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The Valkyries and the Irish War-GoddessesAuthor(s): Charles DonahueReviewed work(s):Source: PMLA, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Mar., 1941), pp. 1-12Published by: Modern Language Association

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PMLAPVBLICATIONS-OF

THE-MODERN-LANGVAGE-ASSOCIATION-OF-AMERICAIssued Quarterly

VOLUMELVI MARCH, 1941 NUMBER

I

THE VALKYRIES AND THE IRISH WAR-GODDESSES

INan

appendix to the first and most complete study of the Irish war-goddesses, C. Lottner called attention to their resemblance to the val-

kyries and pointed particularly to the following apparent similarities:

(1) The valkyries, ike the war-goddesses, ppearaloneor in groupsof three.

(2) Like the war-goddesses,hey are oftencompanions f singleheroes.

(3) Like the war-goddesses,hey appear n the form of birds.

(4) The Germanic ognateof IrishBodb,a war-goddess,he Cathuboduaf acontinentalnscription, ppears n Baduhenna, he nameof a Germanic oddessmentionedby Tacitus.

Lottner concluded that these similarities must have been caused by inter-change of ideas between the Celts and Germanic peoples on the Conti-

nent.'

In the light of research since Lottner's time, his conclusion is not in

itself unlikely. Comparative study of the Celtic and Germanic vocabu-

laries has shown that, during their contact on the Continent, the Celts

and Germanic peoples very probably influenced each other in politics,

poetry, and religion;2but the details by which Lottner supported his

hypothesis are not satisfactory. Except for his observation on Germanic

Badu-, Lottner considered similarities only between Irish and Scandi-navian. Such similarities, as later researchhas shown, might be attributed

1 C. Lottner,RevueCeltique, (1870),55-57, an appendix o W. M. Hennessy'sarticle,"The Ancient Irish Goddessesof War," ibid., pp. 32-55. The traditional erm "war-

goddesses"s retainedhereas the name of a classof beings appearingn Irishliterature

whosenature he followingremarkswillperhapshelpto clarify."War-witches" r "war-

demons"wouldbe equallyappropriate ames,but therecanbe no objection o the useofthe traditional ermas longas it is understoodhat nothingregardinghe natureof the

beingsso named s implied.2 The materialhas beenmostcompletely ollectedby G. S. Lane,"TheGermano-Celtic

Vocabulary,"Language,x (1933),244-264.The culturalsignificance f the vocabularyhas been recentlydiscussedby C. S. Elston in TheEarliestRelationsbetweenCeltsand

GermansLondon,1934).Elston admitsmutualinfluencebut denies"historical ustifica-tion for the assumption hat the Celts ever dominated he Germans" p. 186). Most

students of the subject,however,are inclinedto believethat the evidencepointsto some

sortof Celticsupremacy ndevenJ. Pokorny,whois not an adherent f theextremeCeltic

1







2 The Valkyries and Irish War-Goddesses

to the later contact between the Vikings and the Irish rather than to the

earlier Celto-Germanic contact on the Continent.3

More recent investigators have, consequently, either ignored or re-

jected Lottner's theory. Schullerus,4Neckel,5 and Krappe6 say nothingabout the Celtic question in their extensive treatments of the valkyries.

Golther,7the first to make clearly the important distinction between the

Scandinavian valkyries and the earlier valkyries of the English and the

continental Germans,8is willing to admit that certain traits of the val-

kyries in the Helgi-poems may be due to Irish influence on the Vikings,9but rejects the notion that the continental and English valkyries owed

anythingto the Celts. He mentions the Greek KipEsand the Irish war-

goddesses, and notices that the idisi of the Merseburg Charm seem to

school, accuses Elston of mishandling the evidence in a severe review, ZfcPh, xx (1936),

526-527. cf. also M. L. Sjoestedt's review, Revue Celtique,LI (1934), 305-309. For other

points of view on the question v. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Premiers Habitants de

l'Europe (Paris, 1889), II, 336-339; 0. Bremer, "Ethnographie der germanischen Stamme,"in Pauls Grundriss2(Strassburg, 1900), III, 797-789; R. Much, Deutsche Stammeskunde

(Berlin and Leipzig, 1928), pp. 197-202.8Viking influence on the Irish was first studied by H. Zimmer in "Keltische Beitrige,"

ZfdA, xxxII (1888), 195-334; xxxIII (1889), 129-220; xxxv (1891), 1-172. A pioneer in

the field, Zimmer, it is now generally recognized, overstated his case. K. Meyer, "Nordisch-

Irisches," Berliner Sitzungsberichte 1918), pp. 1030, 1042-47, while he accepts Zimmer's

chief conclusion that there was extensive Viking influence in Ireland, warns against his the-

ory of the Scandinavian origin of the Finn cycle and his interpretation of Ferdiad. A critical

treatment of the Scandinavian loan-words in Irish is offered by C. J. S. Marstrander,

Bidrag til det norske Sprogs Historie i Irland (Kristiania, 1915). For a recent study of

reminiscences of the Vikings among Celtic peoples v. R. Th. Christiansen, The Vikings and

the Viking Wars in Irish and Gaelic Tradition (Oslo, 1931). S. Bugge initiated the study of

Irish influence on the Scandinavians. v. his Studier over de nordiske Gude- og Heltesagns

Oprindelse,F0rste Raekke (Christiania, 1881-1889); Bidrag til den ?ldste Skaldedigtnings

Historie (Christiania, 1894); Helge-Digtene (Kjobenhavn, 1896); Norsk Sagaskrivning ogSagafortelling i Irland (Kristiania, 1908). S. Bugge's work was continued by A. Bugge;

v. e.g. his Vesterlandenes ndflydelse paa Nordboernesog saerligNordmcandenes dre Kultur,

Levescet,og Samfundsforhold Vikingetiden (Christiania, 1905); "Entstehung und Glaub-

wiirdigkeit der islandischen Saga," ZfdA, LI (1909), 25-38; Norges Historie, I2, (Kristiania,

1910), pp. 298-303. In a thorough study, "Tors Fard till Utgard," Danske Studier (1910),

pp. 65-105, 145-182, C. W. von Sydow has demonstrated the Irish origin of an Icelandic

myth. v. also the recent studies of A. H. Krappe, "L'Origine irlandaise d'un Episode

de la Halfs Saga," Revue Celtique,XLVII 1930), 401-405, and of F. Mosse, "Sur le Nom

d'Homme 'Ketill'," RevueCeltique,L (1933), 248-253.4 A. Schullerus, "Zur Kritik des altnordischen Valhollglaubens," PBB, xii, 221-282.

5 G. Neckel, Walhall, Studien iiber germanischenJenseitsglauben (Dortmund, 1913).6 A. H. Krappe, "The Valkyries," MLR, xxi (1926), 55-73.7 W. Golther "Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte. i Der Valkyrjenmythus,"

Munchener Abhandlungen,philosophisch-philologischeClasse, xviii (1890), 399-438.8 Op. cit., p. 402. cf. the insistence of J. de Vries on a sharp distinction between Scandi-

navian and southern material, AltgermanischeReligionsgeschichte, (Berlin and Leipzig,

1935), Vorwort. 9Op. cit., p. 423.







Charles Donahue

resemble them, but adds that such figures are common among the Indo-

European peoples and that there is no doubt of their independent ori-

gin and development.'0 In the most recent treatment of the subject,de Vries remarks that the earlier valkyries were like the Kipes and the

Irish war-goddesses, but does not express any opinion on the signifi-cance of the resemblance." Much mentions the Cathubodua inscriptionin connection with Baduhenna and the BgQvildrof the Vqlundarkvii ,l2but otherwise Lottner's opinion has not been seriously considered in

studies of the valkyries. Perhaps a re-examination of the question, in the

light of developments since Lottner's time and with a much stricter con-

trol over thedating

of both the Germanicand Celtic material,13may

serve

to call the attention of future students of the valkyries to the Irish

material and the problems which it raises.

The scanty available evidence indicates that the English and the con-

tinental Germanic tribes knew of female battle-demons whose name and

functions connect them with the more poetical Viking valkyries. In Old

English, the word wcelcyrge, the exact equivalent of Old Icelandic

valkyrja, seems to have been applied to female demons who were con-

nected with war and viewed with sensations of horror.l4The word is used

to gloss Erinyes,'5 Tisiphone,l6 Allecto,'7 and Bellona.18Wright, by atextual emendation, makes the word translate Parcae also.'9 We need

not accept Wright's emendation, however, to conclude that the Old

English valkyries had something to do with the fates of men. The name

means "choosers of the slain," i.e. those who picked the men who were to

fall on the battlefield.20

In Scandinavian literature, the valkyries seem to be associated with

loOp.cit.,p. 404.11AltgermanischeReligionsgeschichte, I (Berlin and Leipzig, 1937), p. 384. J. Grimm,

Deutsche Mythologie iv (Berlin, 1876), p. 354, noticed the similarity between the icKpesand the valkyries. The Chadwicks, The Growthof Literature(Cambridge, 1932), pp. 207,

641-642, were also struck by the resemblance between the war-goddesses and the valkyries.12 R. Much, "Der germanische Himmelsgott," Festgabe Heinzel (Halle, 1898), p. 247;

cf. also DeutscheStammeskunde,p. 45.

13A similar method has been used by W. Krause in his study, Die Kenning als typische

Stilfigur der germanischenund keltischenDichtersprache (Halle, 1930). Krause shows that

the kenning as we find it in Germanic is to be found elsewhere only in Celtic. True kenningsare found in early runic inscriptions where there can be no question of Irish influence. Con-

sequently the kenning in Celtic and Germanic must have originated when the two peopleswere in contact on the continent.

14 For a collection of the Old English material v. R. Jente, "Die mythologischen Aus-

drticke im altenglischen Wortschatz," Anglistische Forschungen,LVI 1921), p. 209.

16T. Wright, Anglo-Saxonand OldEnglish Vocabularies.Second edition by R. P. Wiilcker

(London, 1884), 19.44, 25.27, 417.12.16Idem. 50.40, 189.11. 17 Idem, 347.32, 533.26. 18Idem, 360.3,527.17.19Idem, 189.12, and note. Wiilcker, ibid., rejects the suggestion.20

Neckel, op. cit., pp. 5-6.

3







The Valkyries and Irish War-Goddesses

birds of prey.2' This association is so reminiscent of the Irish war-

goddesses that one might be tempted to consider it a later borrowing.In the Old English Exodus, however, a raven, hovering in anticipationover an army, is described as wcelceasiga,"the slain-choosing one."22It

is not unlikely, therefore, that a connection with birds of prey was char-

acteristic of the common Germanicvalkyries.The word wcelcyrgeccurs twice in Wulfstan, both times in connection

with the word wicca, wizard.23Wulfstan seems to have had in mind not

female divinities but human beings with supernatural powers. Wiccan

and wcelcyrjanare those who do the devil's work.24The human valkyries,like their

superhuman sisters,were

apparently regardedwith horror.

Nowhere in the south is there any definite indication that the valkyrieshad prophetic powers such as they seem to have had occasionally in

Scandinavian literature. But, like their Scandinavian descendants, the

Germanic valkyries were choosers of the slain. The notion of fatality is

so closely connected with the notion of prophecy that separate Irish

influence need not be assumed to account for the prophetic powers of

the Scandinavian valkyries. In the DarraYarlj6oa group of valkyries

weaving the fate of the leaders in the battle of Clontarf are both be-

stowers of fate and prophetesses.25No cognate of Old English wcelcyrges found in the continental Ger-

manic languages, but the Old High German Merseburg Charm tells of

"noble ladies" (idisi) who "bound fetters" and "hindered the army."28In the Grimnismdla valkyrie called Herfj2tur is mentioned.7 The word

means literally"army-fetter," "war-fetter."28Asa common noun it means

a terrifying weakness that comes over the warrior, hindering his abilityand presaging his death.29This weakness was apparently thought of as

the work of the valkyrie. The noble ladies of the Germanic charm seem

to correspond to the Scandinavian valkyries.30The continental Germans21 v. Neckel, op. cit., p. 79. One might add that J6rbjQrnHornklofi in his HaraldskvaSi

presents a valkyrie in conversation with a raven. For the poem v. F. Jonsson, Den norsk-

islandske Skjaldedigtning(Kobenhavn og Kristinia, 1912-1915), IB, 22-25.

22 Exodus, 1.164, ed. G. P. Krapp, The Junius Manuscript (New York, 1931). Cf. Neckel,

op. cit., p. 78; Golther, op. cit., p. 415.

23 A. S. Napier, Wulfstan (Berlin, 1883), pp. 165, note, and 298.

24 Idem., p. 298. 26Edited by J. Jonsson, Skjaldedigtning, IB, 389-391.

26 W. Braune, AlthochdeutschesLesebuch(Halle /S., 1875), p. 83.

27 Grimnismdl,36.5, ed. G. Neckel in Edda (Heidelberg, 1927).28 F. Jonsson, Lexicon Poeticum (K0benhavn, 1931), s.v.29

Passages illustrating this meaning are cited by K. Maurer in "Die Valkyrjen Hlokk

und Herfj6tr," ZfdM, ii (1885), 341-343. v. also G. Neckel, op. cit., p. 75.30

Jacob Grimm first connected the name HerfjQturwith the Merseburg Charm. v. his

DeutscheMythologieIv, p. 352. The valkyrie-name Hlqkk Grimm translates catena. He is

followed by Neckel, loc.cit.; Jonsson,Lexicon,s.v. however, gives another meaning forHlQkk.

HerfjQturalone is enough to connect the idisi of the Charm with the valkyries. Cf. also R.

4







Charles Donahue

had stories of women who chained men and hindered armies.31

The pleasant Scandinavian valkyrie who brought wine to the heroes

in Valhalla32was a late development. She had a common Germanicancestress who was a more sinister being, the cause of men's death in

battle, and also a vaguer being, not distinctly different from other un-

pleasant females such as witches and Mahren.33This original lack of dis-

tinction is reflected in folk-belief. In Oldenburgthe Mahre is still called

Walriderske.4This word must derive from a time when nightmares and

valkyries were not clearly distinguished. Neckel36finds traces of the

Mahre even in the Scandinavian valkyries.The Irish war-goddesseswere similar to the common Germanicvalkyr-

ies. They also were dreadful, witch-like beings, associated with birds of

prey, who prophesied of battles. This much is apparent even from early

passages where there can be little question of Viking influence. In a

passage of the Tain Bo Cualngewhich Thurneysen considers to be one of

the oldest portions and hence to date from the first half of the eighth

century,36the author, presumably wishing to give his work a classical

touch, tells how Allecto came to the Dun Bull of Cooley.37Either the

author himself or a glossator explains that Allecto is the same as the

Morrigu, a war-goddess. The author must have substituted Allecto forthe Morrigu of the native tradition. In doing so he shows that he con-

sidered the Morrigu a dreadful being.38Morrigu comes, furthermore, in

the form of a bird,39and gives a prophecy in "rhetoric."40The meaning

Kogel'sattempt to ascertain he linguisticrelationbetweenNorse dis and German dis,"Idis und Walkiire,"PBB, xvi (1892),502-508.

31TheEnglishmayhavehad similar tories.Thefetteringofwarriorss oneof the tricksattributedothedevil n the OldEnglishSolomon ndSaturn:hwilumhe[folme] efetera/faegesmannes, handagehefega5, 5onnene sethildesceall wit la5 werud lifestiligan.

(11. 58-160,ed. Wiilker,Bibliothek,I2 (Leipzig,1898).2Eiriksmdl, I. 9, 10, ed. Jonsson, Skjaldedigtning, IB, 164.

33Cf.H. M. Chadwick,TheHeroicAge(Cambridge, 912),p. 412.34E. Mogk n J. Hoops,ReallexiconergermanischenltertumskundeStrassburg,911-

1913),s.v.Alp. ' Op.cit.,p. 77.36R. Thurneysen,Die irischeHelden-undKinigsage Hallea/S., 1921),pp. 96, 110-113.

I supposeby Grundtextp. 96) Thureysen meansthe text found n the lost Urhandschrift(p. 111)whichhe places n the firsthalfof the eighthcentury(ibid.).

37The text, according o Thurneysen,"ZurTain Bo Cuailnge,"ZfcPh,x (1915),208,readsas follows:Ceinbaterdi(du)intsloigoctochimmaigebregforrumai llechtucolleicnochisi nmorrigansomndeilbeuincomboi orsinchorthihitemaircualngi7 asbert risin-

tarb.Cf. J. StrachanandJ. G. Keefe,TheTainBo CuailngeromtheYellowBook fLecan(Dublin, 1912),p. 32.

38Thurneysen onjectures"ZurTain,"p. 208) that hehadin mindVergil'sdescriptionof Allecto(,neid, vii, 323if.). The OldEnglishglossator xplainedAllectoas a valkyrie,cf. supra,note 18.

39In the Tain Bo Regamain,d. E. Windisch, rischeTexte, I (Leipzig,1887),245,the

Morrigu ransforms erself nto a blackbird.H. Hubert,basinghis opinionon traditions

5








of the Morrigu's prophecy is obscure, but it is clear that she foretells a

war and many deaths. Ravens are mentioned twice. Apparently Bobd,

another war-goddess, is also referred to. Before the battle of Garechand Ilgarech the Morrigumakes another prophecy of war in which ravens

are again mentioned.41Bobd is named in the "rhetoric" in which Loegarouses the men of Ulster to battle.42

The witch-like character of the war-goddesses is also attested early.In a ninth-century gloss, the words, lamia, monstrumin femine figura,are explained by the word morrigain.43 Striking later evidence is afforded

by the Togail na Tebe44where Jocasta is called a morrigu.In one place in

the Tain Bo Cualnge45 he Morrigu appears as an old woman. On the

other hand, a connection between the war-goddessesand spirits such as

the Mahre seems to be indicated by the name Morrigu, if Stokes and

others are right in their opinion that the first element, mor-, is cognatewith German Mahre.46

No one would question Golther's assertion that among Celts and

Germanic peoples ideas of baleful spirits similar to the Greek K pESmaybe found. It is a likely, although not a necessary assumption that all

these peoples inherited such ideas, together with their language, from

theIndo-Europeans.

It isremarkable, however,

that aparallel process

of

specification seems to have taken place in Celtic and Germanic. A groupof such sinister beings came to be thought of as particularly concerned

with the fate of men in battle. Associated with birds of prey, they visit

battlefields and prophesy of battles.47These activities give them their

distinct character as a class. Occasionally, however, they reveal their

origin in a larger and vaguer group of malevolent spirits. Since we know

reportedn Livy,believed hat the Celts n Italy had storiesof divinitieswhoappeared n

battlefieldsn the form of crows.v. his Les Celtesdepuis 'tpoque ela Tene(Paris,1932),

pp. 37-38.40On these "rhetorics" . Thureysen, Konigsage, p. 54-55. They are probablythe

oldestelements n the Tain.v. idem.,pp. 110-112. Allversionsof this prophecy ogetherwithsomesuggestions s to the interpretation reprintedby Windisch,Tain Bo Cualnge

(Leipzig,1905),pp. 186-189.41The texts in Windisch,Tain Bo Cualnge, p. 828-833.Although t must have been

introducedarly,this"rhetoric"maynothavebelongedoriginallyo the TainBoCualnge.v.Thurneysen,Konigsage, . 209,note2. 4 Windisch,TainBoCualnge, p.838-841.

43W. StokesandJ. Strachan,Thesaurus alaeohibernicusCambridge, 901), I, 2.4Ed. by G. Calder Cambridge, 922),1.88.

46Lecanversion,ed. StrachanandO'Keeffe,1.1748.46W. Stokes,RevueCeltique,Ii (1891),128;F. Holthausen,Altenglischestymologisches

WorterbuchHeidelberg, 934),s.v.mare;A. Walde, Vergeichendes orterbuch.. heraus-

gegebenvonJ. Pokorny BerlinandLeipzig,1930-1932), I, 277.47Thuswar-goddessndvalkyrieshadcommondifferencesrom the Kipeswhobrought

all kindsof evils-filth, sickness,and blindnessas well as deathin battle. They seem to

havebeen connectedwith deathin battle only in so far as they were connectedwith allkindsof deaths.v. Malten n Pauly-Wissova, uppl. v, 883-900.

6







Charles Donahue

that the Celts and the Germanicpeoples were in intimate contact, it is at

least a reasonable assumption that this development did not take place

independently but that mutual influences were at work.48Once some likelihood has been established, on quite other grounds,

that the war-goddesses and the valkyries were the results of a common

Celto-Germanic development, it is possible to examine the implicationsof the one argument of Lottner which is still valid, the fact that Irish

Bodb is cognate with the first element in Germanic Baduhenna,49the

name of a divinity mentioned by Tacitus to whom a grove, apparentlyin Frisian territory, was dedicated.50Because of the clear connection

between Badu- and Old English beadu, Old Icelandic bQg, battle,51it is

48The assumptionsdefendedhere, that the close connectionof Celts and Germanic

peoplesedto thecommondevelopment f materialnherited, riginally, erhaps, rom he

Indo-Europeans y bothpeoples s borneout by the fact that a similarprocessseemstohave takenplacein the caseof a largenumberof wordswhichappear n bothlanguagesnformsndicatinghatthey were, n each anguage, egularly evelopedromIndo-Europeanforms,butwhich,nevertheless,how similaritiesn meaninganduse,as opposed o their

cognates n otherIndo-Europeananguages.e.g. cf. Irish orbe,Gothicarbi,inheritance,with Greek oppav6&, orphaned; Irish gae, Gallo-Latin gaesum, Old English gar, spear, with

Greekxatos,shepherd's taff;Irishrun, secret,OldEnglishrun,secret,whisper, une,withSanskrit auti,howls.cf. Lane, op.cit. etinfra,note,51. A similarassumptions madebyde Vries, op. cit., i, 195-196, concerning the matres in Celtic and Germanic. There is no

evidence hat the valkyriesarethe resultof ideasdevelopedexclusivelyby the Celtsandborrowed ythe Germanic eoplesat a comparativelyate period.Somebelieve,however,that such was the case with the matres. cf. K. Helm, AltgermanischeReligionsgeschichte,

(Heidelberg, 913),pp. 391-411.49v. Lane, op. cit., p. 246; Walde-Pokorny, op. cit., II, 126. Old English beaduand Old

Icelandicbqg,battle, arecognate.There areno wordscertainlycognateoutsideof Celticand Germanic.Thereareno meansof tellingwhether he word was borrowed romone

peopleby the other before the Germanicsound-shiftor whether t was inherited rom

Indo-European y both independently. 60Tacitus,Annales, V,73.

51Thesuggestion f Th. von Grienberger,BB, XIX 1894),532-533,that the word s aRomangraphfor Germanic badu-wenna,the violent in battle,"the second elementofwhich s to be connectedwith OldHighGermanwinna, trife, s acceptedby M. Sch6nfeld,Worterbuchder altgermanischenPersonen- und Vdlkernamen(Heidelberg, 1911), s.v., and

tentativelyby R. Much,Himmelsgott,. 274. K. Mtillenhoff,ZfdA,ix (1853),240-241,likewisehad considered he h due to a Romanscribebut heldthat the name wasuncom-

pounded and the -enna a suffixal element. T. Siebs's suggestion, ZfdPh, xxiv (1892), 147,

that Baduhennawas a god,the secondelementof whosename s to be connectedwiththeGermanic oot *hen-,*han-,whichappearsalso in the inscriptiono MercuriusChanno,hasapparentlynotfoundany supporters, f. S. Gutenbrunner,DiegermanischenG6tter-namen der antiken Inschriften," Rheinische Beitrdge und Hiilfsbiicher zur germanischen

Philologie und Volkskunde,xxiv (Halle, 1936), p. 57. H. Jaekel's, ZfdPh, xxii (1890), 268,

equationof Baduhennand the Bedeof the MarsThingsus nscriptions whollyuntenableonlinguisticgrounds. . Bremer,ZfdPh,xxii (1890),252, suggests,becauseof the ending,that the nameis Celtic.If this is true,it must have beenborrowed efore he Germanic

changeof o to a. Theexistenceof the commonnounOldEnglishbeadu, attle,in Germanicmakes t more ikelythat thegoddesswas namedwith a native word.Therewere,however,

bilingualpersonson the Celto-Germanicorder cf.Much,Stammeskunde,. 48), andit is

7








commonly assumed that Baduhenna was a war-goddessof some sort, but

was she a valkyrie? When the matter is viewed from a purely Germanic

point of view, it does not appear likely that she was. Between the vaguewitch-like battle-demons which the sources prove the early valkyriesto have been and the definite personality Baduhenna, who apparentlyhad a grove connected with her cult, there is a gap which nothing offered

by the Germanic material seems to bridge. Once it has been assumed,

however, that the valkyries and the war-goddesses were, in part at least,the result of a common Celto-Germanic development, the fact that the

Celts did make a war-goddess the object of a cult, as the inscription to

Cathubodua52hows,

makes itpossible

tosuggest

with more confidence

that perhaps the Celto-Germanic parallel development went beyond the

first steps and that the valkyries, like the war-goddesses, were givennames and worshipped.

If the early valkyries were objects of cult, it is possible to suggest that

the goddesses with warlike names to whom Germanic votive inscriptionswere dedicated were also valkyries.53Of these the most important for the

problem of the valkyries are the alaisiagae. Siebs is convinced that theywere valkyries, and, on the assumption that they were, Krappe has built

his whole theory of the origin of the valkyries.54They are mentioned inthree inscriptions all found at Housesteads near the wall of Hadrian.

The first inscription is dedicated Deo Marti Thingsoet duabus AlaesiagisBede et Fimmilene; the second, Deo Marti et duabusAlaisiagis; the third,

D(u)abus Alaisiagis Baudihillie et Friagabi.65Either there were two

evenpossible,as Marstranderuggests,SymbolaeOsloenses,n (1925),62, that CelticandGermanicweremutuallycomprehensibles late as the first centuryB.C. Celtic*bodu-and Germanic badu-would be recognized s formsof the sameword. The fact that theCeltsused their form in the nameof a goddessmight have led to a similaruse of the

Germanicorm,orthereversemayhave takenplace.Thisprocesss distinct rom inguisticborrowing.

52v. Hennessy,op. cit.,pp. 32-33; A. Holder,AltceltischerprachschatzLeipzig,1896-

1907), I, 841.

63 e.g.,HariasaandHarimella,he firstelementof whosenames s almostcertainly o beconnectedwithGermanic hari-,OldEnglishhere,army.v. deVries,op.cit., I, 205;Guten-

brunner,op. cit., pp. 100-102. Althoughthe connectionof the name Vihansawith OldIcelandicvig,battle,is, becauseof the voiceless pirantwhere,accordingo Verner'saw,a voicedspirant s to be expected,not certain, he dedicationof spearandshieldseems n

any case to connecther with war.v. de Vries, op. cit., I, 209; Gutenbrunner,p. cit., pp.101-102;Much,Himmelsgott,. 247.

64T. Siebs,"Beitrage urdeutschenMythologie.n,Thingsunddie Alaisiagen,"ZfdPhxxiv (1892),433-456;"NeueszurgermanischenMythologie,"Mitteilungenerschlesischen

Gesellschaftur Volkskunde,xv (1924), 1-17; Krappe, oc. cit. supranote 6.65These arethe mostrecentreadings, hoseof Gutenbrunner,p.cit.,p. 25,on the evi-

denceregardinghe datingof the inscriptionsthirdcenturyA.D.) andthe dedicants civesTuihanticuneiFrisiorum), ivenmostfully in the secondinscription , de Vries,op. cit.,I, 171.cf. Gutenbrunner,p. cit., p. 48.

8







Charles Donahue

alaisiagae or they were thought of and worshiped in pairs.6 Herein theyresemble the valkyries, who occasionally appear in groups of two.67 Of

the four names, Baudihillia offers the clearest hint as to the nature of the

goddess who bore it. Siebs's suggestion that the second element is a

hypochoristic form of the Germanic word found in Old English hild, war,has been generally accepted.58The other names and the title alaisiagae

throw, in themselves, little light on the character of the goddesses. Theydo not help to clarify the problem but must be interpreted in the lightof opinions derived from other sources as to the nature of the goddesseswho bore them. All the immediate evidence offered by the inscriptionsthemselves-the connection with a Germanic

Mars,the occurrence of the

alaisiagae in pairs, the one name which is at least partly clear, and the

fact that the dedicators were soldiers-bears out the opinion that the

alaisiagae were primarily connected with war.59The assumption that the

5 Before the publicationof the thirdinscriptionn 1921 (v. de Vries, op. cit. I, 201),R. Heinzel, Wiener Sitzungsberichte,philosophisch-historischeClasse, cxix (1889), Abhand-

lungin, p. 52, drewfromthe second nscriptionhe not unnatural onclusion hat therewereonly two alaisiagae.Becauseof the third nscription,Siebs,Neues,p. 11, concludedthat thereweremanyalaisiagaebut that they appearedn pairs.Gutenbrunner,p. cit.,pp. 41-43, and de Vries, op. cit., I, 202, retain Heinzel's opinion that there was only one

pairof alaisiagaeandbelieve that eachgoddesshadmorethanone name.Gutenbrunnerevencomposes omeGothicversesto support hisopinion.

57The most striking case is the opening of the Hdkonarmdl.v. Jonsson, op. cit., IB, 57.

Additionalexamplesare cited by Siebs,Neues, pp. 14-15; Krappe,Valkyries, . 57; cf.Gutenbrunner,p. cit., p. 42, pp. 113-114.

58Siebs,Neues,pp. 12-13, acceptedby Gutenbrunner,p.cit., p. 43. Theexplanation f

the firstelement,a commononein Germanic ames, s difficult.Siebs, occit.,connects twiththeGermanic oto*beud-,o offer,and translates"dieKampfbietende."hisexplana-tionassumesa positionof nominaland verbalelementwhollyunusual n Germanic om-

pounds.Gutennbrunner,p. cit.,p. 43,considershe wordcognatewithIrishbuaid, ictory.

This involves the assumption hat the d of the Celticand GermanicwordscomesfromIndo-Europeanhandmeans,therefore,hat the connection f IrishbuaidwithLowGer-manbute,booty,and its cognates,which mpliesan Indo-European, must be abandoned.

It is hardto seewhybuaid houldbe tornfromconnectionswhich t fits in both form and

meaningn order o explaina wordof whosemeaningnothing s known.69Siebs,who is the principaldefenderof the theorythat the alaisiagaewerevalkyries,

connectsalaisiagaewith Old Icelandiceisa, to rage, storm,and translates"those who

storm uriouslyon,"(Thingsus, . 442).He admits n thelaterarticle,Neues,pp. 7-8, that

he is doubtfulaboutthe interpretation f the namesBedaand Fimmilena,whichhe had

previously Thingsus,pp. 447-449) triedto connectwithwordssuggesting heviolenceof

the wind.Friagabihe translates"the freedom-giver"nd recallsthe thirdgroupof idisi

in the MerseburgCharm, hosewhobroke he chains(Neues,p. 14).He connects he word

ThingsuswithGothicPeihs, ime,and considerst to havebeenoriginally title of *Tiwaz

asgodof thesky (Thingsus, . 450; Neues,p. 7). Withhimthevalkyries,originally torm-

goddesses,wereconnected.It is generallyagreed hat the Mars of the inscriptions Germanic Tiwaz,but there s

disagreement as to the meaning of Thingsus. W. van Helten, PBB, xxvii (1902), 137-153,

sees in the worda romangraph ora Germanic ounwhichhe believesmeans "warrior."

9







10 The Valkyriesand Irish War-Goddesses

alaisiagae were valkyries fits neatly into the case for a common Celto-

Germanic development of such figures; for, according to the Irish his-

Most investigators are agreed, however, that Thingsus has some connection with the

Germanic thing, the popular assembly. Kauffmann, PBB, xvI (1892), pp. 208-209, sug-

gests that Germanic *ping- may have been the translation for Latin cuneus, since the

tribes composing the Roman cavalry unit were, in their civil capacity, gathered in the

thing. Mars Thingsus, then, was the guardian genius of the cuneus Frisiorum mentioned

in the second inscription. Th. von Grienberger, Zeitschrift ur die osterreichischenGymna-

sien, XLVII1896), 1007, holds that Thingsus is not a Germanic word at all but a Latin for-

mation from Germanic *things. De Vries, op. cit., I, 172-173, is inclined to accept the sug-

gestion of W. Scherer, Berliner Sitzungsberichte (1884), p. 574, that the word reflects a

Germanic title formed from *thingsand indicates that the Mars-*Tiwaz of the inscriptionwas god of the thing. De Vries, op. cit., I, 174-175, adds that, in the Germanic mind, war

and the thing were intimately connected and that the same god might well be connected

with both. Heinzel, op. cit., p .52; Much, Himmelsgott,p. 195 et passim; and T. E. Karsten,Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, XLV (1915), no. 2, p. 15, connect Thingsus with

Gothic eihjo, thunder, and consider it to have been originally a title of *Tiwaz as god of the

sky and the thunder. None of these investigators considers such an origin of the term in-

compatible with the theory that Mars Thingsus was at the time of the inscription god of

the thing,although Much and Karsten differ in their explanations of the development from

sky-god to thing-god. Gutenbrunner, op. cit., p. 30, while insisting that the Mars Thingsusof the inscription was god of the thing, is willing to accept Much's explanation of the origin.

Explanations of the term alaisiagae have been, in part, determined by the theories held

regarding Thingsus. Heinzel, op. cit., pp. 50-52 considers the word a kenning, alaisi-agae,"Schrecken der Erle," which fits weather goddesses attendant on the sky-god. Weinhold,

ZfdPh, xxi (1896), 7, amends to alaisagiae, "die grosse Gesetzsprecherinnen." Grienberger,

op. cit., p. 1007, sees in alaisiagae a place-name with the Celto-Latin suffix -iacus. Henning.

ZfdA, XLII (1898), 193-194, recalls Old English ae- and Gothic leiseigs and translates "ad

edocendum idoneae." All these explanations are open to serious objections, and the most

widely held theory is the one adumbrated by Scherer, op. cit., pp. 579-580, developed by

Kauffmann, op. cit., pp. 201-204, and perfected by Sievers, PBB, xvi (1892), 259. This

theory connects alaisiagae with the Germanic root *aiz- found in Old English arian, to

honor, and translates "the all-honored ones." It has been accepted by de Vries, op. cit.,I, 202, and Gutenbrunner, op. cit., p. 47, who adds that the ending may be connected with

Old Icelandic -gen in such words as systken,brother and sister.

The names Bedeand Fimmilenehave offeredthe greatest difficulties. Earlierinvestigators

were inclined to see a connection between the names of the goddesses and the expressions

bodthingandfimelthingfound in the late medieval Frisian laws. Heinzel, op. cit., p. 52, who

interprets the names with reference to the supposed original character of the alaisiagae as

weather-goddesses, implies that the legal terms are derived from the names of the god-desses. Weinhold, op. cit., p. 14, suggests that the goddesses were originallypersonificationsof legal processes whose names have been preserved in bodthing and fimelthing. Such

theories are attacked on legal and historical grounds by Kauffmann, op. cit., p.203, and by

Heck in an addition to Siebs's earlier article. The publication of the third inscription with

its clear evidence on warlike alaisiagae might be expected to have given the coup de graceto all theories connecting the alaisiagae with the Frisian things,and de Vries, op. cit., i, 202,

does abandon the connection. Gutenbrunner, however, has revived the old theory in a more

subtle form. The goddesses, he holds (op. cit., p. 32) were not personifications of the things,nor were the things named after the goddesses, but the names of both goddesses and things

were derived from a pair of old legal expressions which together covered the entire juridical







Charles Donahue

toricalpoet Flann Mainistrech, the Irish god of war, Neit, had two wives

and they were the war-goddesses, Bodb and Nemaind.60

The more recent explanations of the valkyries fall into two classes.

One group, observing that the Scandinavian valkyries were noble beingsand that, among the continental Germanic peoples, there were inscrip-tions to goddesses whose names connect them with war, assume that

these two sets of facts belong together and that the valkyries were alwayscelestial beings. Thus, Siebs holds that the valkyries were originallywind-

goddesses.6'Krappe, laying great stress on the pair of alaisiagae believes

the valkyries to be of Dioscuric origin, Germanic equivalents of the twin

"children of thesky."62

All such theories havedifficulty finding

aplacefor the unpleasant side of the valkyries clearly reflected in the English

glosses and in such a word for the Mahreas Walriderske.Another groupof theories such as those of Golther, Neckel, and de Vries63 tresses the

unpleasant nature of the early continental valkyries and considers the

Scandinavian valkyries to be a late development under special condi-

tions. Such theories are forced to leave the material offered by the in-

scriptions out of the question. If the early valkyries were mere vague

battle-demons, it is not safe to assume, in the absence of other evidence,

that they were at the same time battle-goddesses who might be the ob-jects of a cult. In the close similarity of the early valkyries to the Irish

war-goddesses, however, lies the best evidence for the assumption that

war-goddessesand valkyries are products of a common Celto-Germanic

process,*bed-,he invitation, hecalling o the thing,and*fimil-,heconclusion,hejudg-ment(op.cit.,p. 44). Even thoughGutenbrunner'sxplanations granted o be the most

likelyhithertooffered,however, here is still reason to assume that the alaisiagaewere

originally alkyrieswho,as companions f *Tiwaz,godboth of warand of the thing,had

acquired specializedunctionandlegalnames.EvenGutenbrunner,p.cit.,p. 45,admits

that the alaisiagae f the third nscriptionwereassociatedwith *Tiwazas godof war.If itis assumed hat this wasthe original haracter f the alaisiagae,hen there s a source orthem n materialalreadyexisting n the Germanicmagination.f oneinsists on thejuridi-calcharacter sprimary, owever, ndat thesame imedenies,as Gutenbrunneroes,thatthe goddesseswerepersonificationsf the bodthingndfimelthing,hereis no such source.The namesmayhave comefrom the legalsphere,butwhatis the thingthat was named?

Siebs's heory, therefore, t least in its insistence hat the alaisiagaewere connectedpri-marilywithwar,stillseemsto be the mostplausible.

60The statementoccurs n a poemon the deathsof the TuathaDe Danann n the Book

of Leinster, acsimile dition(Dublin,1880),p. lib. Flannwasa latepoet who,accordingto O'Curry,OntheManners ndCustomsftheAncient rish(London,1873), I, 149,died

in 1056.The possibilityof Viking nfluencemust, therefore, e considered ere.Sincetwoof the names,NeitandBodb,areunquestionablyld andGaelic,however,t seemsreason-

ably certainthat Flannis herereporting n old Celtictradition.Windisch,Tain, p. 338,note8, calls attention o the passage.

61cf. supranote 59 ad init. Thiswasformerlyhe mostcommon xplanation f the val-

kyries.v. Mogk,Literaturblattir germanischend romanischehilologie, ii (1887),291-

292. u Valkyries, . 70. 63 Cf.supranotes7, 5, and 11.

11







The Valkyriesand Irish War-Goddesses

development. But the Celtic side of the development did make its war-

goddesses the object of a cult in spite of the witch-like and demonic

character which they seem to have had simultaneously.4 Consequently,there is reason to believe that the Germanic reflection of this common

development, the valkyries, may also have been objects of cult. Thus, by

assuming a Celto-Germanic development, the three elements of the

problem, which are so difficult to connect from a purely Germanic pointof view-the early valkyries, the inscriptions, and the Scandinavian

valkyries-may, with some probability, be united.

It is not unlikely that the actual history behind both war-goddessesand

valkyriesis more

complexthan the unilinear

developmentof

Kripes-like spirits into war-goddesses on the one hand and valkyries on the other

that has been suggested here. But in any case the investigation of the

question may be furthered if it is approached as a Celto-Germanic prob-lem. When the material is handled so that there can be no possibility of

mistaking exchanges in the Viking period for similarities inherited from

the period of Celto-Germanic contact on the continent, the Irish war-

goddesses prove to be very similar to the early Germanicvalkyries. Both

classes of beings are primarily sinister battle-demons, but both are oc-

casionally connected with other malevolent activities, and this may indi-cate that both classes spraiig from popular beliefs about witches on the

one hand and Mahrenon the other. Yet members of the Celtic group were

certainly worshipped as goddesses, and it is likely that the members of

the Germanic group were also. Striking similarities in detail such as the

connection of both groups with birds of prey and the parallel between

Mars Thingsus and his companions, the two alaisiagae, and Neit and his

wives, the two war-goddesses, as well as the old but still significantBodb-Baduhennacomparison of Lottner, confirm the conclusion drawn

from the more general similarities and suggest that, in neglecting thepossible Celtic connections of their subject, students of the valkyrieshave been disregardinga set of facts offeredby the Celtic material which

might prove of considerable value. CHARLESDONAHUE

Fordham University

64Since he firstelement n mor-rigus probablyan Indo-European ord(cf.supra,note

46) and,except n thename, s notfound n Irish, t follows hat thenamingof thegoddessmust havetakenplacevery earlyandprobably n thecontinent.ThenameMorrigu rovesthe demonicand witch-like haracter f the continentalancestressesf the Irishwar-god-desses.TheCathuboduanscription roves heirdivinecharacter.But thecloseassociationof MorriguandBodb,from which t is here inferred hat the continentalCelts knewof a

classofbeingswhowereat oncewitches,demons,andgoddesses,s, of course,demonstrable

onlyfrom helate Irishmaterialwhere he twofigures reclearlyportrayed sbelongingo

the sameclassof beings,calledbodbai fter thegoddessBodb.It is assumedherethat this

closeandconstantassociation f the two figuresn the Irish materialmust have its roots

farback n the Celticpast.

12

charles donahue: the valkyries and irish war-goddesses (by jstor)

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