Civil Society and GovernanceCase Study of Land Distribution Programme to Kol

Tribals in ChitrakotDistrict Uttar Pradesh

B.K.JoshiShachindra Sharma, SSK

Vasudev, ABSSS

257 Indira Nagar, Dehra Dun – 248006

Acknowledgement

This case study is part of larger international comparative study of Civil Study and Governance being coordinated by the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, UK. The Indian case studies are being coordinated by the Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA), New Delhi. We are grateful to PRIA in general, and to Dr. Rajesh Tandon its Executive Director in particular, for reposing faith in us for the conduct of this study. At PRIA we received invaluable support and help from Ms. Atreyee Cordeiro and Ms. Ranjita Mohanty. To them, and to numerous other friends at PRIA, we express our sincere gratitude for smoothening our path.

Mr Ashok Singh, Executive Director, Sahbhagi Shikshan Kendra, Lucknow and his colleagues have been a source of considerable assistance to us. We are grateful to them as well.

This case-study would not have seen the light of day without the unstinted cooperation of Mr Gaya Prasad ‘Gopal’ (Gopal Bhai), the Director of Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan, and his team of dedicated enthusiasts at ABSSS. To all of them we convey our special word of thanks.

The onerous task of word processing and computer entry was ably and uncomplainingly handled by Mr Puran Singh Rawat at Dehra Dun. To him also we express our heartfelt thanks.

Finally we would be failing in our duty if we did not acknowledge the unstinted cooperation of all the unnamed men and women of Chitrakoot, the real authors of this saga, who put up with our questioning and willingly shared not only their information with us, but much more – their love and friendship. We will ever remain beholden to them

257, Indira Nagar B.K.JoshiDehra Dun 248006 Shachindra Sharma

Vasudev15 December 1999

2

Civil Society and GovernanceCase Study of Land Distribution Programme to Kol Tribals in

Chitrakoot District, Uttar Pradesh

CONTENTS

I Introduction - 1

II Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan - 4

III Distribution of Land Pattas - 7

IV Present Case Study - 12

Methodology - 13 Characteristics of Study Area - 14 Allotment of Land Pattas - 24 Other Activities of ABSSS - 33 State and National Linkages - 36

V Conclusion - 38

References - 43

Banda District: Statistical Profile

3

List of Tables

Table No. Title Page

1. Distribution of Sample Villages According to Average Distance from Various facilities 17

2. Land-Use Pattern in Sample Villages 19

3. Main Occupation of Sample HouseholdsAnd Individuals 22

4. Progress of Land Distribution Cases in Chitrakoot District 27

4

I Introduction

This case study deals with the programme of distribution of land Pattas (titles) to Kol

tribals in Chitrakoot district of southern Uttar Pradesh. A local civil society

organisation, the Akhil Bhartiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan (ABSSS), has played a leading

role in the implementation of the government programme of providing land titles to

the poor and socially disadvantaged sections of society, mainly scheduled castes and

tribes in the district. Hence the case study has focussed on the role of this organisation

and its contribution to governance in the context of the specific programme.

The Kols are a tribal group inhabiting large tracts of Central India i.e. Madhya

Pradesh and the adjoining areas of southern Uttar Pradesh viz., the districts of

Allahabad, Chitrakoot (which till 1997 formed part of Banda district), Varanasi,

Mirzapur and Sonebhadra. They are a proud people with a long, though unrecorded

history of living in harmony and communion with nature and the environment. They

trace their lineage to the legendary Shabari of the Ramayana who is remembered

reverentially by generations of Hindus for her extreme devotion to Lord Rama during

the period of his exile. She is best remembered for having fed him berries after first

tasting them to make sure they were sweet. Interestingly, while the Kols are included

in the list of Scheduled Tribes in Madhya Pradesh, they have not been given the same

status in Uttar Pradesh where they are classified as Scheduled Castes. They have been

demanding Scheduled Tribe status in Uttar Pradesh as well, but without much success

so far. The ABSSS has played an important role in articulating this demand on behalf

of the Kols.

The Kols, in the modern period, have had a very hard life and have been treated very

harshly by the dominant sections of the society, especially in the southern districts of

Uttar Pradesh. They have been subjected to high levels of exploitation, immiserisation

and marginalisation at the hands of the feudal landed interests who have combined

economic exploitation with social discrimination. The dominant feudal sections,

5

needless to say, belong to the upper castes i.e., Brahmins and Thakurs. The

victimisation and exploitation of the Kols at their hands has rested on the ability of the

latter to dispossess them of their lands, largely through subterfuge and collusion with

the local level state administration whose members belong to the same social,

economic and caste groups as the feudal interests, and when that fails, through the use

of brute force. The Kols have been handicapped by their inability to establish legal

title to the land they have cultivated for generations because the concept of private

ownership and legal title has been alien to tribal society. The end result of this process

has been that the Kols have had only two options or survival strategies in the face of

relentless exploitation by the feudal interests - either retreating into the forest to eke

out a living, taking advantage of their intimate knowledge of the forests and their

wealth, or becoming bonded labourers of the same feudal land-owners.

The first option is becoming increasingly unavailable due to the extension of state

control over forests and the recent tendency to close forest areas for any kind of

human activity in the name of environmental protection. The process, in fact, started

in the middle of the 19th century when the colonial government extended its control

over the forests. As the forest department of the government extends control to more

forest areas it tends to look upon the forest dwellers, the Kols in this case, with

increasing suspicion and therefore seeks to evict them after declaring them to be

encroachers and squatters. In the eyes of the forest officials the Kols are the main

destroyers of the forests as they are engaged in cutting fuelwood and head-loading it

to nearby urban centres for sale, forgetting, of course, that these very people have for

generations not only lived in harmony with the forests, but have also been responsible

for their preservation. If today they are forced to carry headloads of fuelwood for sale

in urban areas, it is largely due to compulsions of sheer survival. In the post-

independence era, the Kols have been facing problems of displacement from the

forests due to (i) construction of major projects like dams and hydro-electric and large

thermal power stations in areas inhabited by them, such as Sonebhadra district; and

(ii) establishment of sanctuaries and wildlife parks in forest areas, such as the Ranipur

6

wild life sanctuary in Chitrakoot district which was created in 1978 over 23,000

hectares. Thus they have become victims of the forces of modernisation, development

and progress, and more recently, environmental preservation and consrvation which,

ironically, seek to bring about an improvement in the lives of ordinary people like

them.

The Kols of Chitrakoot district thus live a life of abject poverty, exploitation and

almost complete subjugation to the feudal landowners, locally known as Dadus. The

Dadus not only exploit the Kols economically by keeping them under labour bondage,

but also treat them in the most inhuman manner imaginable. Their women are seen as

objects of sexual gratification and subjected to all manner of humiliation, including

rape. As if these tactics were not bad enough, they routinely take recourse to brute

force, either directly or through gangs of muscle-men supported by them, to ensure the

subjugation and exploitation of the Kols.

The nature of the terrain too plays a contributory role in keeping the Kols under

conditions of grinding poverty. Chitrakoot district falls in a region known as Patha

which is characterised by rocky terrain, poor gravelly soils, semi-arid conditions and a

chronic shortage of water for irrigation and drinking. The Patha region includes parts

of Allahabad and Banda districts in addition to Chitrakoot district. The harsh terrain of

Patha only exacerbates the chronic poverty of the Kols, because the highly unequal

and exploitative feudal social structure ensures that they are relegated to the poorest

quality land and are denied access to even safe sources of drinking water. Making do

with whatever is available, they are prone to diseases and malnutrition. In the absence

of any kind of medical care, especially in the remote rural areas, their living

conditions can only be described as miserable. Added to all this misery is the absence

of schools for their children. The inevitable result is very low levels of literacy. The

Kols thus seem to be condemned to live a life of deprivation with little hope of

upward mobility in the foreseeable future. The only ray of hope in their lives has, in

recent years, been provided by the Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan.

7

II Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan.

This picture of object poverty, structured and maintained by the prevailing feudal

order, working in league with the political and administrative system at the local level

(which in turn flourishes due to the apathy and neglect, if not tacit approval, of the

higher levels of political power and administrative anthority) created a deep impact on

the mind of Shri Gaya Prasad ‘Gopal’, a young school teacher of Atarra in Banda

district who had also worked as a journalist for a few years. He had travelled

extensively in the Patha area of Banda (now Chitrakoot) district where the Kols lived

and was well aware of their situation, living conditions and problems. He was moved

by a strong desire to do something concrete to improve their life. Out of this desire

was born the Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan (ABSSS) on 23 March 1978. The

year 1978, it may be recalled, was the immediate aftermath of the end of the

emergency when democracy had been re-established in the country and voluntary

activity found a fertile soil. The emergency, in spite of all its well-known

shortcomings, had at least helped in focussing attention on the plight of bonded labour

in the country. It was but natural that the ABSSS would also take up the liberation of

bonded labour, a practice only too common among the Kols of Patha, as one of its

major programmes.

Before starting its work the ABSSS conducted a survey of 5000 Kol households in 5

Nyaya Panchayats – Umari, Rampur-Kalyangarh, Unchadih, Kihuniya and Saraiya –

of Manikpur Block of Banda district. This was done to get accurate and reliable

information and data on the living conditions of the Kols and the problems faced by

them so that a relevant programme could be designed for them. The information about

the region which the ABSSS had at its disposal was largely based on personal

observation and anecdotal evidence. There was clearly a need for more reliable

evidence. The survey identified the following major problems afflicting the area :

8

Prevalence of bonded labour

1. Severe shortage of drinking water

1. Subjection of Kol women to sexual exploitation including rape

1. Lack of education and general awareness

1. Indiscriminate felling of trees and prevalence of contractor system in forestry

operations

1. Illegal occupation of land belonging to the Kols reducing them to landlessness

1. Large numbers of Kols being falsely shown as having borrowed money

1. Ill health and malnutrition

1. Widespread misappropriation of funds in implementation of government

programmes.

Based on this unformation, ABSSS adopted a multi-pronged approach to

simultaneously address three sets of issues which it felt were crucial for improving the

lot of the Kols. These were : (i) creating awareness among the Kols about their own

situation and the need for organised effort to break the shackles of feudal exploitation;

(ii) creating awareness among the wider society, including the government machinery

at the district and state levels, about the grinding poverty, misery and exploitation of

the Kols; and (iii) taking up specific development programmes on its own, and

influencing the government system on behalf of the Kols, to ensure that the benefits of

development and welfare programmes actually reach the people for whom they are

intended. The actual methods adopted by it included the following:

1. Extensive travel in Kol dominated areas;

1. Personal contact with the people;

1. Organising meetings, seminars and discussions with the people;

1. Contacting government agencies like Terai Anusuchit Jati Evam Janjati Vikas

Nigam (Terai Scheduled Castes and Tribes Development Corporation) and

individual officers both at the district and state headquarter levels;

9

1. Establishing links with journalists at the state and national levels and asking them

to tour the Kol areas and report on the condition of the people living there;

1. Creating organisations of the Kols by the name of Patha Kol Adhikar Manch

(Patha Kol Rights Forum) and Uttar Pradesh Adivasi Vikas Manch (Uttar Pradesh

Tribal Development Forum) to organise and mobilise the Kols on the issue of their

rights and to struggle for their realisation.

During the past two decades of its existence and work among the Kols, the ABSSS

has important achievements to its credit in all the three areas of activity which it has

undertaken. Thanks to its success in inviting journalists from the national press to tour

the area and write about it, there is a fairly comprehensive documentation available

on the conditions of the Kols and on the programmes undertaken by ABSSS to bring

about an improvement in their living conditions. Without going into the details of

these programmes and activities we can only say that if today the Kols are able to lift

their heads and see a faint light at the end of the dark tunnel, it is largely due to the

efforts of the ABSSS.

The present case-study takes a close look at one important and pioneering initiative of

the ABSSS viz., assisting the Kols to gain possession of the land allotted to them by

the state government of Uttar Pradesh under its programme of giving land Pattas to

landless persons belonging to Scheduled Castes and Tribes.

III Distribution of Land Pattas

The Patha region is characterised by a severe inequality in the ownership of land. The

Kols own very little land while the Dadus (upper caste feudal landed groups) control

most of it. Much of the land which the Dadus control is illegally taken from the

former. The better quality irrigated land is in the hands of the upper castes while the

Kols are relegated to the barren, unirrigated and rocky tracts. More than half the Kol

households were found to be without any land when the ABSSS started its work. In

10

the sixties and the seventies (especially after 1975 i.e., during the period of the

emergency) a major programme of allotment of land rights (Pattas) in Gaon Sabha

(village community) lands to the Kols had been undertaken by the government. Much

of this land was supposed to be ceiling-surplus land vested in the Gaon Sabha. The

distribution of Pattas was done according to Sections 195 and 198 of the Zamindari

Abolition and Land Reforms Act, 1950. The initiative for the programme of land

allotment, as of the imposition of ceilings on landholdings in two rounds in the sixties

and seventies, came largely from political compulsions – the desire to keep the

landless rural poor satisfied and not succumb to radical ideas, including armed

struggle, which were being espoused by the extreme leftist groups in many parts of the

country. In the mid-seventies there was an added urgency to this political compulsion

viz., the desire to give a pro-poor ideological flavour to the emergency imposed in

1975.

Whatever may have been the political compulsions and ideological orientation behind

the programme of allotting land to landless agricultural labourers belonging to the

scheduled castes and tribes, the fact remains that like the law imposing ceilings on

landholdings it remained largely an exercise on paper. This is especially true of Uttar

Pradesh, and within Uttar Pradesh, of districts like Banda, where the feudal structure

is still all-powerful. The implementation of the ceiling laws and of the programme of

allotment of land Pattas to Kols was almost completely frustrated by the Dadus acting

in league with the local administration. They were able to retain possession of land in

excess of the specified ceiling by transferring it either in the name of their relatives

and even domestic animals or in that of their Kol servants and bonded labourers

without the latter even being aware of it. In many cases the Dadus also took loans

from official agencies in the name of the Kols – the ostensible owners of the land –

and defaulted on its repayment. The Kols, in whose name the land was recorded, were

then held responsible for repayment of the principal and interest theron, and on their

failure to do so they lost their meagre possessions and even their freedom, as they

either ended up in jail or became bonded labourers of the very Dadus who had

11

brought them to this pass as they frequently agreed to repay the loan on their behalf.

Similarly, the land Pattas given to the Kols remained on paper only. They were

seldom given physical possession of the land. In many instances they were not even

aware that land had been allotted in their names. Most of the land allotted to the Kols

was of very poor quality and uncultivable, being rocky, situated on hill slopes and

unirrigated. Furthermore, large tracts of land allotted to the Kols in the sixties came

under dispute as the Forest Department claimed ownership over it. For instance, a

major part of the 23,000 hectares earmarked for the Ranipur wild life sanctuary

belonged to the Kols which they had possessed for generations. They not only lost

possession of this land, but also did not get any compensation for it since they did not

have documentary “proof of ownership”. Many land Pattas given to the Kols became

a subject of dispute through the machinations of the local revenue officials. In some

cases more than one person was allotted the same piece of land leading to inevitable

disputes and even litigation.

The ABSSS decided to intervene on behalf of the Kols to ensure that they got

possession of the land which on paper had been allotted to them. This was one of the

many programmes which it undertook to better the lot of the Kols, based on the

findings of the survey undertaken by it soon after its birth. The ABSSS became active

on many fronts simultaneously in order to tackle the land rights issue. On the one

hand it carried out an intensive consciousness-raising campaign among the people.

The ABSSS activists travelled extensively in the villages and organised meetings with

the panchayats and the people at large in order to create awareness about the land

issue, the details of the land distribution programme, the rights of the people and how

they could organise and fight for their due. At another level a similar programme was

carried out through periodic development seminars for Kols where people from

different areas would gather and exchange ideas. At these seminars people from

outside, such as government officials, political leaders, academics, journalists and

other opinion makers were also invited to spread information about the injustice

being done to the Kols and to create a broad alliance for the protection of their rights.

12

Among the prominent people invited by the ABSSS to these seminars or to tour the

Kol areas of Banda, the names of the following may be mentioned: Rajmohan Gandhi,

Swami Agnivesh, Pran Chopra, Prem Bhai, Mahendra Singh Tikait, Rajendra Kumari

Bajpai, Union Minister and a number of members of parliament from different parts

of the country. A third form of activity involved agitations, dharnas (sit-ins) and mass

mobilisation through the involvement of the Patha Kol Adhikar Manch (Patha Kol

Rights Forum) whenever instances of submission of wrong and misleading reports on

the distribution of land Pattas by the administration came to light. This also helped

in focussing attention on the vast inequalities in land-ownership in the region and the

denial of justice to the Kols by the local administration, acting in collusion with the

feudal landowners, in the matter of land rights. A fourth activity involved organising

legal aid camps for the Kols to educate them about their legal rights and to provide

legal assistance to them for contesting the various cases filed in the courts by the

landed interests to delay and frustrate the programme of land allotment.

The Patha Kol Adhikar Manch, to which a reference has been made above, is an

associated organisation of the ABSSS. Some publications of the ABSSS describe it as

a sister organisation. The Manch was formed in November 1987 on the initiative of

Gaya Prasad Gopal who is recognised as its founder. Many workers of the ABSSS

also played an active role in the formation of the Manch. Legally and organisationally

the Manch is not a part of ABSSS but has a separate identity with its distinct

membership and office-bearers. In terms of activities and programmes, however, there

is close interaction and cooperation between the two. The Manch has a membership in

excess of 10000 and has over the years emerged as a major force for awareness-

generation among the Kols and for organising and mobilizing them around various

issues which have a bearing on their lives. It has also served as a nursery for

leadership among the Kols as all its office bearers and functionaries are Kols. About

50 young men – all Kols – are intimately involved in its day-to-day activities. The

ABSSS provides guidance and support while encouraging the Kols to come to the

13

forefront in all programmes of struggle, agitations, dharnas, demonstrations,

presentation of petitions etc.

The ABSSS was decidedly fighting an unequal battle as it had to take on the

combined might and influence of the entrenched feudal landed interests who had for

generations dominated and exploited the Kols and reduced them to bondage, and the

local-level administrative machinery which shared class and caste affinity with the

former and colluded with it at every step. Inevitably therefore, the work saw many ups

and downs and the progress was far from smooth. Positive results were achieved

whenever there was a sympathetic and sensitive district administration. At other times

not only were the results not forthcoming, but the ABSSS workers and functionaries

had to face the wrath of the Dadus and the local administration. Intimidation tactics

employed by the Dadus against the ABSSS workers and the Kols included threats, and

even actual use of violence and implication in false criminal cases. In 1989 even

Gopal Bhai, the Director of ABSSS, was falsely implicated in a case of dacoity. He

was finally acquitted after nine years in 1998 (see box “The clout of the Dadus”).

The efforts of ABSSS in getting possession of the land given on Pattas to the Kols

have been quite successful. Till the end of 1997, 2,500 poor Kol families of Mau and

Manikpur had acquired possession of 10,000 acres of land valued at Rs 2 crores. This

is truly a remarkable achievement in a short span of two decades, especially when we

keep in mind the social environment - feudal oppression relying on a pliant and

conniving local administration and not hesitating to use brute force to retain its

dominance - in which it has been achieved, and without a drop of blood being shed.

The Clout of the Dadus

14

Bhagirath Kol of Chureh Kesharuwa village, Karwi Tehsil, had 46 Bighas of land in

his name. In the year 1369 (Fasli) Gungai Seth alias Hiralal of Manikpur connived

with the local Lekhpal and Qanungo and gained possession of the land. Bhagirath Kol

filed a case to regain possession of his land. The case went up to the Allahabad High

Court. On 21.5.1970 the High Court decided in favour of the widow of Bhagirath Kol

(for Bhagirath had died in the meantime) and ordered that possession of the land be

given to her. In total disregarded of the High Court orders and with the support of the

local administration, Seth Hiralal alias Gungai continued in possession of the land,

while the widow of Bhagirath Kol and her other relatives continued to be oppressed

by Hiralal.When they tried to harvest the crops on their own land they were arrested

and sent to jail on a charge of dacoity. On 22.12.89 the Director of ABSSS, Shri

Gopal Bhai was also made an accused in the same case of dacoity. He was charged

under Section 395/09 of the Indian Penal Code with being armed and abetting and

instigating the forcible harvesting of the Jowar crop. He was ultimately acquitted of

the charge in February 1998.

ABSSS, Rachna Evam Sangharsh Ke Do Dashak (Pp.30-31).

IV Present Case Study

Objectives

The main objectives with which this case-study of the role of Akhil Bharatiya Samaj

Sewa Sansthan in the programme of distribution of land Pattas to landless Kol tribals

has been undertaken are:

15

1. to analyse the role played by a Civil Society Organisation (CSO) in promoting

good governance, especially in influencing the state and its agencies (in this case

the district administration) to act in accordance with its explicitly stated policies

and programmes;

1. to understand the various ways in which the Civil Society Organisation attempted

to influence state action to promote good governance and the methodology

followed by it; and

1. to assess the results achieved by the Civil Society Organisation in its efforts to

promote good governance

Good governance, in the context of this case-study, refers to the proper

implementation of the programme of allotment of land Pattas to the Kol tribals.

Proper implementation implies not merely allotment of land Pattas on paper by the

district administration and submission of compliance report to the higher (state

headquarter) level, but the actual handing over of the title deed as well as the physical

possession of the land to the allottees. This would involve demarcation and

measurement of the land allotted, as well as the removal of any encroachments on it.

Clearly, therefore, fraudulent allotments, which have frequently taken place in the

past, would not qualify as proper implementation of the programme. In the context of

this definition of proper implementation, the contribution of the CSO to good

governance also becomes clear. It would involve the steps taken by it to educate the

affected people about their rights to the land allotted to them, motivate them to

organise and jointly put pressure on the state machinery through various means to

force it to act according to its stated policies and programmes, and working with the

state machinery, where necessary, to identify cases where either possession of land

has been denied to the lawful allottees, or the land allotted to them has been forcibly

occupied by others. Ensuring good governance, in this instance, would undoubtedly

include taking on the might of the entrenched vested interests and preventing them

from frustrating the implementation of the land allotment programme.

16

Methodology

The methodology followed in this study involved the following steps :

1. In the first stage secondary material pertaining to the ABSSS and its activities was

scanned to get a general idea about the various activities in which it is involved.

Special emphasis was placed on its work aimed at empowering the Kols to get

possession of land allotted to them. A preliminary field trip to the area by the

research team was also made with the same purpose.

0

1. Based on the preliminary investigation, the main issues for detailed investigation

were identified. Preliminary investigations revealed that the ABSSS had been

working among the Kols in 233 villages of two Blocks viz., Mau and Manikpur.

There were a total of 5894 Kol families in these villages. It was accordingly

decided to collect information from 20 villages – 12 from Manikpur block and 8

from Mau block. From each village 5 households who had been allotted Pattas

were to be contacted for collecting information. It was decided not to restrict the

investigation to only the Kols but to include other scheduled caste Patta holders as

well. Thus a total of 100 Patta holders from 20 villages of two blocks were to be

the source of our information

0

0For collection of data two instruments were devised in Hindi – one for collecting

village level information, largely pertaining to the general features, locale,

availability of various facilities in the village etc; and the other for collecting

information from the respondent households. The primary unit of data collection

were the households and the method used was of structured interviews based on a

check list of items on which data were to be collected.

0

17

1. The actual collection of data was done in two phases between August and October

with a gap of about two weeks between the two phases as the parliamentary

elections intervened during this period. Elections, in this area, incidentally are

characterised by the high levels of violence caused by incidents of booth capturing

and intimidation of poor voters by the Dadus and their musclemen.

0

1. The data were analysed partly on the basis of the quantified information which has

emerged form the study and partly on the basis of the discussions and interviews

conducted with the people.

Characteristics of Study Area

The Study was carried out in two development blocks of Manikpur and Mau, falling

under Karvi and Mau tehsils, respectively. As mentioned above, the study was

conducted in 12 villages of Manikpur block and 8 of Mau block. The villages covered

were:

Manikpur Block Mau Block

1. Chheriha Khurd 13. Jamira Colony

1. Tikaria 14. Semra

1. Mangawan 15. Goiya Khurd

1. Doda Mafi 16. Lodhaura

1. Barah 17. Kotwa Mafi

1. Kihunia 18. Kataiya Dandi

1. Itwa 19. Bargadh

1. Kusumi 20. Kalchiha

18

1. Markundi

1. Amchur Nerua

1. Chheriha Buzurg

1. Sarhat

These villages are quite remote from the district, tehsil and block headquarters. Their

average distance from the district headquarter, Chitrakoot, is 59 km. The villages of

Manikpur block are situated at an average distance of 25 Km from the block

headquarter, while those of Mau block are at 22 Km. from the block headquarter.

Manikpur, Bargadh and Majhgawan are the nearest town/market which cater to the

needs of these villages. Seven villages are close to Manikpur, 8 to Bargadh and 5 to

Majhgawan. Incidentally Majhgawan is located in the neighbouring state of Madhya

Pradesh and is closer than Manikpur town to several villages of this block. Average

distances of the villages from Manikpur, Bargadh and Majhgawan are 21, 6 and 14

Km. respectively.

The remoteness of the villages can be judged from the fact that while 9 are situated on

the roadside, the remaining 11 are situated at a distance ranging from 2 Kms. to 15.

Kms from the nearest road. The position regarding the availability of other facilities

like transport and communications, health and education is given in Table 1. This

table shows the distribution of villages in terms of average distance from the various

facilities. It will be seen that Primary School is the only facility available in all the

villages. The other facilities available in some villages are Bus Station (4 villages)

Junior High School (2 villages) and High School (1 village). It is worth noting that the

only facilities generally available within 3 Kms. of the villages are Bus Station,

Primary School and Junior High School. All other facilities like Post Office, Primary

Health Centre, Community Health Centre, Animal Husbandry Centre, etc. are located

at a distance exceeding 3 Kms. from the villages. Certain facilities like Telegraph

Office, Public Telephone, High School (except in one village) and Intermediate

College are only available at a distance of 5 Kms. or more from the village. The last

19

column in the table which shows the maximum distance at which a particular facility

is available is particularly revealing. It will be seen that in specific cases this ranges

from 7 Kms. (Bus Station and Animal Husbandry Centre) to 54 Kms. (Telegraph

Office).

Table 1

Distribution of Sample Village According to Average Distance from Various

Facilities

Average Distance in Kms.

Facility 0.0 0.1-2.0 2.1-3.0 3.1-5.0 >5 Total Highest

Value

Bus

Station

4 2 4 - 10 20 7

Post

Office

2 - - 14 4 20 15

Telegraph

Office

- - - - 20 20 54

Public

Telephone

- - - - 20 20 39

PHC - - - 7 11 18* 21

CHC - - - 4 16 20 25

AHC - - 1 5 14 20 7

20

PrimarySchool

20 - - - - 20

Jr. High School

2 3 5 2 8 20 9

High School

1 - - - 19 20 8

Inter College

- - - - 20 20 25

Notes:PHC – Primary Health Centre; Community Health Centre; AHC – Animal Husbandry Centre; *

Information not available for two villages

Examination of the land-use pattern in the villages (Table 2) shows some marked

similarities between the two blocks and some equally major differences. The

similarities relate to the extent of forest area and barren land. Forests constitute just

over 26 percent of the area of the villages in Manikpur block and about 21 percent in

Mau block, while barren land occupies about 31 percent and 28 percent respectively

of the area of the villages in these two blocks. The extent of irrigated area is also

roughly the same – about 40 percent in the two groups of villages. The differences

between the two blocks are apparent mainly in two land-use categories : area not

available for cultivation and cultivated area. The first category constitutes almost 19

percent of the total area in Manikpur and only 8 percent in Mau, while the second

category has a share of only 23 percent of the total land in Manikpur and 43 percent in

Mau. There is, in addition, the obvious difference between the total area of the

villages in the two blocks - the total area of 12 villages of Manikpur being more than

4 times that of the 8 villages of Mau. It is thus quite clear that a large chunk of land,

especially in Manikpur, is either barren and uncultivable or under the control of the

Forest Department leaving only a small part available for cultivation. Irrigation,

moreover, is available in only a small part of the cultivated area. Given the nature of

21

the terrain and the generally poor quality of the soil, the non-irrigated land is bound to

be rather infertile. These conditions provide the backdrop for the intense desire on the

part of the Dadus to acquire control of as much land as possible, especially of good

quality land, and to use all possible means to retain control over the land, including

patently illegal methods to prevent the Kols from acquiring possession of the land

legally allotted to them. With ownership of land also arises the need for labour to

cultivate it. Not willing to employ wage labour at market-determined wages (given the

uncertain returns from agriculture) the Dadus resort to bonded labour and other high-

handed methods to get cheap labour for their lands.

Table 2

Land-Use Pattern in Sample Villages

Land-Use

Category

Manikpur Block (12 villages) Mau Block (8 villages)

Hectares Percent share Hectares Percent share

Total area 21536 100.0 5236 100.0

Forest area 5729 26.6 1084 20.7

Barren land 6773 31.4 1480 28.3

Area not

available for

cultivation

4010 18.6 436 8.3

Cultivated area 5022 23.3 2236 42.7

Irrigated area

as percent of

cultivated area

39.9 40.3

22

Characteristics of Sample Population

Moving from the characteristics of the region and of the sample villages, we now

analyse the characteristics of the sample population. As mentioned earlier we had

planned to select 5 Patta holders from each of the 20 villages selected for the study to

give us a total sample of 100 households. As it turned out we were able to get a total

sample of only 91 households. Of these 60 were from the 12 villages of Manikpur

block, which was the same number planned, and only 31, as against the planned 40,

from the 8 villages of Mau block. The shortfall occurred because the required number

of Patta holders were not available in the villages selected for the study. No great

significance need be attached to the shortfall of 9 households in the sample as

originally planned, because the sample size and design is not intended to draw any

inferences (statistical or otherwise) about a larger population. The purpose of taking a

sample was to get the views of a wide cross-section of opinion among the Patta

holders regarding the implementation of the land distribution programme and the role

played by the ABSSS in it.

Ninety percent of the households (82 out of 91) were Kols and the remaining ten

percent (9 in number) belonged to other scheduled castes. The total population of

these households was 716 consisting of 379 male and 337 female members. The sex

ratio of the sample population works out to 889 females per 1000 males which is

slightly higher than the 1991 figure for Uttar Pradesh (879) and significantly higher

than that of Banda district in the same year (841). As regards literacy, we find that 59

percent of the population was illiterate and another 18 percent barely literate (meaning

they could just about sign their names). Thus over three-fourths of the population

were non-literate for all practical purpose. The remaining (23 percent) may be more

accurately classified as literate with some education. Of these 73 percent had studied

till the primary level (class five), 12 percent till upper primary (class eight) and 15

percent till High School or more. It is noteworthy that the proportion of people with

High School or higher education was significantly higher in villages of Mau block (26

percent) than in those of Manikpur block (only 3 percent). Both literacy and levels of

23

education especially among the adults seem to be a function of the poverty syndrome

– a combination of economic hardship, exploitation, social deprivation and inequality

and lack of opportunities combined with the remoteness of the villages and the

absence of facilities and infrastructure. As we have seen earlier, the villages of Mau

block are relatively less remote and better served by social and economic

infrastructure. This fact is reflected in their better access to educational facilities,

especially high school and above, as compared to villages of Manikpur block which

are more isolated.

The situation is much brighter as regards the education of children. In our sample, 62

households reported that they were sending their children to school as against only 17

who said they were not; the remaining 12 either did not have any children or children

of school-going age. The credit for this must largely go to the ABSSS, which has a

major programme of establishing primary schools in the backward Kol inhabited

villages of Manikpur Block and to the large number of private schools in Mau

villages. The government’s efforts in this crucial area of human development are

minimal to say the least.

As we noted earlier, all the 20 villages in our sample have a primary school located

within the village. In fact many have more than one school. Thus the 12 villages of

Manikpur have 32 primary schools and the 8 villages of Mau have 24 schools. It is

interesting to note that in the Manikpur villages, of the 32 schools 24 are run by the

ABSSS, 3 are private and only 5 are government schools. In the Mau villages, on the

other hand, there is only 1 government primary school while 23 are privately owned.

Thus the primary education system in the area is predominantly a non-governmental

activity - NGO dependent in one block and private initiative-dependent in the other.

Information on the economic status of the households shows widespread prevalence of

poverty among the people. Household incomes are slightly higher in Mau villages as

24

compared to those of Manikpur; but on average a majority of the households fall

below the officially defined poverty line.

The main occupation of the people in the sample villages is collection of forest

produce, agricultural labour, agriculture and non-agricultural labour. Since none of

these activities by itself can provide enough to sustain the family, most of the people

are engaged in more than one activity. Table 3 below gives the distribution of

households and individuals engaged in various occupations. It will be seen that most

of the households and individuals are engaged in the four occupations listed above.

This fact only confirms the picture of the region as an underdeveloped one dependent

on primary activities, especially forestry and agriculture.

Table 3

Main Occupation of Sample Households and Individuals

Occupation Households Individuals

No %a No %b

Agricultural labour 73 80.2 174 24.3

Non-agricultural

labour

72 79.1 162 22.6

Collection of forest

produce

71 78.0 175 24.4

Agriculture 66 72.5 163 22.8

Non-agricultural

work

21 23.1 29 4.1

Other work 7 7.7 9 1.3Notes : a Percent of all households

b Percent of all individuals

25

Since households and individuals are engaged in more than one occupation the

percentages do not add up to 100.

A final characteristic of the sample households which we would like to comment upon

relates to the high incidence of bonded labour among them at some time or another.

Our inquiries revealed that 47 households – more than half the total – admitted to

some member having been in labour bondage at some time in the past. The duration of

bondage varied from as low as two years to sixty years. The majority, however, had

been bonded for a duration ranging from 10 to 20 years. In almost all the cases the

reason for falling into bondage was indebtedness. Often the loan taken was very small

in amount - a few hundred rupees or a few kilograms of grain. Bondage was

invariably to the dominant landed people, including many local leaders.

All for a Few Rupees

Lakshmi inherited his bondage to Prem Narain Tripathi, a local leader of the

Bharatiya Janata Party. His father, Kuber, had taken a loan in cash and grain from

Tripathi and for this he ended up as a bonded labourer. On his death his son continued

to discharge his father’s obligation till he won his freedom in 1994 after paying off the

debt.

Ram Bhawan spent three years as a bonded labourer of Keshni Pandit for failure to

repay a cash and food grain loan valued at five hundred rupees.

Bachha remained in bondage for 20 years after taking a loan of six thousand rupees

for a wedding in the family. He got his freedom in 1992 through the assistance of

ABSSS after repaying the loan.

26

Buddha of Doda Mafi ended up in bondage for a mere one hundred rupees which he

had borrowed from a local leader.

Maia Deen remained in bondage for 20 years in lieu of a loan taken by his father.

Allotment of Land Pattas

After analysing the characteristics of the area and of the households who have been

given Pattas to land we take a closer look at the implementation of the programme in

Chitrakoot and the role played by the ABSSS in making it serve the interests of the

Patta holders, especially the Kols. As mentioned earlier, the legal basis for the

programme of allotment of land to specified categories of people is provided by the

Uttar Pradesh Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act, 1950. The Act, as is well

known, vested all estates in the state and in redemption of the promise of land to the

tiller, made by the Congress Party during the freedom struggle, abolished all

intermediaries (known variously as zamindars, taluqdars etc. in different parts of the

state) between the actual cultivator and state. The cultivators were brought into direct

relation with the state and the land tenures, which had become highly complicated

under the the zamindari system with various layers of intermediaries between the

actual cultivator and the state as a result of constant sub-infeudation, were

considerably simplified. Section 117 of the Act provided for vesting of certain lands

by the state in the Gaon Sabhas (village community consisting of all adults in a

village) to be managed by the Land Management Committee of the Gaon Sabha, a

statutory body constituted under the U.P Panchayati Raj Act, 1947. Furthermore,

under the U.P. Imposition of Ceiling on Land Holdings Act, 1960 the Gaon Sabhas,

and their Land Management Committees, also came into possession of some ceiling-

surplus lands. Section 195 of the U.P Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act,

27

1950 authorised the Land Management Committee to admit any person as a title

holder with non-transferable rights to any land vested in it. Section 198 of this Act

gives the following order of preference in admitting persons to such land:

“(a) Landless widow, sons, unmarried daughters or parents residing in the circle of a person who has lost his

life by enemy action while in the active service in the Armed Forces of the Union;

(b) a person residing in the circle, who has become wholly disabled while in active service in the Armed

Forces of the Union;

(c) a landless agricultural labourer residing in the circle and belonging to a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled

Tribe; (emphasis added)

(d) any other landless agricultural labourer residing in the circle;

…………………………………………………………………………………………

(h) any other landless agricultural labourer belonging to a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe not residing in

the circle but residing in the Nyaya Panchayat Circle referred to in Section 42 of the UP Panchayat Raj

Act, 1947.”

While the legal basis for grant of land Pattas is quite clear, as the above analysis of

the UP Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act, 1950 shows, in actual fact it is a

far from simple process. This is mainly because ownership and control over land is

still the main instrument for domination in rural society. The dominant landed

interests, therefore, are willing to go to any length to prevent alienation of the land

held by them (whether legally or illegally). They are also not in favour of a more

egalitarian distribution of land. For this reason implementation of measures like

imposition of ceilings on land holdings and distribution of land to the landless poor

have been largely frustrated. The situation is particularly serious in areas where the

pressure on land is high and feudal values and attitudes along with caste-based

oppression reign supreme, as in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The subversion of

programmes of land distribution can only be done with the collusion of the

administrative machinery, especially at the local level. The role of the political system

and the higher administration has also been rather dubious as they have seldom put

their full weight behind the proper and successful implementation of redistributive

28

programmes which they themselves have formulated and drafted, and never cease to

support at the level of rhetoric.

The distribution of land involves three important steps:

1. Distribution of land Pattas

1. Entry of Patta holders name in the village land records

1. Actual possession of the land by the Patta holders.

Our investigations show that land Pattas have been distributed fairly regularly to the

landless poor since the decade of the fifties. Among the households we contacted 6

had got Pattas during the decade of the fifties (between 1954 and 1959), 14 during the

sixties, 26 each during the seventies and the eighties and 14 during the nineties (see

Table 4). The Patta holders names were also entered in the Patwari’s land records

with almost the same regularity. There is little evidence of undue delay at this stage.

At the most a delay of about one year has occurred in isolated cases. When it comes to

getting possession of the land the story is entirely different. The progress here has

been very tardy especially during the fifties, sixties and seventies. It is only during the

eighties and the nineties that the majority of the land allottees (73 out of 86 or 85

percent of all allottes) have got possession of their land – 20 during the eighties and

53, representing 62 percent of all Patta holders, during the nineties. This period, it

needs to be remembered, coincides with the formation of the ABSSS and its decision

to take up the cause of the Patta holders who had been unable to get possession of

land allotted to them.

29

Table 4

Progress of Land Distribution Cases in Chitrakoot District : 1954-1999

Period (Years) No. of Pattas given No. of Pattas

recorded

No. of Patta

holders given

possession of land

1954-59 6 4 3

1960-69 14 16 3

1970-79 26 23 6

1980-89 26 28 20

1990-99 14 15 53

Total 86 86 85

Backlog - 0 1

Ensuring that the Patta holders get possession of the land allotted to them has not

been an easy task for the ABSS. It has had to struggle hard and it is only in the last

five years that it has achieved any degree of success. This is borne out by the fact that

in more than half the cases (47 out of 85 or 55 percent), possession of land allotted

has been acquired only after 1995. Overall, however, there is little doubt that the

ABSSS has achieved remarkable success in its efforts in this direction. This can be

30

judged from the fact that at the time of our field study possession of land had been

given to all Patta holders except one.

From the Patta holders point of view, the assistance of a Civil Society Organisation

like the ABSSS has been absolutely crucial in getting possession of the land. Without

the assistance of the ABSSS it is doubtful if they would have been successful to such

an extent. Thus it is hardly surprising that most of the people we talked to (70 out of

85 who had got possession of land) acknowledged the help received from ABSSS.

The help rendered by ABSSS included petitioning the concerned authorities,

providing legal aid when necessary, keeping track of the cases in courts and providing

moral and material support to the people in distress. This form of help has been

directly visible to the people and therefore acknowledged by them (See box “Helping

Hand of ABSSS”).

The ABSSS has also helped in an indirect way, less visible to the individual Patta

holder, by helping to build an environment favourable to the protection of the rights

of the Kols and against the injustices perpetrated on them. This it has done through

periodic seminars and discussions and building alliances with other Civil Society

actors and organisations and also by inviting influential persons, journalists and

opinion and policy makers to tour the area to see conditions for themselves. It has also

used forums like Patha Kol Adhikar Manch to organise and mobilise the Kols to fight

for their rights and struggle against the injustices faced by them.

One of the unique features of the approach adopted by the ABSSS has been the

extensive use of the media to spread information about the widespread poverty,

exploitation and miserable living conditions of the Kols in Patha. The ABSSS has

been successful in bringing the correspondents and reporters of various newspapers,

magazines and news agencies to visit the Patha region and report on the conditions

prevailing there. In the words of one journalist “For several media persons it may have

been difficult to cover the many remote and difficult villages of this region but for the

help provided by the ABSSS” (Bharat Dogra). The ABSSS also publishes a news-

31

letter in Hindi by the name of Gaon Ki Ore (Towards the village) which reaches the

people in the villages, panchayats, district-level government offices, other NGO’s etc.

It provides information on the activities of the ABSSS, reports on government

programmes, news about the region and general awareness about various issues which

are of importance to the people of Patha. It is note worthy that in its use of the media

the ABSSS has focussed not only on the negative aspects of the feudal social structure

and the functioning of the government at the grassroots level-of which unhappily there

are countless examples-but has also not hesitated in bringing to light instances of

positive response from the government and individual officials to the problems of the

region and its people.

Helping Hand of ABSSS

Sattilal was given Patta over a piece of land in 1969. He remained unaware of this

fact for many years. The land allotted to him was being cultivated by one Khelawan

Yadav. When he came to know of this fact he approached the ABSSS and with their

help he petitioned the District Magistrate to get possession of his land. With continued

support from the ABSSS he was finally successful in 1998 - a full 29 years after he

received the Patta.

Ram Biswas got possession of the land given on Patta to him after 17 years -

through the intervention of ABSSS. His land was being forcibly cultivated by one Jola

Yadav . He is, however, still to get possession of one-half hectare of the land

originally allotted to him as the Patwari has been demanding a bribe of Rs 1000/- for

measuring the land.

Bhola’s land, on the other hand, was not under any one’s occupation as it is stony and

of poor quality. Yet, for 30 years he did not get possession as the Patwari would not

demarcate his land. Only through the intervention of the ABSSS was he finally able to

get his land measured and demarcated and acquire possession.

32

In the case of Badlu the delay occurred because the Patwari measured and demarcated

land belonging to someone else instead of what was allotted to him. The mistake was

finally corrected only when the ABSSS took up Badlu’s cause and the person whose

land was affected also raised a hue and cry.

In spite of the support and assistance from the ABSSS a large number of Patta holders

have had to face intimidation and high-handed behaviour from the dominant landed

interests. These people illegally occupied the land given on Patta to the Kols, forcibly

cultivated it and refused to vacate it. In some cases they forcibly harvested the crops

grown by the Kols on their own land. The arrogance and high-handedness of the

Dadus has been such that even the presence of the ABSSS and its known espousal of

the cause of the Kols has not deterred them from their intimidatory ways (see box

“High handedness of Dadus”).

High handedness of Dadus

Tunaia of Mangawan village has not been able to get possession of half-an-acre of

land belonging to him. It is under the forcible occupation of Bachaua Pandit of

Bambiha village. All efforts to regain possession have proved futile.

Hirmaniyan of Doda Mafi village had been given Patta over 1.2 hectares of land. He

has been able to acquire possession of only one-third of that.The rest is under the

forcible occupation of one of the powerful persons in the village who has been

cultivating it.

Brijpal Pandit of Bambiha village forcibly harvested the crop raised by Shiv Pal of the

same village on his own land.

Saman is not able to till his own land. It has been illegally occupied by Ashok Pandit.

Saman had taken a loan of Rs.75/- from Ashok Pandit some years back, in lieu of

33

which he is now in occupation of his land. Ashok Pandit wants 75 tolas (800gms.) of

gold valued at over Rs 3,50,000/- to vacate the land! Usurious is not the word for this

demand. It is sheer banditry

The woes of the Kols do not end after getting possession of the land. They have to

deal with two more problems. If the land is at all cultivable, there is a strong

likelihood that the Dadus will try to dispossess them of the land and bring it under

their own control. The Kols are then faced with the prospect of becoming labourers on

their own land or even reverting to bondage under the Dadus. It is therefore hardly

surprising that an overwhelming majority (four-fifths) of the Patta holders we talked

to said that attempts had been made by the dominant groups to dislodge them from the

land allotted to them. Invariably they turned to the ABSSS for help and support in

warding off these attempts. A fact which emerged quite clearly in our discussions with

the people is that the ABSSS has been the only agency which they look up to for

support and assistance when they are faced with threats and intimidation from the

Dadus intent on grabbing their land. The ABSSS has always stood by them, though

they may not have been successful in all cases. Interestingly one fact which emerged

from our discussion with the people was that attempts to dislodge the Kols from their

land was made by the dominant sections of the rural society as well as by local

political leaders. This is hardly surprising because the local power-structure is almost

completely under the dominance of the large landowners who also belong to the upper

castes. The Dadus are also the local leaders and active in all major political parties. In

this situation the attitude of the local administration can at best be only indifferent, if

not downright hostile, to the plight of the Kols.

The second problem which the Patta holders face relates to the quality of the land.

Almost half the people who had got land complained that the soil was gravelly and

full of stones and lacked any facility of irrigation. Agriculture, therefore, is carried out

mainly under rain-fed conditions. The main crops grown are rain-fed paddy and

34

Kodon (a millet) during kharif (the monsoon crop) and wheat, barley, gram and

mustard during rabi (the winter crop). A majority of the people said they cultivated

their land only during kharif. The poor quality of the land is reflected in its low

productivity. Our rough estimates show that the yield obtained by the people we

talked to is only about 4.5 quintals per hectare during both kharif and rabi. This may

be compared with the 1997 yield of these crops for Banda district : 7.4 quintals per

hectare during kharif and 10.9 during rabi.

The poor quality of the land and the virtual absence of irrigation and other

infrastructure facilities implies that agriculture alone cannot provide a secure

livelihood to the people. In the case of Patta holders the problem is compounded by

the fact that the area allotted is very small. On an average the area of a Patta is 1.25

hectares and it seldom exceeds 1.5 hectares. An overwhelming majority of the land

allottees informed us that their land could not meet their basic food needs. In fact

more than 80 percent who cultivated their land said that they could get barely six

months requirement of food. For the rest they have to depend on purchase from the

market. Sadly, the Public Distribution System, is not able to reach the really poor and

needy in spite of all the official rhetoric of targeting the tribal areas. We found that

less than ten percent of our sample made use of fair price shops for their foodgrain

needs. This means that the poor must have a secondary occupation which gives them

cash income se that they may buy food for the rest of the year. The only secondary

occupations available to people in this remote backward region are wage-labour - both

agricultural and non-agricultural - and collection and sale of forest produce. Since the

Kols have been living in close harmony with the forests for generations and have a

good knowledge and understanding of the various products provided by the forests,

they have been using this knowledge to supplement their income. The main items of

forest produce collected and sold by them include tendu leaves (used in bidi-making),

firewood, amla (a small fruit used for medicinal purposes, pickles and preserves),

honey, mahua (a flower used for distilling liquor) and Chiraunji (a small seed used for

flavouring sweets and confections).

35

Other Activities of ABSSS

The ABSSS is best known for its work in getting possession of land for Patta holders

and in liberating bonded labourers, as these activities have received considerable

media attention. Yet its constructive work among the Kols of Patha is no less

important, though not as well-known outside the region. It is true that possession of

even a small plot of land, which they can call their own, is very important for

restoring the dignity and self-respect of the Kol community. At the same time merely

providing land and ensuring that the Kols get possession of it is not enough to lift

them out of their poverty and put an end to those conditions which, in the past, have

been responsible for their becoming bonded labourers. The ABSSS therefore has

launched many programmes designed to improve the economic conditions of the Kols.

The specific constructive activities taken up by the organisation include :

1. land improvement through soil conservation, contour bunding, construction of

check dams, gully-plugging etc.

1. natural resource management especially conservation and management of water

resources.

1. Social forestry

1. Women’s self-help groups

1. Education and literacy

Two of these programmes deserve special mention viz., water conservation and

management and education.

Patha is a drought prone area and there is a severe shortage of water here both for

drinking and irrigation. This fact was also highlighted by the survey undertaken by the

ABSSS soon after it came into existence. The worst sufferers are the poor Kols as the

36

few sources of drinking and irrigation water in the area are cornered by the Dadus. In

order to overcome this problem and provide water to the Kols the ABSSS took up a

programme of water conservation and harvesting using traditional knowledge and

practices. Thus it decided to take up a programme of constructing dug wells,

reservoirs, shallow ponds for collection of rain water in low lying areas locally known

as Chohras, check dams and small earthen dams. All these measures were designed to

store and retain rainwater in situ and to improve the ground water recharge.

The first three reservoirs were constructed by ABSSS between 1982-83 and 1983-84

at Harijanpur, Sukhrampur and Paramhans. The impact of these reservoirs on water

availability for drinking and irrigation was so great that it generated tremendous

enthusiasm among the people, especially when they reaped a bumper harvest for the

first time in their life. People from other areas were also enthused and wanted similar

programmes in their villages as well. In 1987-88 the construction of 5 wells, 13

Chohras and 4 reservoirs was taken up with assistance from CAPART and OXFAM.

Thereafter the programme really took off and by 1997 the organisation had completed

construction of 22 wells, 26 Chohras and 18 reservoirs in 66 villages.

Allied to the programme of water harvesting was the work of soil conservation,

especially contour-bunding on the lands of the poor Kols. This programme was first

taken up in 1988-89 and by 1997 it had covered 1488 acres of land belonging to 554

families. This programme too has resulted in considerable gains in agricultural

productivity and improvement in the living condition of the affected families.

Apart from improving the productivity of land the ABSSS has other programmes for

improving the economic condition of the Kols. For instance it has been helping the

people to organise and seek higher wages from the landlords on whose fields they

work as agricultural labourers. The traditional wage in the region has been a lowly

1.25 Kg. of grain (paanch pav) for a days work. Success has been achieved in getting

higher prices for collection of tendu leaves. The replacement of contractors by the UP

37

Forest Corporation as the collection agency in 1982 has clearly helped the Kols in

getting better rates for tendu leaves and in checking many of the malpractices

indulged in by the contractors earlier, and the forest corporation workers more

recently, in order to cheat the Kols of their just dues. In addition the ABSSS has also

been running various income-generation and micro-credit programmes for the Kols.

The importance of education for the children of the Kols has been recognised by the

ABSSS from its very inception. Education is not only an important source of

consciousness-raising and upward mobility, but it also lays the foundation of

leadership among the people. The absence of education among the Kols can be held

responsible for many of the problems from which they suffer. In particular, there has

been a total absence of any leadership among them who can intercede on their behalf

and articulate their problems before the political and administrative system at the

district and state level. The government system of primary education is non-functional

on the one hand, and tends to discriminate against the Kols on the other. It is

dominated by the same feudal interests who control the economic life of the region,

since the teachers come from the same sections of society. The teachers in

government schools discriminate against the few Kol children who attend such

schools. Instead of teaching them they make them work in their homes.

Faced with this grim picture of education for Kol children in Patha the ABSSS

decided to do something in 1988-89. At the same time it was well aware of the

shortcomings of the existing system of education, especially its alienation from the

life of the people living in the rural areas in general, and the rural poor in particular. It

wanted education to be relevant to, and intimately linked with, the life of the people in

the rural areas. At the same time it believed in giving a strong ethical foundation to

education. The aim of education, in its view, was to instill proper values in the

individual-values of creativity, respect for the individual, curiosity, self-reliance and

discrimination. Needless to say, it found all these values absent in the dominant state-

supported school system.

38

Inspired by these ideals the ABSSS began its educational activities in 1989 by setting

up 15 primary schools under the name of Bharat Mala Shiksha Sanskar Kendra in

different villages of Patha. The teachers in these schools are known as Gram Pals

(keepers of the village) implying that they are responsible for the well-being of the

whole village and not just education of children under their charge. The success of the

primary school education programme can be judged from the fact that it has generated

a big demand for opening of schools from the people of different villages. By 1997-98

the organisation was running 40 primary schools where 2169 children – 1279 boys

and 890 girls - were enrolled.

In addition to running primary schools the ABSSS is also involved in adult literacy

and has been running a number of centres for this purpose. It has also been running

100 non-formal education centres under the Mahila Samakhya project, which is a

programme for education and empowerment of women.

State and National Linkages

The work of ABSSS on the land issue, however, has remained restricted to its area of

activity i.e., Manikpur and Mau blocks of Chitrakoot district. It is not as if the failure

to give possession of land given on Pattas is restricted to Chitrakoot. From all

available evidence it is a feature common to the whole state of Uttar Pradesh, and

indeed the whole country. The ABSSS does not seem to have linked up with other

organisations within the state or other parts of the country working for the same cause.

Thus it has not so far attempted to undertake a state- or national-level campaign on the

issue of land rights for poor landless tribals. Had it made such an effort it could

perhaps have made greater headway by linking up with similar struggles elsewhere,

thereby forcing the administration to take note. In the absence of a larger - state or

national level - campaign the issue has successfully been defined as a local

phenomenon by the political leadership and the administration. Hence it has not

39

acquired due importance in the policy framework for alleviation of poverty at the state

and national levels, which remains predicated on either transfer of limited resources

like money (through employment schemes), or subsidised food grains (through the

Public Distribution System) or some income generation schemes (through the

Integrated Rural Development type programmes), rather than providing access to the

one basic productive asset i.e., land, which really matters in an agrarian economy.

Where the ABSSS has attempted to enlarge the scope of its intervention and advocacy

role to the state and national levels it has achieved remarkable success. One such

example relates to the issue of oppression and exploitation of Kol women by the

Dadus with the active support of the local administration. In May 1997 it organised a

seminar on the status and conditions of women in Patha region. The Chairperson of

the National Commission on Women (NCW) was the Chief Guest and other

representatives of the NCW also attended. About 300 women from the Patha region

(mainly Shankergarh, Majhgawan and Manikpur blocks) attended and narrated their

harrowing tales of woe. Moved by the tales of these women, the Chairperson of the

NCW wrote to Ms. Mayawati the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh asking that steps be

taken for the protection of the rights of the women of Patha. At about the same time

the press also reported on the piteous condition of the women of Patha. The result was

that the state government ordered an inquiry into these reports. The inquiry committee

toured the region extensively and found that most of the incidents of exploitation,

harassment and abuse narrated at this seminar by the poor Kol women - which

included instances of women being pawned, made bonded labourers, raped and of

loans having been fraudulently taken in their name - to be correct.

As a follow-up to the seminar and the inquiry ordered by the U.P. Government a

public hearing on the problems of the women of Patha was organised in Delhi on 4

November 1997 in association with the NCW. The objective was to get justice for

these exploited and oppressed women. The jury for this public hearing consisted of

Justice (Retd.) V. Krishan Aiyar, Capt. Lakshmi Sehgal, Swami Agnivesh, Ms. Asma

Jehangir (Chairperson, Human Rights Commission, Pakistan), Ms. Mohini Giri (Chair

40

person, NCW) and Ms. Padma Seth (Member, NCW). The public hearing was

attended by the representatives of the national and international press and television.

Also present were the Superintendent of Police of Chitrakoot district (then known as

Shahuji Maharaj district) Superintendent of Police (City) of Banda and Secretaries of

the Social Welfare and Basic Education Departments of the Uttar Pradesh

Government. Thirtytwo Kol women narrated their tales of harassment, molestation,

exploitation etc. before the jury. Based on the opinion of the jury the concerned

officers were asked to explain and necessary instructions were issued on the spot.

The upshot of the public hearing was that the administration came under some

pressure forcing it to take action against persons known to be exploiting women.

Some people, who had earlier considered themselves immune to any kind of punitive

action, were arrested. The impact of the public hearing and the subsequent action

against their oppressors on the self-confidence of the Kol women was very great.

These women for the first time in their lives felt they could come forward to confront

their oppressors and also get justice for themselves.

V Conclusion

This case study of the role of the Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan in helping the

Kol tribals of Chitrakoot acquire possession of land on which Pattas had been

distributed to them, brings into sharp focus some very important issues. Firstly, it

shows the tremendous odds against which any programme of economic uplift and

empowerment of the poor and oppressed, especially in a tradition-bound feudal social

and economic order, has to contend. There is evident in this case a clear clash between

the philosophy of social justice and commitment to uplift of the poor and the

oppressed enshrined in the constitution and subscribed to by all major political parties

on the one hand, and the actual implementation of legislation and programmes

formulated to give flesh and blood to these constitutional directives on the other. That

vested landed interests would oppose a programme of land distribution to the rural

41

poor is quite understandable, especially in a remote, tradition-bound and backward

region like southern Uttar Pradesh even when, as in the present cases the land

distribution programme does not pose any threat to the dominant economic power of

these interests. It is useful to bear in mind that the programme of distribution of land

Pattas does not involve confiscation of land from the large landowners - except what

they have illegally or fraudulently occupied - and its redistribution to the landless

poor. The share of the latter has come from the lands vested in the Gaon Sabha. At the

same time, the average area of Pattas distributed is so small as to have little impact on

the overall pattern of land distribution in a village. The land given to the poor on

Patta, moreover, is generally of such poor quality that it cannot bring about any

significant improvement in the living conditions of the Patta holders. As we have

seen, they can get, on an average, only six months requirements of food grains; for the

rest they have to depend on some secondary occupation like wage-labour and

collection and sale of forest produce.

The real significance of the land distribution programme is symbolic and the challenge

it poses to the feudal power structure in the rural areas. Once the Kols acquire land

they are likely to get back their self-respect and dignity which has been suppressed

and crushed for generations through means like labour bondage and other forms of

high-handedness including sexual exploitation and rape of women. With the return of

self-respect and dignity the Kols are likely to stand up for their rights and challenge

their exploitation and the unjust treatment meted out to them by the Dadus. When this

happens, the Dadus are unlikely to get labour at the exploitative wages which they

now pay, affecting their economic status. Ultimately, their social domination, which is

partly caste-based and partly based on economic status, is also likely to come under

threat. It is perhaps this fear which explains the concerted attempts on the part of the

dominant groups to frustrate the programme of land distribution to the Kols.

What is not so easy to comprehend is the failure of the state-level political leadership

and the higher levels of the administration to provide full support to the

42

implementation of a programme initiated by them and which they never cease to

support, at least at the level of rhetoric. Perhaps this wide gulf between rhetoric and

reality points to the lack of commitment and sincerity on the part of all major political

parties and of the state-level administration towards a policy of poverty alleviation and

social and economic uplift of the poor, if it involves a challenge to the dominant

power structures at the local level as a precondition of success.

Working for the rights of the downtrodden and exploited in a socio-political

environment characterised by brutal domination and suppression at the micro-level

with little support from the macro-level is surely a daunting task. But this is a task that

the ABSSS has accomplished with remarkable success, as our analysis shows. Its

success has been built on the multi-pronged approach which it has adopted towards

the problem. At one level, it has sought to make the Kols aware of their legal rights,

especially to the land given on Patta to them and how they were being violated by the

high-handedness of the dominant feudal interests. It has helped in uniting and

organising them under the banner of the Patha Kol Adhikar Manch which is the main

instrument of organised action and struggle by the Kols. It has also pursued the land

cases of the Kols in the courts and provided legal assistance through legal aid camps

organised by it. At another level, it has exerted pressure on the administration at the

sub-division, district and state levels to force it to implement the land distribution

programme in its true spirit. Whenever it found sympathetic officials at the local level

it has sought their support and assistance to get justice for the Kols. At a third level, it

has helped in spreading information about the condition of the Kols in Patha, and built

alliances with other Civil Society Organisations in other parts of the country and with

influential leaders, opinion and policy makers etc. The ABSSS has invited these

people to seminars and discussions organised by it on the problems of the Kols which

has helped in spreading awareness about them, while simultaneously building

alliances with these persons and organisations. It has invited journalists to tour the

area and report on the conditions prevailing there. This has helped carry information

about the plight of the Kols to the world at large. These efforts have served three

43

purposes. Firstly, by taking the lid off the tales of inhuman oppression of the Kols it

has helped in creating some fear in the minds and hearts of the Dadus .Secondly,

finding influential people from the larger society willing to stand alongside them in

expression of solidarity has helped in building self-confidence among the Kols. Such

self-confidence will certainly stand them in good stead in waging organised struggle

for their land and other rights. Thirdly, the Kols have slowly, but surely, started

asserting themselves, questioning the existing order and organising for the protection

of their rights. The road ahead is far from easy, but the first few steps have been

taken. One strategy which the ABSSS has not tried out, and which perhaps could have

brought it much greater success, is conducting state and national level campaigns on

the land question and linking up with other organisations and movements working on

the same or related issues. The land issue, after all, is not unique to southern Uttar

Pradesh. Similar programmes of distribution of land to landless poor have been taken

up in many other parts of the state and country as well. The ABSSS efforts can

perhaps achieve much better results if it can link up with other organisations with a

similar programme and orchestrate a larger campaign at the state or national levels on

the issue of distribution of land to the rural landless and the effectiveness of

government programmes in this regard. As the example of the public hearing on the

plight of the Kol women shows, the response of the state level political and

administrative system may be quite different to a such a campaign. They may be

forced to respond and not remain apathetic as they are at present.

The activities of the ABSSS among the Kols of Chitrakoot have not, by any means,

been restricted to helping them get possession of land given on Patta. This, we have

seen, is only one of the many issues taken up by it. Its other activities include action

for identification and abolition of bonded labour, abolition of contractor system for the

collection of tendu leaves, mobilising people for protection of rights and ending

exploitation, especially sexual exploitation of women, running primary schools in

remote Kol inhabited villages, watershed management and water harvesting systems

to meet drinking water and irrigation needs, creating income generation and self-help

44

groups to improve the economic conditions of the Kols, providing health-education,

basic health-care and immunisation services and working for women’s awareness

generation and empowerment. This wide spectrum of activities and the commitment,

dedication and empathy with which they have been undertaken has established strong

bonds of trust and faith between the ABSSS and the Kols of Patha. These intangible

bonds have played a major role in the success of the ABSSS.

The multi-pronged approach adopted by ABSSS in getting possession of land for the

Patta holders has meant that it has used a variety strategies for achieving its

objectives : Mobilisation and organisation of the affected people, lobbying with the

administration and the government, involving the print media in spreading

information and awareness of the condition of the Kols and building alliances with

other organisations and influential persons. The confluence of these strategies,

probably, has a lot to with the remarkable success of its efforts.

As an organisation the ABSSS working under the inspiration of its charismatic

founder director. The leadership of Shri Gaya Pradad ‘Gopal’ (or Gopal Bhai as he is

generally known) has been crucial and often decisive in the success of the efforts of

the organisation. The organisation has been able to create a dedicated band of workers

who are fully committed to its programmes and philosophy. Most of these workers are

also locals who have their roots in the socio-cultural milieu of Patta and therefore

have an almost instinctive understanding of the special characteristics and problems of

the area. Yet they are all dependent on the leadership of Gopal Bhai. Though it may

not be quite accurate to characterise the ABSSS as a one-man organisation on account

of not only the large number of people associated with and working in it in the various

programmes and activities being undertaken by it, yet there is little doubt that all the

people look up to him for leadership and initiative and for solving the various

problems that arise from time to time. This is perhaps also true of the attitude of the

ordinary people-the kols to whom the organisation is reaching out. It is, however, a

fact that almost all the major initiatives of the ABSSS have behind them the thinking

45

and inspiring leadership of Gopal Bhai. It is largely through his efforts that the

organisation has been able to establish contacts with individuals, organisation and

journalists outside the region journalists and government officials at the district, state

and national levels. As we have seen it is through an alliance with these individuals

and organisations that the ABSSS has tried to influence governance in favour of the

dispossessed Kols. Thus while the leadership of Gopal Bhai has played a decisive role

in the efforts and success of the organisation, it does not necessarily provide a

sustainable base for the future. For that the organisation will perhaps have to

strengthen its organisational structure so that it is not overly dependent on one

individual. This is easier said then done, especially in view of the nature and

characteristics of the area in which it operates and the extreme oppression and

deprivation of people it is working for. Such a development, though necessary, is

likely to take a long time to bear fruit. Till then there is no alternative to keep working

towards it. Perhaps linking up with the nascent Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and

working to give greater voice to the Kols in them may be one way of accelerating the

process of improving governance.

Working for better governance, it must be borne in mind, is a process which is likely

to affect many vested interests and is therefore sure to invite their tacit or open

opposition. These vested interests may also link up with wider political forces to

create pressures for non-implementation of the changes in governance sought by the

civil service organisation. The degree of success of such efforts would depend largely

on the nature of the social-economic milieu in which one is placed and the strength

and resilience of the civil society organisation. Our case study has shown that the

efforts of the ABSSS to work towards improved governance have generated

considerable backlash, with all major political forces – organised political parties of

all major persuasions, local level power elites and socio- economic dominance

structures acting in concert with the feudal structure on the one hand and the local

muscle men on the other, and the local level administration which belongs to the same

social class as the dominant interests-ranged against it. It is quite clear that the attempt

46

of the ABSSS to orients governance structures to work in favour of the poor and

dispossessed (and by implication, against the powerful dominant interests, especially

in a society characterised by feudal oppression and dominance) had had to fact the

opposition of the dominant political interests. This been countered by the commitment

and resilience of the civil society organisation and its workers on the one hand, and

alliances with other organisation and individuals outside the region on the other. There

is, however, little doubt that working for good governance is not simply a matter of

following the rules, so to speak. Depending on the issues it also involves confronting

the power structure which would necessitate building alternative political alliances.

The present case-study seems to suggest that working on governance issues does not

involve simply improving administrative efficiency and efficacy, but also and more

fund a mentally, working towards changing power equations in the society. This is

especially the case where the attempt is to secure benefits for the poor and deprived

sections of the society in terms of the stated objectives of policies as formulated and

enunciated by the very same power structure. Changing power equations is by no

means an easy task as our case-study has shown. It cannot be said that the ABSSS has

been fully successful in this task. Though it has, through its persistent efforts,

achieved remarkable success in securing possession of Land attotted on Patta to the

poor Kols , it has hardly been able to make a dent on the feudal power structure in

Patha region which, in the first place, has been responsible for the present plight of the

Kols. As long as feudal dominace continues, the Kols will continue to face

oppression, repression and exploitation at the hands of the feudal interests. Hence the

real long-term solution of the problem may lie either in overt political action or in

building alliances with potential political allies who can confront the power of the

feudal power structure. An alternative strategy, as mentioned above, could be to

empower the poor kols by making use of the nascent panchayati raj system in their

interests. This can be done by encouraging the participation of Kols in the system on

the one hand, and working towards genuine decentralisation of power on the other.

One should not harbor any illusion that confronting the feudal power structure will be

any easier through the panchayat structure. Yet, it is also true that more poor people

47

can directly enter panchayat institutions given the wider representation opportunities

offered by them and the system of reservation of seats for SC/ST, Backward classes

and women prevalent at that level. Hence the possibility of using such institutions for

confronting and changing the power structure at the local level are much greater.

In brief one of the lessons of this case-study is that involvement of a civil service

organisation issues of governacne, especially in favour of the poor, oppressed and

exploited, ultimately leads to a face-off with the dominant power structure. Meeting

the challenge posed by it successfully perhaps necessitates devising an overtly

political strategy and building political alliances. The issue is : are civil society

organisation alive and equal to this task?

References

1. Akhil Bharatiya Samaj Sewa Sansthan: A Profile – 1990-91 (Manikpur, Banda,

ABSSS, n.d.).

2. ----- Kanooni Saksharata Pustak (Manikpur, Banda,ABSSS, n.d.).

3. ---- (ABSSS), Rachana Evam Sangharsh Ke Do Dashak (Ranipur Bhatt,Chitrakoot,

ABSSS, n.d.).

4. Bharat Dogra “ Spreading Awareness”, The Statesman (February 16, 1997).

5. -----“Land for the poor”, The Hindustan Times (November 8,1994).

48

6. ----- “Arrested for Helping a Distressed Woman!”, Mainstream (October 9,1993).

7. -----“ Living in terror of landlords and dacoits”, The Times of India (July 6, 1990).

8. -----“ Village urchins keen to learn”, National Herald (New Delhi May 30,1990).

9. -----“ Police-dacoit menace in Banda”, The Hindustan Times Sunday Magazine

(August 30,1987).

10. -------Struggle for Land Reforms and Social Justice: A Voluntary Organisation’s

Efforts in Patha Region of Uttar Pradesh (New Delhi, Bharat Dogra, n.d.).

11. ------“ Combining Constructive work and Struggle Against Exploitation – Samaj

Seva Sansthan in Banda District, U.P.” (mimeo., n.d.).

12. Aditi Kapoor, “Chitrakoot has to contend with ‘dacoit raj’ as well”, The Times of

India (July 26, 1999).

13. Bhagwat Prasad ‘Khangar’, Kol Itihas Ki Gaurav Gatha (Ranipur Bhatt,

Chitrakoot, ABSSS, n.d.).

14. Debashish Mukerji “Backbone of Banda : Former teacher Stands up to land sharks

and mindless govt. machinery”, The Week (March 26, 1995).

15.Hazari Singh ‘Pankaj’, Dharti Ka Dard (Manikpur, Banda, ABSSS, 1993).

16. Jeremy Seabrook , “Uttar Pradesh: In the Badlands of Banda”, Notes from Another

India , pp. 34-47 (London, Pluto Press, 1995).

49

17. Kripa Shankar, “Kols of Korawal: From Sufficiency to Impoverishment”,

Economic and Political Weekly (April 3, 1999).

18. Anil Shukl, “Kol Adivasion Ka Dard”, Ravivar (May 23,1987).

19. Ruchi Tripathi, “ABSSS and its Successful Struggle for Land and livelihoods for

The Kols”, Exchanges Issue No. 20 (Action Aid, March 1998).

20. Uttar Pradesh Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act, 1950 (Lucknow,

Eastern Book Company, 1999).

50

BANDA DISTRICT*Statistical Profile

1. Geographical Area (Sq.Km) :

(a) Rural 7581.40(b) Urban 42.60(i) Total 7624.00

2. Population (1991) :(i) (a) Male 1011230

(b) Female 850909(ii) Total 1862139

(ii) Rural Population(a) Male 880464(b) Female 742254(iii) Total 1622718

(iii) Percent Rural Population 87.14

(iv) Urban Population(a) Male 130766(b) Female 108655(v) Total 239421

(vi) % Urban Population 12.86

(vii) SC Population 432884

(viii) % SC Population 24.20

(ix) Density of Population (Persons per sq.km) 244

(x) Sex Ratio (females per 1000 males) 841

2. Administrative Units(i) No.of tehsils 6(ii) No. of blocks 13(iii) No. of statutory towns 11(iv) No. of inhabited villages 1204(v) No. of gram panchayats 767(vi) No. of households 304344

51

(vii) Average household size 6.1

* Data for Chitrakoot district, which came into existence in 1997, are not available. Hence data for Banda district, from which Chitrakoot was carved, are presented here.

4. Land use (area in hectares)(i) Reporting area 780814(ii) Forest 77782(iii) Barren and unculturable land 36922(iv) Land under non-agricultural uses 45438(v) Total waste land 29188(vi) Net area sown 313500(vii) Area sown more than once 78866(viii) Permanent pastures and other grazing land 420(ix) Area under miscellanceous trees and groves 8601(x) Current fallow 30170(xi) Other fallow land 31866

5. Land Holding Pattern (1980-81) and (1990-91)(i) Percentage distribution of operational holdings by size class (No.& Area)

Size Class(ha) No Area1980-81 1990-91 1980-81 1990-91

Less than 1 51.1 58.6 12.2 17.91-2 21.8 21.4 16.0 20.32-3 9.5 7.5 11.9 12.03+ 17.6 12.5 59.9 49.8

(ii) Average size of holding by size class

Size Class (ha) Average size (ha)1980-81 1990-91

less than 1 0.46 0.4651-3 1.42 1.422-3 2.43 2.37>3 6.55 5.96

6. Irrigation 1980-81 1993-94(i) Net irrigated area as a percentage

of net area sown 20.8 28.5(ii) Gross irrigated area as a percentage

of gross cropped area 20.8 31.5(iii) Share of different sources in net

52

irrigated area

Canal 92.9 67.4Public tubewell 4.5 8.3Private tubewell --- 7.4Other sources 2.6 16.8

7. Agriculture 1980-81 1993-94(i) Net area sown as a percentage of cultivable area 77.0 81.2(ii) Intensity of cropping 120.1 116.4(iii) Consumption of fertilizer (NPK)

per hectare of net area sown (in Kg) 9.4 16.8(iv) Gross value of agricultural produce per

hectare of net area sown (Rs at constant - 1980-81- prices) 2872 2914

(v) Gross value of agricultural produce per hectare of gross cropped area(Rs at constant-1980-81-prices) 2391 2454

(vi) Total foodgain producation(000 metric tonnes) 474 591

(vii) Average yield of foodgrains (Qtls per ha) 8.2 10.6(viii) per capita producation of foodgrains (kgs) 313.1 308.2(ix) Per capita producation of pulses (kgs) 119.0 93.6(ix) Area under commercial crops as a

percentage of net area sown 2.4 2.6

8. Industry 1980-81 1993-94(i) Value added per industrial worker (000Rs) 5.5 15.0(ii) No.of workers in registered industries per lakh

of population 1.1 65(iii) Gross value of industrial production per

capita (Rs) 3.0 73.9

(iv) Small scale industrics (as on 31.3.97)Number 2854Investment (Rs crore) 16.2Employment 7693

53

(v) Large and medium industries (as on 31.12.96)Number 2Investment (Rs crores) 22.3Employment 1248

9. Economy 1980-81 1992-93(i) Per capita Net Domestic Product (NDP) from

commodity producing sectors (Rs at 1990-81 prices) 843 835

(ii) Percentage share of different sectors in NDP fromCommodity producing sectors (1980-81 prices)

Agriculture (including animal husbandy) 93.0 88.6Manufacturing - Registered 0.0 0.7

Unregistered 3.5 7.8

10. Labour and Employment.(i) Percentage of population by worker category (1991)

Total workersPersons 43.2 Male 52.2Female 32.5

Main workers 36.0Persons 51.4Female 17.7

Marginal workerspersons 7.2Male 0.85Female 14.7

Non workersPersons 56.8Male 47.8Female 67.5

(ii) Percentage of main workers in primary, secondary and tertiary sectors (1991)

Primary 86.6Secondary 3.8Tertiary 9.6

54

11. Human and Social Development

(i) Literacy Percentage (Age 7+) 1981 1991

Male 36.0 51.5

Female 8.6 16.4

Total 23.3 35.7

Rural : Male 48.3

Female 12.2Persons 32.0

Urban : Male 72.8

Female 44.5Persons 60.1

(ii) Literacy Percentage among Scheduled Castes (1991)Male 31.5Female 4.7Persons 19.2

(iii) Medical facilities (Number) (1992)Commnity Health Centres (CHC) 4Primary Health Centre (PHC) 85Sub- Centres (SC) 322

(iv) Average rural population perCHC and PHC 18233SC 5039

(v) Child Mortality (1991)from birth to age one

Persons 107Male 113Female 102

55

From birth to age fivePersons 141Male 135Female 158

12. Household Amenities (1991)(i) Percentage of households by type

Pucca : Rural 10.8Urban 52.4Total 16.2

Semi Rural 88.4Pucca Urban 46.4

Total 83.0

Kutcha Rural 0.8Urban 1.2Total 0.8

(ii) Percentage of households having

Electricity : Rural 4.4Urban 49.6Total 10.2

Safe drinking water: Rural 32.5Urban 70.8Total 37.4

Toilet : Rural 2.5Urban 46.7Total 8.2

All the three : Rural 1.1Urban 35.5Total 5.6

None : Rural 65.2Urban 20.0Total 59.4

56

Source : (1) Population Foundation of India New Delhi, District Profile: Uttar Pradesh (1991).

(2) Jagran Research Centre, Kanpur, Jagran's Uttar Pradesh at a Glance 1998 (1998)

(3) Artha and Sankhya Prabhag, Rajya Niyojan Sansthan, Uttar Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh Ki Arthik Sthiti Ke Abhigyan Hetu Zilewar Vikas Sanketak - 1995 (1996).

57