlated asymmetries. The Asymmetry between and

within the agrarian sites as well as in the agrarian society as a whole manifested some

continuities and a few alterations compared to the earlier phase of history. The rights over

varg and leased lands had been further sub-divided and fragmented in the last seven

decades (from 1904 to 1974). However these agrarian sites continued to manifest wide

variations in the extent of lands under self-cultivation and under tenancy, in the number

236

of tenants, attached labourers, permanent and casual labourers associated with them as

well as the cropping patterns and prosperity of the territory.

Some alterations took place in the gradations or ranking prevalent in the agrarian society.

At the peak of the pyramid the supra local British rulers were replaced by the National

and State government with its agents such as people's representatives and government

bureaucrats (officials who assumed positions of domination and disciplinary control).

The state could access surplus in the fonn of direct and indirect taxes and its agents did

so not only in the form of allowances, salaries and perquisites but also in the form of

bribes in many cases. The inamdars especially those who held right over portions of

revenue had been eliminated and the village based inam right holders over portions of

lands had been converted into vargadars. However such alterations did not affect the

asymmetrical relations within the local agrarian society in a major way. The prosperous

landlordsfvargadars at the top remained the most dominant category, followed by middle

level landlords/pattadars. A larger majority of the pattadars (mostly kinsfolk of

matrilineages and patrilineages) compared to the past had joined the ranks of small and

marginal farmers. At the bottom of the agrarian hierarchy there were pure tenants. who

had no patta land in the village or elsewhere and the agrarian labourers who owned little

or no land and either lived on the lands of their employers or elsewhere within or outside

the village. Sites of governance and other sites such as worship, education (i.e. school)

and development reinforced the wealth, jati and gender asymmetries in the agrarian

society through unequal access to education, job opportunities, government

schemeslbenefits, legal provisions and positions of authority or leadership. In short

mUltiple overlapping asymmetries based on wealth, kinship, jati and gender gradations

continued to prevail with some modifications in the village.

Strategies Practices of power both old and some new were operationalized in the

agrarian site and in all other sites of relations of power in the village. Corruption and

favouritism as a strategy of domination became built into every level of bureaucracy. The

strategies and practices of disciplinary power in the form of extension education, schemes

237

of development, and legislative measures became widely operational during this phase of

history further tightening the grid of disciplinary power at work in the agrarian society.

Additional discourses and truth claims of liberal democracy, state socialism,

community development and extension provided the knowledge support to the exercise

of new disciplinary power, while many of the old discourses continued to uphold the

asymmetries ofjati, gender and position.

An analysis of the effects of power leads us to conclude that the inequities between the

agrarian groups had become more intensive during this period. Contradictions between

the prosperous agrarian elements and the vast majority of dependent peasantry had

become sharper, the former enjoying better education, secure jobs or income and the

latter continuing to live in illiteracy, deprivation without security of livelihood. Changing

relations of power since Independence had definite effects in eliminating certain

identities (the British rulers, Patel, inamdars), reinforcing with some alteration certain

others Oati, religion, gender) and constituting new identities especially governance

related ones. Resistance continued to be reactionary rather than pro-active and

individualized rather than collective and posed no threat to the domination/corruption at

the local and supra local levels.

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Chapter V: Section D

The Contemporary Village Scene (1995 and 2005)

The emerging trends (both continuities and alterations) in the relations of power in the

agrarian and other related sites of the village are covered in this section. Information

collected from field work in the village during two phases 1995 and 2005 has been

supported by secondary sources such as revenue, village panchayat and other official

records inclusive of all India census reports and electoral rolls. As a result the research

scholar is able to arrive at a more objective assessment of the situation as it prevailed

during the contemporary period compared to the historical phases covered earlier. Many

factors of social change affected the village society since 1974 (Factors of Social change

- Annexure VI- 4). The impact of state interventions such as Land Reforms Act of 1974

and provision of house sites for the agrarian and other landless labourers was also felt

during this period. The economic reform or structural adjustment policy had been

executed during early 1990's in India to provide momentum to the process of

globalization through privatisation and liberalization. This process coincided with the

process of ethnic revivalism inclusive of communal resurgence in various parts of India

inclusive of the village under consideration. The study of changing trends in relations of

power in the agrarian sites of village within the overall context of altered demographic

composition and a complex network of sites of power relation forms the thrust of this

section.

The Demographic Context

In 1971 the village was inhabited by 360 households only. By 2001 there were as many

as 1580 households as per the decennial census. This means that since 1971 as many as

1220 new households had emerged in the village, an increase of more than 3 times

(Chapter IV Table -2). Most of these households were of new settlers. Some married

members of the already settled households in various zones of the village have also been

building separate houses for themselves. At the time of visiting the village panchayat

239

. ,

I •

officials infonned the researcher that many more households have settled in the village

between 2001 and 2005. They placed the number of households in the village between

1,700 tol,750 households. This highlights the fact that the movement of the people to

settle in the village was continuing during the time of field study. From a mere 176

illhabited houses restricted to the agrarian zone in 1881, more than 1,700 houses have

come up in all parts of the village, radically altering the settlement map of the village and

. increasing the pressure over the village resources manifold.

The rise in population of the village makes this point clear. As per 1971 census there

were 2,190 persons (1,025 males and 1,165 females) in the village. The demographic

profile of the village as per 2001 census. places the population at 7,417 persons (3,587

males and 3,830 females). These facts highlight that there was big rise in the population

of the village during 1971 to 2001 (Chapter IV- Table 2). Unofficial estimates place the

population ofthe village at 8,500 to 9,000 persons in 2005. By 2001, the village had been

divided into five electoral wards. There were 4,077 registered voters in the village at that

time. The electoral roll of the village updated for the Zilla Panchayat elections held in

2005 shows that the number of voters in the village rose to 5,279 persons, a rise of 1,202

voters within a period of 5 years. Some of these are young eligible voters of the settled

households, and some others the members of the newly settled houses. All these facts

indicate a continuous increase in the population of the village.

Change in Settlement and Land use Patterns

Unlike in the past (prior to mid 1970's), human settlements are not restricted primarily to

the agricultural zones of Sede and Jara, but had emerged in different locations of the hill

territory. Edurupadavu, Shalapadavu and Shivanagar were already heavily clustered

settlements in the village in 1995. Nearly 145 new households were found to be

occupying even the shores of the Pillikula pond (a water logged area during the monsoon)

during this period. By 2005, 1,300 to 1,350 households have settled in these colonies

(Shivanagar, Shalapadavu and Edurupadavu) inclusive of the new colony called Pillikula

Nisaragadhama Nagara created as a rehabilitation site, after ejecting the households

240

settled on the shores of Pillikula Pond. Compared to the hill zone, the households in the

historically occupied agricultural belt of the village (namely Sede, lara inclusive of hill

slopes) continued to remain relatively small in number (between 300 to 350 households).

Most of the settlers on erstwhile unoccupied village lands have acquired house sites

which range from 3 to 5 cents only in most cases and between 5 to 10 cents in some

cases. In a few cases relatively large plots of land were found with some early

settlers/encroachers of unoccupied village lands. The lands allotted by the government to

the Tuberculosis Sanatorium and a police rifle range or firing range remained free of

encroachments as these lands had been fenced. The rest of the unoccupied land being part

of the reserved forest was not encroached in 1995. However by 2005 - 375 acres of

mostly unoccupied village lands (inclusive of land granted to the T.B Sanatorium) had

been converted by the District government into an Eco-tourism project.

Census 2001: Categorization of Village as Urban: The village has been brought under

the category urban first time as per the census ofIndia 2001. The village is said to fulfil

simultaneously all the three criteria considered essential for defming an urban area in the

census namely, its population exceeds 5,000 persons, it has more than 75 per cent of male

working population engaged in non-agricultural pursuits and the density of the population

in the village exceeds 400 per sq km. However, one has to note here that such discourses

of urban versus rural hide the fact that most men workers of the village have to travel to

the city of Mangalore and other areas to find work. There is not a single factory within

the village (neighbouring Padusede which is part of the Mudusede Panchayat has a rice

mill and a cashew factory). Largest percentage of its work force is not within the

organized sector and does not have security of livelihoods. Its agriculture is declining.

Unoccupied lands are mostly used for purposes which have least productive value for the

majority of the residents of the Village. Yet the village is termed urban like thousands of

such villager all over India. The village, once a very prosperous agrarian region, has

become a satellite suburb of the city of Mangalore. The agricultural activities remain by

241

and large confined to the sede zone and to a lesser extent Jara zone inclusive of hill

slopes. Mostly coconut trees are found around certain houses on the hill side.

Sites of Relations of Power

There are both old and new sites of relations of power in the village in the contemporary

period. Considerably large numbers ofviHage workers since early 1980's are engaged in

other sectors of economy both inside and in many cases outside the village. The agrarian

sites continue to be functional in the village to a much lesser extent than in the past.

Beedi rol1ing continues to engage the largest percentage of village workers. Many

residents are employed outside the village in factories (i.e. cashew), salaried jobs or

construction work and technical jobs and in a few cases government jobs outside the

village. There are members of village households who are working as well as residing

outside the vil1age, in cities within or even outside India (predominantly the Gulf

countries) and remitting funds to their families. There are village residents who operate

businesses/services, outside the village. As such, the relations of power in the economic

sites that engage the residents of the village are diverse. The focus of this study would

remain on agriculture. Other significant vocational sites such as beedi rolling, quarry

work would also be touched upon as these cover a significant number of village workers

inclusive ofthose from the present and erstwhile agrarian households. Besides the sites of

political governance and religiosity, there are other sites of relations of power such as

non-government organizations, community based organizations inclusive of self-help­

groups (under government, N.G.O or bank patronage) that have emerged during this

period. In order to understand the changing context of relations of power which

incorporate agrarian and non agrarian village residents it is necessary to briefly review

some of the prominent sites of relations of power (Old and new).

The Agrarian Site in the Village

The agrarian site of the village manifests the cumulative effects of the forces of social

change that had been launched since independence (Annexure VII: Factors of Social

Change) inclusive of measures such as land reforms and grant of sites for the landless and

242

rural and agricultural development programmes. By utilizing the data collected changes

that have occurred in the agrarian sites are briefly reviewed here.

Changing composition of work force ill Agrarian Sites: The empirical evidence on

composition of workforce in the agrarian sites available for the periods 1981 to 2001

(census of India) brings out the relative significance of this sector as a site of livelihood

for the villagers. The number of cultivators and agricultural labourers in absolute

numbers and their numerical size vis-a.-vis other workers in the non-agrarian sites show

some variation from earliest periods for which the data is available (Table V - 12).

Table V- 12

Numerical Strength of Workforce in Agriculture vis-A-vis others as per Decennial Census

Numerical strength of Workforce in Agriculture vis-a-vis other Sectors Year of Agricultural Total Marginal Others inclusive Total

the Cultivators Labourers Workers in Workers of household ~orkeT! Census Agriculture industry

1891 479 92 571 - 7 578

1901 370 263 633 - - 633

1961 245 440 685 - 337 1022

1971 264 397 661 65 405 1131

1981 148 361 509 - 821 1330

1991 140 318 458 2 2190 2650

2001 80 171 251 149 3586 3986

Note: The number oj workers in other sectors could not be accessed Jar the 189/ and /901 periOds. Only 7 persons were listed as weavers as per J 891 census. Others Include children up to 7 years

Source: Government aJlndia: Census aJlndla, 189/, /901, /961, 1971, 198/, 1991,2001

However as the children are also included among the others in the census reports

comparison of percentage of agrarian workers vis-a.-vis others has to be done by keeping

this fact in mind. Comparison of decennial census data reveal that the number of workers

(both cultivators and agrarian labourers) in agriculture remained more or less between

570 to 690 workers from the earliest period for which the data could be collected (1891,

243

1901, 1961 and 1971). However the workforce in agriculture from 1981 to 2001 has

sharply declined from 509 workers to 251 workers (a decline of above 50 percent). Such

sharp decline could also be partially because many seasonal agricultural labourers are

listed as being marginal workers in 200 I unlike in the earlier census period. But even if

the marginal workers are included the total number of workers in agriculture does not

exceed 400 persons. These facts make it clear that the agrarian sites are able to provide

livelihood options (part time or full time) to far fewer persons compared to the past. This

implies that only a smaller percentage of workers of the village are directly incorporated

in power relations within the agrarian sites of the village.

Decline in number of cultivators: Another major inference that can be drawn from the

census data on workers in the village is the steady decline in the number of those who

report their vocation as cultivators. Though the Jamabhandi records of 1995 reveal the

presence of 256 revenue paying agriculturists in the village, number of those who have

reported themselves as cultivators has declined sharply from 264 in 1971 to 80 persons in

200 I. Such facts highlight that those who declare agriculture as a full time vocation are

considerably less in number compared to the earlier phases of history. From these facts it

could be surmised that agriculture has become either a supplementary activity or the

lands are not being used for agricultural purpose in most cases.

Decline in the Number of Agrarian Labourers: Another significant trend in the agrarian

sector which has implication for relations of power within agrarian sites is the steady

decline in the number of agrarian labourers since early 1970's. There was steep decline in

the numerical size of agrarian labourers from 361 in 1981 to 171 in 2001. It could be

deduced from this data, that most village workers are not willing to offer their services as

agrarian labourers at present.

Abolition of tenancy

The presence of as many as 139 tenants has been noted in the records of the land reform

period (Table V - 13). But by 1995 judgements of the land tribunals had been passed in

244

most cases and legal forms of tenancy had been abolished. Some of the cases which had

been taken to the high court by the landlords against the judgement of the land tribunals

had also been cleared (Table V -l3).

v - 13

Extent ofland granted to tenants by Land Tribunals (Land Reforms Act, 1974) co­related with the number oflandlords and their tenant applicants in the agrarian

sites of various territories in the village

Numerical size of landlords, tenants and extent of land granted by

Name of the Tribunals

Guttufferritory Number Number Settlement of land claims under tenancy (acres) in the village of of

landlords tenants Claimed Granted Disputed Rejected Not clear

Guttu K 5 25 79.64 79.24 - 0.40 -

Guttu H I 1 0.12 0.12 - - -

Mane Arb 10 16 12.66 6.01 4.32 2.33 -Mane Kat I I 1.75 1.75 - - -Guttu Mog 1 I 6.50 - - - 6.50

ManeBal 5 7 18.93 18.93 - - -

Mane Bot 9 10 10.54 8.63 1.55 0.36 -

Mane Meg 2 2 2.60 2.40 - 0.20 -

Mane Sth I I 2.80 - - 2.80 -Mane Hos - - - - - - -

Mane Hosa 2 3 7.44 1.41 - 6.03 -Mane Cha I I 0.22 - - 0.22 -Mane Udu I I 3.59 3.59 - - -

Guttu Jat 19 56 71.60 52.12 2.22 14.79 2.47

Mane Sam I I 0.20 0.20 - - -Other territories 12 13 40.21 26.34 - 13.87 -

Total 71 139 258.80 200.74 8.09 41.00 8.97

Note: This is based on the data collected from the Ta/uk office and has not been counterchecked with residents, as many are reluctant to share such information. The Table includes nine joint landlords and six joint tenants. Only first few letters of the guttulmane territories have been retained

The judgements passed reveal that out of nearly 259 acres ofland claimed by 139 tenants,

nearly 201 acres was granted to them. Some who held land under tenancy did not file

245

declarations but purchased the land they were tilling from the kinsmen or women or

portion holding member of other kin-groups or other vargadars. In a few cases the tenants

had not filed declarations against the landlord. For instance in one case even when some

kin of a portion of the territory pressurized a tenant to file a declaration against their own

kin, he refused to do so out of deference and fear of the landlord. In such cases the

erstwhile tenants continued to remain in the territories of the landlord as invisible tenants.

In some cases pattadars cum tenants (themselves landlords in many instances) were able

to have their claims as tenants accepted, aided by the absence of their landlords from the

village scene. According to some tenants absentee supra local landlords such as those of

Kod guttu considered it below their dignity to attend land tribunals, so did not dispute the

claims of their tenants. In some other cases prominent landlords/vargadars of the village

were able to successfully claim lands they had on tenancy from other landlords/vargadars

residing in the village. In a particular case although one of the prominent landlord of the

territory was present in the village scene, another Pattadar/landlordltenant was able to

assert his claim over the land (3.17 acres) and get it. While some claims over the lands of

grantees were rejected- some were accepted. In one case, a Moolya (backward caste)

tenant of a grantee had placed claim to nearly 5 acreS of land granted to his landlord

grantee (freedom fighter category) as he was living on the territory with his family and

actually cultivating it, while the landlord was absent from the scene. He was granted the

land by the tribunal.

When comparing the claims of tenants to land in Sede and Jara zones, it is significant to

see that most established territories in the Sede zone (apart from the absentee

landlordlvargadars of Kod and Bal) appear to have lost relatively less lands to their

tenants. Some of the kinsmen belonging to these territories were able to get the claims of

their tenants rejected in the land tribunal. Some were able to make out of court

settlements with tenants. In another case a subordinate tenant was pressurized to arrive at

a compromise with his landlord. He agreed to part with 50 per cent of the original land he

was tilling under tenancy. The agreement required the tenant to bear the expenses of

246

registration. He has not been able to do it thus far. But, although he continues to till the

portion that has been left to him, legally the land belongs to the landlord. However in the

Jara zone most tenants were successful in getting the lands for which they had filed

declaration.

The facts associated with land reforms make it very clear that a simplistic analysis of the

land passing from the hands of the landlords to the tenants requires to be avoided. Since

mid seventies when the macro state authority tilted the balance in favour of the tenants by

its land reform policy, many landlords cum tenants as well as some pure tenants laid

claims to the lands that they were tilling, and in most cases were able to acquire control

over the land fully and in a few cases partially, thus ending the visible/legal forms of

tenancy. Most of the erstwhile tenants thus became owners of the land they had been

tilling.

Emergence 0/ Invisible including Reverse Tenallcy: Another significant trend in the

agrarian site is the emergence of invisible and reverse forms of tenancy. Few of the

erstwhile tenants who had not filed declaration under the Land Reforms Act 1974

continue to operate as invisible house tenants who continue to work for the landowners.

There are a few smaU/marginal farmers and landless who have taken land on lease from

the resident/non-resident vargadars in 1995 and 2005. Along with such invisible forms, a

reverse form of tenancy is being strengthened in the agrarian sector. In such cases some

relatively better off fanners, who have converted their paddy fields into coconut/arecanut

farms, were found to have taken portions of land left fallow by other agriculturists

including erstwhile tenant turned owner cultivators on a crop sharing basis for growing

paddy. In some cases the absentee vargadars have also offered their lands on rental basis

to their own kinsmen cultivators or others. The capacity of such prosperous farmers to

undertake effective farming operations and mobilize labour to perform the work at

reasonable wage rate puts them in an advantageous position vis-a-vis the small farmers.

As they possess the modem technology such as power tillers, it is relatively easy for these

farmers to cultivate more lands. There were few cases of such tenan ,Y-.arrangements in

/~\;1!~ ~J "'-') \\

(. / 'i7\\ c( T \ ,~ S. \;;:Jh 247

(0 ", '" . }"""-:j-l \U :} .. ____ .-;. *t/ \~ ,f .. _ un

the village in 1995. Farmers who had not overcome the fear of land reforms were

reluctant to share the information on such hidden forms of tenancy. But when visiting

farmers in 2005, many cases of reverse tenancy were noted by the researcher and the

farmers were found to be willing to share information on the subject. The geni paid is

usually quite low (less than 50 percent) compared to the past in the case of reverse

tenancy arrangements. It is usually 4 to 6 mudi rice (each mudi is equal to 38 kilograms)

for an 80 cent plot. As a result in most cases those who have rented in lands are now able

to retain much higher amount of the produce compared to the past. The reverse tenancy

arrangements cannot be considered exploitative for those who have leased in lands as in '--

the pre-land reform period. It is the entrepreneur fanners who are finding it profitable to

rent in lands. Instead of leaving the land fallow, the vargadar lets others cultivate his/her

land or portions of it and earns some amount of paddy for consumption in the form of

rent. Though there are many land owners who wish to lease out land to those they trust,

there are few takers for such an offer.

Changes in Land Ownership Patterns among Agrarian Households: The available

official revenue records do not reflect the actual situation of possession of land among the

cultivators in many cases. So it is difficult to arrive at an objective picture of land

ownership in the village. The Jamabhandi (revenue) records of Kathadars (pattadars) and

Record of Tenancy and Cropping (R.T.C) have the names of Kathadars (both living and

deceased). Lands had been partitioned since centuries between the kin (orally), but katha

change has not been executed. Portions of lands in some of the Kathas which were in the

actual possession of tenants have been granted to them (under the Land Reforms Act of

Kamataka, 1974) and subsequently Katha has been registered in the name of new owners.

However some of the tenants have not paid the valuation fixed by the government and so

could not procure the form number 10 required for getting the Katha (Patta) registered in

their own names. Some village land owners are reluctant to reveal the extent of actual

lands under their control as there is an inbuilt fear passed on since centuries of being

taxed for the land. The estimates of agricultural land ownership in the village are drawn

from the lamabhandi records and by interviewing village officials. Wherever Kathas have

248

not been changed by the kin and erstwhile tenants they are not included in the list. So it

is possible to arrive at only an estimated number of agricultural holdings of various size

categories in the village in 1995 (Table V - 14).

Table V -14

Estimated Number of Agricultural Holdings of Varied Sizes in the Village (J995)

Size ofthe Landholding Number Percentage

10 cents or less 25 9.77

10.0 I to 25 cents 35 13.67

25.01 to 50 cents 24 9.38

50.0 I to 100 cents 38 14.84

1.0 I to 3 acres 69 26.95

3.01 to 5 acres 24 9.38

5.01 to 10 acres 23 8.98

10.01 to 15 acres II 4.30

15.0 I to 20 acres 7 2.73

Total 256 100.00

Source: Jamabhandi records o/village Mudusede. 1995

The data reveal that there were 256 agricultural land holdings of various sizes in the

village in 1995. One of the major trends that agrarian sector continued to manifest during

this period is the reduced size of holdings. Nearly half of agricultural holdings are of less

than one acre in size. Some are relatively small house sites with little land under

cultivation. These facts highlight the widespread continuation of excessive subdivision of

land holdings in the village among the kin of the agriculturists and their erstwhile tenants.

Selling of portions of land also continued among and between kinsfolk as well as others.

Out of 256 agricultural holdings, as many as 191, were found to be 3 acres or below in

size. There are very few holdings, in the village (only 18 to be exact) that are above 10

acres in size. But even here some are joint holdings which have been orally partitioned

and are being cultivated separately but the Katha continues to be in the name of the

matrilineal or patrilineal head (some of who are not alive). In the last decade since 1995

249

there has been further partitioning of some landholdings and alienation of portions of

land to other purchasers. In one case a large portion of a territory held by a Bunt kinsman

was alienated to a non-resident Christian purchaser in 2005. In most cases smaller

portions of land holdings have been alienated to others.

Increase in Extent of Lands Left Un utilized by Farmers: The land ownership/control

though very important, is not the only major factor influencing the relations of production

and relations of power in the agrarian sites. For if the land is not brought under fanning it

cannot become a resource in the relations of power between varied class-categories

involved in agriculture. There appears to be much variation in the lands owned and lands

brought under cultivation in a number of agrarian sites. In 1995 most cultivators were

attempting to bring all or major portions of their land under cultivation. There were a few

both resident and non-resident cultivators, who had left varying portions of their land

uncultivated. In 2005 large tracts of land were found fallow in all categories of land

holdings -large, medium and small.

Many reasons are responsible for leaving the land uncultivated. The reason often \,

expressed for doing so is the non-a-:.ailability or shortage of labour in agriculture. Some

felt that the cost of cultivation has increased and so it is not profitable to cultivate paddy

crops. The high cost of production due to increasing cost of labour, the rising prices of

agricultural inputs and machinery are often cited as being prominent reasons responsible

for leaving the land uncultivated. Some lands are under ownership dispute between

kinsfolk and so are left untouched. Some fanners opine that the lack of capital to invest

was the reason for leaving lands fallow. Some agriculturists especially some erstwhile

tenant descendants were found to be addicted to alcohol and cock fights and least

interested in improving their portions of the orally partitioned fann lands. In one such

case an ailing elderly farmer (erstwhile tenant) was found bed-ridden, while most of the

fann lands of his own and the land (totally 13 acres or so) partitioned orally between his

four sons remained uncultivated. His sons were involved in casual labour and some were

even addicted to vices such as drinking. In some cases lack of adequate family labour and

250

the rising cost of paid casual labour are factors that constrain farmers including erstwhile

tenant turned owners from cultivating all their lands. Fear of loss of lands to tenants is

another factor which de-motivates a landowner (both resident and non-resident) from

getting their lands cultivated through oral leasing. In one such case until recently large

tracts oflands had been left fallow by kinsmen who had neither the will nor the capability

to invest in agriculture. This land has now been purchased by a kinsman who is now

settled in the village and is making attempts to cultivate the same. Some cultivators have

left land fallow as they have income from other sources and CUltivating the land is

considered neither necessary nor feasible. For instance the Udu mane (site owned by a

Brahmin priestly household) was a well cultivated prosperous farm in 1995. This land

was found uncultivated in 2005 as the relatively young priest has no time to spare for

cultivation. Similarly there are many other territorial units where varying portions of land

are left uncultivated as the owners are involved in other occupations. As a result the

fertile paddy growing lands are now covered with thorny plants and other wild growth.

The land surface has become hard because of the loss of top soil and reduction of water

content.

Variable Control over Kumki Lands: Besides exercising control over Patta lands, the

agriculturists of Mudusede as in other parts of the district continue to enjoy right over

variable portions of Kumki lands to this day. Some tenant turned owner cultivators have

been able to successfully stake claims over portions of Kumki lands along with lands

under tenancy, despite resistance fi·om the landlords. Some agriculturists especially Bunts

have succeeded in preventing encroachments into the lands under their Kumki rights in

the last two decades. Others, especially landholding kin and tenants of Jara and in one

case a proliferating Bunt matrilineal kin-group have lost much of their lands under

Kumki right to other settlers as weB as other encroachers since 1975.

Land Ownership outside the Village: There are many resident as weB as absentee

Pattadars who possess land in one or more villages as in the past, land inherited by them

or their marital partners as their matrilineal or patrilineal share or acquired through

251

purchase. In some cases, the village based vargadars were able to either eject their tenants

from portions oflands held by them or their immediate kin in other villages or arrive at a

compromise with the tenant to give up claim over portions of such lands for which they

had filed declaration. The prosperity of the resident cultivators continues to be associated

with the control over lands and other resources they held beyond the village as well.

Some Pattadars have sold off portions of land held by them in other villages. In one case,

a Vargadar claimed that he sold some of the lands that he had inherited from his fathers'

share of the matrilineal property, as the land value for hill tracts had increased

considerably in that area. Some pattadars continue to travel to cultivate their portion of

the territory in other villages/some even reside in those territories some parts of the year

to over see the agrarian operations.

Change in Cropping Patterns: There are visible manifestations of change in cropping

patterns in recent years. A decade or so ago a visitor standing on the hills saw vast tracts

of Bailu lands of the village covered with paddy. The lands on the river side were

considered ideal for paddy cultivation despite the area being prone to salt water flooding

during the monsoon season. The coconut trees were planted usually around the houses or

within the compound and on the slopes of the hills. Sugarcane, beatel leaves, pulses and

vegetables were also grown by farmers. The areca nut and coconut gardens were

restricted to small portions of the village land. By 2005, an observer can see the area

surrounded by cash crop trees (coconut and areca) plantations interspersed by paddy

farms on some portion of river side atleast in some of the major territorial zones of the

village. Though paddy is grown to a much lesser extent than in the past, the practice of

paddy cultivation for home consumption and to pay wages in kind is being continued by

many farmers in atleast part of their lands or lands leased in by them. A significant

number of farmers have shifted to coconut and areca cultivation on their erstwhile paddy

farms. Most farmers now cultivate both food (Paddy, Vegetables, Banana and other

fruits) as well as cash crops (Coconut, Areca, Pepper and Sugarcane). It is such Multi­

cropping practices that have enabled the farmers of the village to survive in a situation of

fluctuation in prices of various crops (In 2005 there was a crash in prices of coconut and

252

areca nut resulting in considerable loss to the farmers). Absence of suicide attempts

among the farmers in the region is associated with such multicultural cropping systems

because such phenomena are quite widespread in districts where mono-cropping has

become a widespread practice. Further research is required to establish the link.

The change in cropping patterns demonstrates the relative economic position of the

agriculturists' vis-a-vis one another and the agrarian labourers. The better off farmers

with larger plots of relatively more fertile lands, have resorted to cash crops such as

coconuts and areca nut in recent years. The coconut and areca cultivation require high

capital expenditure as the pits have to be dug deep and soil bed has to be raised to prevent

water logging in the Bailu lands of the village, which is on the shore of the river

(Phalguni). The salt water floods often destroy seedlings including well grown trees

resulting in much loss to the cultivators in the village.few farmers spoke of incurring

considerable loss because of this. But once fully grown, the trees could yield abundant

crop. As a result some farmers have already converted and are continuing to convert

some of their paddy fields into cash crops by making heavy capital investments by

borrowing from the Banks and Multipurpose agricultural cooperative Societies. There are

some erstwhile tenants too who have resorted to such practices (some lands under

tenancy were already under areca and coconut during the British period and during the

time ofland reforms).

~

The reasons offered by farmers for changing their cropping patterns from paddy to cash

crops are as follows: The lower price of paddy and higher price of cash crops such as

areca and coconuts in the market, the non-availability of agrarian labourers for paddy

cultivation which is both seasonal and labour intensive and inability to meet the demands

for highe.r wages and more perquisites from the agrarian labourers. So the desire to raise ,

once economic prosperity, overcome labour shortage in agriculture and resist demand for

"increased in wages appear to be responsible for changing the cropping patterns.

253

Expansion of Capitalist Farming in tlte village: Increased cultivation of cash crops by

. many farmers and emergence of predominantly farmer proprietor and wage labour based

agrarian sites is a clear sign of the emergence of relations based on capitalist patterns.

Even the prevalent land renting arrangements could be considered more an element of the

capitalist relations that are emerging in the countryside rather than as being merely the

vestiges of semi feudalism. Adoption of modem farm technologies by the agriculturists

has contributed to the process of capitalistic farming. Few relatively better off farmers in

Mudusede had succeeded in installing not only pump-sets and hullers but also power

tillers by 1995. By 2005 a few had installed drip irrigation systems. The middle level

farmers too have installed pump-sets and have started using the metal ploughs instead of

the wooden ploughs. Richer farmers charge pre-fixed hourly rates for the supply of pump

water, for the use of power tillers and even plough animals. Hullers were utilized in 1995

by owners and rentiers to de-husk paddy. By 2005 the use of hullers was almost non­

existent as farmers used the mill in the neighbouring village. The adoption of green

revolution technology such as high yielding varieties of paddy seeds and chemical

fertilizers as well as pesticides had become an established practice among almost all

cultivators in the village by 1995. The farmers continue to procure such economic inputs

to a greater or smaller extent depending on their capacity for investment.

Production of agricultural commodities largely for the market is another characteristic of

capitalist farming in the village. Vegetables, coconuts, areca nut as well as cashew nuts,

betel leaves and spices are produced for the market by the village farmers. Some farmers

sell their farm products to the merchants (wholesalers or retailers) by transporting same

to the market centres. The fluctuating price of coconut and areca nut was a major problem

that farmers had to face during the early years of this century. The prices have stabilized

since 2005 say the fanners. The prosperous farmers store the non perishable agricultural

products when the prices are low and sell the same when it is high. This fetches the

farmers' better returns from agriculture. Marketing of agricultural produce especially

perishable items such as vegetables continues to be a major problem for the farmers.

254

Reduced Productivity of Land: During the field study, many farmers spoke of reduced

productivity of land. They incur heavy expenditure on high yielding seeds, fertilizers and

pesticides but the farm productivity has been declining rapidly over the years. Farmers

report increased pest attacks on vegetables, areca and coconut in particular. As a result,

the cost incurred on farming is increasing and the returns are decreasing. The soil fertility

has been declining rapidly along with bio-diversities. Water shortage in some agrarian

territories is causing further problems. The discursive practices of scientific farming and

the consequent disciplinary/productive relations of power initiated through these

practices between the agricultural scientists and extension officers vis-a-vis the farmers

could be considered responsible for such adverse effects on agriculture in the village.

Strengthening Government Control over. Village Lands: The government had started

acquiring village lands (both private and common property resources) for public

purposes. Since early 1960's, portions of lands were acquired from Pattadars for the

Mangalore Harbour Project (the neighbouring villages to the West of Mudusede such as

Pachanady, Padusede along with many other villages lost much land for this project).

Government started acquiring portions of the unoccupied lands, inclusive of lands under

common property resources for other purposes. As much as 9.15 acres of unoccupied

land was acquired for a rifle range to be used by the police. As much as 240.17 acres of

unoccupied land inclusive of grazing land was earmarked for the TB Sanatorium that was

established in the village. By 2005 as much as 375 acres of land (inclusive of land set

aside for the T B Sanatorium) has been turned into Eco-tourism project.

There were few projects of collective benefit to the village residents, especially the

marginalized groups that was envisioned by the government of Karnataka on vast

unoccupied village lands (Settlement Register, Adangal of Mudusede village, 1965). The

rights of the subordinate groups were not considered at all when private lands were

acquired by the government for public purposes such as establishment of the harbour.

The compensation was paid to the Pattadars only. No compensation was given to the

tenant and the attached labourers. A Pujary tenant of Kottara House who lost land to the

255

harbour approached the court against the injustice done to him, but lost the case. Another

tenant who had farms, full grown trees and a house on the lands he was tilling was merely

given Rs.200/- as a share of the compensation by the Pattadar when he had to leave the

land. Government land acquisition policy totally failed to recognize the rights of tenants

and attached labourers to lands.

As a result of schemes such as Darkasth or grant of village lands to the agriculturists and

others and the government acquisition of village lands for various purposes the villagers

gradually lost control over village commons which had been left by and large untouched

by the British. The rich pastures ofthe village were denied to the villagers - affecting the

activities of food collection, cattle rearing and dairy production. As a result many

villagers lost a significant source of nutrition (forest based edibles, milk and milk

products), herbal medicine and organic manure.

Decline in Animal Farming Activities: Animal farming which was a major

supplementary activity in the village until late 1970's is showing a declining trend since

last two decades. According to a non-resident veterinary doctor who is officially

responsible for the village along with other neighbouring villages there were only 381

cattle in the village (339 female and 42 male) and 148 he buffaloes and 55 she buffaloes

in 1995. There were about 410 local poultry birds with the agriculturists at the time of

study in 1995. One person in the Padavu region had taken up poultry farming on

commercial lines. Very few goats and pigs were reared in the village. By 2005 the

number of cattle including milch animals had started declining sharply. There were an

estimated 90 to 110 households who continued to possess cattle in the village in 2005.

Only 75 to 90 households had milch animals, mainly local breeds. The use of plough

animals was found to have further decreased during 2005 as many agriculturists had

started renting in power tillers from rich farmers.

A survey undertaken in the village in 200S to [md out the feasibility of starting a dairy in

the village brought out certain important facts (Table V - IS). There were nearly 70

256

fanners who expressed the need for a dairy cooperative in their village. The total milk

production reported by these households was about 300 litres. The facts collected indicate

that the overall milk output is very low in the village. The milk is used for consumption

and for making milk products for household use as in the past. Only the excess milk is

sold in the neighbourhood. Only 7 farmers said that they sell it to the hotels and tea shops

and a few supply the same to private milk distributors.

Table V -15

Number of Milch animals and output of Milk

Output of Milk (litres) Number of Milcb animals 5 or 11 or

less 6-10 Total

more One 24 - - 24 Two 16 2 I 19 Three 8 8 - 16 Four I 3 - 4 Five or more I 2 2 5

Total 50 15 3 69

The problem of lack of market for the milk has been a big block to the raising of milk

production. The lack of transport facilities from the village to the hill zones made it

difficult to send milk to the hill area or to the city market. The initiative to start a dairy

unit however received positive response from a significant number of dairy farmers.

Utilization of Government Schemes by Farmers: The extent of utilization of facilities

and schemes provided by the government agencies, land development and other

commercial Banks and Farmers' Multi Purpose Service Cooperative Societies is another

major factor influencing the relations of power between various agrarian identities.

Interview with the Agricultural Assistant (Grama Sahayak) and Bank officials reveal that

some progressive and relatively affluent farmers have utilized the loan and other schemes

quite extensively. A few have taken large sums as loans from the Banks for investing in

agriculture. At least three farmers were found to have mortgaged their land to take loans

for investment in agriculture. The subsidy schemes available for the farmers i.e. for the

257

purchase of pump sets, for digging and deepening wells for irrigation, constructing tanks,

have been tapped by some farmers. In one case the Bank officials appreciated the prompt

repayment by a rich farmer who was sanctioned large amount of loans frequently by the

Bank for investment in agriculture. The creditworthiness of a farmer and his competence

to invest the capital to gain maximum returns, facilitated further access to credit from

financial institutions. There are many small and marginal agriculturists who complain of

having not received agriculture related assistance despite their sustained attempts to tap

the government schemes. Some others were reluctant to take loans because of the fear of

being indebted. In short, most resources, positions of authority and other privileges and

opportunities were mostly monopolized by the members of the better off agrarian

households. The erstwhile tenant turned landowners/vargadars and labourers gained

minimum benefits from the developments that occurred during the last two decades.

Adoption of Diversified Economic Activities by Members of Agrarian households:

Another factor which influenced the relations of power in the agrarian sites is recourse to

diversified economic activities, related to or unrelated to agriculture by members of the

agrarian households. In two cases, the agriculturists were found to be trading in food

grains from their house itself in 1995. Even in 2005 incidents of direct trading of

vegetables among neighbours is prevalent. In some cases the members of agrarian

households have established consumer shops. An erstwhile tenant turned agriculturist

kinsmen was found to have sold his land to his own brother and enriched himself by

establishing and running a general store as well as a private financial agency in the

village. Some villagers speak of him as being the neo-rich businessman in the village

(who resides now outside the village). The control of the ration shop continues to be with

the same person - kinsman of one of the most prominent territorial units in the village.

Both these households live in newly built terraced houses. Erstwhile landlordlvargadar

kin who have acquired wealth through business ventures (hotels, shops, industries,

workshops, liquor shops) outside the village and other cities and towns of the country

continue to be associated with the village, both as portion holders of the village lands and

members of the matrilineage. Remunerative jobs in government and P%!!te service sector

~\~. L!",

~~~~~IS ~ . 1." .S, \:xI <f) ~' '~ * ,

258

have been assumed by members of agrarian households and reserved class IV jobs have

been acquired by few numbers of the Scheduled castes and tribes. Some of the women

members of the economically weaker agriculturist families, especially ersh."hile tenant,

agrarian labour and marginal farmer households were found to be involved in beedi

rolling. There are many cases of members of the agrarian households taking up jobs in

Gulf countries and raising their economic status. Most such individuals belong to the

ershVhile tenant households (among Christians) and households of five cent colonies

(among Muslims).

Village Panchayat

Panchayat as a site of local governance continued being an important site of relations of

power during the 1985 to 2005 period as in the previous period. The emergence of

lanatha Party led government in Karnataka resulted in the enactment of a relatively more

radical Panchayati Raj Act titled the Karnataka Mandai Panchayat, Taluk panchayat

Samiti and Zilla Parishad Act of 1985. This Act brought more villages under the

jurisdiction of one panchayat which was called MandaI Panchayat. It strengthened the

position of the local representatives at Zilla, Taluk and panchayat level vis-a.-vis the

elected representatives (MP's and MI.A's) at higher levels of polity and officials of the

government departments. Mudusede and Padusede, along with three other neighbouring

villages namely Addoor, Mulur and Tiruvail comprised the Gurpur mandaI panchayat.

For the first time there was short lived attempt to break away from the conception of

'village' as a unit of administration and development. The numerical strength of

representatives in Mudusede and other villages and their jati and gender profile is given

in Table V-16.

The numerical strength of representatives depended upon the strength of the population in

each village. Mulur, the village where the Gurpur panchayat office is situated had 10

representatives. Tiruvail had 7, Padusede just 1, Mudusede 6 and Addoor 5

representatives. Totally there were 29 representatives in the MandaI panchayat. The

village with the largest number of representatives was able to claim the bigger share of

259

schemes and benefits undertaken through the Grruna panchayat and higher level tal uk and

Zilla panchayat institutions.

Table V - 16

Jati and Gender Profile of MandaI Panchayat Members April 1987

Gender Distribution of Membcrs

Jati Affiliation of Mudusede

Other four Total

Members villa~es

M F T M F T M F

Bunts I I 2 5 - 5 6 1

Pujary 1 1 I 2 3 2 2 -Gowda Saraswat 1 - 1 1 - - - -Muslims 5 - 5 5 - - - -Christians I 1 2 2 4 3 2 -Scheduled Castes 2 2 3 - 3 5 - -Scheduled Tribes I 1 2 1 1 - - -

Total 5 1 6 18 5 23 23 6

Note: Besides Mudusedefour other villages constituted the jurisdiction of Gurpur mandai panchayat, Source: Gurpur Mandai Panchayat Records

Table V -17

Gender Profile of Members representing MudusedelPadusede Since 1987

Years of Total Villages

Operation Male Female Total

Mudusede and Apr 1987 to 6 I 7

Padusede Feb 1994

Mudusede and May 1994 to 10 5 15 Padusede June 1999

Mudusede and 2001 to 2005 8 7 15 Padusede

Mudusede and Feb 2005 12 9 21 Padusede onwards

Source: Gurpur Mandai Panchayat and Mudusede Panchayat Records

T

7

4

1

5

5

5

2

29

260

Gender wise data on pancltayat members: The facts presented in Tables V-16 and V-17

highlight, that though there were 6 women representatives in the mandai panchayat, there

was only one woman representative from Mudusede village in 1987. In comparison there

were 5 women representative in the panchayat formed in 1994 and 7 women

representatives in the panchayat formed in 2001, representing both Mudusede and

Padusede village. The number of women representatives was 9 out of 21 elected

members in 2005. These facts show that comparatively more women are being elected for

the local government body, mainly because of the reservation of seats for women in the

panchayat. Though the number of women is slightly higher, percentage wise there were

less women compared to men. It is evident that most local leadership positions continued

to be vested with males in the village.

Tile Jat; wise classification of Pancltayat representatives: In the Mandai panchayat

elected in 1987, the largest number of representatives from five villages inclusive of

Mudusede were Bunts (7 persons), followed by Muslims, Scheduled Caste and Christian

representatives (five members each). Pujarys followed with just 4 representatives, only 2

were from the Scheduled Tribes (Marati Naik). Not a single member of other backward

or intermediary castes other than the Puj arys was found among the mandaI panchayat

members. The panchayat president was a Muslim leader, backed by the Congress Party

from the Mulur village. The vice-president was a Bunt from that village. As people were

voting on the basis of loyalty to the political party, polarization of votes merely on Jati

and religious lines was much less in the elections held for the mandaI panchayat.

The Congress government which returned to power in early 1990's in Kamataka shelved

the MandaI Panchayat Act and passed a new law titled Grama Panchayat, Taluk

Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat Act of 1993, a watered down version of the MandaI

Panchayat Act. The panchayat office was once again back in Mudusede, while Padusede

continued to be a part of the Mudusede Grama Panchayat. Jati profile of members of

Grama panchayats from 1987 to 2005 is narrated below.

261

A comparative analysis of the lati composition of MandaI panchayat members in 1987

and Gram panchayat members in 1994 show, that in the former though the village was

represented by a single Bunt, the single largest group of 7 representatives from 5 villages

were Bunts (Table V -16). For the first time in 1994, the Bunts appear to have only 3

representatives with backward castes, Christians and Scheduled castes sharing equitable

representation (two elected members from the Christian community were the sole

representatives of Padusede village). In the elections held in 200 1, the number of Bunts

among the panchayat representatives, continued to be 3 persons only and the Pujary's

won an equal number of seats. Almost all other categories such as Muslims, Christians,

and OBC's, (other than Pujarys) won 2 seats each. The ST and SC had to make do with

the reservation seat meant for them.

In contrast, in the year 2005, the panchayat had as many as 7 representatives from among

the Pujarys and 6 from the other backward castes. The Bunts had 4 representatives and

were the third dominant group in numerical strength. Only reserve seats were occupied

by the SC and ST Representatives as in 200 I. Both representatives, who belong to the

Christian and Muslim community, were from Padusede. The altered demographic scene

of the village is reflected in broad based representation of various jatis in the panchayat.

The numerical equation in the panchayat bodies since 200 I was found tilting against the

Bunts in the village under study, and in favour of other intermediary castes and smaller

extent minorities. The numerical size of each 1 ati/religious category in the village had

become a crucial human resource for the mobilization of votes.

Occupation wise data of pal/chayat members: Occupation wise there was shift in the

composition of representatives of Mudusede village in the MandaI panchayat formed in

1987. Only one lady from an agrarian family represented the village in the mandaI

panchayat. Among the other 5 panchayat representatives from the village, 3 were

labourers and one a shop owner. These facts indicate that for the first time the prominent

agriculturists of the village had lost control over the panchayat body. Villagers continued

to utilize the schemes and services provided by the mandai panchayat. However the

agrarian elite could not use the site to exercise their domination and patronage as in the

past. Occupation wise out of 15 persons, only 3 were agriculturists, 7 others were

engaged in trade or petty business and the remaining 4 were casual labourers from the SC

and ST communities in the panchayat formed 1994. In the election held in 2001, there

were only three panchayat members who could be considered agriculturists by

occupation. Among the three one had a shop as well. From Padusede there was an

agriculturist too. All the rest were either petty business men or casual labourers. In 2005,

only three members were agriculturists, one both an agriculturist cum shop keeper. All

the remaining 19 members were either petty traders or casual workers. Such shift in

representation in the Grama panchayat, reveal the gradual sidelining of representatives

from the agrarian population from positions of membership in local bodies. These are

manifestations of changing power equations in the village in the local government body.

As far as political party backing is concerned, up to 1994 congress party supported

candidates won almost all the seats in the panchayat bodies. In 2001 out of 15 elected

representatives as many as 13 had the backing of the Indian National Congress party and

only two won with support from the Bharathiya Janatha Party. The BJP had begun

making definite inroads into the village by then. It already had a superior presence at the

state level, as members of the State Assembly representing the district mostly belonged to

this party. In 2005, out of the 19 members representing Mudusede, 18 won from the BJ.P

and a lone member who won by a margin of just one vote had the support of Indian

National Congress Party. The election revealed a radical shift in the vote base from the

congress to the BJP for the first time in the history of the village. The mobilization of

people on religious lines has been used as a strategy to counter the dominance of the

Congress.

Tile zOlle wise shift in representatioll to Grama paneltayat is also clearly noted over the

years. From 1956, the village panchayat was obviously represented by members of the

agricultural zones (Sede and Jara), as these were the only well established settlement

zones. But in 1987 (mandai panchayat), the other settlements on the hills (both

Edurupadavu and Shalapadavu) had five out of six representatives in the village. There

was only one agriculturist from the Mudusede village and another from Padusede. In

1994, Shalapadavu had 2 panchayat members and Edurupadavu 4. Totally, the hill zones

had 6 representatives where as, there were only 4 from the agrarian zone of the village. In

2001, 11 were from the Padavu zones and 2 were from the agricultural zone (besides two

agriculturists from the Padusede village). In 2005, out of 21 representatives, as many as

15 were from Padavu and 6 were from the agricultural zone (including the two from

Padusede). Such shifts reveal the changing numerical strength of voters in each of the

zones. It could be inferred from the data that representatives of the Padavu or hill zones

(most of who are newly settled) are able to have numerical dominance in the village

panchayat in 2005 and are able to claim higher share of benefits that accrue from the

Panchayat compared to the inhabitants of historically situated agrarian zones.

Leadership of tlte Village PUllcltayat: A comparative picture of the leaders of grama

panchayats elected since 1956 brings out their caste and gender affiliation. In all four

elections for the leaders held since 1956 the members of Bunt community from

prominent agrarian guttu/mane households held the position of President as well as vice­

president (only exception being in 1979 when the position of the vice-president was won

by a Christian from Padusede village). In 1994 the President was from the Bunt

community of the village and vice-president was a Christian from Padusede. The seat of

president had been reserved for women in the 2001 elections for the Panchayat body. A

second time elected representative, relatively a new settler in the Shiv ana gar colony of

the Padavu zone belonging to a backward cas.te (i.e. Achari or artisan caste) had been

selected as the president in 2001. She was in her second term as a member ofPanchayat.

A Christian male from Padusede village was the vice-president (He had experience of

being a member as well as vice-president of the panchayat earlier). For the first time, the

leadership roles went out of the hands of the Bunts in the viIIage. In 2005, the panchayat

Chairperson is a Bunt once again. He is the kinsmen of an established territorial unit in

the village (guttulmane). The vice-president was a lady from an intermediary caste in the

Padavu region. From these facts it is clear that though the members of the intermediary

castes are gaining numerical predominance in the panchayat, Bunts have once again

succeeded in asserting their position of dominance.

Beedi Rolling

By early decades of the 20th century beedi manufacturing had become a well established

industry in Dakshina Kannada. Beedi rolling may have started as an economic activity in

the village from 1960's engaging a small number of women. Occupational profile of

village workers since 1981 reveals the .significant presence of women in household

industry (317 out of 676 women workers) which is primary beedi-rolling. By 1991 and

2001 largest majority of women workers of the village numbering 997 and 1328

respectively were in the household sector. So the site ofbeedi rolling emerged as a major

one engaging women workers especially in hill zones of the village as well as Jara and to

a much lesser extent in Sede. In the district of Dakshina Kannada as a whole (inclusive of

Udupi), there are more than 5 lakh women beedi rollers at present). Unlike the agrarian

site, the beedi rolling was a house based occupation from the very start. The beedi rollers

had no direct links with the owners of the industry. They were associated with one or

more locally based or visiting contractors or agents who supplied the raw materials and

collected the rolled beedies. The conditions of work, strategies of surplus appropriation

and division of tasks, prevalent in this site are briefly touched upon here as the site is the

major employer of women members of the present and former agrarian households (both

marginal cultivators and agrarian labourers).

There were very large scale beedi companies such as Puttu Shet, Bharath, Prakash and

there were relatively small scale manufactures. In all cases here there was a clear cut

division of labour in the Beedi-rolling sector. The owners of these companies saw to the

overall management of their companies by employing personnel for various managerial

tasks inclusive of marketing. The contractors assumed tasks of procuring raw materials

from the companies and supplying the same to the beedi rollers and checking and

procuring the finished and collecting finished products. All tasks related to packaging,

branding and marketing the fmished products were done by the company. The Beedi

265

rollers were the primary producers, who performed the routine tasks involved in fetching,

raw materials from the agents, cutting the tendu leaves, filling the leaves with tobacco,

rolling and tying beedies, making bundles and delivering the same to the contractors at

the beedi branch. All the seven contractors operating in the village were men. Beedi

rolling was an occupation that had an in-built gender division of labour.

The access to surplus received from the industry by various stakeholders differed widely

based on the scale of operation of the company and number of labourers and the amount

of production and market share it had. The beedi magnates of large companies were the

highest income tax payers in the district in 1995 and continued to be among those paying

the highest income tax in 2005 as well. Contractors also accessed different amount of

surplus. Some operated for a single company and followed the legal norms. Some others

took up contract for other companies as well. Yet others bought raw materials from the

market and supplied the same to labourers and marketed the beedies through certain

merchants and thus pocketed the higher share of surplus.

As far as wage rates are concerned the beedi rollers who were registered with the

company and to whom passbooks had been issued by the company, through the

contractors of a specific branch, were paid Rs.30.39/- for every thousand beedies rolled in

1995. Out of this wage, Rs.2.53/- was cut as employer's contribution to the provident

fund. A bonus ofRs.16.13/- per cent had also been fixed. In 2005 the passbook holders

were getting Rs.53/- for every thousand beedies rolled and slightly higher provident fund

and bonus. The beedi rollers with the note book, were able to get only Rs.28/- per

thousand beedies. Thus it is clear that no laws apply to those who have no pass books

even now. The surplus generated by such extra legal manufacturing process is cornered

by the unscrupulous manufactures and their local agents/contractors. There was a major

change since 1995. Those with passbook get only 3 days of work a week, whereas those

with the note book can procure unlimited work for low wages. As a result, there are

passbook holders who roll beedies for other agents with a note book also. "Though we

get low wages, we get regular work" is the usual response to the question why do you roll

266

beedies for such exploitatively low wages. The laws related to beedi and cigar workers

and other laws related to companies were applicable to pass book holding labourers only.

They were eligible for certain labour welfare provisions such as festival allowances, free

medical care (Employee State Insurance), subsidized loans to construct houses and merit

based scholarship for their children. But in reality, not many labourers were able to roll

1,000 or more beedies a day. Most roll between 500 - 700 beedies per day at the most.

Many rolled only 300 to 500 beedies a day.

The contractors used various strategies to appropriate more surplus generated in the

sector. Some entered the beedies rolled by note book holders into the passbook of their

own relatives or other allies thus pocketing the extra wages and benefits that accrues to

pass book holders. When the labourers could not roll the fixed number of beedies from

the raw materials supplied, the companies cut Rs.lO/- for a shortfall of 1,000 beedies. The

contractors made a cut of Rs.25/- and pocketed Rs.15/- by asserting that it was necessary

to make up for the loss incurred by them during transportation of leaves and tobacco.

Some of the contractors also used other means to appropriate surplus such as cheating in

weights and measures and supplying lower than the required quantity of raw materials

(i.e. tendu leaves and tobacco powder), supplying poor quality raw materials, mixing the

company supplied materials with the poor quality materials brought from the market at

lower rates. So the labourers were often made to pay for the low quality and low quantity

of goods supplied to them. Non-literate beedi rollers were also cheated by some agents by

making false entries into their passbook and notebook. Some contractors appear to have

enriched themselves through such processes.

The work given to beedi rollers has also been reduced in the recent years. The beedi

magnates started moving to those States in India, where the beedi rollers were not

organized and where they could get the production done at a much lower cost. In short,

beedi rollers (full time and part time) have been constituted in the village as in many

other villages to be a subordinate group of workers who keep on working under

267

exploitative conditions or who protest periodically by participation in various modes of

protest action which are designed for them by the union.

Beedi Rolling has both positive and adverse effects on village residents. The beedi

rolling provided many households (including agrarian) an essential means of survival. It

provided them an escape route from low paid seasonal and arduous agricultural labour. It

became a primary means of survival for the female headed households in the case of

widowed women and women who had no support of their husbands (due to the vices,

illness and desertion by the latter). A number of girls and women were able to save

money and use it to purchase ornaments and other essential items for the house by rolling

beedies as well as to cover their marriage expenses. At the same time beedi rolling had

many negative effects. It was hazardous to health. It exposed the rollers to toxic

inhalations causing eye problems, diseases of lungs such as asthama, tuberculosis and

other infections. The women, who rolled beedies constantly, experienced numbness of

fingers, backache and the consequent loss of productivity. Thus women labourers from

the economically backward groups, intermediate and other most subjugated Jatis, who

took up beedi rolling, bore the costs more heavily as they had no other vocational

opportunities.

Sites of Manufacturing and construction

There are a significant number of labourers especially men who are engaged in non

permanent casual labour activities. These include labourers in construction industry who

work for the village based or non-resident contractors. Among them there are carpenters,

electricians, masons, bar benders, painters, mechanics and plumbers. Acquisition of skills

and certain technical competencies has enabled the villagers to find work during certain

parts of the year mostly outside the village including the city of Mangalore. Here again

the work is not regular for most. Especially during the rainy season most labourers

remain under-employed. These are the skilled and unskilled surplus workers, the high

profit making construction industry utilizes whenever it wants, at certain fixed wage rates

and discards when it does not want. There are no prerequisites other than wages that are

268

paid to these labourers. In cases of occupational hazards these workers are often left to

fend for themselves. Some women work as domestic workers, sales girls, assistants in

tailoring shops and as labourers in the cashew factories (outside the village). Wage rates

by and large tend to be quite low in all these sites of work. Regular work is often lacking

in cashew nut industries although women are paid bonus and certain other perquisites

during the period of their employment. The working of power in these sites requires

further study.

Shops and Commercial Establishments

Number of shops and other commercial establishments established by 1995 in the village

were nearly 35. Out of these there were 3 licensed arrack shops (many unlicensed ones),

9 general stores, three hotels, 2 bakeries, 1 vegetable shop, 5 petty shops, 2 fancy stores,

1 electrical shop, I gold smiths shop, 2 barbers shops, 3 tailoring shops and 1 timber ,

depot operating in the village, besides the lone ration shop. By 2005 the panchayat

records reveal the presence of nearly 81 shops and commercial establishments in the

village. Mangalore city being easily reachable by bus (more or less within 45 minutes)

viIIagers use the city shops to buy the consumer durables. How many of these

establishments are run by agricultural households' kinsmen of agricultural households?

Are they engaged in selling agricultural produce of the village? What is the quality of

goods and services offered by these commercial establishments? What practices are

adopted by them maximise to profit? Are there negative power practices (such as over

pricing of goods, selling adulterated food, defective consumer durables, cheating in

weights and measures) adopted for maximising profits by village based and outside

traders? Further research is needed to answer these questions which would provide us an

understanding into the working of power in these sites and the effects that these have on

various agrarian and other residents ofthe village.

Sites of Government Departments or State Agencies

The state through its departments has strengthened its control on the lives of villagers.

Almost all aspects of lives of the villagers including that of agriculturists and agrarian

labour has been brought more strictly under the disciplinary control of the state

machinery and its agencies since last three decades. Certain schemes initiated at varied

points of time are being continued in the village. The Integrated Rural Development

Programme (a programme directed at helping the Below Poverty Line households,

Women and Child Development Programme, Rural Reproductive Health Programme and

Child Health Programme, Housing Schemes and the Public Distribution System are

examples). Many new government programmes have been launched through the

Panchayat Raj bodies by the centre as well as the State governments for the development

of rural people in general and Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes and other

economically marginalised groups inclusive of women in particular. As many as 29

divergent schemes were found to be in operation in the panchayats of the state of

Karnataka in 2005.

Panchayat records reveal that between 1995 - 2005 atleast 320 houses have been

constructed under the various government schemes such as Ashraya, Ambedkar Yojana

(meant for Scheduled Caste households) and Indira Awaz and 6 houses under Kacha

Pakka. Apart from this, subsidies have also been provided for toilet construction to the

village households who lack such essential sanitary facilities. Through the Integrated

Rural Development Programme, subsidized loans are made available to members of the

Below Poverty Line households. These and other government schemes while catering to

the short term needs of selected number of marginaiised groups, have left untouched the

relations of power that are responsible for continued marginalization of the vast sections

of the village residents. On the other hand the village residents have been further

constructed as dependent subjects of the state.

Banks

Commercial Banks have emerged as site of relations of power too. There is no bank

within the geographic limits of the village until now. The people are engaged in financial

transactions with banks operating in a neighbouring village and the city of Mangalore.

Few wealthy residents of the village became associated with the Banks prior to 1975.

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Since early 1990's many village residents have links with the banks as depositors,

borrowers, re-payers and or defaulters. Many agriculturists have taken loans from the

Banks. While some have repaid the loan amount regularly, others were irregular. The

lead Bank had filed cases against some such defaulters in the court oflaw.

The heads of below Poverty Line households (B.P.L) have taken loans under Integrated

Rural Development Programme (IROP) from the Bank for self-employment purposes i.e.

to start carpentry, purchase rickshaw, develop farming, to make food products for sale,

produce ready made garments and trade in bangles in mid 1990's. Only a few were able

to start and sustain the business. Some had to wind up the enterprise mid way because of

loss. Most spent the amount borrowed on consumption or other urgent requirements (i.e.

marriage of a daughter). In most cases the loans were not repaid to the Banle Bank filed

caseS against such defaulters in the office of the Deputy Commissioner as the revenue

department had to help the Bank recover the funds through the Village Accountant. The

residents say they had been told by the politicians not to repay the loan. However they

were in for shock when they received notices from the Bank. It was much later they

learnt, that they were not eligible to receive further assistance from the government

schemes in the form of subsidised loans or other schemes unless they clear the loan

amount taken from the bank earlier with interest. Such strategies exercise disciplinary

control over the villagers.

Chit Funds

The chit fund business, a form of unofficial private financing system was operation in the

village in 1995. Many inhabitants of the village including members of the agrarian

households had joined the chit fund. They had to pay a fixed sum in weekly instalments

to the initiator of the fund. The value of total funds committed could range from

Rs.l,OOO/- to Rs.5,OOO/- or more. If the chit fund is of Rs.5,OOO/- value, the investor had

to deposit Rs.250/- in 20 instalments. The first instalment goes to the initiator of the chit

fund. From then on, every month when the savings are deposited the bidder, who is

willing to forego the largest share of the total amount committed, gets the loan first.

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Many villagers, who found the Banks not people friendly, were attracted to chit funds in

order to meet the need for credit.

While some chit funds operate as per pre-fixed norms/many others closed midway duping

many persons of all their savings. A member of an established matrilineage who was a

successful businessman owning a general store in the village has been operating a chit

fund successfully since many years. In another case many residents of Jara region had

started investing Rs.6/- per week in a chit fund in 1985. The passbooks were kept by the

agent wherein all entries were made. People were given only receipts for the cumulated

amount deposited. The receipt had no seal and no address of the financial company. After

the deposits reached a sizable amount of RsJOO/- to Rs.400/-, some suspected foul play

and withdrew their deposits. Others kept paying regularly hoping to get their money back

with interest. But soon the financial company wound up and initiator fled the scene.

Women depositors lost their hard earned money from beedi rolling and other coolie work.

Chit funds and private financial companies enabled some villagers to appropriate the

surplus from many village residents, especially the marginalized

Stone Quarries

By 1965, village Adangal reveals that ten territories with an extent of nearly 15 acres of

land had been demarcated as quarries by the Department of Mines and Geology in the

village. Stone quarries continued being sites of wealth generation and surplus

appropriation. Even during 1995, portions of viII age lands had been leased out for stone

quarrying to local and outside contractors by the Department of Mines and Geology.

Stone quarrying was also going on in private spots. The stone cutting manually was an

extremely laborious process. The labourers were exposed to many health hazards. By the

age of 35 to 40 years, they developed many ailments which reduced their productivity

and span oflife.

The labourers who manually wo*ed to cut the laterite stones were paid a piece rate of

Rs.1.201- to Rs.1.30/- per stone in 1965. Those who did the stone cutting on a contract

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basis on the plots of land owners, were paid Rs.2/- per stone. The labourers in 1995

received Rs.I. 70 as a piece rate for cutting one laterite stone. At the most IS to 17 stones

a day could be cut and they could earn about Rs.25/- to 30/-. The sale price of one laterite

stone was Rs.S/-. One hundred bricks could fetch a total of Rs.500/- to the contractor in

1995. After deducting all expenses inclusive of wages, transportation of stones

considerable profits could be made by the quarry contractors. By the year 2000, cutting

stones manually for wages was almost non-existent in the area. Instead machines were

operated by employing a few operators. The stones are sold at the quarry site at the rate

of Rs.5/- per stone. However the sale value of a stone when it reaches the consumer

varied from rs.8.80 to Rs.9.30 depending on the quality of stones and the competition

between contractors.

Stones (laterite and black) which are non-renewable resources of the village have become

a source of private profit for the contractors, bureaucrats of the Department of Mines and

Geology and some political interest groups and a source of revenue to the government

which grants license for the purpose. A person from an ex-tenant household became a

very successful stone quarry contractor, so also a kinsman of a territorial unit who was

not residing in the Village. The villagers as a community did not access any benefits from

this natural resource. The labourers (residents of the village and others) who earned their

livelihood from stone cutting gained little. For instance a resident who belonged to the

dominant jati of Bunts was engaged as a wage worker for many years in stone cutting and

gave it up later as he had serious health problems.

The stone quarrying resulted in ecological problems in the area. In the lara region a

contractor had taken license from the Department of Mines and Geology to crush black

stone boulders to produce jelly for sale. The rocks were being blasted with dynamite and

crushers were used to prepare jelly. Quarry work had been continued since years, say the

villagers. As a result a wide trench had been dug in the middle of the road leading into

lara, making it dangerous to traverse. A person who was an alcoholic had fallen into that

trench and died. Pieces of stones could fly all around, not only causing injury to the

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residents but also damage to the houses (i.e. broken tiles and cracked walls). The twelve

households living in the vicinity of the quarry were in danger of losing their houses. The

villagers had to put up a strong protest to put an end to the practice of blasting the black

stones in that area.

Non - Government Organizations

Some non-government agencies started intervening into the lives of villagers especially

the marginalized groups since 1980's. To begin with such agencies were under Christian

religious as well as secular leadership. Assistance for house construction and community

hall building, support to the tenants against threat of evictions by landlords, assistance in

procuring land right documents for house sites, sponsorship programmes for children to

facilitate schooling, coaching classes for children, and health education were some such

efforts initiated through the formation of people's organizations in the Padavu or hill

zones of the village by these non-government agencies. Some of these ventures involved

financial support through net grant and or revolving fund to construct houses.

One of the predominant programmes that are being supported by NGO's is formation of

self-help groups since last 2 to 3 years. An urban based NGO has supported the people of

Edurupadavu in particular to collectively address their grievances vis-it-vis the eco­

tourism project. By undertaking a fact finding study, the activists of this NGO rendered

support to the struggle of the people against the violation of their rights to land, road and

water. Some efforts had been made by a local organization of youth with the help of city

based NGO to conduct de-addiction camps and motivate alcohol dependents to overcome

the problem, during the late nineties.

At least three Community Based Organizations with support from Non Government

Organisations were formed since early 1990's in the Padavu or hill territory. Such

organizations predominantly with youth membership, initiated a number of activities

such as construction of the house for the house less members, literacy promotion, health

education, coaching classes for school children and sponsorship programme for children

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with support from Non Government Organizations. By and large the activities were

welfare centred ones which constituted villagers especially from the relatively

marginalized groups as beneficiaries of non-government organizations. The local

leadership that was trained and developed under such Non Government Organisations

was a product of relations of power based on specific discursive practices. The

competencies that the local leaders developed were those that Non Government

Organisations with the welfare centred discourse saw as being appropriate to develop.

Self - Help Groups

Early years of this century (200 I to 2005) saw the mushrooming of self-help groups in

the village among the women members of the agrarian households as well as others.

These micro-finance institutions initiated by the Non-Government Organizations, and

later the Women and Child Development Department (Stree Shakti Groups), and the

commercial Banks (Navodaya Groups) incorporate hundreds of women of the village in

specific forms of social relations of domination as well as productive power. Besides

those NGO's involved in the village earlier, a very large agency under the leadership of a

temple based Trust (Shri Kshetra Dharmasthala Gramabhivrudhi Sangha) is currently

involved in setting up self-help groups in the village as in many other parts of the district

with support from the Banks (inclusive of NABARD), State and Central Government

agencies and urban development bodies.

By engaging women in regular savings, loan transactions and other restricted capacity

enhancement activities, and economic enterprises, self-help groups have become a major

mechanism of productive power.in the village as elsewhere. The habit of regular saving!

loan repayments is inculcated among the women of self-help groups. As several thinkers

have pointed out - these micro-finance institutions appear to be fostering a new economic

ethic among women. In this context we can agree with DN (2005) when he says it is the

money, the possession of it and its use in commodity production that forms the measure

of most things in determining transactions, relationships and statuses in such micro­

finance institutions.

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Pillikula Nisargadhama - Site of Eco Tourism Project

Pillikula Nisargadhama an eco tourism project site is the major development activity that

has been initiated by the district government in the village. As many as 375 acres of

mostly unoccupied village land, inclusive of reserve forests, has been allotted to an

autonomous trust which is headed by the Deputy Commissioner of Dakshina Kannada

district. The eco-project has components such as Heritage Village, Ayurveda Therapy

Centre, a Regional Science Centre, Biological Park - Wildlife, Botanical Garden -

Arboretum, Aquarium, Pillikula Lake with Boat Service, Manasa Water Sports,

Amusement Park and Golf Course. As a result of the project regular flow of tourists into

the village is occurring at present. The residents of the village from both Sede agrarian

zone and Edurupadavu hill colony have been affected adversely due to the developments

in the Eco-Tourism site. This has given rise to protests from the villagers against the

authorities of the Eco-Tourism Project.

Political Parties

up to early part of this century that is early years of the new millennium Congress

remained a party of the majority in the village as in the district of Dakshina Kannada. All

the representatives from the village to the parliament, State Assembly continued to be the

members of the National Congress party. Only State Assembly seat had gone once to a

BJ.P. representative. By 2005 BJP supported candidates won all the seats except one in

the village panchayat. The candidate representing Taluk Panchayat (a village based

candidate) and the Zilla panchayat (from a neighbouring village) have also won with BJP

support. Similarly, the M.P and the M.L.A who represent the parliamentary and state

assembly constituency which include the village are from the BIP party. The failure of

Congress party is attributed by the opposition to lack of performance in development,

minority appeasement and corruption. On the other hand, Congress party supporters

ascribe their loss to the false propaganda of cadre based BJP, which has the support oftbe

well organized Hindutva groups in all villages inclusive of the village under study and

mobilization of voters on communal lines.

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Sites of Religion

Increasing effort is being made by villagers since 1990's to renovate Bhutasthanas (sites

of Bhuta worship in dilapidated conditions). Kinsfolk who live within the village and

those who have been able to raise their financial position by taking up jobs in other cities

have jointly undertaken the tasks of renovation of Bhuta sites in their territories. The

spirits worshipped by the matrilineage are still held in reverence. If the spirits are not

propitiated it would bring harm to the kinsfolk is a fear that still persists. The rogas

(diseases) affecting the kinsfolk and misfortunes are associated even now with the

displeasure of the Bhuta. This is so, especially in the case of physical and mental illness

and loss in business. The renovation of the Bhutasthana is also viewed as a matter of

prestige and symbolic reassertion of ones collective identity by the matrilineal kin. In

short revival of Bhuta worship could be considered as an effort on the part of the

matrilineage to reinforce its traditional kinship identity and find meaning and security in

an increasingly insecure and alienating world, especially the alienating urban milieu

within which a large number of kinfolk of matrilineages find themselves at present. The

Bhuta festivals enable the matrilineages to reassert their positions of superiority atleast at

the ceremonial level.

Vedic temples continue to incorporate vast sections of village residents in various rituals

and forms of worship. The village residents utilize the services of a Brahmin young man

(who was an enterprising modern farmer proprietor during 1995, has taken over the role

of a purohit from his ailing father since late 1990's) to perform Puja on various occasions

which are increasingly arranged by village residents irrespective of their Jati affiliation.

The residents were also found engaged as members in Bhajana Mandalis and other

religio-cultural organisations especially mooted through the Sangh Parivar. Festivals and

other religious celebrations within and outside the village have become significant

activities that engage the villagers in recent years.

There are two mosques in the village at present and three Urdu schools which are

frequented by the Muslim inhabitants of the village. Most Christian households belong to

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the Raman Catholic denomination and few are from the Protestant Groups. The Catholics

and Protestant worship at different churches which are situated outside the village.

Productive relations of power are at work in all the sites of worship which sustain the

process of constructing and fixing specific religious identities by targeting individuals,

families and groups.

Schools and Higher Educational Institutions

Children and youth of the village inclusive of agrarian households have been brought

within the disciplinary and productive sphere of the formal educational institutions to a

much higher extent during this phase. There are 2 primary schools and one higher

primary and secondary school which are government run. Once recently started primary

school is operated by a private trust. Most children spend longer periods of time in

schools and a significant number in high schools and colleges as well. Entry into higher

educational (general), technical and professional institutions is also being sought by many

village youth. The schools are geared to produce youngsters with a desire for permanent

government or corporate sector jobs. Children and youth who are disciplined to be

obedient subjects of the state and the corporate sector continue to be constituted through

the current system of education. Those who come out of the educational institutions

situated within and outside the village are least committed to the development of the

village and the farming sector. They are not sensitized to the injustices and. inequalities

and corruption around them. In one of the government schools in the village, the children

except minorities were found to be engaged in singing Vedic Bhajans. Through such

practices in the so called secular sites of the government schools construction of certain

types of religio-cultural identities is also facilitated.

Health Care Services and Villagers

Institutionalised health care services have become more rigidly established as sites of

relations of power. There are two qualified medical practitioners who have established

their clinics in the village since 1995. A compounder turned medical practitioner (a quake

in medical parlance), continues to render health care through his clinic. The people

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sought medical assistance at the T.B. Sanatorium, which had an established outpatient

service and the primary health centre situated in a neighbouring village during 1995. But

in 2005 the out patient unit was not functioning though the villagers through the

panchayat had placed request for reopening the service. The economically backward

people also sought help from government hospitals situated in the city. The relatively

better off agriculturists and others sought the services of specialists in city nursing homes

or private clinics. People affected by various forms of ailments have been brought into

relations of productive power through the discursive practices of allopathic medicine in

particular. By and large dependence on physicians is increasing in the village as in other

places. Those suffering from heart diseases and cancers are incurring heavy expenditure

on treatment.

People also use herbal and other healing traditions for certain ailments. Practice of Yoga,

is being resorted to as an alternative health practice by some of the better educated and

financially better off villagers especially those who have retired from professional

services. An enterprising farmer proprietor of the village who had certain health problems

was also practicing yoga. Such bio-psychological. disciplinary practices reportedly

provide some relief from stress, disease and alienation.

Liquor Shops in the Village

Besides four licensed liquor shops, there are unlicensed places that continue to sell illicit

liquor. Alcohol consumption is reportedly on the rise. Liquor and toddy licensing,

bidding and trade have become sites of domination and surplus extraction. The state

government, liquor barons, their local agents and political patrons have a stake in

continuing the liquor business. Persons from marginalized groups buy the cheaper

varieties of liquor that is sold through these shops. Such liquor is often contaminated with

chemicals which slowly poison the body and results in painful life and terminal illness for

the addicted and much suffering to their wives and children. The village households in

particular and the village society as a whole are made to pay high costs in terms of

economic loss, disease, conflicts and tensions arise because of increased consumption of

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alcohol and rising incidence of addiction to it. By eliminating a traditional source of

livelihood such as private toddy tapping and selling from the village, it has impoverished

many members of the Pujary caste who were the Murthedaras or traditional toddy tapers.

Some of the youth are reportedly addicted to ganja and other drugs which are reportedly

available through some agents. According to some Muslim interviewees such incidents

were high among the Muslim youth. Increasing incidents of addiction is a manifestation

of psychological disturbance and social alienation. Further exploration, is required to find

out the extent of such addiction in the village among various vocational, class and ethnic

groups and the factors responsible for the same.

Mass Media as a Site of Relations of Power

There are many other sites of social relations or power relations which are direct or

personal and impersonal or mediated, which have assumed importance in the lives of the

villagers during the post 1975 period. For example, the villagers as receivers as well as

the responders to the messages offolk (traditional Bayalatta, Yakshagana, Harikatha) and

mass media channels (print, radio, films and Television). A significant number of

villagers including agrarian households have access to newspapers and radio and have

installed Television in their homes. Most households of scheduled caste and scheduled

. tribes have a television set in their house. Those who do not have television usually go to

the houses of neighbours. Such scenes were witnessed by the researcher during the field

work both during 1995 and 2005. By engaging residents as receivers, responders and

resistors of the messages transmitted, the mass media has variable effects on the lives and

perceptions of the village residents. The villagers have become selective consumers of

the various Mass Media messages which are often naIve and uncritical. As a result mass

media has had the contradictory effect of reinforcing certain aspects of traditional

identities and altering some others and selectively constructing certain aspects of new or

modem identities. More in-depth studies are required to study the relations of domination

as well as productive power inclusive of discourses and discursive practices that continue

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to be mediated through the mass media and the effects it has on fixing or reshaping

gender, class, vocational, ethnic, Jati, and religious identities of villagers.

It is clear from an analysis of agrarian and many other major sites of relations of power

that people are being constituted to function as products as well as agents of power within

multiple sites of power relations. An analysis of the salient features of relations of power

which follows retains the focus on the agrarian sites, drawing on appropriate facts from

other sites of social relations where appropriate.

Forms of Power

Available evidence suggests that forms of domination such as patrimonial - patriarchal,

ethnic, religion and culture based are still prevalent in the agrarian sites, though their

manifestations differ. The erstwhile landlord turned prosperous farmer proprietors

continue to exert certain forms of patrimonial control over the subordinate groups. State

scheme and benefits continue to be used as a means to strengthen their patronage by the

economic cum political elite who continue to be dominant in the local and supra-local

governance levels. The State continues to extract maximum surplus through both indirect

- direct taxes, contracting and licensing of liquor business and stone quarrying. This has

enabled contractors (elements of agriculturist proprietors among them and in a rare case a

member of an erstwhile tenant household) to appropriate surplus in the form of higher

profits. Domination continues to take the form of abuse, violence on women in some

households and on young men found to be breaking the norm set by sectarian

organisations (i.e. moving with girls from another religion or those accused of taking the

cattle illegally to the slaughter house).

The government programmes have led to the emergence of new forms of domination in

the village. Pattenden (2005:1982) has pointed out in the case of Bihar, that a category of

persons known as 'gate keepers' have emerged, who act as intermediaries between the

people and the officials. This is true of the village under study. Many individuals­

members and elected representatives of political parties, and Community Based

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Organisations -have emerged as gate keepers mediating between the agrarian and non­

agrarian elements on the one side and those with authority to distribute the benefits (i.e.

government officials elected representatives) on the other. The government programmes

have strengthened the patrimonial rule of these local and supra local gate keepers or elite.

Facilitative forms of power continue to sustain and fix the unequal identities based on

gender, age, jati and religion and wealth. Disciplinary forms of power operating in the

agrarian and other sites of production inclusive of services (schools, colleges,

professional and technical training institutions, religious centres, local and supra-local

governance, rural development and extens.ion education offices, non-profit organisations

and relatively new sectarian organisations, media (folk and mass) and micro-financial

institutions) have drawn the agrarian and other subjects into an expanding network or

grid of relations of disciplinary power. The non-agrarian sites such as industrial

companies and professional and technical services have incorporated an increasingly

large number of individuals especially youth of the agrarian households during the last

one decade, bringing them into new productive disciplinary relations of power. Their

competencies to meet the demands of the capitalist market forces have been enhanced

through appropriate educational qualifications by joining the professional and technical

centres of higher education. So what we see in the contemporary village is the emergence

of a complex network of productive cum disciplinary relations which are turning larger

and larger number of villagers both agrarian and non-agrarian into subjects of capitalist

and sectarian relations of power. The micro-finance institutions increasingly engage

women of the village to acquire the discipline of a capitalist society through developing

the capacities for regular savings, transactions with the commercial banks, loan

repayments, and in some cases through the establishment of small enterprises. They have

been drawn into disciplinary process where capital becomes the centre of things. Their

collective voice and organized visibility continues to be under the disciplinary gaze of the

socio-religious and politico-economic forces under whose control and restrictive (so

called 'emancipatory') framework they operate.

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Asymmetry in the Agrarian Site

All the facts presented concerning the agrarian and related sites make it clear that the

contemporary agrarian and other sites continue to manifest asymmetrical relations with

some modifications since the previous periods of history. The landlord class of the

periods of history (prior to mid seventies of the last century) is no more present as a

prominent class category in the agrarian sites. Only certain vestiges of this class remain

in some of the prominent sites where very few tenants who did not file declarations for

the land they were tilling continue to function as before. But such landlordism remains

invisible/illegal. Along with landlords all the legalised tenants (both Mulgenidars and

Chalgenidars) of the previous periods of history have also by and large disappeared from

the village. Instead one can see relatively small number of invisible inclusive of reverse

tenancies. There are only a few residual elements of the mane-okkalu or attached

labourers of earlier historical periods. Instead we find many new types of labour

arrangements being resorted to in the village since last two decades, to overcome the

labour shortage for undertaking agricultural operations. Aided by new technologies and

state support to undertake cash crop fanning capitalist farming too has expanded in the

village.

Because of such modifications, the agrarian sites of the 1995-2005 decades show

variations in the asymmetrical relations of power. The complex gradations and internal

differentiation that was prevalent just 30 years ago has given way to a more simple form

of ranking or hierarchy in the agrarian sites and the agrarian society of the village as a

whole. What is more striking is that though the agrarian sites retain its importance as a

site of production, they are less significant as sites of employment for the people of the

village, both members of the agrarian households and non-agrarian households. However

the gradations with the agrarian sites and the agrarian sector as a whole vary. There is

diversity within various agrarian sites as far as the relations of power based on role

differentiation and asymmetry is concerned. There are a few relatively prosperous

agrarian sites which are operating more or less on capitalist lines whcre the farmer

proprietors and his wage labourers form two distinct hierarchically based groups. These

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are sites that employ a relatively large number of penn anent labourers and casual

labourers (agricultural season only). There are relatively less prosperous agrarian sites

which employ just one or two pennanent labourers and more casual workers during the

agricultural season. There are sites managed by small farmers which depend only on

family labour as in the past and employ a few casual labourers to undertake the seasonal

work. There are marginal farmers who do the work of fanning by themselves with

support from the agrarian labourers. There are very few agrarian sites which continue to

have mane okkalu or attached households of labourers and rare cases where erstwhile

inferior tenants continue to live and work under the old fonn of patrimonialism. So the

asymmetry within the agrarian society during the contemporary period (1995 to 2005)

needs to be understood by keeping the diverse agrarian sites in mind.

Gradations in the Contemporary Agrarian Sector: The gradations that have

emerged in the contemporary agrarian sector could be listed as follows: i) Rich Farmer'

Proprietors ii) Middle Level Farmers iii) Small Farmers iv) Marginal Fanners v) Invisible

Pure Tenants vi) Agrarian Labourers

Rich Farmer Proprietors: Those owning and cultivating 10 acres or more land could be

considered rich. There are only 18 Pattadars in this category as per Table V - 16. All

except two of these belong to Bunt caste. One each is a Brahmin and a Pujary. During the

field visits to the agrarian households in 2005, between 5 to 10 farmers were found to be

prosperous agriculturists. By using one or more of the modem farming technologies such

as cash crop farming, drip irrigation and power tillers and making maximum use of the

government programmes meant for the farmers (i.e. subsidized loans for purchases

modem fann equipment) such farmers have established themselves as farmer

entrepreneurs in the village. All of them belong to the dominant Jati of Bunts. One of

these fanners has procured award as the best agriculturist in the sub-region of the district

of Dakshina Kannada, a number of times since mid nineties. Some of these farmer

proprietors have leased in lands of other Pattadars (resident and non-resident) a reverse

tenancy arrangement. They raise paddy crops in the leased in holdings and pay a nominal

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amount as geni (in kind or paddy) to the lessor. The children of these fanners have

assumed professional or salaried jobs. These are infonnal oral arrangements.

These prosperous farmers continue to exercise considerable authority in village affairs

inclusive of politics. The village Panchayat is directly or indirectly controlled by some of

these rich farmers even today as they have acquired competencies to deal with the

contradictory demands of various groups in the village. The members of such rich farmer

households have been able to extend their access to other power resources such as better

education, salaried and professional jobs as well as shares in business enterprises.

Alliance with political parties has enabled them to retain their political dominance.

Middle Level Farmers: The owners and cultivators of between 5 to 10 acres of land

individually, come next in the agrarian ladder. There were 20 to 25 farmers who belong

to this category. These have also started CUltivating cash crops such as coconut, areca nut

interspersed with other crops such as pepper. Some of them also produce horticultural

crops and sugarcane for the market. Paddy is cultivated for household consumption only

and to pay wages in kind. Only in rare cases when there is excess production or an

emergency, paddy is sold locally or outside. Some of these farmers, have left portions of

their lands fallow, some have procured land on lease from others. These fanners too have

been able to access government benefits and generally improve their standard of living.

Along with the first category of rich farmers, we can call these too as capitalist farmers as

they resort to wage labour and commodity production for the market. Some of them

resort to farming only as a supplementary activity and have salaried or other self­

employment venues to ensure secure income.

Small Farmers: Small Cultivators who possess between 3 to 5 acres of cultivable land

number 93 households out of 256 cultivator households. They continue to form the single

largest group in the agrarian sector of the contemporary village. Some of these farmers

continue to grow cash crops as in the past. Some others have improved their farms and

have taken up cash crop farming as well. Some have brought variable amount of land

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under cultivation and the remaining portions of the land are left fallow. A few of them are

cUltivating horticultural crops for the market. Many members of their households have

taken up other modes of earning income - i.e. beedi rolling by women of the household

or salaried work by better educated young women and technical jobs by men of the

household.

Marginal Farmer!i: A very significant proportion of the agricultural land holdings

numbering 122 are of very small in size, not exceeding 100 cents. Some ofthese cultivate

paddy. They are subsistence farmers who find it hard to make two ends meet. The

farmers who possess such plots cannot rely on lands alone for survival unless they resort

to intensive multi cropping in a planned and systematic way. They are often indebted and

experience insecurity of livelihoods. Besides portion holding kin of guttuimane territorial

units and other purchasers, there are those who belong to the erstwhile pure tenant turned

vargadars among the small and marginal farmers. Members of their household are

engaged in wage work including beedi rolling.

Invisible Pure Tenants: Though most tenants took up the courage to file applications

under Land Reforms Act (140 of them), there were a few cases where they did not do so.

As a result of not filing declaration some erstwhile tenants were found to be functioning

as (invisible) tenants in 1995. By 2005 there were a few pure tenant elements in the

Village. In one instance, a descendant of an erstwhile evicted tenant household of the

village, now an agricultural labourer was found to be cultivating a small plot of paddy

land of a resident cultivator on a share crop basis. In another case, a landless labourer was

found tilling small portions of land of a village landholder as a tenant. In yet another

instance, a relatively aged small farmer was found to be involved in such oral tenancy

arrangement and claimed that he may not be able to continue the same for long, as his

sons have no inclination to undertake tenancy.

The land rentiers spoke of the crop share being only 50 per cent of the rates prevalent in

the pre-land reforms period (6 to 8 mudis of rice for an 80 cent piece ofland under paddy

286

fanning, instead of 12 to 15 mudis in the past). But there were those, who said that the

rents vary between 10-12 mudis per 80 cents). The rents offered vary depending on the

relative position of the tenant and the rentiers as in the past. Overall, the rates were much

lower compared to the past. Tenancy transactions are now made based on mutual trust

rather than customary rights and obligations. The few pure tenants appear to be tied in a

relationship of obligation to the land owners and rendered labour when necessary to the

land lessors. However the relation between land lessors and lessees is not as exploitative

as in the past, because there is hardly any demand for leasing in land.

Only vestiges remained of the landlordism and tenancy of the pre-land refonn days. Most

of those who have assumed land under reverse tenancy are land owning cultivators who

are in a position of superiority vis-a-vis the land owners/lessors who are often

economically weak and or unable to arrange cultivation of their fann lands by themselves

or live away from the village. The relations between such land owners and the oral lease

holders or reverse tenants cannot be seen as being based on exploitation and domination

as in the past. Inferior or subordinate tenants ofthe past have become a rarity.

Agrarian Labourers: Agrarian labourers continue to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian

ladder. The relation of power between the cultivators and labourers appear to be

changing. Even the middle and rich farmers have to treat the labourers with respect in

order to retain them in their fanns. One significant feature in the agrarian sites is the

decline in the number of persons willing to and competent to work as agrarian labourers.

The decline is especially noticeable in the census data of 2001 and has been continuing

since then. Women who continue to labour are by and large relatively older. Men who

are employed are either middle aged or elderly. Very few young men of the erstwhile

agrarian labour households are engaged in fann work. The wages that are paid to women

labourers is Rs.SO/- or 3\1, seers of rice and Rs.IO/- per day and the men labourers Rs.75/­

to Rs.l 00/- per day in 2005. Labourers work for reduced rate only to those proprietors

who provide them regular work. In such cases, women work for 3 seers of rice and Rs.5/­

if they are coming from hillside or other areas. As in the past, the workers are provided

287

tea with eatables in the morning, lunch in the afternoon and tea in the evening. The

proprietors say that labourers now start work late and leave the work site earlier. They do

not work as hard as they did in the past. The workers are considered to be more

demanding. Many medium, small and marginal farmers find it difficult to get labourers

during the agricultural season. Whereas the labourers state that they opt to work with

employers who pay them well and treat them with dignity. A woman farmer said that she

pays the labourers Rs.IOO/- to Rs.125/- and so has no problem getting labourers to work

on her farm. She reportedly pays an equitable wage to both men and women. The process

of genderization through gender based division of tasks and differential wages for women

and men continues to prevail in almost all other agrarian sites to this day.

Terms and conditions of employment differed from one category of labour to another.

Land owners employed the type of labour that fetched them the maximum returns from

agriculture. Four types of labourers were found to be prevalent in the agrarian sector of

the village during 1995 and 2000:

i) Attached Agrarian Labourers (Malle okkalu): There are few attached labourers in

the agrarian sites of the village at present. Only in the territory of one prominent

agriculturist, six households of attached labourers were found to be there. In a few

other cases, there were just one or two houses of attached labour. The few attached

labourers who continue to live on the sites of the landowners have the obligation to

work for the concerned Pattadar/employer whenever he requires their services.

They are permanently or seasonally employed depending on factors such as ability

and skill in performing the tasks and work available. These labourers receive

relatively lower wages compared to others. They are not paid the cash which is

provided to those who travel down the hill. The explanation provided is that they

are given more regular work unlike the casual labourers and they do not have to

climb down and up the hills.

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ii) Non-attached Daily Labourers: The non attached farm labourers, is the most

predominant category of labourers in the agrarian site of the village since 1980's. In

some cases they are members of the erstwhile house tenant/labourer households and

some are members of migrant households. Most of them are engaged by farmers

only during the agricultural season. They travel down the hills to work on daily

wages rate basis. Slightly higher rate of cash incentive is offered to these

agricultural labourers to motivate them to attend the work. These labourers are free

and they work for the employer of their choice. Some with traditional ties to the

landowner work for the same cultivator with whom they tend to have positive

relationship and who provide them more regular work. Other obligations such as

indebtedness to the land owner, made some of them work for the same land owner.

An agricultural labourer, who is more or less a permanent employer of one

landowner, revealed to the researcher that she had taken loans from her employer,

who deducted it from her daily wages. Her loans bound her to the employer. When

her loans were repaid she wished to take loans again. Some land owners support the

agrarian labourers during the lean season with food grains and later deduct the same

from their daily wages.

iii) Contract Labourers: The third categories of agranan labourers are contract

labourers brought from other villages of the district. These labourers are fetched by

cultivators from distant villages and usually belong to the economically backward

Jati groups such as Kudumbis. A contract is made for a period of time with these

labourers during the agricultural season. The women labourers are provided

housing, food grains, spices, vegetables, coconut required for cooking their meals

everyday. The wages in kind (at the rate of 4\14 seers of rice) are given to these

women after deducting the cost of rice and other materials given for their daily use

at the close of the period of contract, before they depart home. Many better off

farmers in the village appeared to be resorting to such labour arrangements in order

to overcome the labour shortage during mid 1990's. The cultivators are finding it

diffi cult to get contractor labourers at present.

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iv) Migrant Labourers: The fourth category of labourers employed in the village is

that of migrant labourers. The migrant labourers from drought prone areas come in

search of work and live in an unoccupied territory by putting up small tents or sacks

(within the city or roadsides). Agriculturists employ these labourers at rates lower

than those that are paid to the local casual labourers. The employers claim that the

migrant labourers at present demand better wages. In 2005 one could see many

agriculturists complaining about shortage of labour to perform farming activities.

Most migrant and other casual labourers both men and women were reluctant to

assume farm work as it fetched them much lower wages compared to other fields

such as construction work.

Continuity of high co-relation between jati and land ownership/controll

Utilization

An effort was made from the revenue records to estimate the extent of land held by

landholders of various Jatis in the village as the relative domination of various Jatis in the

agrarian sector since the land reform period could be ascertained from this. It could

enable us to discover whether or not there is any change in the correlation between

landownership patterns and Jati affiliation of agriculturists in the village. Table V-IS

provides facts concerning the total lands in the possession of landholders belonging to

various Jatis and the Table V- 19 provides the Jati wise classification of landholders in

the village.

From Table V- IS it is possible to ascertain that the estimated extent of land under the

possession and control of Bunts is more than 433 acres out of nearly 630 acres of Patta

land, counted in the Jamabhandi records of the village in 1995. (Most lands that were in

the Pattadarship of Christians, Muslims and some Pujarys and other Pattadars in the

colonial land records came into the possession of Bunts, who possessed the largest

proportion ofland even during that period of history).

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Table V -18

Estimated Extent of Land held in Acres (1995) Jati Wise

Jati No. A\:res Per \:cnt Bunt 433.24 68.85 Pujary 106.23 16.89 Brahmin 32.12 5.11 Gauda Sara swat Brahmin 10.65 1.69 Christian 13.90 2.21 Muslims 3.34 0.53 Artisan Castes 24.34 3.87 Koragas (S.T) 1.29 0.21 Mugera (S.C) 2.89 0.46 Not identified 1.12 0.18

Total 629.12 100.00

Source: Book of Record of Rights (Kothe Pustaka) and Selliement Register -Adangal (1994-1995)

It is clear from this data, that the Bunts as a Jati have retained control over vast lands in

the village to this day. They had brought more lands under their ownership/control by

purchasing land from other vargadars and by staking claims to lands of portion holding

kin and other vargadars under Land Reforms Act (Bunts themselves were the major

beneficiaries of land reforms as most of the land under tenancy was with them). Bunts

have also procured portions of unoccupied government lands. Some of them have also

taken over lands for self cultivation by ejecting tenants of intermediary and other

marginalized jati groups. Since then only small portions of land have been alienated by

Bunts to other Bunts and in rare cases to members of other jatis, exception being a land

transaction in 2005 where in a prosperous Bunt land owner had sold a large portion of his

land (6 acres) to a non-resident Christian. Most of the kinsfolk of the land owning

households have either salaried jobs and have taken to self-employment and professional

servIces.

Next to the Bunts, the Pujarys continue to be the major land owning controlling Jati

group in the village as in the past. The estimated amount of land under the private

ownership and control of households belonging to this Jati is lower than one fourth of the

291

amount under the control of Bunts. However, it is significantly higher than that of all

other Jatis in the agrarian sector. The kin households of Jara matrilineal group ofPujarys

have lost significantly large portions of their land to the tenants and purchasers and new

settlers in their Kumki right lands. However, some tenants belonging to the same Jati

(Pujarys) have been able to successfully claim as tenants the lands tilled by them before

the 1974 period, both in the of lara territory as well as Bunt and Jain controlled territory.

So the total land under the control of Pujarys has remained constant throughout the 20th

century. Most Pujary land holders and their kinsfolk are now engaged in various other

jobs inclusive of self-employment ventures. For examp~e the Jhati Pujary title holder

owns a small garage, a kinsmen of this group runs a rikshaw.

The third dominant lati group in the agrarian sector of contemporary Mudusede as far as

land ownership is concerned, is that of the Brahmins (more than 32 acres of land). There

are few (only four) Brahmins households in the village. The purohit Brahmin household

had gradually expanded the lands under their control through purchase. They have lost

little of their original holdings to the tenants. Their land which was a prosperous site of

production in 1995 was found left fallow in 2005. The kinsfolk are either engaged in

priestly vocation or salaried jobs. The Gowda Saraswath Brahmins who gained land as

Darkasth in 1960's continue to have little land in their names, as many portions of it has

been sold or alienated to others, many being the village Pattadars and other settlers.

The intermediary Jati groups including artisans such as Mu1yas, Ksaurikas, Acharis,

Kotaris, and Madivala come next to the Brahmins as far as the estimated extent of land

(slightly above 24 acres) under their control is concerned. While households of Christians

control nearly 14 acres of patta lands (in 2005 nearly 20 acres of land), the Muslims the

Mugeras and other Dalits caste households have the lowest portions of the village lands

in their possession, revealing their under privileged or subordinate position as far as the

control over land is concerned. It was surprising note during the field study in 1995 and

2005 that most Koraga (S.T) households settled in 5 cent colony do not possess land right

document and live in fear of displacement by the Eco-Project. The kinsfolk of prosperous

Muslim Pattadars present on the village scene in 1904 Saib Sabu Byari, Mamu Byari and

Samu Byari (perhaps his kinsmen) and Bail Mohammad Byari have disappeared from the

agrarian scene.

Jati wise classification of pattadars possessing various size land holding would further

clarify the link between land ownership and Jati (Table V-19).

Table V - 19

Size of Agricultural holdings (joint and single) and Jati Affiliation of Land Owners (1995)

I

Ja ti affiliation ofland owners

Size oftand Brahmins ST Not Bunt Pujary ISaraswat OBC Christian Muslim and identified

Total Brahmins SC

10 cents or less I 13 3 4 1 - 1 2 25 10.01 to 25 cents 3 15 I 3 4 2 6 I 35 25.01 to 50 centS 5 5 I 4 4 I 4 - 24 50.0 I to 100 cents 15 4 4 4 8 - 2 I 38 '1.0 I to 3 acres 43 13 3 5 3 I - I 69 3.01 to 5 acres 18 5 - I 3 - - - 27 5.0 I to 10 acres 17 3 2 I - - - - 23 10.01 to 15 acres 10 1 - - - - - - 11 15.0 I and above 5 I I - - - - - 7

Total 117 60 15 22 23 4 13 5 259

Source: Book of Record of Rights (Kathe Pust.aka) and Settlement Register - A dangal (/994-/995)

The largest number of landholdings (both single and joint) in the village (117 out of 259),

including significantly large proportion of holdings of above 3 acres or more (that is 50

out of 68 holdings) are under the control of Bunts. Rest of the large land holdings (above

3 acres) in the village are under the control of Pujary and Brahmins. Only few Pattadars

from other backward Jatis and minorities have more than 3 acres of land. These facts

prove beyond doubt that a major resource in the village, namely land situates the Bunts

and to a much lesser extent Pujarys and Brahmins, in a superior position in the agrarian

site of the village. It is evident here that land as a vital resource is still very much with

one jati (Bunts) in the agrarian hierarchy that assumed control over village lands at a

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certain point of time in history and graduaJIy expanded its hold over lands further. One

can see definite continuation of correlation between landownership and Jati affiliation as

in the past.

Other hierarchies based on gender, education and position continue to prevail in the

agrarian site. Gender inequality in landownership and control has widened since last

three decades as the male kinsmen have been able to procure ownership titles for a

significant portion of the privately held village lands. There are a few territories under the

management of women vargadars in 2005. The powerful yajamanthis of the previous

historical periods are absent from the agrarian scene. Many of the portion holding

kinswomen (resident and non-resident) either leave their land fallow or lease out portions

of it to their own kinsmen or other vargadars in return for a small portion of the crop.

Many properties of the erstwhile tenant turned vargadars have also been sub-divided and

women of these households have acquired smaller portions of such lands. Gender

disparity in wages continues to prevail in the village. It is largely the low paid women

labour who continues to be engaged in farm work in the agrarian sites.

Differential access to education, other vocations and schemes of the government

among various agrarian categories has led to further widening of inequality between

various agrarian categories. Most of those (more men compared to women) who have

acquired higher technical, professional and liberal education as well as higher level jobs

and larger percent of benefits of the government belong to the rich and middle farmer

households in 2005. Some members of the erstwhile tenant households have also

enriched themselves (some to a larger extent than their erstwhile landlords) by taking up

contracts (i.e. stone quarry) and jobs in Gulf countries. As a consequence a more complex

pattern of asymmetry is emerging in the agrarian sector in particular and the village in

general.

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Strategies and Practices

Strategies and practices of domination, discrimination and facilitative (productive cum

disciplinary) power are being continuously put into operation in the agrarian sites as in

other sites during the contemporary period. Though certain forms of overt discrimination

are not practiced now (i.e. certain acts of untouchability in public places and denial of

educational opportunities to women and dalits), many forms of subtle discrimination

continue to prevail. Strategies of domination such as physical violence or abuse by those

ranked high in the agrarian hierarchy on those ranked low is rarely heard of in the

contemporary period. Verbal abuse is often used as a strategy to reassert ones position of

superiority. Acts of violence on women by men in some of the agrarian and non-agrarian

households are reported by many residents. Sectarian groups are also using violence to

subjugate the others. Any Muslim boy found interacting or moving with a Hindu girl, in

the Eco-Tourism project site is beaten up by the members of the Hindutva radical groups

such as Bhajarangadal and Hindu Yuva Sena who gather at a very short notice. Any

incident that is considered an affront to the dominant position ofthe sectarian groups by a

member of the minority groups in particular invites violent reaction. In tum the Muslim

youth have also started reacting violently against the Hindu boys foundin the company of

Muslim girls. The catholic nuns had been involved in social work through non­

government organizations since early 1980's, in 5 cent colonies and among the socio­

economically marginalized in the agrarian zones. In fact a social worker priest (who is

now no more) was responsible for constructing hundreds of houses for the landless

households and two community centers in 1980's and a catholic nun was responsible for

initiating welfare oriented schemes to support house construction and education of

children. But in recent years there have been overt attempts to block the entry of catholic

nuns into the village, accusing them of attempts at conversion.

Distribution of patronage benefits by the local and supra local political elite is a subtle

strategy of domination over the agrarian and non-agrarian elements in the village. In the

last few decades a large number of schemes, launched by the government have reinforced

the domination of big farmers, bureaucrats, politicians and the captains of industry, trade

295

and finance over the small and marginal farmers and agrarian labourers in particular and

other residents of the viilage in general. A distinct tactic used in relation to patronage

distribution in the last two decades is organisation of programmes to publicly display the

distribution of government benefits such as ration cards, land right documents for 3 to 5

cent house sites and other benefits, by the members of the parliament and members of the

Legislative Assembly along with the local elite. Public functions are also organized to

inaugurate newly constructed roads, and other infrastructural facilities. Such a public

display aims at reinforcing the relations of patronage and domination. Landowners

holding positions of leadership and membership in the panchayat have used patronage

benefits to retain their hold over subordinate cultivators and attached labourers. In one

case, 6 attached labourer households of dalits (Mugeras) had been resettled by a

prominent landowner by providing them government sites and building houses by

tapping government schemes. Some of these labourers were found continuing to work for

their erstwhile master. There are also subtle modes of domination/exploitation that are

working through SHG's. Money is being collected from each member of the SHG by

their patron organisations towards specific celebrations such as religious festivals, Jubilee

celebrations and birthday of the patron.

The practice of bribery has become the fastest mode of appropriation of surplus in

government sites (Karnataka is considered to be one of the most corrupt state in India and

this applies to most locations within it). The people complain that they have to pay bribes

in order to access government schemes and official documents (such as income

certificates, land ownership document or hakkupatra and other essential official records).

The projects for construction of buildings, roads, houses and bridges are often allotted to

the contractor who quotes the lowest rate. The contractors are usually made to pay a bribe

to the officials and political bosses, to get the contract passed in their name. The

contractor in turn uses poor quality materials, turns out poor quality work and pockets a

large share of profit. A school building constructed by a contractor in the village during

1980's with government funds could not be utilized because of the poor quality of work

and it is in a dilapidated state at present. The effective execution of the responsibility of

296

the Land Tribunals set up to provide justice to tenants and attached labourers depended

on the integrity of the members. Some members and leaders of the tribunals were

reportedly bribed by the landlords to deny the tenants rights over either full or portions of

the land for which they had filed declaration.

The filing of declarations by the inferior/pure tenants was considered a challenge to their

dominance by certain landlords. Various strategies were utilized by the landlords and the

powerful tenants to retain the land held by them and to get favourable judgement from

the Land Tribunals. By utilizing the services of lawyers they took up the legal battle to

the High court level. In four cases due to the negligence of the lawyers and the

manipulations of their landlord, a High Court judge passed a judgment in favour of the

landlords and gave a very confusing judgment undermining the order of the tribunal.

Totally upset, the tenants worked out a compromise with the landlord. The tenants paid

the landlord compensation in monetary terms, in three cases by selling the very rich

standing crop of trees in their land. The discussion with the villagers however reveals that

only a few landlords appealed to the high court against the favourable judgment given to

tenants by the land tribunal.

The prosperous landlords continue to use conflict resolution as a strategy to retain their

position of domination over the subordinate elements. For instance the four tenants

mentioned earlier approached two prominent landowners of the village who assisted them

to negotiate a settlement with the landlord by paying a fixed sum of money. Such

strategies enabled the richer agriculturists to retain their position of domination and

increase their prestige in relation to the subordinate groups. In some cases the inferior

tenants were evicted from their lands. In some other cases settlement by compromise

meant that the tenant had to give part of the land to the landlord for retaining undisputed

claim over other portion. Similarly superior lease holding kinsmen used various strategies

to retain control over the lands leased in by them from their less powerful kin and other

landlord vargadars.

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The facilitative disciplinary strategies such as socialization or social conditioning ( /

inclusive of role stereotyping (i.e. gender and ritual roles) operate without much change'

within both the agrarian and non-agrarian sites (i.e. manufacturing and services,

household, education, government and non-government organizations) reinforcing the I.

gender, jati and religious identities. Certain facilitative or disciplinary practices such as

continuation of purity, pollution practices, rituals or pujas, symbols and objects in the

sites of worship (Bhuta and other religious sites) continue to be used to sustain class,

religious, j ati, and gender identities.

A significant number of schemes put into operations either directly or through the I Panchayati Raj bodies by the State and central government have served as strategies and

practices of disciplinary power contributing to the process of constructing various

subordinate and dominant identities. As Assadi (1998) points out the State as a discourse

State, a subsidiary or welfare State has ended up in piecemeal legislation and work.

Agricultural capitalism has been introduced from above through such means as new

technology, green revolution, land legislation, cooperative system, Integrated Rural

Development Programme and other strategies. Disciplinary State apparatus pacifies the

discontented village residents by doling out schemes on a selective basis. For instance,

recently government has sanctioned a scheme of constructing 20 houses for below the

poverty line households in each Panchayat. The Mudusede panchayat as per the

panchayat record had 300 applications for housing. The panchayat leaders and officials

had to select the poorest among the applicants, which was not an easy job as it is always

contested. To give another example mostly men were able to acquire ownership right

when providing land to the tenants and house sites to the landless reinforcing gender

inequality. Major beneficiary of extension services and government subsidies in the last

25 years (1980 - 2005) were the rich farmers themselves. As analyzed by Kim (2003:

1055-1068) the politics of class, gender, race and sexuality which underlie the extension

services, reproductive health care programmes and other schemes of the government have

remained invisible under the guise of modernity. This holds good for the village under

study as well.

298

Programmes of non-government organisations could also be considered as strategies of

disciplinary power. Most such organisations tend to construct villagers into docile

beneficiaries of their services and projects. No attempts are made to facilitate critique of

the existing social reality and embodied self (socio-culturally constructed identities) \

among the people that they work with. Disciplinary strategies are used in the new

organizational sites such as self-help groups (S.H.G's). Those who fail to repay loans "­

taken from S.H.G's have to pay fines; annulment of membership is also done. Women

are expected to adhere to the norms of micro-finance institutions and the patron

organizations in other words, the lives of women are being closely monitored. Members

are encouraged to wear uniforms (sarees of a particular colour) by many Self-help groups

(another strategy of constructing disciplined subjects out of women). Women are thus

being gradually incorporated as disciplined objects and as the peripheral subjects of the

capitalist relations of production.

A major example of productive disciplinary power strategies in the contemporary village

is that of organizations associated with Hindutva ideology. A significant number of youth

have been mobilized by the supra local Hindutva leaders to form local units of Rashtriya

Swayam Sevak Sangh (R.s.S), Bhajarangadal, Hindu Yuva Sena and many other outfits.

The Vishwa Hindu Prathishtan lady employee was found moving around in the village

during 2005 motivating the residents to involve themselves in regularly organized

religious worship or pujas. There are also exclusivist friends' circles, formed in the

village in specific neighbourhoods with the initiative of Hindutva activists as in other

parts of the district. In recent years, Bhajana Mandalis have also been given a lot of

importance and atleast 9 Bhajana Mandalis were found in various parts of the village.

These local units draw their discourses, practices, legitimacy, authority from the supra

local Hindutva organization. Both relations of domination and productive relations of

power are at work in these sites. Members who join these units/organisations are

constituted to adhere to the rules, regulations and discipline of the units. Periodic

education, training, meetings (local and supra-local) and celebration of festivals (Jathras)

of deities (Sanipuja, Ganesh Chaturthi and Sri Krishna Ianmashtami) considered

299

I

important for pan Indian religio-cultural identity construction as well as reinforcement,

are organized in the village and in other locations. Recitals of Sanskrit Slokha, Singing of

Bhajans and organization of Samajotsavas are frequently held events. Wearing of

uniforms, conducting drills and marches were regular affair in the initial stages. Such

drills with uniforms are now conducted on days fixed for special commemoration by the

RSS. Processions and protests (both local and supra local), home visits in large groups to

mobilize funds and invite people for celebrations and other programmes are some of the

strategies of productive/disciplinary power that are used to construct the pro-Hindutva ..

identities in the village as in other parts. Activist' of Hindutva organizations not only

involve themselves in resolution of the conflicts in the village, but are invited to resolve

conflicts and other issues in the neighbouring villages as well. They take active role in

organizing and mobilizing people for protests, processions and bandhs on issues of

religio-social significance at the local and supra local level along with supra local forces

(i.e. ban on cow slaughter). The minorities and women of the majority groups are

subjected to strict surveillance. In certain localities of the region of Dakshina Kannada,

sectarian groups have forced the women married to men of minority groups to leave their

husbands and return to their families of origin and forced some of those converted to

other religions to reconvert themselves.

Discourses/Truth Claims

The well established discourses such as Brahmanical Varna dharma discourse and other

religio-cultural discourses (Islamic, Christians) continue to back the claims of certain

religio - cultural agents such as priestly classes to positions of ritual and social

dominance. Religious discourses continue to legitimise the asymmetries prevalent in the

agrarian and other sites. The discourse of neo-liberalism centred development has been

further strengthened through the processes of economic reforms, which followed the

adoption of structural adjustment policies in the country. While projecting the claim that

poverty would automatically decline as a result of growth oriented market economic

policies, neo-liberal discourse opposses state intervention and notion of civil rights (Tang

and Peters, 2006: 572). Such a discourse which gave further fillip to the processes of

300

globalization through the twin strategies of liberalization and more intensified drive

towards privatization of land, water, forest bodies has become quite diffused in the

viIlage as well. The take over of village commons, forest lands and the major water pond

(Pilikula) did not provoke much collective resistance because of the incorporation of

agrarian elements into such a discourse. The discourse of Hindutva also appears to have

made strong inroads into the village in the last 10 years, though the process of preparing

the cadres for diffusion of the discourse pre-dated this by many years. Both agrarian

elements along with others have been incorporated to believe in the truth claims

propagated by sectarian groups. Along with the Hiildutva discourse, one can find a

revivalism of conventional Islamic and Christian discourses centred on the priestly

classes which seek to heighten their hold on respective believers keeping them isolated

from others. Communal discourses are reinforcing the traditional prejudices against other

religious groups dividing individuals and groups from one another. Further exploration is

required to study the impact of such discourses on various categories of village subjects.

Resources/Capacities

Many of the resources of the earlier periods continue to be significant in the

contemporary period. However certain modifications regarding importance attached to

specific resources can be seen. The control over lands continues to be a vital resource,

however land no more provides a means oflivelihood to the vast majority of the villagers

as in the past. Private control over village lands continues to remain strong. State control

over village lands and its utilization for projects designed at the district level has been

strengthened.

In the contemporary village control over water vanes from locality to locality.

Availability of water is very inadequate in certain locations of the agrarian and hill

territories during the summer. The two water tanks of traditional times are now in a

dilapidated condition. The Pillikula the tiger's pond on the hills side is now under the

control of authorities of the Eco-tourism project. The bundh construction around the pond \

now prevents flow of water down into certain territories depriving farmers of water

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during the dry season. Commodification of water is a new development in the village.

Those with tap water connection have to pay water charges to the panchayat. Water has

become an issue of dispute between the agricultural and the hill settlements, the

government officials, the authorities of the eco-tourism project and the politicians in the

contemporary village. Even access to position of power in the village panchayat and

higher level political bodies has been increasingly associated with the ability of the

political representatives to resolve the issue of water, in other words to make provision

for the supply of water on a regular basis to the increasing number of people. A mini dam

being constructed for the Phalguni River by the government is expected to tide over the

water crisis. The number of farm animals has declined rapidly in the village. There are

few plough animals now compared to the: past. General neglect of agriculture is reflected

in declining animal farming activities a significant source of nutrition and supplementary

income to the farming households.

As far as common property resources (CPR's) are concerned, nearly one third of the \

commonly held lands of the village have been either occupied by kin elements of I indigenous agriculturists, labourers and tenants or occupied by settlers from outside. In I other words, the common property resources have become privatised to a significant I extent. British had accessed control over portions of lands declared as paramboke and

reserved forests but left the common properties by and large under the control of '

villagers. The Post independence efforts at land grants to real or fictitious freedom

fighters, railways, harbour construction, rifle range, the tuberculosis sanatorium, the golf

course and more recently the Eco-Tourism Project namely Pillikula Nisargadhama (375

acres of village lands of which 60 acres is earmarked for the golf course) has totally

eroded the CPR's. The villagers have no access or control over village commons.

Panchayats writ has not been effectively exercised against government or private take

over of village commons. The facts collected reveal that the control of village panchayat

over village commons had been declining due to lack of legal awareness or the lack of

political will to do so. But now it is too late, as there are no lands left. The supra local

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state has become a very dominant force capable of depriving the village residents of their

traditional rights over CPR's.

Some of the traditional privileges associated with specific jatis and specific positions

such as Brahmins and priesthood continue to be there. For instance Brahmins continue to

function as priests' at all religious celebrations and as the performers of purification

rituals at Bhuta festivals. The Pujarys continue to perform the role of patris at

Bhutaradhana. Since the diffusion of the movement spread by Saint Narayana Guru,

members of Pujary jati have started assuming priestly roles in their temples (such temples

are not situated at the village level). Priesthood in all religions continues to be confined to

men.

The alliances based on Jati, religion and kinship affiliation continue to play a very

significant role in the contemporary village as well. Links with bureaucrats and

politicians continue to be forged to ensure mobilization of government schemes or

positions of membership and leadership in Panchayati Raj and higher level government

bodies. Linkages between professional groups which cut across Jati, religious and kinship

affiliation have also become important in the past two decades. Some vocational groups

such as beedi rollers associate with respective trade unions, some farmers with

associations of agriculturists and women with federations of women groups at local and

wider levels. The numerical strength of people who could be mobilized on Jati,

religious and to a much less extent on vocational lines (i.e. farmers, beedi rollers) has

become a resource base since independence and more so now.

The Competencies, to undertake modern farming practices, mobilize government

schemes, access credit from banks and co-operatives and utilize modern technologies

have become important resources in the agrarian sphere at present. Educational,

technical, managerial as well as professional competencies have now become more

important to access better jobs, higher benefits and perquisites as well as play a more

superordinate role in relations of power.

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As far as knowledge of farming is concerned more and more farmers have started

subscribing to the practice of scientific agriculture. The traditional knowledge of farming

has been labelled unscientific or naIve knowledge. Only modern farming knowledge has

been upheld and propagated by the government through extension agents. Seeds are

purchased at subsidized rate from the government and cooperative societies or purchased

in the open market. Most seed varieties have become extinct because of non use in

farming. Traditional arts and crafts (except carpentry) are totally absent from the village,

Most of those associated with verities of arts and crafts in the traditional village have

shifted to other occupations. However, the traditional calendar continues to be followed

in paddy farming atleast to some extent especially when local paddy varieties are

cultivated. Much of the knowledge of traditional medicineihealing has been lost in the

village.

The traditional cultural symbols have been maximally used for reasserting and

reinforcing the religious, political and economic dominance in the village, as at the supra

local level. Such symbols have been selectively used in the production of sectarian

identities in particular. Colours and flags (i.e. Saffron flags and khaki Sh4s by the Sangh

Parivar and green flags by the Islamic groups), pictures and statues of deities and

charismatic leaders, scriptural injunctions and other writings, monuments and buildings

(religious and others) are some of the cultural symbols maximally utilized by the political

parties, religious and sectarian groups within the village and at the supra local level to

produce/reinforce excIusivist religio-cultural identities.

Objects and Effects of Power

Besides aiming at maintenance of ones position of domination - economic, social and

political vis-a-vis other subordinate elements, the superior social groups aim at raising

their economic prosperity, social standing and political influence. Capturing positions of

leadership in organizations (local and supra-local) and political bodies is another major

object of relations of dominance. Preserving or reconstituting ones superior identity

which faces the threat of elimination because of increased resistance from subordinate

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groups is another object of relations of power in the contemporary period. Constructing

various villagers such as farmers, labourers, youth, women and children to become useful

or productive (human resources), as well as docile objects (commodities) and obedient

subjects of capital is the main objective of disciplinary relations of power.

When considering the effects of power we can note both positive and negative ones. One

major positive change that could be noted is that the people are able to have three meals a

day and do not go to bed hungry as in the past. Occupational diversity among the

members of the household and the beedi rolling among the women ensures that all have \

some income to feed themselves. In situation of crisis food items are borrowed from

neighbours and returned later. Another major positive effect that can be seen is the

change in the situation of literacy in 1990's and 2005. The vast majority of the villagers

especially from the agrarian households have accessed education at different levels and

only a minority are reportedly non literate in the village (not knowing at least one·

language to read and write). Access to better education for the younger generation is

another positive development. Higher vocational and professional competencies have

been acquired by the members of the agrarian households and others to a greater or lesser

extent. Increasingly large numbers of members of each generation from the agrarian

households since last three generations have been able to shift away from agriculture into

the industrial and service sectors of the economy mostly outside the village. Similarly a

large number of more or less skilled workers of non-agrarian households are working in

the industrial and other sectors of the economy. Many members of the households who

have moved out of the village, and have taken up jobs and have initiated business

enterprises in cities (to a larger extent Bunts and to a smaller extent members of the

intermediary jatis including minorities) and those who have found more or less secure

jobs as government functionaries and employees in the gulf countries (some Bunts,

Christians and Muslims and to a much less extent others) have been able to improve their

living conditions to a variable extent. The members of Christian households who have

found jobs in the gulf are mostly members of the erstwhile tenant households. The

number of households without ownership of house sites is only 106 out of 1695 at

present. This is another positive effect of development since last 25 years, which has

benefited landless agrarian labourers and other settlers from elsewhere (mostly landless

and ejected tenant elements from other villages of the district and other parts of South

India). Construction of a Pucca house for the houseless or those who lived in huts is

another major result of state intervention. Only 41 households are still without a pucca

house to live in. Toilet construction scheme launched with government assistance also led

to some positive efforts. As many as 1228 have toilets in the village, while only 467

households continued to live without toilet in 2005 according to the panchayat records.

On the infrastructural front the village has a relatively better tarred road up to certain

points and there are many buses that fly from the city of Mangalore to the village and

back. Women of the village have an opportunity to come together because of self-help

groups and have become more confident and articulate as a result. Their mobility to

participate in activities other than those restricted to family, jati and ritual celebration has

increased.

On the negative side the effects of relations of domination and disciplinary power could

be seen in increased inequality among the village residents. The situation of a significant

number of households in the agrarian and non-agrarian sites of the village continues to

remain one of poverty, backwardness and disease. There are only a minority of agrarian

households who lead a relatively prosperous style of life. Observation of the living

situation of the agrarian and other households brings one face to face with the prevailing

contradiction. Poorly maintained houses of varying sizes with tiled roof amidst a few

large terrace buildings in the agrarian zone as in other zones is a clear manifestation of

economic disparity.

Some facts collected from the panchayat highlight the situation of inequalities. The type

of ration card issued to village households could be considered as an indicator of their

relative economic standing in the village (Table VI- 20).

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Table Vl-20

Types of Ration Card Issued to the Households

Type of Cards 1995 200S No % No %

Green 316 21.32 - -Brown (above poverty line) 418 28.20 663 39.8 Yellow card (B.P.L.) 671 45.28 918 55.1

Antyodaya (Absolutely poor) 77 5.20 84 5.1

Total 1482 100.00 1665 100

./

As many as 671 households out of 1,482 in 1995 were issued yellow ration cards meant \

for those who are Below Poverty Line (BPL). As many as 77 were issued Antyodaya \

cards meant for those who are absolutely poor. So, though the number of those who live

in situations of extreme poverty are limited, totally 748 households are enumerated as J

being below the poverty line by the local government authorities, that is nearly 50.5 per

cent of the village households. In 2005 the number of those issued BPL and Antyodaya -. .

cards is 1002 households only 663 are considered as being above poverty line. Many of

those who are reportedly ab1ve poverty line cannot be considered to have a good life I

with adequate sustained income. It is obvious that all the progressive developments that

have occurred since Independence have failed to tackle the problem of economic

backwardness among a significant number of village residents - a distinct manifestation

of the counter effects of relations of power local to the supra-loca\. However it should be

noted here that a significant number of men and women kin of the resident households

have improved their economic status by establishing industry and service sector

enterprises and by assuming government and other corporate sector jobs by moving out

of the village, while their local resident kin in many cases have not been able to do so.

Another factor associated with relative wealth in the village is the capacity to acc.ess

various amenities such as phone connections, vehicles and gas cylinders (Table V - 21).

Only 321 households have phone connections in the village during 2005 (since many

have access to mobile phones this situation is changing). Only 51 have private vehicles

and most of those who own such vehicles are owners of two wheelers. Very few own

four wheelers Geeps or cars). All the rest have to depend on rented vehicles and bus

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servIces. In times of emergencies it becomes very expensIve and difficult for the

economically marginalised from the Bailu region to reach the hospitals situated in the

city.

There are only 211 households with one gas cylinder and 70 own two gas cylinders. Most

of the villagers either depend on fire wood (agrarian settlements and those living in

slopes) for fuel or on Kerosene (especially those residing in the hill zones of the village).

These facts make it clear that between 300 to 350 households out of an estimated number

of 1,700 to1,750 resident households could be considered economically more secure in

the contemporary village.

Table V - 21

Number ofHousebolds witb Access to Variolls Amenities (2005) .'\ .

Amenity Number of Households

Own vehicle (Four and two wheelers) 51 r Phone connections 321 I I"

One gas cylinder 211 Two gas cylinders 70 Private tap connection 345 Public tap connection 104 Open well 69 Bore well 19 Other water facility 6

Source: Records of Mudusede panchayat office (2005).

Continued unemployment and joblessness especially among the educated and insecurity

of livelihoods among the significant majority of agrarian and other vocational groups

could be considered as another effect of the relations of power. There are many youth

who remain unemployed, under-employed and jobless. Having had some formal

education, up to high school or above, there is no inclination to assume jobs considered

below their dignity and educational status. They are not willing to opt for wage labour in

agriculture which is generally considered a low paid, low status and a difficult job.

Neither do they have the skills required for such work. Many village residents especially

308

youth are found wiling away their time and energy during the course of field work in

1995 and more so in 2005. These youth have become easily pliable commodities in the

hands of sectarian forces. They are engaged in peripheral activities in relation to sites of

worship and politics. They are mobilized by sectarian groups and political party elite for

electioneering and other propaganda purposes. Unemployment among the village youth

could be considered as an effect of the relations of domination and disciplinary power

both at the local and the supra local politico-economic level. The development discourse

and the related discursive practices that have been put into operation through state

policies and programmes by the government in association with the corporate capital

(national and global) and international funding organisations such as World Bank,

International Monitory Fund, Asia Development Bank) have contribUted to the problem

of jobless growth in the villages and cities ofIndia inclusive of Mudusede village.

A significant number of youth both men and women, who have accessed relatively better

education, technical and professional competencies inclusive of degrees/certificates

continue to move out of the village as they find jobs in cities and sometime abroad. As a

result, many village homes especially those of the agriculturists are left with the elderly

only (many of who are ailing and unable to oversee farm operations). The village society

is deprived of well qualified personnel who could take initiatives for altering the current

situation of backwardness in the village.

Relations of domination/disciplinary power exercised through the state in alliance with

the corporate sector have also caused immense harm to the ecology of the viIJage. The

village once rich in flora and fauna has very few species of wild animals and birds left

(the state has now put up a Zoo for captive wild animals within the eco-tourism project

site). The soil fertility has declined reducing productivity offarms, increasing pest attacks

on crops and increasing distress among the farm dependent households. There is no

common grazing land in the village at present. Common property resources have been

either privatized (settlements of five cent houses and encroachment of lands) or taken

over by the government for various projects. Water scarcity during summer months is a

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major problem in the hill zones and some parts of the village. Some villagers claim that

eco-tourism project (with high demand for water) and digging of bore wells by the

government and private parties are responsible for depletion of underground and over

ground water levels in the village and scarcity of water in some locations of the village.

The declining quality of ecology is reflected in increasing number of persons of various

agrarian and other households being affected by ailments such as cancer. This is probably

due to continuous exposure to fertilizers and pesticides on which village farmers have

become totally dependent. Earnings of the farmers have increased the profit margins of

the corporations (private and public) engaged in producing such inputs and other

implements/machineries as well as consumer durables.

Effects on Identities - Old and New: The facts presented on agrarian and other sites of

relations of power in this section bring out clearly that some identities constructed in the

past continue to be present in the village. Some identities have become weak whereas

some others have emerged strong. New identities have also been posited in the village

during the last one decade. In short, the following conclusions could be reached from the

data available on the question of various identities:

• Landlords, pure tenants and attached labourers of the past have been almost \

eliminated. Only vestiges of these identities remain in the contemporary village. .

• Fanners as a vocational identity have generally become quite weak. Only farmer '

proprietors cultivating relatively large and medium land holdings on capitalist lines

have emerged strong as progressive farmer identities.

• Vocational identities such as beedi rollers, technical and other skilled workers are

numerically the largest group in the village.

• Jati and gender identities both superior and subordinate continue to remain weB

entrenched in the village despite all the alterations that have occurred in them such

as elimination of certain manifest forms of disparity (i.e. public display of purity,

pollution practices, acts of violence and denial of access to education and

occupational mobility directed at subordinate jati and gender groups).

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I

\ ,

• Religious identities are reinforced further in the last one decade and sectarian

identities have also emerged as a significant group operating in various sites of the

village.

• Members of the Bharatiya Janata Party could also be considered as relatively new

and numerically dominant political party based identity group that has emerged

strong by weakening the National Congress Party based and other Left Party

identities who were dominant since Independence.

• There are non-resident Indian identities to a larger extent than in the past.

• Both government personnel, professionals such as teachers, lawyers and doctors are

present in the village.

• Non-government personnel or social worker identities (more or less trained; mostly

non-professional) and various gate keepers have a strong presence in the

contemporary village.

Resistance

Resistance appears to be expressed against both the strategies of domination and

productive power in the following ways in the contemporary period:

• Some pure tenants were able to withstand the pressure from the landlord to

withdraw their declarations for the land being tilled by them. Some tenants sought

the help of influential politicians, other position holders and social workers of the

non-government agencies, to get the land settled in their favour.

• The large scale movement of labourers from the Bailu or agricultural zone in the

Padavu region in the aftermath of Kamataka Land Reforms could also be

considered as acts of resistance on the part of labourers and as an effort to attain

freedom from exploitation and the customary obligations that bound them to their

agrarian employers.

• Refusal by most workers of the village to work in the agrarian sites could be

considered as a mode of resistance against the relations of domination, relatively

low wage rates and lack of availability of regular work in this sector.

311

• Many farmers have left the lands fallow as an act of resistance as productivity is

low and the labourers demand higher wages and perquisites.

• Not cultivating paddy for the market was an act of resistance by the fanners against

State policy of restricting the prices of food grains to the minimum without a fair

price policy and adequate subsidies to ensure fair returns to the fanners. Most

fanners grow paddy mainly for self-consumption only either on their own land or

lands leased in from those who have left it fallow.

• Not voting the representatives of the ruling political party and instead voting the

opponents could also be considered as an act of resistance against non-perfonning

political representatives. Opponents could easily mobilize the discontented village

residents to vote against those in positions of power in order to win elections.

Outcome of the 2004 elections for the Parliament and State Assembly and 2005

elections to the Panchayat brings this strategy of resistance to the fore.

• Verbal criticism is another mode of resistance. The residents and leaders continue to

speak indirectly against those position holders who are seen as being authoritarian

and undemocratic in their functioning or not willing to respect democratic norms of

functioning of an organization. Use of abusive language is a very common fonn of

overt resistance that residents continue to manifest in all the sites of social relations

in the village, the wives against husbands, the youth against the elderly, the parents

against children, residents against some elected representatives and opponents

against ruling groups in the panchayat.

• There are villagers who resist attempts to bring them within the disciplinary control

of community based organizations inclusive of Self Help Groups. There are many

who do not attend meetings or participate in the group related activities regularly.

There are some who do not pay the savings at regular intervals, yet others skip the

pre-fixed repayment schedule. There are also those who put up resistance against

collection of funds by the initiators.

• Strategies such as protests, use of media (press and T.V. channels) to air grievances

and use of political influence to pressurize the legal authorities have been used in

recent years by the villagers under study as strategies of resistance. To give one

312

example, some agrarian households resisted a very powerful contractor who was

engaged in stone quarrying (blasting the rocks in the vicinity of their residence and

damaging their houses) by seeking support from the Communist Party ofIndia (M).

Joined by party leaders, the people publicly warned the authority of the Department

of Mines and Geology, that they would initiate sustained agitation in front of the

Department if the licence given to the contractor was not withdrawn. The quarry

contractor retaliated by damaging the stone crusher owned by him and filing

criminal complaint against the residents. But the police Sub-Inspector who

investigated the matter found the contractor guilty. As a consequence of people's

protest the blasting work had to be stopped. The people filed an objection to prevent

the contractor from renewing his licence for stone crushing. Some Beedi rollers of

the village from agrarian and other resident households have also joined union of

beedi rollers formed by the Communist party of India (Marxist) and have

participated in protest marches and public meetings organized by the union to

demand higher wages and better perquisites for Beedi rollers.

• The resistance continues to be shown in sites of religion by some, in the fonn of not

following the rules and traditions of religious worship and rituals, not going to the

places of worship (i.e. such as not attending places of worship), not contributing to

the expenses to maintain places of worship, and in rare cases joining other sects

(New Life among the Christians) or religions (only one case of conversion by a lady

and her family to Christianity was found in the village and she was able to

withstand all efforts to force her to reconvert).

• There are those who resist attempts at communal identity construction and refuse to

join sectarian or religion based groups or associations.

• The sustained collective struggle by those affected by the Pillikula Eco-Project is

resistance against threat to ones survival in the area and rights to water and roads.

Some of the instances of resistance that have occurred in the village in recent years

involving both agrarian as well as non-agrarian elements are highlighted here:

Within the territory, acquired for the eco-tourism project there was a site dedicated

to Jarandaya (on the Sede side of the village) called Onjare Sthana or one and a half

site, (Onjaresthana in Tu[u - place in the eastern side of the hill slopes where there

is a palm tree which had branched off from the mid trunk). This site of such a rare

and unnatural occurrence was said to be the site where Jaranadaya came to dwell

first as per one version of the Jaran<1aya legend and of ritual significance to the

agrarian households since centuries. The forest within which the site is situated was

also known as Devarakadu a forest of God (such ritualization of forests enabled the

rural communities to safeguard these forests from encroachers and other

deforestation attempts). The residents say the tree which is held by them as a sacred

symbol of Jarandaya was not cut by the labourers of the eco-project site because

when ever they approached the tree to cut it, a serpent (Naga) revered in the region

appeared at the site. For the people the presence of Naga meant that the place was

sacred and was being guarded by the Naga. The localites collectively approached

the Deputy Commissioner to allot tbis land to them so that they could build a

Daivasthana or worship site for Jaranadaya there. They were able to use their links

with the higher level political representatives to pressurize the district authorities.

As a result of such concerted attempt, a plot of one acre of land amidst the land

allotted to the Eco-Tourism Project has been earmarked and fenced to develop a

worship structure (Bhutasthana) for Jarandaya.

The attempt by the eco-project authority to close down, a public road which passes

between Edurupadavu colony and the Nisargadhama towards agrarian territories

Bandara Mane and Arb house, had become a bone of contention. The residents of

Edurupadavu including the agriculturists not only organized protest under the

leadership of the panchayat president and activists of a non-government

organization but also have approached the court of law to claim their right to this

path which they had been using since generations. The case is pending in the court

oflaw.

The eco-project has also provoked resistance for reasons other than the ones related

to territorial and infrastructural rights. The issue of not taking license from the

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panchayat, not paymg entertainment tax to the panchayat, not taking the

permissions from the panchayat to dig the roads belonging to the panchayat have

emerged as issues of dispute between the panchayat/people and eco-project

authority. The panchayat now has issued notices to the organization to pay up all

the fees inclusive of all the pending dues to the panchayat. Though partial payment

has now been made, the dispute con6nues. To cite another example, the contractors

who were in charge of road construction had piled up stones on the road leading to

the colony of the Koragas (a scheduled tribe of the region). The residents of

Edurupadavu felt through such actions the authorities were building pressure on the

residents to move out of that area. Road blocks and protests were organized and the

authorities were forced to clear the road of all the stones.

Conclusion

Last 25 years have been years of certain major alterations as well as continuities as far as

demographic trends and relations of power are concerned. There was significant rise in

the number of households and population primarily due to the arrival of new settlers into

the village. New settlements on the hills (Padavu) which emerged with the settlement of

displaced attached labourer along with some ejected tenant elements soon became I

densely populated zones with large number of newly settled households. Shalapadavu

(one of the hill colony) emerged as a centre of the village with schools, panchayat office,

primary health sub centre and shops and -other commercial establishments concentrated

there.

As far as sites of social relations are concerned the agrarian sites have lost their place of

predominance as sites of livelihood for the majority of the villagers. The percentage of

workforce engaged in the agrarian sector has declined rapidly. Instead sites of

manufacturing such as beedi rolling, construction, and service sites (such as technical

trade), within and outside the geographic limits of the village, incorporate the working

members of the households. Sites of religiosity, health, education, political parties,

government agencies, banks, licensed and unlicensed liquor shops continue to engage the

315

villagers in specific fonns of power as in the past. New sites that came to be established

during this period are Land Tribunals, Non-Government Organizations (inclusive of

sectarian organizations) and other micro-financial institutions (Chit funds, Self-help

groups).

The forms of power such as patrimonial - patriarchal have became much weaker with

the abolition of landlordism and diversification of economic activities. However certain

fonns of patronage continue to operate. The facilitative disciplinary forms of power have

become much more diffused and operate in almost all sites of social relations/power \

relations resulting in the constitution of subjects who are useful/productive as well as

docile.

The multiple asymmetries based on wealth, jati, gender, positions of authority/ritual

status, education and vocation continue to prevail in the agrarian zones of the village as

well. The asymmetry in the agrarian sector as a whole is relatively simpler at present

because of the elimination of patronage/exploitation based landlordism/tenancy and

attached labour. There are only vestiges of such elements in the agrarian sites. The

process of capitalistic farming characterized by proprietor farmers (rich and middle) on

the one side and wage workers on the other, production of crops for the market (coconut,

arecanut, vegetables, betel leaves, pepper, sugarcane) and food crops for consumption is

clearly the predominant trend in the village. The large majority of fanners however are

small and marginal ones who are unable to survive on fanning alone. Agrarian labourers

continue to be at the lowest rung of the agrarian hierarchy though the number of village

workers opting to work in the agrarian sites is declining. Labour shortage has emerged as

a major problem in the agrarian sector which clubbed with fluctuating prices of

agricultural commodities, increased input costs and lower productivity of farms is forcing

fanners to leave vast portions of their land fallow. Gender, jati, education vocation and

position based asymmetries continue to prevail to a greater or smaller extent in sites of

agriculture and religious worship and other sites of social relations as well.

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l

Strategies of domination, inclusive of exploitation of surplus continue to operate in

various sites of social relations inclusive of agrarian sites. The continued use of violence

and repressive strategies is also there in certain sites of the village which affects both the

agrarian and non-agrarian elements. The most significant strategies and practices in

operation in the village at present are disciplinary ones which subtly construct all subjects

both agrarian and non-agrarian into obedient and docile objects of state power in alliance

with the corporate power.

There are both old and new discourses/truth claims that bind the villagers in specific

forms of knowledge/power. Among the old discourses that hold sway over the village

residents, discourses of sovereignty, PastorallBrahmanical and other religio-cultural ones

are predominant. Modem science based discourses such as development, over population,

agriculture, health, education, human resource development and scientific management ,

have incorporated people into new relations of powerlknowledge in the last 25 years

making them allies of the process of privatization and corporate led globalization to a

lesser or greater extent depending on their exposure and response to these discourses.

Further studies are required at the village level to find out the impact of such discourses

on various categories of village subjects.

The effects of power are visible for all to see. A significant percentage of residents enjoy

the fruits of development to a differential extent by moving out of the village and a

relatively small proportion (less than 25 percent) by residing within the village. A vast

majority of the residents continue to live below the poverty line or just above it. The

agriculture in general and small farming in particular is in a situation of crisis, while the

precious land resources lie waste, decreasing agricultural production in the village.

Emerging relations of power since mid 1970's have eliminated certain traditionally

constructed identities such as landlords, pure tenants and attached labourers and further

weakened the traditional authority based identities such as yajamanas, yajamanthis and

Gurikaras (headman ofjati groups). Certain traditional identities based on gender, jati and

religion have undergone certain alternations but continue to remain more or less superior

317

or inferior in their relations with one another. Construction and fixation of sectarian

identities is a very visible new trend in the village.

1 The village residents continue to put up resistance against continued exercise of

domination and disciplining in various sites of social relations. Resistance both individual

and collective against the state and against one another in the various sites of social

relations and the village as a whole occur frequently. Agrarian labourers against farmer

proprietors, workers in stone quarries and beedi rollers against contractors, people against

officials and politicians who are perceived to be corrupt and resident against eco-tourism

project has been expressed through both individual and collective attempts. However the

resistance has failed to take the fonn of a broad based sustained collective struggle of the

significant majority of the ruralites inclusive of agrarian subjects. The disciplinary

processes at work in various sites of social relations reinforcing multiple asymmetries and

mobilization on sectarian lines, have hindered such a process of well organized resistance

at the local and supra local levels.

In fact the consent of the village residents has been effectively manufactured for the

disciplinary processes within which they are incorporated not only as objects of power on

whose bodies the discipline is inscribed but also as subjects/agents of power who

collaborate in disciplining themselves and others. This has hindered the creation of the

required environment for the fulfilment of human rights and freedoms in the villages of

India.