china and her civilization

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CHINA AND HER CIVILIZATION Author(s): V. K. WELLINGTON KOO Source: Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, Vol. 17 (1919), pp. 154-163Published by: New York State Historical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42890079Accessed: 07-09-2015 06:53 UTC

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CHINA AND HER CIVILIZATION

BY V. K. WELLINGTON KOO, CHINESE AMBASSADOR, WASHINGTON, D. C.

In the study of Chinese history every student comes upon a question which has been asked over and over again, and it is one which furnishes the key to a right understanding of the history of China .The question is : What has enabled China to live through all ages with a continuity of life that is unparalleled in history? How is it that China still exists, when Eigypt and Assyria, Greece and Rome, all her ancient contemporaries, once rose in power, reached their zenith and then fell in decadence,? What accounts for the fact that the Chinese national life has remained virile and vigorous, continuously for four thousand years, To these questions different minds may suggest different replies, but in my opinion no answer can be satisfactory without taking into ac- count the following factors.

The first factor with which this paper will deal is China's geographical position. With her back leaning against the high- lands of central Asia, she faces the waters of the eastern seas. In days gone by, her geographical position effectually brought about her isolation. The mountain masses that form the land nucleus of the Asiatic continent with the lofty Himayala ranges on the south and the Kuenlun ranges on the north inclosing the Plateau of Tibet with an elevation of about 15,000 feet above the level of the sea, blocked the way on the west. The immense Mongo- lian desert with its thousands of square miles of drifting sand renders approach from the north difficult and arduous. For centuries, therefore, the only practical route from the west to China passed through Sungaria across the intervening Desert of Gobi and enters the country at its northwestern corner. It was these physical obstacles that separated China from the rest of the world for so long a time, and enabled her to develop a civilization of her own. Even Alexander the Great could not force his way over the snows of Pamir with his Macedonian phalanxes. The


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Roman legions refused to go beyond the Indus and the Hydaspes. Only the indomitable Arabian and Persian traders, actuated by hopes of gain, succeeded in making their peacful way to the trade marts and political centers of China. Occasionally missionaries braved the hardships of the long journey in carrying their faiths to the outskirts of China. It was reserved for Marco Polo to make China a little better known to the West, but his accounts of the cities he had visited and the wonders he had seen were for a long time considered to be a work of the imagination. It is true, too, that China, on her part, was also anxious to know something of the West and expeditions and missions were sent out periodically to open up communications, but the physical difficulties were so great as to render organized efforts in this direction futile. The net result of China's efforts to get in touch with the West was the introduction of Buddhism into the country.

Thus were the obstacles presented by land. The sea also had its perils. Before the age of steam, only daring and restless spirits ventured out into the unknown waters of the sea in search of adventures. Rare indeed were the visits of foreign vessels to China in ancient times, with the exception of those driven to shore by the force of the typhoon.

It will thus be seen that, shut in on all sides by natural barriers, China was forced to secrete herself from the rest of the world, not from choice but from necessity, and obliged to work out her course of development in her own way, without outside assistance as well as without outside interference.

The second factor which explains the power and ability of China as a nation to survive through literally thousands of years, is the stability of her political and social institutions. It is well known that her governmental systems have been handed down from dynasty to dynasty practically unchanged ever since the third century B. C. The structure of Chinese society has under- gone even fewer changes. Probably no country has escaped to the same degree as China has from the horrors of Political disturban- ces and the rude shocks of social cataclysms. The revolutions and civil wars that are recorded in Chinese history can be counted on the fingers. An unsuccessfid experiment with socialism in China in the eleventh century, made by Wang Anshih when he sought to break the control and manipulation of food prices by the rich


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and reduce the cost of living of the poor by enforcing government monoply of surplus crops and food stuffs, and establishing a direct income tax, is the only radical social reform attempted. These occurrences are only exceptions; a continued state of peace, order and contentment is the rule.

If you want to know why the political and social institutions of China have been so stable, the answer is to be found in the Chinese philosophy of life as taught by Confucius and Lao-tze, the two schools of thought which have had the most far-reaching and abiding influence on the Chinese people. Let me take up the philosophy of the Confucian school first. The teachings of this most renowned Chinese philosopher, as embodied in his own works and in those of his disciples, center around the principles of harmony and orderliness. To his mind it is apparent that that form of political state is most desirable which is best ordered. According to his ideal, a political state should be as neatly con- structed as the Egyptian pyramid, with the people as its broad base ana with the emperor over them as its crowning apex. His ideals of harmony and orderliness are applicable not only to state life, but also to individual and family life. Therefore, he defined rules of propriety, prudence and truthfulness as the five cardinal principles of conduct. He emphasized the wisdom of regulating state, family and individual life by the example of nature, which reveals harmony even in the unending changes. His hope was "to bring all human actions whatsoever into practical harmony with supposed natural laws ; that is to say, to make them as regular, as comprehensible, as beneficent, and as work- able, as the perfectly manifest but totally unexplained celestial movements were; as were the rotation of seasons, the balancing of forces, the growth and waning of matter, male and female reproduction, light and darkness; and, in short, to make human actions as harmonious as were all the forces of nature, which never fail or go wrong except under presumed provocation, human or other."1 Influenced by his thought, the people of China, particularly the educated classes, have become accustomed to regard harmony and order as the proper state of life in which to live, in their political as well as individual and family relations.

1 Ancient China Simplified, p. 104.



As an outcome of the teachings of Confucius, there have developed several characteristics in Chinese civilization which have, in turn, contributed not a little to the preservation of the solidarity of the Chinese nation. One of these characteristics is the nation-wide worship of letters in China. The ideal man, in the estimation of Chinese, is invariably one of superior learning as well as of superior morals. Confucious himself was a profound scholar as well as a great moral teacher, and he spent the prime years of his life in writing books and acquiring knowledge. Indeed, by his work as a teacher, he aroused a general interest in learning and opened up a new vista in the field of knowledge to the scholars of his day. Since his time, the respect for learning has been so widespread and so deeply implanted in the minds of the people that even the desperate effort of the first august emperor of China to put an end to it by ordering the destruction of all copies of the histories and books of Odes and Bites in 213 B. C., failed even to check its growth. In a moment of ecstasy this new emperor boldly said: "The world begins afresh with me. No posthumous condemnatory titles for me! My successor will be 'August Emperor Number Two' and so on forever." But his joy did not last long, for his act of vandalism aroused such an in- dignation among the people of all classes, particularly the scholars, that in less than ten years he lost his empire; and his name has been uniformly condemned in history through all the years that have elapsed since his time. From that time down to the present literary proficiency has been, until recently, the principal qualification for entering the public service and suc- cess in passing the literary examinations, the recognized stepping- stone to a successful political career In fact the children of today are still taught that of all walks of life, that of the scholar is the highest and noblest.

Filial piety is another characteristic in our civilization. "Honor thy parents" is one of the ten commandments of the Christian faith. With us, it is the cornerstone of Chinese civilization and the foundation for all other virtues. The "Book of Filial Piety" is taught to the Chinese children, and in this well- known classical work, this doctrine of filial piety is carefully ex- pounded and illustrated by examples and precedents. Confucius sums up this doctrine with the remark that filial piety is the


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constant requirement of Heaven, the righteousness of earth and the practical duty of man.

What is filial piety? One of Confucius's disciples (Tseng Tsze) gave the following statement: "The body is that which has been transmitted to us by our parents ; dare anyone allow himself to be irreverent in the employment of his legacy? If a man in his own house and privacy be not grave, he is not filial ; if in dis- charging the duties of office he is not reverent, he is not filial; if with friends he be not sincere, he is not filial; if on the field of battle he be not brave, he is not filial/ ' Thus filial piety is not only requires reverence and devotion to parents but also extends to all human relations.

The same famous disciple of Confucius further said: "There are three degrees of filial piety. The highest is being a credit to our parents ; the next is not disgracing them ; and the lowest is merely being able to support them."

Reverence for parents when living and pious observances after their death are the essentials in the every-day practice of this doctrine. In this practice the past is constantly remembered and made a part of the present; and the great men of antiquity and illustrious ancestors are always regarded as examples to be followed. Thus, the soldidarity of the family is preserved which in turn preserves the soldidarity of the nation.

Still another characteristic of Chinese civilization is the respect for public opinion. The whole system of government from time immemorial has been built on the broad base of the will of the people. "The welfare of the people," says a noted scholar on Chinese civilization, "is throughout laid down as the main aim and purpose of government, and upon the manner in which a ruler can hold the public confidence and find a place in the hearts of the people depends the permanence and usefulness of his rule." Even Confucius, a confirmed imperialist, emphasized the importance of placing the public weal of the state above the in- terests of the imperial household. It is stated in his writings: "He who gains the hearts of the people secures the throne; and he who loses their hearts loses also the throne." Mencius, a noted disciple of the Confucian school, gave us this characteristic expression: "Heaven sees according as my people see; Heaven hears



according as my people hear." This principle is laid down not only for the throne to observe, but also for the provincial and local authorities to follow. In villages in China, from time immemorial, there has been a large measure of self-government. No magistrate can long remain in his office without taking into due consideration the feelings and sentiments of the people in his district. It is not an uncommon sight to see a magistrate, who deliberately disregards public opinion, dragged from his official seat, and his official boots pulled off ; and the popular magistrates presented with many pairs of boots. As the late Charles Denby, for many years the United States Minister to China, observed, "If a magistrate complains to the Throne of the conduct of the people, he is simply told that if he can not get along with the people, he had better retire." And he does retire. We see then how Confucian philosophy and its corollaries have helped to stabilize Chinese political and social institutions.

But, as was mentioned a moment ago, there is another school of philosophy which has profoundly influenced Chinese life. Con- fucianism is really the philosophy of the cultured class. For the common masses, there is the philosophy of Lao Tsze. The domi- nant note of this philosophy, which has lent as much to the stability of the Chinese national life, is the doctrine of nonassertion. He did not encourage striving among the people, but would rather keep them in quiet satisfaction. ' ' Lao Tsze himself sought in Rea- son the essence of life, and the guidance in human affairs. He discouraged, above all, the assertiveness by which any individual would attempt to magnify his importance and to interfere with the normal, quiet and rational development of things/ n It is due to his teaching that the more humble people of China reveal such a pronounced note of resignation and contentment. This distinguished philosopher himself thus stated: "Not exalting worth keeps people from rivalry. Not prizing what is difficult to obtain keeps people from committing theft. Not contemplating what kindles desire keeps the heart unconfused. The holy man, when he governs, suppresses the people's passions, but fills their souls. Always he keeps the people unsophisticated and without desire. "When he acts with nonassertion, there is nothing ungoverned. M2

Untellectual and Political Currents in the Far East, p. 122. 2Ibid., p. 123.


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The exaltation of reason naturally leads to the growth of pacific sentiments among the Chinese people. As Lao-Tze put it: "He who with reason assists the master of mankind will not with arms conquer the empire. Where armies are quartered, briers and thorns grow. Even beautiful arms are unblessed among tools, and people had better shun them. Therefore, he who has reason does not rely upon them." "The compassionate will, in time of attack, be victorious, and in defense, firm.,) "Thus, if matched armies encounter one another, the tenderer one is sure to conquer." "In every respect, Lao-Tze puts forward the ideal of quiet strength, rather than of blustering activity and self-assertion." This philosophy gives expression to those elements in Chinese popular character which have made it possible for that huge empire to exist in rarely broken peace for thousands of years; which have also caused the gradual assimilation of the conquer- ors who from time to time attempted to influence the destiny of China."

The doctrine of ultimate victory of the weak over the strong accounts for the contempt with which the Chinese usually look upon one who rejoices in the possession of brute force and explains the past failure of the Chinese nation to pay adequate at- tention to the question of military armaments. In the days of warring states, a martial spirit seized the people, that is to say, that in the sixth century B. C., the people were imbued with a martial spirit. The five leading principalities waged war one against the other in support of their claims as the protector of the imperial crown. History records that in 546 B. C. an international conference with a view to the reduction of armaments, very much like the first Hague Conference in 1899, was called by the princi- pality of Chen (now modern Hunan). The conference was a failure, and the different principalities continued in their military preparations. Seven years later, Shuh Hiang, envoy of Tsin, in his conversation with a representative of Tsi, bemoaned the fact that the "ruling house of Tsin has fallen in degenerate times. Armies are no longer equipped, and our statesmen are not ready for war. There is no one to lead the chariots, and our battalions have no competent commanders."

But with the teachings of Lao-Tze, the sentiments of militar- ism gradually waned and disappeared and those of peace and


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quiet satisfaction seized the minds of the people. Even Confucius, who was responsible for the dictum, "To lead an uninstructed people to war, is to throw them away," laid much emphasis upon the impropriety of maintaining military forces in order to over- awe the people. Mencius, too, a very practical man, condemned much reliance upon the strength of fortifications and armaments to overcome the enemy. He explained: "With walls of great height, with moats of great depth, with arms of offence and defence, trenchant and mighty with great stores of rice and other food, the city is surrendered and abandoned. This is because material advantages do not compensate for the absence of the spiritual union of men."

As a result of these teachings, the people of China, until very recently, used to look upon the soldiers as belonging to the bottom rung of the social ladder. A characteristic proverb says: "Just as good iron is not used to make nails, so good men should not be used to make soldiers." Today, it is still the boast of the Chinese scholar that 'the pen is mightier than the sword." The peaceful and rationalistic temperament cultivated through centuries of well-directed teaching and education explains the fact that during the last 2000 years, far fewer wars were waged in China than elsewhere to the disturbance of established institutions. It is still true today that when two rickshaw pullers have a dispute, instead of fighting it out, either with their fists or in the court room, they would prefer to talk it out in a tea house. Countless disputes are generally settled with a hearty sip of tea.

With the commencement of extensive intercourse with the outeide world, however, there has arisen a feeling that adequate as its own civilization was for all purposes in the years past, it is not sufficient to enable China to deal successfully with the foreign nations. After centuries of isolation we have to admit that we have a great deal to learn from the West. In religion, in government, in literature, in industrial arts, we have something to offer. But we are particularly backward in the sciences and their application to the uses of mankind. It is true that we can point to the invention of the mariner's compass, gunpowder, and printing as our contribution to the advancement of science. But we have to go abroad to find out the wonders of electricity, of the telegraph and the telephone, which within the memory of men


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living have united the countries of the world together, into a family of nations. We have to go abroad to see the achievement wrought by modern medicine and surgery. The application of these and other sciences to industries has enabled the countries of the West to develop their resources, create new industries, and increase the comforts of life. To meet the educational rquirements of the time we have remodeled our school system throughout the country. In former days we devoted ourselves entirely to the study of history and literature in the schools. Now we use in Chinese schools textbooks translated from other languages. English, French and German have been introduced into Chinese schools. Mathematics and the sciences take their rightful places in the school curriculum. Promising youths are being sent abroad for the purpose of carrying on advanced courses of study which they cannot do at home. We try to appropriate the best of every- thing of which we stand in need.

There is another lesson which we find we have to learn from the West. It is in the matter of national defence. Since the days of Confucius, China has fashioned her swords into ploughshares and spears into pruning hooks. She has turned steadfastly from the arts of war to the arts of peace. But times have changed. She now realizes that she needs an army and a navy adequate for her own defence and not for aggression.

Not only in the field of education and national defence but also in the philosophy of the people there has come a momentous change. While striving to go back to the older and purer teach* ings of Confucius and Lao-Tze, they feel at the same time that in this wWld of fearful struggle for existence they need a more active philosophy to guide them both as a nation and as individuals. In their quest for a new principle of life, they have fallen upon the practical teachings of Wang Yang-ming, one of the most notable statesman of the Ming dynasty. As a general he commanded the imperial forces in putting down rebellion and as a statesman he governed the people wisely. His teachings, therefore, are not mere theories derived from pure reasoning but are principles based upon his own varied experiences. Summarized in the words of a noted scholar, "His philosophy contains two cardinal principles -

one, the theory that knowledge and practice must not be divorced, and the other that every man with his individual mind should



strive to investigate the principles of things in themselves. His practical philosophy is, therefore, a combination of what later became known in the West as positivism and pragmatism. In these practical implications of the philosopher's doctrine lies the secret of his great importance to the present age, when a philosophy of action is called for, and when the Far East is becoming wearied of the crushing weight of authority. Wang Yang-ming stands for individuality in reasoning, for the application of an individual criterion to the phonomena of life. Each mind is to work out its problems on the basis of its own nature ; trueness to life and to one's self is what he insists upon. But the knowledge thus acquired must be subjected to the test of action ; only thus can it be proved to have more than a subjective validity. The life of contemplation must be supplemented by the life of action. It is this call to action that is so stirring to the contempor- ary Oriental World." The works of this author are today being learned not only by the learned, but, to use the words of a distinguished scholar on the subject, "they are being multiplied in thousands on thousands of copies and spread broadcast over the land, so that every scholar is becoming familiar with the old Ming general and philosopher."

The rediscovery of this Ming philosopher is, in a large measure, responsible for the increasing symptons of strength and activity in the Chinese national life, for a study of his works en- courages one to act and inspires one with confidence in one's action. The great mass of humanity, for a time fallen deep in stupor, have been awakened, so to speak, with the touch of the magic wand of Wang Yang-ming's philosophy.

The great problem of China today is how to keep this sud- den outburst of energy within sound limits without in any way impeding the progress which the nation needs to make and is now rapidly making. The Chinese people want to take something that is best in western civilization and still be able to keep what is best in their own. It is the problem of blending the two civiliza- tions in such a* way that they may live, each as an integral, living part of the other. If this problem is solved, we shall then have a civilization which will enable us to unite the East with the West and possibly amalgamate the whole world into one great happy family.


Article Contentsp. [154]p. 155p. 156p. 157p. 158p. 159p. 160[unnumbered]p. 161p. 162p. 163

Issue Table of ContentsProceedings of the New York State Historical Association, Vol. 17 (1919) pp. I-X, 1-480Front Matter[Illustration]WILLIAM OLIN STILLMAN, A. M., M. D. [pp. I-X]PROCEEDINGS OF THE Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the New York State Historical Association, held at New York City October 2, 3, and 4, 1917 [pp. 1-32]WELCOME TO THE ASSOCIATION ON BEHALF OF CITY [pp. 33-34]PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS: CERTAIN FACTORS IN HISTORY MAKING [pp. 35-43]THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA AND THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION [pp. 44-55]THE PRESERVATION OF HISTORIC LANDMARKS [pp. 56-64]THE FIRST NEW YORK STATE CONSTITUTION [pp. 65-73]THE EARLIEST YEARS OF THE DUTCH SETTLEMENT OF NEW NETHERLAND [pp. 74-86]THE BEGINNINGS OF DAILY JOURNALISM IN NEW YORK CITY [pp. 87-99]FEDERATING AND AFFILIATING LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES [pp. 100-107]KING'S COLLEGE AND THE EARLY DAYS OF COLUMBIA COLLEGE [pp. 108-123]SOME ENGLISH GOVERNORS OF NEW YORK AND THEIR PART IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE COLONY [pp. 124-140]GROWTH OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN NEW YORK CITY [pp. 141-153]CHINA AND HER CIVILIZATION [pp. 154-163]HISTORY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL PARK [pp. 164-172]ADDRESS [pp. 173-182]EARLY HISTORY OF STATEN ISLAND [pp. 183-199]THE LANDED GENTRY AND THEIR POLITICS A HUNDRED YEARS AGO [pp. 200-215]HISTORIC SITES IN AND AROUND NEWBURGH [pp. 216-223]NECROLOGY [pp. 224-277]WRITINGS ON NEW YORK HISTORY 1916 GENERALITIES [pp. 278-299]SOLDIERS OF THE CHAMPLAIN VALLEY [pp. 300-428][Unused Rights, Society of the Cincinnati] [pp. 429-430]INSIGNIA OF THE ASSOCIATION [pp. 431-431]ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION, CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS [pp. 432-438]MEMBERS OF NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION [pp. 439-480]

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